AlarconNI - The Roles of The Plaza
AlarconNI - The Roles of The Plaza
AlarconNI - The Roles of The Plaza
Introduction
Figure 1. Map of the Philippines. Figure 2. Map of Manila City. The black dots
indicate locations of the plazas discussed.
structures, e.g. houses, were not established due to constant community relocation.
Every village existed under the barangay system. A barangay was made up of 30
to 100 families with a village chieftain as its acknowledged leadeL' Strong fam-
ily relationships characterized every Filipino village. The close kinship led to the
establishment of the typical community layout, with the chieftain's house situated
at the center. The house was usually big enough to allow community conferences
and other events like weddings or entertaining important visitors to the village.
Adjacent to the chieftain's house was an ambiguously-shaped open area among
the dispersed houses, used mainly by the chieftain as a place to meet with the tribal
elders. On rare occasions the area was also used as a communal gathering space for
all members of the village. The plaza, with its well-defined boundaries and public
nature, therefore, was a new element in community planning. It was brought by the
Spaniards when they settled in the Philippines.
Upon arrival on Philippine soil, the Spaniards laid out new towns and cities in
accordance with the Laws of the Indies (also known as Ordenanzas de 1573)
THE ROLES OF THE PLAZA: THE PHILIPPINE EXPERIENCE 89
proclaimed on July 3, 1573, by the Spanish king Philip 11.2 This royal ordinance es-
tablished the criteria for governing Spanish colonial settlements as well as planning
cities, towns and villages in the Americas and the Philippines.
When towns and cities were laid out, each community had a native leader who
acted as intermediary between the colonizers and the Filipinos. Prior to Spanish
colonization, Filipinos practiced communal use and ownership of the land, but
after the 16th century this was replaced by the encomienda system where vast
tracts of land were given to religious orders, military men, and other people who
enjoyed privileges from their close associations with the Spaniards. 3 As a result,
encomenderos gained both economic and political powers, the consequences of
which still hound the socio-economic life of the Filipinos today.
Due to this arrangement, the plaza became a magnet to answer the religious,
political, commercial and recreational needs of the ruler as well as the people.
To begin with, the church and the convent at the plaza provided for spiritual and
religious needs. Here, various activities took place, the most popular of which were
the processions in honor of the town's patron saint and other saints the townspeople
paid homage to. A typical procession wound through the streets of the town and
finally converged into the plaza before the saint's image was brought inside the
church (Figure 4).
Besides the religious function of the plaza, the Spaniards facilitated tax collec-
tions and sustained peace and order by building the town hall near the church, both
occupying prominent locations around the plaza to remind natives of the domin-
ation of the Church and the State. 4 The town hall and the church complimented
each other effectively. The church, under the guise of its spiritual role, provided
the attraction for the populace to converge in the plaza all hours of the day and
90 N.!. ALARCON
Figure 4. The annual celebration of the feast of the "Black Nazarene" of Jesus turns Plaza Miranda
into a sea of 100,000 people. (Source: Joe Mabalot.)
within the hearing distance of the church bells (bajo de las campanas).5 Unknown
to them, the Filipinos were put under the watchful eye of the State through the
Church.
In addition to serving the ruler's interest, the merchants' stores surrounding the
plaza provided people their daily subsistence. The plaza also provided the com-
munity a recreational place where people could stroll and chat leisurely, children
could engage in games and sports activities, and lovers could pass away their time
in romantic interlude.
After the defeat of the Spaniards by the American forces in the historic battle
of Manila Bay on May 1, 1898, Governor William Howard Taft, the first Civil
Governor General of the Philippines, began reconstruction and rehabilitation work.
In 1904 he invited Daniel Burnham, one of the architects of the 1893 Chicago
World's Fair, to the Philippines to prepare a city plan of Manila and Baguio (a
THE ROLES OF THE PLAZA: THE PHILIPPINE EXPERIENCE 91
city in northern Philippines). After a few weeks of survey, Burnham submitted his
report to the Philippine Commission. The report cited the need for the plazas as
"breathing places for the people.,,6
The foremost contributions of the Americans were the improvement of educa-
tion and the introduction of a more democratic system than Spain's, with the former
as a tool for the latter. The educational system was strengthened through adding
secondary and tertiary instruction, and numerous public schools were established.
Aware of the importance of the plaza to the Filipinos, the Americans built many
schools around the plazas - which eventually became an extension of the school
premises during physical education classes, intramural sports, cultural programs,
and graduation exercises.
On the political milieu, the Filipinos made good use of the plaza for the ex-
pression of their political agenda through campaign rallies and fiery speeches?
Caucuses among aspiring candidates and their constituents also took place there.
Debates between rival parties and their leading candidates became ordinary fare
during the pre-election period (mitin de avances), a common practice long after
the Americans left the country.
The Pacific War (1942-1945) devastated many parts of the Philippines. The Philip-
pine economy was in distress and many people were displaced. People from rural
92 N.I. ALARCON
Figure 6. During Sundays throughout the year and the months of May and December, food
stalls crowd the Town Plaza of Antipolo, Rizal.
areas moved into the cities, especially into Manila, the country's premