HUMAN TRAFFICKING: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF

GOVERNMENTAL AND NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS IN ALBERTA

Melanie Jong

Department of Sociology

MacEwan University, Edmonton, AB

April, 2019

A thesis submitted to MacEwan University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the BA

(Major in Honours Sociology)

Copyright © Melanie Jong, 2019

 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgements…..………………………………………….………………………………...2
Abstract…………..…………………………………………….………………………………….3
List of Tables………………………………………………….……………………………….…..4
INTRODUCTION…………………..…………………………………………………………….5
Statement of the Problem……..……………………………………………………….…..5
Theoretical Framework………………………………………………………………….. .7
DISCOURSES AND HUMAN TRAFFICKING……….…………………………………….... 13
Human Trafficking as Sex Work...……..………..…………………………………….…15
Human Trafficking as Smuggling………………………………………………………..16
Human Trafficking as Labour..…………………………………………………….…….17
ADDRESSING HUMAN TRAFFICKING...…………………………………………………... 18
Anti-trafficking via Sex Work Legislation…………..…………………………………..20
Anti-trafficking via Migration Legislation………...……………………………………..21
Anti-trafficking via Labour Legislation……………………………….…………………22
HUMAN TRAFFICKING IN CANADA..………………………………………………………23
Discovering Discourses…………………………………………………………………..26
METHODS…………………………………………….………………………………………...28
Data Collection…….………………………...…………………………………………...30
Analysis……...……………….…………………………………...…………...…………32
RESULTS & DISCUSSION……………….…………………………………………………….34
Governmental Organizations and Non-Governmental Organizations…………………....34
Non-Governmental Organizations and Society…………………………………...……...44
LIMITATIONS…………………………………………………………………………………..51
CONCLUSION…………………………...…………………………...…………………………53
REFERENCES…………………………….……………………………………….……………56

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 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to express my sincerest gratitude to my supervisor, Dr. Kalyani Thurairajah, who

has made this whole project possible. Throughout the whole process she has worn multiple hats,

including being my supervisor, mentor and cheerleader. Each one has contributed to the success

of this thesis, and each one is invaluable to me.

I would also like to thank my second reader, Dr. Peter Puplampu, who has informed so much of

my learning and the improvements of this thesis. Thank you for your wisdom and guidance.

Additionally, this thesis has benefited greatly from the comments and suggestions made by

Kelsey Friesen who has read through multiple drafts of this thesis.

I would also like to express my gratitude to the Department of Sociology at MacEwan University

for allowing me the opportunity and resources to complete my Honours Thesis. Both the

department and its faculty members have been a joy to work with and get to know.

Special thanks to my husband, Jordan Jong, for his continuous support, motivation and

encouragement. Thank you for being a listening ear throughout the whole ride.

The people with the greatest indirect contribution for this work are my parents, who have helped

foster my love and appreciation for education and research. I want to thank both of them for

allowing me to grow in a space where education is valued and celebrated.

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 ABSTRACT

Canada, like many other countries, has to deal with the issue of human trafficking which

is both a product and response to globalization. In addition, Canada also has to deal with human

trafficking being conflated with various other social issues, such as sex work, illegal migration

and labour rights. This study examined how discourses of human trafficking were constructed

and disseminated by three federal governmental organizations and six provincial non-

governmental organizations in Alberta. Using critical discourse analysis the study analyzed three

possible webpages on each organizations website, including the homepage, about us page and a

page with a definition of human trafficking. It demonstrated how through the use of critical

discourse analysis two main levels of power relations were found: one between the government

and non-governmental organizations and another between the non-governmental organizations

and the public. The first power relation between the governmental and non-governmental

organizations demonstrated a lack of power influence from the governmental organizations onto

the non-governmental organizations. However, the relationship between the non-governmental

organizations and the public showed a clear exercise of power by the non-governmental

organizations through their ability to produce knowledge in society. By comparing and

contrasting the thematic codes evident in both the governmental and non-governmental

organizations, this thesis also addresses how power relates to the discourses of human

trafficking. The study also acknowledges how the limited discourses of human trafficking found

in the non-governmental organizations may be problematic in continuing to silence certain

groups and the implications this has on anti-trafficking efforts and knowledge.

Keywords: human trafficking, critical discourse analysis, governmental organizations, non-

governmental organizations, power, knowledge

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 LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 List of Governmental & Non-governmental Organizations……………………. 32

Table 2 Organizations and Government Funding……………………………………….. 33

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 INTRODUCTION

Statement of the Problem

In 2019, forty-three individuals, mostly men between the ages of twenty to forty-six,

were brought over to Canada from Mexico by traffickers (Draaisma, 2019). The individuals

moved with the promise of educational opportunities, work visas, and eventually permanent

residency status (Draaisma, 2019). Upon arrival they were forced into working long hours as

cleaners for a cleaning company that moved them from hotels and vacation properties in Eastern

and Central Ontario (Draaisma, 2019). In addition, they were forced to live in unacceptable,

squalid conditions while they were exploited by their traffickers (Draaisma, 2019). The

traffickers controlled them through their pay – they were only left with fifty dollars a month after

they had paid all the fees charged to them by their traffickers (Draaisma, 2019).

This case is only one example of what human trafficking may look like in Canada; there

are many other cases. Not all cases of trafficking resemble ones like this case; however, that does

not decrease the severity of the issue. With the number of human trafficking cases increasing in

Canada (Statistics Canada, 2014), it is reasonable to assume that awareness efforts and anti-

trafficking strategies among organizations will also increase to address these issues.

A simple Google search on human trafficking immediately results in over two million

results that include anti-trafficking organizations and campaigns. In addition to these results are

numerous images of young women with their hands bound or mouths covered. These typical

representations of human trafficking promote a certain definition or narrative of what human

trafficking looks like. However, it is not just media representations in the form of pictures that

contribute to this understanding. Anti-trafficking organizations and awareness campaigns also

may construct human trafficking in a certain way through discussions on websites, or other types

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of social media. The nature of any awareness campaign is that it will use its power to take a

stance on the issue and present a certain framework from which it attempts to address the

position. The way a society constructs the issue of human trafficking impacts the framework that

both groups of people and organizations will use to combat trafficking.

Nonetheless, not all societies construct and understand trafficking in the same way. This

may be a result of countries either being places of origin, transit or destination (Ren, 2013, p.

65), and therefore having the power to choose to address trafficking differently based on their

experiences with it. The result is different countries implementing varying strategies and efforts

to combat the same issue. Scholars such as Amahazion (2015) argue that larger social issues,

such as human trafficking, may even be used as vehicles for other politically motivated problems

(p.170). Human trafficking specifically is often accused of being used by governments as an

issue to drive more restrictive immigration policies and sex work laws. In these cases, it is

thought that rather than addressing the trafficking of persons specifically, this social

phenomenon is framed as a problem of illegal migration or sex work in order to promote those

social problems over trafficking.

It is for this concern of conflation with other issues that this study will examine the

discourses of human trafficking and anti-trafficking campaigns within Canadian governmental

organizations and non-governmental organizations in Alberta. The aim of this study is to

critically analyze the discourses and demonstrate how human trafficking is defined and

prioritized by these organizations. This will be done to see if the influence of power

(governmental and non-governmental, and non-governmental and the public) drives which

discourse of human trafficking is used to define and understand the matter of human trafficking.

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 The following paper will review the theoretical framework of the study, including

discussions on the complexities within human trafficking and the various discourses that are

currently found within the literature. These discourses include looking at human trafficking as

sex work, smuggling, and labour. All of which are commonly conflated and confused with

instances of human trafficking. Afterwards, the paper will outline critical discourse analysis as

the methodological approach used in addressing the research questions that will demonstrate

which discourses are seen within the governmental and non-governmental organizations. This

will be followed by a discussion of the results and the power relations evident in these discourses

and definitions, and how this impacts the societal understanding of human trafficking.

Concluding with the implications of these results and issues that future studies could possibly

address.

Theoretical Framework

The literature on human trafficking addresses a wide variety of discourses of human

trafficking, including human trafficking as an issue of sex work to being an issue of illegal

migration and labour rights. While these are some of the discourses that individuals may be

exposed to, it is not often that all of the complexities of human trafficking are explained and

contextualized within these definitions. For example, people may not be aware that the

trafficking of persons includes more than just the “perfect victim” ⎯ a young, innocent, naïve,

white female exploited through sex work. That is not to suggest that this image is not also a part

of trafficking; however, this image does not take into account the diversity and range of

trafficking victims that are exploited. To understand trafficking as accurately as possible means

setting aside preconceptions of the “perfect victim” and rather, looking at the limited options that

led victims to consent to their exploitation (Nawyn, Kavakli, Demirci-Yilmaz & Oflazoğlu,

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2016, p.201). Unlike what the representation of the “perfect victim” implies, other

representations of trafficking include the foreign worker that works in poor conditions at a

plantation, the removal of organs, and forcing young girls into the sex trade. Jahic and

Finckenauer point out that representing trafficking victims as the “girls next door” greatly

oversimplifies the problem (2005, p.26). Trafficking takes on many different forms and is a

result and response to many factors of globalization, including capitalism, migration, and the

fluidity of state borders.

Understanding human trafficking requires the acknowledgement of the relationship

between structural contexts and proximate factors (Cameron & Newman, 2008, p.1). The

structural contexts refers to phenomena and ideologies that stretch across countries or within a

country and impact the structure of society; for example, it may include globalization, gender

and social inequality, racism, war and economic downturns (Cameron & Newman, 2008, p.1).

Proximate factors are factors which are more centralized to countries, as they are specific and

localised to the nation-state, such as poor law enforcement, organized crime, poor accountability

of the state, and immigration and migration laws and policies (Cameron & Newman, 2008, p.1).

Trafficking that occurs between countries pushes victims to migrate away from their country of

residence due to inadequate employment, or political and economic insecurity, while being

pulled towards a country of settlement because of increased ease of travel, higher salaries, and an

active demand for migrant workers (Aronowitz, 2009, p.11).

These push and pull factors show the interaction between structural contexts and

proximate factors. Structural contexts such as globalization make travel easier and therefore pull

migrants towards new countries, while proximate factors such as economic downturns in parts of

the world may push migrants away. Proximate factors such as poor law enforcement in

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destination countries may also increase the demand for migrant workers due to their lack of

worker rights or regulation of trafficking. Since so many factors influence and result in the

trafficking of persons, many countries and organizations have used their power to create a

framework from which they address some of the structural contexts and proximate factors

associated with the exploitation of individuals. Some of these efforts not only look at these

factors but also at some of the more specific intersecting elements that make some individuals

more vulnerable to trafficking than others.

Women are an example of one of the groups that are more vulnerable to being trafficked

compared to others. According the United Nations global report on human trafficking, the most

common form of trafficking in North America is sex trafficking, making it a gendered issue

(UNODC, 2016, p.29). In sex trafficking, women are essentially bought and sold as though they

are a commodity. In Canada, it is mainly women that are sold while men buy them (Statistics

Canada, 2014; UNODC, 2016, p.34). Within a patriarchal society, women are viewed as

possessing certain proscribed gender roles, including being caregivers, engaging in domestic

work, and providing sexual entertainment to men. Since women are viewed as less valuable

within society in comparison to men, the buying, trading and exploiting of women has become

rationalized and normalized.

Gender also intersects with race and ethnicity, and together with racist ideology create a

“high demand for marginalized persons” (Bryant-Davis &Tummala-Narra, 2017, p.154). In

relation to sexual exploitation, sexual stereotypes around marginalized women lead to the idea

that they simply exist for the purpose of pleasure and are to take on proscribed sexual roles

(Bryant-Davis & Tummala-Narra, 2017, p.155). Racial stereotypes set the stage for a

metaphorical market of being able to purchase any “type” of women the buyer wants. Many

9
racialized women are at higher risks of trafficking for reasons including histories of colonial sex

trade, exploitation, prostitution, stereotypes and low valued social roles (Bryant-Davis &

Tummala-Narra, 2017, p.155). Racist ideology can be used to justify the demand for a particular

“type” of sex worker (Bryant-Davis & Tummala-Narra, 2017, p.156). All of these factors

intertwine to limit the options for racialized women, subsequently leading to their exploitation. A

common global migration pattern of trafficking victims is the movement of women from the

Global South to destination countries in the Global North (Poulin, 2013, p.305). This movement

of people emphasizes and provides insights into the role and impact of migration on human

trafficking.

It could be argued that victims of human trafficking should seek entrance to countries of

destination in safe and legal fashions. However, strict immigration and migration policies and

controls result in many migrants seeking illegal methods instead (Amahazion, 2015, p.168).

Migrants are made more vulnerable to all types of trafficking through their inability to obtain

legal work permits, and, therefore, they enter the informal labour market at the lowest sector

(Nawyn et al., 2016, p.199). The International Labour Organization (ILO) report, as cited by

Jahic and Finckenauer, states that exploitation in wealthy countries is sometimes preferred over

free labour in their country of origin, and it is these labour markets that open the door to the

trafficking of persons (2005, p. 36).

Human trafficking is then not just an issue of gender, migration, race and ethnicity, but

also an issue of labour rights. Countries may experience human trafficking as any one of these

factors, or as a combination of issues due to the fact that each country experiences trafficking

differently. This introduces challenges and issues in addressing trafficking as a global issue

rather than each country exercising their power to address the circumstantial factors relating to

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trafficking within their own country. In attempts to create one unifying definition of human

trafficking, the United Nations created a protocol to address trafficking in persons.

The Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women

and Children was created in 2000, and has over 100 countries that have signed or ratified it,

including Canada (UNTC, 2018). The protocol is supplementary to the United Nations’

Convention against Organized Crime, and should be interpreted in relation to the convention

(United Nations, 2000). The Protocol defines human trafficking as:

the recruitment, transportation, harboring and receipt of persons, by means of the

threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of
deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving
or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having
control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation. Exploitation shall
include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms
of sexual exploitation, forced labour or services, slavery or practices similar to
slavery, servitude or the removal of organs (United Nations, 2000).

This definition has three main components to it: the act, the means and the purpose

(UNODC, 2018). The act refers to the recruitment, transportation, and receiving of persons. The

means is the use of force or other forms of coercion to achieve the consent of an individual.

Lastly, it is done for the purpose of exploitation. On top of creating one unifying definition of

this global issue, the protocol has three main purposes: (a) to prevent and combat trafficking in

persons, (b) to protect and assist victims, and (c) to promote cooperation among states in order to

meet these objectives (United Nations, 2000, Article 2). Once countries sign or ratify the

protocol, they agree to the U.N.’s definition of trafficking and can implement it within their own

definitions or additional legislation. In this respect the U.N. uses its power to help create one

unifying definition of human trafficking as a global problem.

Part of defining human trafficking is also addressing its prevalence on the global stage.

The most common type of trafficking is sexual exploitation, which makes up seventy-nine

11
percent of all trafficking globally (UNODC, 2018). However, in North America, only fifty-five

percent of trafficking is for sexual exploitation and thirty-nine percent is forced labour (UNODC,

2016, p.29) The remaining six percent of human trafficking in North America is categorized as

trafficking for other purposes, such as servitude and forced begging (UNODC, 2016, p.29).

Within North America, the U.N. does not report any cases of removal of organs (UNODC, 2016,

p.29).

The U.N.’s global report on human trafficking notes that between the years of 2012-2014,

63 251 victims were detected globally (UNODC, 2016, p.23). Of the global victims, fifty-one

percent are women, and twenty-eight percent are children (UNODC, 2016, p.7). Men are also

victims of trafficking, and make up approximately twenty-one percent of all trafficking victims

globally (UNODC, 2016, p. 25). However, it is important to note that while women do make up

the largest proportion of victims, the number of women victims is decreasing (UNODC, 2016,

p.23). The U.N.’s global report notes that while in 2006 they made up sixty-seven percent of the

victims by 2014 this decreased to fifty-one percent (UNODC, 2016, p.23). In comparison, men

are increasing in their proportion of victims – in 2006 they were eleven percent but increased to

twenty-one percent by 2014 (UNODC, 2016, p.23).

While these statistics may be a good way to bring awareness and attention to the issue,

they also raise their own complexities and challenges. There is more unknown about human

trafficking than there is known; this is in part due to the clandestine nature of the activity (Jahic

& Finckenauer, 2005, p. 27). Huge discrepancies suggest that we are not counting the same

things; some may count border crossing and arrest data while not differentiating between

trafficking and smuggling (Jahic & Finckenauer, 2005, p. 27). Since human trafficking is not

easily measured, some argue that it is understated. This claim is backed up with the argument

12
that statistics only show the tip of the iceberg; for example, NGOs only report those who seek

help (Aronowitz, 2009, p. 20). Needless to say, it is extremely difficult and unrealistic to assume

that one could count every incident of human trafficking. In addition to this, these statistics may

also be understated due to a country’s limited definition of human trafficking or an absence of

legislation (Aronowitz, 2009, p.15). Defining human trafficking as just sexual exploitation

means that counts of labour trafficking and organ removal will be missed, this is simply

dependent on how a country chooses to define human trafficking. In some instances, the numbers

on trafficking may also be overstated due to the fact that statistics on human trafficking are also

combined with statistics on other social issues that are conflated with trafficking, such as

smuggling, illegal migration and prostitution (Aronowitz, 2009, p.19).

It is because of these issues in human trafficking statistics that there have been more

questions than answers, and are commonly referred to as “guesswork” and “politically

motivated” (Amahazion, 2015, p.170). While these numbers may not be exact or completely

valid, knowing the general scope of the problem allows governments, policy makers and service

providers, such as various non-governmental organizations, to address the concern, to allocate

resources, plan and prepare for future actions (Jahic & Finckenauer, 2005, p. 28). General

statistics on human trafficking also help clarify and address common representations of

trafficking, specifically the discourses of trafficking that lead to master narratives on the issue.

DISCOURSES AND HUMAN TRAFFICKING

The literature on human trafficking includes various interconnected discourses.

Discourses, in general, refers to talking and writing, but they are, more specifically, interrelated

texts and discussions (Phillips & Hardy, 2011, p.3) The importance of discourses is how they are

produced, disseminated, and received and how these bring it into social reality (Phillips &

13
Hardy, 2011, p.3). Addressing these three aspects of discourse may also lead to discussions on

who or what is producing, disseminating and receiving these discussions. Since this study is

using critical discourse analysis, a Foucauldian approach to discourses is useful in addressing

these and how they relate to power and power relations. From this approach, a discourse refers to

a “complex entity that extends into the realms of ideology, strategy, language and practice, and is

shaped by the relations between power and knowledge” (Sharp & Richardson, 2001, p. 195). In

this definition, power relations are central, and attempts to understand how certain ideas,

thoughts, and actions may be controlled or constrained (Sharp & Richardson, 2001, p.197). The

Foucauldian approach believes that power and knowledge are always intertwined (Delaney,

2005, p.284). In addition, social institutions that are in positions of power have the knowledge to

manipulate others in order to maintain the status quo, including things such as norms, and values

in society (Delaney, 2005, p.284). This approach is useful in attempting to analyze the discourses

both at the federal governmental and provincial non-governmental level by providing a

theoretical framework from which to understand power relations and how they influence

knowledge production of human trafficking.

In human trafficking there are a few common discourses which shape the understanding,

approach, and efforts used to combat the issue. This can be seen in the connection between the

definition of human trafficking created by the U.N. and how countries have adopted this, as well

as creating their own separate human trafficking legislation based on the power they have. These

discourses and definitions are absorbed and adopted by societies. However, it is important to

note that the bridge between the federal governments and the public are non-governmental

organizations that work closely with the communities by disseminating the information. This

14
explains the significance of analyzing both the federal governmental organizations as well as the

non-governmental organizations within Alberta.

There are various discourses of trafficking that are present at different levels of

government (global, national, and local), within awareness campaigns and organizations, and

within academic literature. In relation to these various discourses this paper will focus on the

three most common and prevalent narratives found within human trafficking: sex work,

migration and labour.

Human Trafficking as Sex Work

There is a tendency to blend human sex trafficking and sex work; however, these two are

not synonymous. Both sex work and human trafficking can involve coercion and exploitation as

a result of cultural and social inequalities (Jahic & Finckenauer, 2005, p. 25). Nonetheless, sex

work refers to having sexual intercourse or performing other sexual acts in exchange for material

consumption, while trafficking is the forcing or coercing of individuals for the purpose of

exploiting them (Batsyukova, 2007, p.47; UNODC, 2018). While there are similarities, it is

important to differentiate between the two because conflating them makes it difficult to address

the reality of each issue, as well as implement appropriate and effective strategies.

Since trafficking involves the movement of people by means of force or coercion for the

purpose of exploitation, these victims may also end up in sex work but are forced to do so by

their traffickers (Batsyukova, 2007, p.47). The main difference between the two concepts is the

issue of consent (Batsyukova, 2007, p.47). Sex work involves sexual acts the same way sex

trafficking does; however, those in sex work may do this voluntarily and consensually

(Batsyukova, 2007, p. 47). If sex work is done under duress, it then becomes a case of human

trafficking. Jahic and Finckenauer (2005) point out that those in sex work have gained control

15
over their work and are able to refuse customers, but this is not an option for those in sex

trafficking (p.35).

Since victims of human trafficking are also forced into sex work the issue of trafficking is

commonly conflated with sex work and perceived as a sex work issue, this resulting in efforts

and responses that address trafficking in this manner. In addition, conflating trafficking and sex

work also makes it difficult for those in sex work to achieve labour rights (Jackson, 2016). When

society views sex work as trafficking, it evokes a negative emotion, and people are less willing to

create labour rights that may increase safe and legal participation in sex work (Jackson, 2016). A

balanced interpretation of human trafficking and sex work is that while there may be overlap

between the two, they are still two distinct issues that must not be addressed as if they are the

same.

Human Trafficking as Smuggling

Human trafficking is also commonly confused with human smuggling, however, the two

are different. Smuggling is defined as paying transportation costs before or after entering a

destination, thus ending the relationship between the smuggler and the person being smuggled

(Aronowitz, 2009, p.4). Smuggling in a general sense is illegal migration. The difference may

only be seen after the journey ends, where smuggling may turn into situations of trafficking

(Aronowitz, 2009, p.4). That is to say, the “trafficking of human beings can be viewed as a

process rather than a single offence” (Aronowitz, 2009, p.9). Once an individual is smuggled

over a border, the act is done; however, in human trafficking, the relationship between two

people or groups does not end after being transported, the individuals are continuously exploited

for the benefit of the trafficker.

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 There are four general criteria that distinguish smuggling from trafficking: consent,

exploitation, transnationalism, and source of profit (NAPCHT, 2012). Unlike victims of

trafficking, migrants that are smuggled consent to the act and are moved transnationally.

Therefore, they must cross international borders. Human trafficking, on the other hand, can be

international or domestic, and those who are trafficked do not consent to their exploitation.

While migrants who are smuggled may travel through difficult and severe conditions, they are

not continuously exploited like victims of trafficking.

Another major difference between the two is the source of profit. Smugglers make their

profit from the migrants that they are moving. In exchange for entry into another country,

migrants pay the smugglers either before or after they have arrived. Traffickers make their profit

from the exploitation of their victims. Victims are exploited for labour in exchange for monetary

or material payments. Human trafficking and human smuggling, in some instances, share the

illegal crossing of international borders which is why they are commonly conflated with each

other.

Human Trafficking as Labour

Capitalism has grown as a result of the effects of globalization and therefore has changed

the relationship between capital and labour. Earlier, a worker would sell his/her labour in

exchange for capital. This is more or less a direct transaction between the bourgeoisie and

proletariat. However, with globalization having influenced the perception of states and their

borders, there is a change in the way capital moves globally within the framework of capitalism

(Steger, 2017, p.66). New technology has impacted the ways in which capital moves between

borders; it now moves freely through simple forms, such as email-transfers. Labour, however,

does not move this same way. Labour cannot move freely across borders. Labour, in this sense,

17
really refers to the movement of workers that want to sell their labour, and these people tend to

move across borders and want to settle in communities they believe will provide them with a

better life. This is critical for human trafficking because the trafficking of individuals is labour

moving through space.

Capitalism in terms of human trafficking revolves around one common theme: Selling

sex. The sex industry has a strategic and central position in international capitalism (Poulin,

2013, p.302). Trafficked women are viewed as “goods” that are taken transnationally from areas

of weak concentration of capital to areas of strong concentration of capital (Poulin, 2013, p.303).

Globalization and capitalism allow for the commodification of bodies within a new global

framework. The capitalist market does not care what is being sold and bought. If bodies are

bought and sold, it implies there is a market for it. Anti-trafficking efforts that focus on

capitalism argue that human trafficking exists because there is a demand for it. Therefore,

preventing and combatting trafficking in persons means that the state has to ensure that the

demand for it is dead. This is complicated because many companies and organizations hire

foreign workers as a cheaper option to paying domestic workers. Due to outsourcing of jobs and

bringing in foreign workers, the line between paying foreign workers less and meeting the

conditions of labour trafficking becomes more and more blurred.

ADDRESSING HUMAN TRAFFICKING

Human trafficking being a global issue means that it would be difficult to solve by any

single nation-state. As a result, in tackling human trafficking there would have to be global

cooperation among nations. The U.N.’s Palermo Protocol on human trafficking has 117

signatories and 173 parties, with majority of the states having ratified it (UNTC, 2018). While

one of the main purposes of the protocol was to promote unity and cooperation to meet the same

18
objective, many states have created supplementary legislation and policies to further their

attempts in addressing human trafficking. Canada, in addition to the Protocol, also created the

Immigration and Refugee Protection Act in 2002 and implemented human trafficking in the

Criminal Code in 2005. Other countries, such as the Netherlands and Germany that have signed

the Palermo Protocol have employed other measures to reduce human trafficking, such as

making sex work legal or illegal in attempts to decrease the number of women who are sexually

exploited (Marinova & James, 2012).

While human trafficking is on a global scale, countries are still addressing the issue in

their own ways with a lack of consistency in enforcement (Amahazion, 2015), regardless of the

fact that many states have agreed or given consent to the fact that they will do their part to

combat and prevent human trafficking. Not all countries experience human trafficking in the

same way; for example, some may be countries of origin in which many individuals are pushed

away to other states. Other countries may be ones of transit and see a high concentration of

traffic to countries of destination. How the state experiences human trafficking will shape the

ways in which they choose to address the issue and implement strategies.

Varying discourses may not just exist at the international level but also at the national and

provincial levels. Within Canada, for example, provinces may implement their own strategies of

combatting human trafficking due to their differing experiences of it. The discourses and social

constructions of human trafficking that are utilized impact the way organizations frame their

anti-trafficking strategies and efforts. As mentioned previously, the three most common

discourses in trafficking are sex work, migration, and labour. These are the discourses that may

lead to the most common types of efforts or strategies to combat trafficking and therefore shape

anti-trafficking campaigns and legislation.

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Anti-trafficking via Sex Work Legislation

Since human trafficking is often converged with sex work, it can lead to countries

implementing anti-sex work efforts and legislation as a way to combat the trafficking of persons.

Although the two concepts are different, they also relate to each other in that victims of human

trafficking may be forced into sex work. The simplification of trafficking to sex work is in part

due to the lack of knowledge and training within law enforcement and its inability to distinguish

between the two (Batsyukova, 2007, p. 47). Since the most common form of human trafficking is

sexual exploitation, some countries adopt an approach that tackles sex work; however, even

within this single approach, there are varying strategies. Anti-sex work legislation may be

prohibition or abolition (Marinova & James, 2012). Prohibition means that sex work is illegal,

and, when they are caught, it is the sex worker that receives the penalty (Marinova & James,

2012, p. 234). In contrast, abolition also means that sex work is illegal, but, instead, the penalty

goes to the purchaser of sex rather than the worker (Marinova & James, 2012, p. 235). A study

done by Marinova and James (2012) explored whether criminalizing sex work actually decreases

cases of human trafficking; however, the results vary and exact numbers are difficult to obtain.

Sweden implemented an abolitionist approach in 1999 and also implemented across-the-

board collaboration of government agencies in anti-trafficking efforts (Marinova & James, 2012,

p.237). While there are no exact numbers on whether this has significantly decreased the

numbers of human trafficking victims, some of the individuals interviewed by the researcher

stated that “it is not the law that matters, but police methods” (Marinova & James, 2012, p. 239).

This implies that whether sex work is legal or illegal does not significantly impact victims of

trafficking, but what really matters is how law enforcement authorities are engaging with the

issue. Whether a country renders sex work legal or illegal may not notably decrease trafficking in

20
that area, since the act itself is illegal. For instance, if sex work was to be legalized, perhaps the

flow of trafficking victims would increase. On the other hand, if it was illegal, it would not

change the conditions under which trafficking currently occurs.

Both the Netherlands and Germany have legalized sex work (Marinova & James, 2012).

The data from the Netherlands shows that there was an increase in trafficking after the

legalization on sex work (Marinova & James, 2012, p. 243). Germany also saw an increase of

sex work after it was legalized (Marinova & James, 2012, p.246). The data between 2001-2008

showed an overall decrease in trafficking, except after the year of legalization (2003) in which

the numbers spiked (Marinova & James, 2012, p. 246) The legalization of sex work did

temporarily increase trafficking; however, law enforcement authorities were able to reverse this

increase after 2003 (Marinova & James, 2012, p. 246). The limited trafficking activity is, in part,

due to the strong preventative measures taken by law enforcements in Germany as well as

information campaigns in the countries of origin, echoing the idea that the law may not impact

human trafficking as much as is believed (Marinova & James, 2012, p. 247).

Instead, what really matter is the education of law enforcement officials, and service

providers, as well as the educational campaigns in countries of origin about trafficking. The

emphasis is on a strong government approach with a focus on human rights values (Marinova &

James, 2012). It is this focus that leads some countries to believe that legalizing sex work will

allow for better working conditions and labour rights for the workers. These human and labour

rights allow for the protection of workers, and their ability to refuse work in conditions which are

deemed dangerous to the person.

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Anti-Trafficking via Migration Legislation

One of the key components of human trafficking involves the transportation, holding and

receiving of persons. Due to this aspect of trafficking, there are countries that believe trafficking

is really a concern of illegal migration and border crossing. This discourse of human trafficking

explains the common conflation of human trafficking and human smuggling. The illegal

migration of victims means that they often have dual status before the law; they may be

trafficked, as well as be illegal immigrants or have a criminal status (Ren, 2013, p.69).

Therefore, the anti-trafficking approach here is to control borders more strictly and ensure that

no illegal migrants are entering the country of transit or destination.

This is one approach that Canada has taken by creating the Immigration and Refugee

Protection Act in 2001. This Act’s objectives includes protecting public health and safety, as

well as promoting human rights by denying access to individuals that may be considered

criminals or a security risk (IRPA, 2001). While the Act has many other objectives which

address immigration and refugee status, these two particular objectives are relevant to the

discussion of trafficking victims and traffickers. Using strict immigration laws such as these

gives border enforcement authorities the right to deny individuals who may impede on the

security and well-being of the nation. Enforcing border restrictions such as these do not stop the

flow of illegal migrants; instead they turn to alternative ways.

Anti-trafficking via Labour Legislation

Global capitalism pulls workers from all areas of the world and moves them to areas in

which they can sell their labour. Similar to efforts in anti-trafficking that focus on sex work,

countries have implemented labour rights to address issues of exploitative labour. Some of these

labour rights may include the length of work days and minimum pay required for workers. In

22
addition, laws against including children in the work force, or the types of work that may be

legal. However, the extent to which these labour rights extend to illegal migrants and in what

circumstance varies.

The labour exploitation framework claims that trafficking should be viewed through a

lens of exploitation and offer more labour rights to individuals rather than criminalizing them

(Nawyn, et al., 2016, p.190 &193). This approach aims to use policing as a mechanism to control

labour and labour rights, while also improving the conditions of work for victims (Nawyn, et al.

2016, p.193). The labour approach focuses on the idea that human trafficking would have less

victimization if the working conditions of the victims were more routinely regulated. If the

working conditions were better, there is less opportunity for perpetrators to exploit victims. This

is backed up by the idea that those that are pushed out of their countries of origin due to lack of

education and employment may find themselves being exploited and forced to work in the

informal labour markets of countries of destination. Commonly this involves the movement of

individuals from the global south to the global north due to perceived better employment or

opportunities (Poulin, 2013, p.305).

HUMAN TRAFFICKING IN CANADA

A country may choose to approach the problem from a certain perspective depending on

the role it plays in the globality of human trafficking. For instance, Canada is considered a

country of destination and therefore, it applies approaches and strategies in accordance to how it

experiences trafficking as a destination country rather than a country of origin. While countries

may experience trafficking in a variety of forms, within North America human trafficking

commonly takes on one of two forms (UNODC, 2016, p.29). Approximately half (55%) of the

overall trafficking is for sexual exploitation, while the other half (39%) is for forced labour and

23
the remaining six percent constituting trafficking for other purposes outside of sexual

exploitation, forced labour and organ removal (UNODC, 2016, p.29). While the United Nation’s

report (2016) does not break down what human trafficking specifically looks like in each country

within North America, these statistics still provide some insight into what human trafficking

looks like in Canada.

Not only do countries experience human trafficking differently, but provinces or states

within a country may vary in the discourses and experiences of trafficking as well. In Canada,

the provinces in which human trafficking is most prevalent are British Columbia, Alberta and

Ontario, with Alberta and Ontario having the most prevalence (NAPCHT, 2012). Since some

provinces have increased contact with human trafficking, their efforts and strategies may be

stronger or more developed than other provinces. The differing experiences of trafficking results

in the creation of differing discourses on the issue and as a result, its solutions and responses.

However, despite the varying discourses of human trafficking, Canada still has to deal with the

issue of human trafficking as a whole.

Contrary to popular belief, the majority (90%) of human trafficking in Canada is actually

domestic while only ten percent is international (NAPCHT, 2012). This goes against common

misconceptions of human trafficking; that is, that trafficking mostly consists of international

victims being brought to foreign countries. Within Canada there are many discussions on human

trafficking as a “domestic” issue, meaning within its borders, or “international”, involving

migrants. Victims of domestic trafficking are commonly recruited in a variety of ways including

at airports, schools, and bars, however, it is also done through the internet and other victims that

have already been recruited and are ordered to bring in more individuals (Sethi, 2007, p.60).

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 Part of this is addressing the fact that majority of trafficking victims in Canada are

domestic, involving Indigenous women and children due to socioeconomic factors (Kaye, 2017,

p.28). However, the mainstream understanding of human trafficking ignores the trafficking of

this marginalized group (Kaye, 2017, p.28). By labeling this group as “victims” society

overlooks the impact of settler colonialism and state control on the violence against Indigenous

women (Kaye, 2017, p.29). Canada’s colonial history provides some insight into who is

currently being trafficking in Canada. Julie Kaye points out that Indigenous women’s relation to

trafficking has a long history in colonialism, and includes problems with discourses of human

trafficking (Kaye, 2017, p. 4). For example, the sexual exploitation of Indigenous women and

girls is portrayed and understood as a problem of sex work rather than under the framework of

human trafficking (Sethi, 2007, p.57).

While Indigenous women and girls are considered most vulnerable due to their

socioeconomic status, there are other root causes of their overrepresentation in domestic

trafficking. These root causes include things such as the legacy of colonialism and residential

schools, the lack of awareness and acknowledgement of these victims, violence, poverty,

isolation, substance abuse, racism and the role of gangs (Sethi, 2007). Furthermore, rather than it

being any one of these factors that makes these victims more vulnerable, it is the interlocking of

these social factors (Bourgeois, 2015, p.1439).

Bourgeois (2015) argues that Canada’s efforts fail to adequately and effectively meet the

needs of Indigenous victims and their communities when it comes human trafficking (p.1432). In

addition, since domestic trafficking has not received the same attention as international

trafficking, it can be argued that Indigenous women and girls remain absent in discourses of

human trafficking in Canada (Bourgeois, 2015, p.1432). Bourgeois (2015) continues to argue

25
that what is noteworthy about the Canadian conceptualization of human trafficking is that it is

mainly focused on individual perpetrators and criminal organizations, such as gangs, and not on

the nation state as a perpetrator (p.1438). The nation state may be considered a perpetrator due to

issues relating to the impacts of colonialism and residential schools, as well as the lack of

attention and acknowledgement of the complex needs of Indigenous communities.

As a result, not many discourses on human trafficking include discussions on Indigenous

people and social factors that make them more vulnerable. Common discourses include the ones

previously discussed, including human trafficking as an issue of sex work, migration, and labour.

Overall, discourses of trafficking are impacted by power relations whether it be global, national

or local. Some of the institutions that may lead discourses on trafficking are those that are not

only closer to the community such as non-governmental organizations, but also distinct

institutions such as the United Nations. While the U.N. helps society to understand human

trafficking on the global stage, federal organizations provide insight into what trafficking looks

like within Canada. In addition, non-governmental organizations within provinces and territories

provide the bridge and more local contexts of human trafficking to the general public. It is

noteworthy that the discourses of human trafficking may not necessarily be the same at the

international, national, and provincial level, and as a result each one provides insight into how

that level of power experiences or perceives human trafficking.

Discovering Discourses

The aim of this study is to analyze what kind of discourses of human trafficking are held

by certain organizations, and which definition or aspect of trafficking they chose to focus on. As

a result of this, applying a preconceived definition of human trafficking to examine these

organizations defeats the purpose of the study. Instead, through analysis the study will attempt to

26
understand what definitions are being utilized by federal governmental organizations (GO) and

non-governmental organizations (NGO) in Alberta.

By comparing the discourses of human trafficking held by GOs and NGOs in Alberta, the

study also attempts to discover if power and positions of privilege play a role in which discourses

are prioritized. The comparison of the discourses between these organizations for similarities and

differences may provide insight into the role that the federal government plays in creating the

existing discourses of human trafficking, and how solutions and efforts are prioritized. To leave

out an aspect of human trafficking in the discourses means that we are not handling the issue as a

whole. However, in this case, it may be the federal government stating which aspect of human

trafficking is more important and should receive more attention than the others. This means that

the country or province could essentially decide what constitutes as an important aspect of

trafficking and push it forward as an effort to combat human trafficking, when in reality,

organizations may be addressing migration control, for example. This leaves the question of how

societies can effectively combat and prevent human trafficking if there is a gap in the

understanding and conceptualization of trafficking, and in the approaches used to combat

trafficking.

One could argue that, perhaps, there is no harm in addressing different aspects of human

trafficking if all the parts get some attention. However, this is not the case because, within each

discourse, there may be a gap, and this gap does not allow for an effective and accurate plan to

combat trafficking. Addressing human trafficking from the discourse of sex work does not take

into account a big fraction of trafficking that is labour exploitation or trafficking for other

purposes. This gap in the definition of human trafficking makes efforts that address sex work to

27
be cloaked as anti-trafficking. As a result, single efforts that focus on only one aspect of

trafficking may not be addressing the issue in all its intersectionality and complexity.

If communities continue to pour resources and efforts into an organization that does not

effectively and accurately work towards what it aims to do, it is not effectively addressing

trafficking. The issue with not effectively addressing human trafficking as a whole is that society

may not be equipped to aid victims properly through resources and services. The prioritization of

some victims or survivors over others may further perpetuate the notion that there is an “ideal

victim”. The prioritization of certain discourses over others means that power influences which

discourses will be used. Critically analyzing human trafficking within Alberta therefore means

having to look at the power dynamics and noting whether it influences which discourses are

prioritized over others.

This study aims to answer the following questions:

1. What discourses of human trafficking are held by the federal government and provincial

non-governmental organizations in Alberta?

2. How do these discourses show how human trafficking is defined and prioritized?

METHODS

Varying discourses of human trafficking may be the result of differing levels of

organizations exercising their power over the definition of human trafficking. Each organization

has a specific narrative of human trafficking they use to shape their information platforms and

awareness campaigns. Since the focus of the study is the discourses of human trafficking that are

utilized by these organizations, as well as the role power plays in which ones are prioritized

critical discourse analysis is the most effective methodology to use in order to answer the

research questions.

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 Discourse analysis involves looking at the discourses that produce and give meaning to

social reality, and the job of the analysts involves analyzing the relationship between discourses

and social reality (Phillips & Hardy, 2011, p.3). Critical discourse analysis (CDA) includes the

analysis of discourses but it also allows the study to explore “(re)production and challenge of

dominance” within those discourses (Van Dijk, 1993, p.249). Dominance, in this study, refers to

the inequality that results in the exercise of power over institutions and groups (Van Dijk, 1993,

p.250). CDA, similar to discourse analysis, refers to interrelated texts and their production,

dissemination and reception, and how these bring a meaning or discourse into social reality

(Phillips & Hardy, 2011, p.3). However, the purpose of CDA is to understand and explain how

power is enacted, reproduced, and legitimated through texts and discourses of dominant groups

in society (Phillips & Hardy, 2011, p.8).

Discourses of any sort are always connected to other discourses, and this makes the

study of discourse analysis “three-dimensional” (Fairclough, 1992 as cited in Phillips & Hardy,

2011, p.4). This means that discourses are located in a historical and social context, including

certain actors, relationships and practices (Phillips & Hardy, 2011, p.4). Therefore, analyzing

individual texts does not give a good insight into a discourse, but the analysis of the combination

of texts, changes in texts, new texts and the distribution of texts can provide a concrete

understanding of the relevant discourses (Phillips & Hardy, 2011, p.5). However, it is difficult

for any one person to study all the texts on a particular topic or subject and, therefore, only a sub-

section of texts is usually analyzed. It is because of this that not all of the texts addressing anti-

human trafficking across Canada can be analyzed for their discourses. Instead, this study will

look at an important sub-section of texts that will provide insight into the discourses of

29
trafficking in a more centralized and specific area: Alberta. To do this, only the discourses within

the GOs and NGOs will be examined.

By analyzing the websites of GOs first, the discourses at the governmental level will be

presented prior to analyzing the discourses at the NGO level. The subsequent analysis will

compare and contrast the nature of the discourse employed by the two institutions and analyzed

through CDA. Since the focus of the research questions is to see which discourses are prioritized,

CDA allows for the analysis of how definitions may be produced and disseminated into the

public. Furthermore, by using CDA the study would also be able to see if the discourses at the

non-governmental level reflects those at the governmental level, and thereby allowing the

researcher to make an inference of who is leading the discourses on human trafficking, or

whether power may influence which discourses are prioritized.

Data Collection

For the purpose of this study, GOs will be those that are created and operated by the

government. While NGOs are non-profit organizations that function independently from the

government and serve specific social or political purposes (Folger, 2018). Additionally, these

organizations may receive funding in a variety of ways including membership dues, private

donations, the sale of goods and services and grants from the government (Folger, 2018). To

determine the population of anti-trafficking GOs and NGOs an exhaustive list was made. This

was done by conducting an internet search for all anti-trafficking NGOs in Alberta using key

search words such as “human trafficking organizations in Alberta”, “anti-trafficking

organizations”, “anti-trafficking”, “modern slavery”, and more. This was repeated again for the

federal GOs using similar key search words but also added “Canadian anti-trafficking”, “anti-

trafficking governmental organizations”, and “Canada government human trafficking”. This was

30
accompanied by searching through other sources which contained lists of organizations. One of

these resources included books such as Julie Kaye’s Responding to Human Trafficking:

Dispossession, Colonial Violence, and Resistance Among Indigenous and Racialized Women

(2017). Kaye’s book was used due to how it informed the study and provided significant

information for human trafficking within Canada. Within the index, Kaye provides a list of

organizations that deal with anti-trafficking which was used to add and develop the exhaustive

list for this study.

The exhaustive list was filtered to include only GOs and NGOs which have a website.

Websites were specifically looked at because anyone in the general public can freely access

them, and therefore, they reach farther into the population than a brochure or pamphlet.

Brochures or pamphlets tend to only be distributed in certain communities and are not easily

accessible by everyone. The organizations’ websites were analyzed in attempts to understand the

discourses of each organization and was based on these three potential pages: the homepage,

about us, and a page that provides a specific definition of human trafficking.

The search for anti-trafficking NGOs in Alberta and federal GOs yielded thirty results in

total. Due to the small population of both federal and provincial GOs and NGOs that met the

criteria, a random sample was not used. Rather, all the organizations that met the criteria were

used and analyzed. Due to there not being a substantive amount of GOs, all three organizations

that were found were used. However, since there were multiple NGOs the following criteria was

applied to select the final sample. The non-governmental organizations had to directly be an anti-

trafficking organizations rather than an organization that had a department or branch that focused

on the issue, even if the issue was clearly framed as one single discourse. In order to standardize

the data all websites were collected within a certain time period, and each website was dated and

31
a snapshot was taken. The GOs were collected between October 5-21st, 2018 and the NGOs were

collected between November 16-20th, 2018. The following table lists the GOs and NGOs that

were analyzed in the study.

Table 1: List of Governmental and Non-governmental Organizations

Governmental Organizations Non-governmental Organizations

Public Safety Canada CEASE (The Centre to End All Sexual
Royal Canadian Mounted Police Exploitation)
Department of Justice RESET Society of Calgary (Rapid Exist from
Sexual Exploitation and Trafficking)
ACT (The Action Coalition on Human
Trafficking Alberta)
Magdalene House
Aurora Home
CHILL
Analysis

Coding and analyzing of the data collected was conducted with MAXQDA, a qualitative

data analysis software program. The coding process was completed in two phases: coding for

actions and coding for themes. The pages from the websites were initially coded for actions,

which is the main purpose and intention of the material or information (Charmaz, 2014, p.116).

Action coding was completed on a sentence by sentence basis as the focus on the analysis was

the content rather than the specific language used. The thematic coding looked for patterns and

trends that occur within the texts and transcriptions of the videos and images (Charmaz, 2014,

p.124). This study specifically looked at the discourses of trafficking that were being used, such

as human trafficking as sex work; as migration; as labour. In order to analyze the data, a coding

system was developed to allow for any new or unanticipated discourses that may emerge

throughout the study.

While analyzing the thematic codes the following questions were used in critical

discourse analysis as suggested by Bacchi (2009, p. 7): What are the presumptions and

32
assumptions that underlie the “problem”? What are the silences? How and where has this

representation of the “problem” been produced, disseminated and defended? Using these

questions as a guide allowed the researcher to analyze the discourses to see if a certain narrative

of human trafficking was missing and if it implies that human trafficking is conceptualized as

mainly one issue. For example, if the discourse is one of human trafficking as sex work, it

ignores the labour aspect, but it also assumes the problem is simply just sex work.

In addition, during analysis it was important to acknowledge which organizations are

governmentally funded and which are not as this may indicate support or the pressure to comply

with powerful institutions. Information on funding was retrieved from the organization’s

websites. If the website did not indicate whether they received funding or not, the researcher

emailed each organization inquiring on their funding. The following table represents which

organizations are funded by the government and their source of funding.

Table 2: Non-governmental Organizations and Funding

Non-governmental Organization: Government Funds:

CEASE Alberta Government, The Stollery,
Congregation of Sisters of St. Joseph, United
Way and Edmonton Community Foundation
ACT (The Action Coalition on Human Federally funded from Justice Canada’s
Trafficking Alberta) Victims Fund and Status of Women Canada,
Alberta Justice and Solicitor General’s
Victims of Crime Fund and Human Services’
Family and Community Safety Program
CHILL No funding
Aurora Home Unknown
RESET Government of Canada
Magdalene House No funding

33
 **Aurora Home did not indicate on their website whether they received funding of any kind and no
response was received when inquired over email.

The GOs were coded first for both action and thematic codes, and the same was done for

the NGOs. Since the study aims to compare and contrasts the discourses of the varying

organizations, the GOs and NGOs were coded separately so that they do not influence each other

during the coding process. The thematic codes from both groups were compared and analyzed.

This resulted in several insightful findings that answered the research questions and explained

potential power relations.

RESULTS & DISCUSSION

Both the governmental and the non-governmental organizations yielded thematic codes

that were critically analyzed in order to answer the two research questions of what the discourses

held by the GOs and NGOs are, and how these discourses show how human trafficking is

defined and prioritized. Critical discourse analysis revealed two different power relations: 1)

Power relations between the GOs and NGOs and 2) Power relations between the NGOs and

society. These two power relations help to understand the influence of power on the

understandings of human trafficking within society.

Governmental Organizations and Non-Governmental Organizations

The first power relationship that was evident through the analysis is between the GOs and

the NGOs. Prior to analysis an assumption could be made that because the GOs are federal they

would have some power influence over the NGOs, whether this be through regulation or quotas

for the number of organizations in each aspect of the issue. However, what is significant about

the relationship between the GOs and the NGOs is the lack of a power relationship that was

found to be there. While the thematic codes demonstrated how the NGOs comply with the GOs

in some aspects, overall and even within the commonalities, the NGOs are consistently

34
challenging the GOs in their understanding of human trafficking. This claim is backed up by

discussions on three main themes within the thematic codes found between the two groups of

organizations. These thematic codes are the types of approaches utilized to address human

trafficking, the ways in which human trafficking is defined (including discussions on victims),

and the types of responses these organizations promote and work towards.

Approaches. While both the GOs and NGOs are working towards addressing human

trafficking in Canada they have very different approaches to the problem. This is evident in the

thematic codes that came from the GOs and NGOs. The GOs yielded the thematic code of

Criminal Approach, while the NGOs yielded the thematic code of Victim-focused Approach. In

regards to the GOs, the federal organizations address trafficking as a crime rather than an issue

of migration, border control, prostitution, or lack of education. All of the GOs; Public Safety

Canada, Department of Justice, and the RCMP, refer to human trafficking as a horrible crime in

some form. Public safety refers to it as “the most heinous crimes imaginable”, and the RCMP

explicitly states that “human trafficking is a crime”. The Department of Justice not only refers to

the issue as a crime but also discusses it in relation to the criminal code and the various penalties

and sentences associated with the offenses within trafficking (i.e. withholding documents, abuse,

etc.) and the age of the victim(s). Of the three organizations only one (Public Safety Canada)

directly discusses the victims that are vulnerable to trafficking. While this discussion is brief, the

organization does mention women as being most vulnerable in addition to those that live in

poverty, youth and children, migrants, and “some Aboriginal women” (Public Safety Canada).

The lack of focus on the victims and the concerns related to them consenting to their exploitation

makes their approach more objective and directed towards the criminality of trafficking rather

than the protection and healing of victims, as well as the societal impact.

35
 In contrast, the NGOs focus on the issue of human trafficking from a victim-focused

perspective or approach. This thematic code was found in all of the NGOs: ACT, CEASE,

CHILL, RESET, Aurora Home and Magdalene House. The victim-focused approach is seen in

the organizations by providing options for victims and those impacted such as counselling,

housing rehab programs and financial aid. These NGOs focused more on helping victims to

recover, in addition, they emphasized hope and the empowerment of victims. This was seen

explicitly in organizations such as Magdalene House which state “Restoring hope and dignity in

people exploited by human trafficking”. In addition, Aurora Home exemplifies the caring and

personal aspect of the victim-focused approach through claims such as “provide a non-

judgemental, caring and sensitive environment where women are able to begin rebuilding their

lives”. As demonstrated through the quotes, the NGOs are more focused on the well-being and

recovery of the victims rather than the objectivity of the crime.

While the criminal approach (thematic code in GOs) was mentioned on the NGOs’

websites, it was only in relation to victims getting help from being trafficked or a brief reference

to the criminal code. The criminal approach came up five times throughout all the NGOs, this is

in comparison to the victim-focused approach which came up forty-five times. The victim-

focused approach is accompanied by discussions on the push factors, which are the factors that

push victims into trafficking, such as poverty, substance abuse, or lack of education. While some

organizations do not directly refer to them as push factors, organizations such as Aurora home

discuss societal pressures such as “ vulnerability due to lack of family support, employment and

safe housing” and “ dependency on drugs/alcohol”. Four of the six NGOs (including RESET,

CEASE, Aurora Home, and ACT) directly discussed these push factors in relation to victims of

human trafficking. This is evident within the organizations through quotes such as “builds

36
bridges over poverty and creates pathways out of exploitation” in CEASE. Furthermore, ACT

states that “a set of interrelated ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors contribute to trafficking in persons”.

What is significant about the different approaches to human trafficking between the GOs

and NGOs is what it implies about the power relation between the two. For the GOs, the criminal

approach could be rationalized due to the distance between the federal organizations and the

general public, and therefore it may be easier to focus on the legal and objective aspect of

trafficking than the subjective experiences of victims and communities. In comparison, since the

NGOs are closer and more integrated into the communities, in which they see and deal with

victims, a victim-focused approach may be more appropriate and effective than the criminal

approach. The NGOs not having the same approach as the GOs demonstrates a resistance on the

NGOs part, and their ability to choose their own approach rather than being directed by the GOs.

This demonstrates one disconnect between the GOs and the NGOs in terms of the expected

power relation. Another thematic codes that adds to this conclusion is the discussion on the

definition of human trafficking.

Definition & Victims. In terms of the definition, the thematic codes that were relevant to

the GOs are Human Trafficking as Forced Labour and Human Trafficking as Sexual

Exploitation. Among the three GOs human trafficking was defined as forced labour nine times,

while sexual exploitation was mentioned seven times. This demonstrates a balanced

understanding of human trafficking as equally including forced labour and sexual exploitation.

Similar to the U.N.’s definition, the GOs’ definition of trafficking does not prioritize one type of

trafficking over the other but rather looks at both types equally. Human trafficking as forced

labour was coded for any action codes or sections of texts that talked about human trafficking as

the exploitation of someone through their physical labour, servitude or domestic work. In

37
comparison, human trafficking as sexual exploitation was coded for those sections which

included discussions of sexual abuse, sex or sexual acts in exchange for material or financial

benefits. In addition, the code included discussions of being forced into sex work. Within the

GOs, common definitions of human trafficking grouped the two types together; this is

demonstrated in quotes such as “in order to exploit that person, typically through sexual

exploitation or forced labour” as seen in the Department of Justice Canada website. While the

GOs equally represent both of the common types of trafficking they do not go further to explain

what each of them directly refers to but rather continue to cement them together with the

assumption that the reader knows the difference between the two.

Contrary to the GOs, the NGOs’ definition of trafficking is significantly different and not

as balanced between the two main types of trafficking. While the GOs give equal attention to

both types of trafficking evident in Canada, the NGOs focus on one type predominantly over the

other. Throughout the NGOs the focus is mainly on sexual exploitation as human trafficking, and

while some organizations did mention forced labour, these discussions did not compare

numerically to those of sexual exploitation.

ACT may be the most well-known and popular organization in Alberta based on the

frequency with which it came up in the google searches, as well as the number of times it is

referenced by other NGOs. The significance of this is that ACT is both governmentally and

provincially funded and in addition it has a definition of human trafficking that is identical to that

of the GOs. Within ACT forced labour and sexual exploitation both came up five times each

throughout the webpages. While this may signify the power influence of the GOs on the NGOs

and their definition of human trafficking, this understanding is contradicted by the rest of the

38
NGOs. Although ACT was almost identical to the GOs it still differed in its approach and

response to human trafficking, which will be discussed in the coming sections.

Other NGOs such as CEASE and REST also receive government funding, however, the

definition of human trafficking in both of these organizations predominantly focuses on human

trafficking as sexual exploitation. CEASE mentions sexual exploitation ten times while forced

labour is only mentioned three times. RESET defines trafficking as sexual exploitation four

times, but does not mention forced labour at all. So although ACT could potentially be

influenced by the GOs, it represents an outlier as the rest of the governmentally funded

organizations do not promote the same balanced definition of human trafficking as the GOs. This

same single focused definition is seen in the NGOs that are not governmentally funded.

However, the other organizations that are not governmentally funded (Aurora Home, Magdalene

House, and CHILL) only define human trafficking as sexual exploitation.

Overall, four of the six NGOs define human trafficking only as sexual exploitation.

Throughout all the organizations’ webpages sexual exploitation is mentioned fifty-four times,

and forced labour only ten times. CHILL, one of the NGOs, defines human trafficking as

“Sexual exploitation is often defined as the sexual abuse of children and youth through the

exchange of sex or sexual acts for food, drugs…,other basics of life, and/or money”. This

definition completely ignores forced labour or trafficking for other purposes and only defines it

as sexual exploitation. Other organizations, such as RESET, do not even define human

trafficking or sexual exploitation but rather just discuss it on the website as though the reader

already knows what sexual exploitation is. This is seen on the RESET website in quotes such as

“We provide … support for women (age 16 and above) who have experience sexual exploitation

and/or sex trafficking”. The problem with this is that while they address the sexual exploitation

39
aspect and ignore forced labour, they also do not provide a definition of sexual exploitation. This

leaves those visiting the site still not completely understanding what human trafficking is.

Another insightful finding from the NGOs is the predominant focus on sexual exploitation even

when forced labour is mentioned. In the organization CEASE, human trafficking is defined as

both sexual exploitation and forced labour, however, under their section of “Real Stories of

Hope” only stories of sexual exploitation are mentioned.

The primary focus on sexual exploitation is intriguing since the literature on human

trafficking examines various discourses, and yet sexual exploitation is overwhelmingly focused

on over forced labour and trafficking for other purposes. This means that while the government

supports ACT in its efforts of addressing various forms of human trafficking, it also supports

efforts made in combatting just the sexual exploitation aspect. This may demonstrate that the

GOs perhaps do not have any influence over the NGOs in deciding their definition or approaches

to human trafficking.

Although, one area in which the GOs and NGOs seem to comply with each other is in the

discussion of the victims of human trafficking. Both groups of organizations seem to focus on

women as victims over other vulnerable groups. Although their definitions of trafficking vary

between the two, both came up with the thematic code of Women as Victims. Within the GOs

this thematic code came up nine times (while men were only discussed four times), this is

compared to twenty-one times in the NGOs and men only six times. While at first this may seem

like they are agreeing on who is more vulnerable and deserves the most attention, it is important

to understand the context in which these numbers come up. The GOs focus on human trafficking

at the national level and therefore discuss the scope of the issue in that context. Nationally,

women make up the majority of victims identified by Statistics Canada (2016), therefore

40
justifying the GOs’ focus on women compared to other victims. However, at the provincial level,

ACT reports that roughly half (53.9%) the cases of trafficking are sexual exploitation and other

half (39.4%) are forced labour, with an almost even distribution of victims being male and

female. When considering this information and the fact that the NGOs still predominately focus

on women victims there seems to be disconnect between what is reported about human

trafficking in Alberta and the information the NGOs are disseminating to society.

So while it may seem like the NGOs are complying with the GOs focus on women as

victims, both of these thematic codes come up under different contexts and approaches. In

addition, the NGOs as a whole challenge the GOs’ definition of human trafficking by focusing

primarily on sexual exploitation. The lack of commonality and compliance between the GOs’

and NGOs’ definition and focus on victims, in addition to the different approaches, reinforces the

idea that there is a lack of power influence between the two groups. One would expect that

because the GOs are federal and governmental they would have the power to influence the

NGOs. However, the data indicates that either there is a lack of power being exerted or the GOs

do not care to regulate which aspects of human trafficking are being addressed. Another

discussion relevant to the understanding of the power relation between the two groups of

organizations is the types of responses they promote and endorse. While the responses share

commonalities, like the focus on victims, the NGOs again demonstrate their challenging of the

GOs through their responses.

Responses. Similar to the thematic code of women as victims, both the GOs and NGOs

seem to focus on the same type of response to human trafficking, however, through further

analysis it is insightful to see how the NGOs use the same response but alter it in a way that it

reinforces the challenging of the GOs. While the GOs address the issue from a criminal

41
approach, their most common type of response resulted in the thematic code Cooperation and

Coordination as a Response. Of the responses, cooperation and coordination came up eleven

times in comparison to other responses such as protecting victims and prevention which came up

twice. This thematic code refers to the GOs references to countries, organizations, and

individuals having to work together in order to combat human trafficking. This also suggests

bringing together different approaches, efforts and organizations to effectively address the issue

and its various components. This could include combining the criminal justice system, victim

protection services, and awareness campaigns as a way to address multiple dimensions of the

issue in order to handle trafficking as a whole. While other responses were mentioned once or

twice within a single organization, such as developing tools to help facilitate investigations in the

RCMP’s website, the response of cooperation and coordination was mentioned across all three

GOs. This thematic code was seen in quotes such as “a coordinated national approach to tackling

this crime is still required” (Public Safety Canada) and “Coordinate national awareness/training

and anti-trafficking initiatives” (RCMP).

The NGOs take on a similar approach in which they demonstrate the practical aspect of

the cooperation and coordination response that the GOs discuss. While cooperation and

coordination was not a direct thematic code within the NGOs, they did present a thematic code

which related to this response but was more specific in the way in which they enact this. As a

result, the NGOs came up with the thematic code Reference to other Non-Governmental

Organizations. The NGOs did mention other responses such as counselling and building support

systems, however, the response of referencing to other NGOs came up more commonly among

the NGOs. Reference to other NGOs came up eighteen times, and the response of cooperation

and coordination was evident in five of the six organizations, and fifteen times overall.

42
Referencing to other NGOs displays the cooperation and coordination of organizations in

attempting to combat trafficking. Although not all of the NGOs are supported by the federal

government through funding, they still demonstrate this similarity in strategies to combat the

issue. In terms of power relations, while this could be taken as the GOs demonstrating their

power over the NGOs, further analysis shows how the NGOs actually challenge the GOs through

their own interpretation of this response. Instead, what may be present is the NGOs respecting

aspects of the GOs attempts to combat trafficking as it is difficult to challenge the notion that

human trafficking requires the coordination and cooperation of multiple parties and approaches.

Rather they challenge the ways in which cooperation and coordination plays out in a practical

aspect.

The significance of NGOs referring to other NGOs as an attempt to cooperate and

coordination with other organizations is the way in which they refer to similar types of

organizations rather than ones addressing human trafficking from a different angle. Instead of

referring to organizations that engage with different discourses of human trafficking they include

references to other NGOs that include narratives of human trafficking as sexual exploitation.

This not only includes anti-trafficking organizations but ones that specifically address sexual

violence of sex work, this adding to the conflation of sexual exploitation with sex work and

developing this discourse on the issue. By cooperating and coordinating only with organizations

that are similar to theirs they build up the importance of their discourse as well as create the

impression that it is more prevalent and therefore important. In doing this, these organizations

benefit themselves and create the illusion that they are complying with the encouraged response

that the GOs discuss.

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 This is in sharp contrast to what is discussed and implied in the context of the GOs’

promotion of cooperation and coordination as a response. Cooperation and coordination in the

way in which the GOs discuss it implies that there should be an inclusion of various

organizations that address and approach human trafficking from different discourses so to

combat every aspect of the issue. This in combination with the GOs’ definition of trafficking,

which is balanced between sexual exploitation and forced labour, means that they want different

organizations, efforts, and strategies to come together as a response to human trafficking. The

NGOs on the other hand use this response but rather than including different discourses they

commonly refer to ones that approach the issue in a similar way.

While overall, there seems to be a lack of power influence from the GOs onto the NGOs,

the second power relation does not demonstrate this same challenge of powerful institutions.

Instead, the power relation between the NGOs and the public demonstrates how power is enacted

by the NGOs onto society through their ability to produce and disseminate knowledge.

Non-Governmental Organizations and Society

The relationship between the NGOs and society more directly demonstrates the power of

one institution over another. Two main themes are significant in the discussion on this power

relation, specifically in understanding how the NGOs use their power to influence and control

the public’s understanding of human trafficking. These two themes include discussions on the

thematic code Education as a response and how this intertwines and relates to the organizations’

ability to produce knowledge within society, specifically in relation to the dominant

conceptualization of what human trafficking is and entails. Together these two themes

demonstrate the power relationship between the NGOs and the public.

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 Education & Knowledge Production. One of the main ways in which the NGOs

demonstrate their power over the general public is through their ability to produce knowledge on

human trafficking. The general assumption is that these NGOs are knowledgeable and since

there is a whole organization surrounding the issue then what they are teaching the public must

be true or hold some significance. This assumption helps to understand why it may be

problematic that education is the main response of these organizations in relation to how creating

and disseminating single discourses of human trafficking results in implications for societal

understanding on the large problem. The thematic codes for this section are intertwined and all

significantly contribute to the conceptualization of power between the NGOs and the public. The

relevant thematic codes include education as a response, human trafficking as sexual exploitation

and women as victims. In addition, other thematic codes will be included throughout the

discussion due to their relevance, however, they are not significant enough to make up their own

section. Before addressing the theme of producing knowledge it is important to unpack the

thematic code of education as a response.

Education as a response as a thematic code included any action codes or sections of texts

that discuss educating both the victims and the general public, whether it be on what human

trafficking is, what it entails and how it should be addressed. Education for victims included

being informed on areas such as academic education, financial problems, and counselling or

therapy that would help victims reintegrate into society. This was seen in organizations such as

RESET which provide resources such as “Life-skill Classroom”, “Educational Scholarships”,

and “Employment Skills”. Educating the general public included gaining a better understanding

of what human trafficking looks like in the community and society at large. The key idea in

educating the general public is demonstrated in the quote “Educating Everyone: Preventing

45
sexual exploitation before it even occurs” found on CHILL’s website. By educating everyone on

human trafficking it allows individuals to understand the signs of human trafficking and how to

prevent it. This same idea is also seen in ACT which claims, “We will increase knowledge and

awareness on human trafficking.” Education as a response came up twenty-nine times across all

the organizations, and was specifically discussed in five of the organizations (all of them except

Aurora Home). This made it the most common response discussed, and a major thematic code

within the NGOs.

In relation to education, it is also important to consider how and what these organizations

are teaching as knowledge on human trafficking. In addition to providing definitions and

explanations of human trafficking, the NGOs also provide other resources for those visiting the

site. Some of these resources include referring to other organizations that work within the area of

human trafficking or related areas such as sexual violence and migration. While the thematic

code of reference to other NGOs was explained in the previous section, is it necessary to

establish the connection between this thematic code and education as a response. The

significance of this is how the single narrative of human trafficking as the sexual exploitation of

women is created, disseminated and then reinforced by other organizations as well. As a result,

these organizations not only play a substantial role in producing knowledge but also reinforcing

and reproducing it. Overall, these organizations educate the public through the content on their

own websites but this is also replicated and reinforced by other organizations. The result is that

the same discourse of human trafficking is predominantly seen across organizations. This has

several implications in regards to what exactly is being produced, reproduced and disseminated

into the public.

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 It is essential to recall that sexual exploitation is overwhelmingly mentioned over the

other types of trafficking and therefore there is a heavy emphasis on this aspect of the problem

and the prevalence of it within society. The conceptualization of trafficking that is promoted by

the NGOs is contradictory to what is seen in the literature and research on human trafficking in

Canada. The U.N., in addition to the ACT, claim that forced labour makes up almost half of the

trafficking cases within North America and Alberta respectively (UNODC, 2016, p.29; ACT,

2019). By representing human trafficking as primarily an issue of sexual exploitation, NGOs

produces the knowledge that sexual exploitation is the more common and significant aspect of

trafficking. As a result, this shapes how society believes anti-trafficking efforts should look like.

The combination of human trafficking as sexual exploitation and women as victims

makes up the dominant discourse that is disseminated through the NGOs. The implication of this

single narrative is that individuals coming to these organizations for either help or education may

believe that unless a case fits into the category of sexual exploitation of women, it would be

disregarded as a legitimate case of human trafficking. This meaning that some instances of

trafficking may be missed or ignored because they are not understood by society as an aspect of

trafficking. Furthermore, while these organizations mainly emphasize sexual exploitation they do

not go beyond the general explanation to help educate the public on what this actually involves

and the complexities within this single category. For example, the public may not understand

how an individual in the sex trade may exemplify a case of sexual exploitation as well as forced

labour. The vagueness in these definitions is seen in quotes such as “Sex trafficking is a serious

threat to women’s equality and the basic right of every woman and girl to live free of violence. It

uses threats, force, deception and the abuse of power to recruit women and girls into sexual

exploitation” (Magdalene House). While this statement addresses the fact that trafficking goes

47
against the rights of an individual, as well as some of the ways individuals end up in sexual

exploitation it does not express what sexual exploitation actually is or involves.

These vague definitions and discussions on trafficking, specifically sexual exploitation,

may lead the public to continue to conflate human trafficking with other social issues such as sex

work. Without expressing the reality of trafficking and teaching the public what sexual

exploitation actually is and how to distinguish it from other social issues, the public may accept

this over-simplified definition of trafficking as the whole problem rather than an aspect of the

problem. The consequence of this may include society believing that anti-trafficking efforts

should address the problem from a sex work approach, rather than understanding and targeting

the complexities within human trafficking.

In addition, by emphasizing women as the victims of human trafficking these

organizations are able to evoke a stronger societal reaction than if they focused on men as

victims of forced labour. However, under one of the organizations (CEASE) men are discussed

in relation to trafficking. What is questionable about this is that rather than discussing them as

victims, the section focuses on “men of honour” and discusses them as honorary people that have

made contributions to the anti-trafficking efforts. This understanding places men in the position

of saviour and women as the ones needing saving. This discourse matches common societal

assumptions about the role of men and women. However, it also erases discussions of men as

victims of all types of trafficking, and women as victims of forced labour or other types of

trafficking.

Producing knowledge in this fashion relates to the power relation between the NGOs and

the public because of the way that maintaining this singular discourse of trafficking helps NGOs

remain relevant and powerful. In combination with the thematic code of reference to other

48
NGOs, these organizations reinforce patriarchal societal assumptions that actually benefit them.

In a patriarchal society, it is more shocking and horrific to have women exploited as they are

seen as innocent and helpless. By focusing on an issue that sparks societal emotions and

disapproval these organizations are able to grab the attention of society better than if they were

discussing the exploitation of men or women in forced labour or removal of organs. In addition,

sparking such an emotional response allows these organizations to be the ones that society is

more likely to donate to. The relevance of this being that many NGOs operate off of donations

and therefore, evoking this response ensures that they receive the funding they require in order to

keep working. This is supported by another thematic code found within the NGOs, Donations as

a Response. This came up thirteen times and within three organizations (ACT, Magdalene House

and CEASE). Furthermore, by having other organizations reinforce the moral panic that is built

around human trafficking as sexual exploitation the NGOs are able to ensure that they continue

to receive donations by making the problem seem more prevalent than it actually is.

Representing trafficking as this single discourse has implications both relating to who and

what it omits and the types of efforts that may be put forth in order to combat human trafficking.

As mentioned, the definition of trafficking that these NGOs promote silences men as victims,

especially in relation to forced labour. By ignoring forced labour, it excludes discussions on men

as victims and essentially ignores a big chunk of victims, in addition it deems their exploitation

as insignificant in comparison to those that are sexual exploited. Furthermore, the definition not

only lacks attention on men as victims but also women as victims of forced labour, and other

types of trafficking. By using only the discourse of sexual exploitation of women, the NGOs

disregard these various experiences as legitimate cases of trafficking, and exclude discussions of

trafficking as a larger issue than just the sexual exploitation of women. This is not to say that it is

49
not important to address victims of sexual exploitation, however, it is also important to

understand the harm that may come out of the limited discourses of trafficking present in NGOs

in Alberta.

Another absence we see is discussions on ethnicity. From the Canadian literature on

human trafficking we know that Indigenous women and children are most vulnerable due to

socioeconomic status (Kaye, 2017, p. 28). However, besides being mentioned briefly under other

groups that are vulnerable, Indigenous victims are not discussed at length, if at all. In

comparison, Indigenous people are only discussed twice within the NGOs, this is significantly

less than the amount of times men are mentioned (six times). In addition, Indigenous people as a

vulnerable group are only discussed in two of the NGOs (and only mentioned once in each

organization), representing the lack of attention that is given to them as victims of human

trafficking. Indigenous populations have a long history of being trafficked in Canada due to

colonialism but this is not discussed by any of the organizations. While one organization, Aurora

Home, does mention factors that push some victims into trafficking such as” inter-generational

trauma” and “impacts of colonization” it does not go further to explain these and how it has

impacted Indigenous communities to make them more vulnerable. Since this is not a common or

larger discourse within the organizations it is not hard for society to move past and disregard it a

reality. By excluding Indigenous women and children it further marginalizes a vulnerable group

in society, and continues to tolerate the exploitation of this group of victims. Although it is

known that Indigenous women and children are the most vulnerable group to domestic

trafficking, these NGOs present human trafficking to be an issue of the sexual exploitation of the

“perfect victim” rather than our own Indigenous people.

50
 The implication of the single discourse and silences within it is that it creates a

contradiction between their response to educate and their lack of follow through to do so. By

using education as their main way to combat the issue it places the NGOs in the position of

teacher and society as students, this creating a power differential between the two groups. This

means that these NGOs have the power to essentially teach whatever version of human

trafficking, and the public (the students) believe this to be the truth. Those that are visiting the

sites are expected to accept the vague, single definition of trafficking that the organizations

provide to the public, and in addition, further educate themselves by referring to the other

organizations that also focus on this single discourse. By having education as a main response to

human trafficking, what these organizations are implicitly stating is that they want to educate the

public on the discourse they have created and are disseminating through their websites.

LIMITATIONS

The study revealed two significant power relations that provided substantial and

meaningful findings for the two research questions. While the results did yield answers to which

definitions are held and prioritized by the GOs and NGOs, the study did have some limitations.

The first of these limitations is the lack of provincial GOs in Alberta that address human

trafficking. While the NGOs provided the bridge between the federal GOs and the public,

another intersection between the federal GOs and provincial NGOs would have provided a more

direct transition of power, and provided more insight into how power plays a role in which

definitions are prioritized. The google search for anti-trafficking GOs at the provincial level did

come up with some results, including organizations such as Alberta Health Services. However,

this organization, similar to the other ones, did not have any resources regarding human

trafficking and therefore a lack of data to analyze. Therefore, future studies could explain why

51
there is a lack of organizations at the provincial governmental level that address and combat

human trafficking, and perhaps what role these organizations play in the discourses of human

trafficking.

Another limitation of the research project is the generalizability of the results. While

there was a diverse group of NGOs, many of them (three of the six organizations) were based out

of Calgary and therefore the results are not very representative of Alberta as whole. However,

the exhaustive list on anti-trafficking organizations that met the criteria did not bring up

organizations in other cities or towns besides Edmonton, Calgary, Red Deer, and Grande Prairie.

This could be due to the nature of human trafficking occurring mainly in large urban areas.

However, regardless of this there was a lack of anti-trafficking organizations in some of the other

large cities within Alberta such as Lloydminster and Lethbridge. Therefore, the results are only

representative of the cities in which the NGOs are based out of.

Lastly, the results are only limited to those organizations that strictly address human

trafficking and not in combination with other social issues. As part of the criteria only

organizations that solely worked on human trafficking were included. However, there are other

NGOs within Alberta that focus on human trafficking in addition to other issues such as human

rights, sexual violence and immigration. Future studies could include these when looking at

discourses and see if the same general results come up or whether other discourses are located

within these organizations. Widening the scope of organizations included could provide a fuller

and more exhaustive view on the discourses of human trafficking that are held by NGOs in

Alberta.

Regardless of these limitations the results provided significant insight into the primary

discourses of human trafficking in Alberta, and which of these definitions are prioritized. While

52
there is room for future studies to address some of the limitations mentioned, the study was

successful in answering the research questions presented in the research.

CONCLUSION

By representing human trafficking as the single discourse of the sexual exploitation of

women it prioritizes this definition and explains it as the whole issue rather than an aspect of it.

While each aspect of human trafficking is still a part of trafficking, it is important to

contextualize the parts within the whole as to not silence or ignore any forms or victims of

human trafficking. The concern with producing knowledge in this way could be detrimental if

framed or used as a vehicle for other social issues, therefore addressing those problems rather

than human trafficking. Specific to sexual exploitation, it could be used as a way to address sex

work instead of combatting trafficking. In order to effectively handle the issue society first needs

to appropriately and accurately define and prioritize the issue as a whole. This is not to

undermine human agency in deciding and challenging common representations of human

trafficking, however, it is important to understand the role powerful institutions play in

(re)producing and disseminating information into society. It would be harder for individuals to

believe that human trafficking encompasses a variety of issues if they continuously see a single

narrative being discussed and addressed by organizations in the community.

It is important to state that these findings do not suggest that individuals should stop

supporting and donating to organizations such as those analyzed in this study. Rather society

should be more critical and aware of the influence of powerful institutions in producing

knowledge within society. Supporting organizations that only address the sexual exploitation

aspect of human trafficking are still combating part of the problem and this is a start. The

53
essential part, however, includes acknowledging the silences. The responsibility of this is

twofold as it requires action from both the federal GOs and society.

Due to the NGOs having the freedom to address trafficking as they see fit, one could

argue that perhaps some more government regulation around NGOs that focus on human

trafficking may actually benefit the cause more. The lack of power influence of the GOs over the

NGOs raises the questions of whether the GOs care about how the NGOs are addressing human

trafficking, and whether the lack of a power relationship is problematic for societal

understanding of the issue. By including regulations, the government and countries in generally,

would be able to ensure that there is appropriate and representative attention given to human

trafficking as a whole. Through regulations the government can ensure that there is even

representation of all types of trafficking, and that no groups are silenced within these single

discourses. This means that organizations are still able to focus specifically on sexual

exploitation, but in addition, these organizations should be regulated to fill quotas for the other

types of trafficking that are common within Alberta such as forced labour.

In addition to increased government regulation, individuals in society should be more

critical of knowledge produced by those in positions of power. Rather than looking at one

organization and accepting the content as truth, individuals should do their part in guaranteeing

that they are using multiple sources to learn about human trafficking. The issue with looking at

multiple sources, such as the organizations analyzed, is the tendency of these organizations to

consistently refer back to each other and build up this single discourse. Due to this it is vital that

society be aware of the role power plays in the (re)production of knowledge and how this may

maintain the status quo. The challenge in this is that individuals are not aware of the information

they do not know. A way to counter that would be to utilize the questions that guided the critical

54
discourse analysis done in this study. Those questions including: What are the presumptions and

assumptions that underlie the “problem”? What are the silences? How and where has this

representation of the “problem” been produced, disseminated and defended? (Bacchi, 2009, p.7).

By using these questions as a way to critically analyze information that is disseminated

into society individuals are better able to grasp other concerns surrounding human trafficking.

Human trafficking needs to be understood as a larger societal problem which involves various

intersecting issues in order to be addressed effectively. As Jahic and Finckenauer (2005) point

out human trafficking encompasses a variety of issues, but “it is not any of these problems

alone” (p.37).

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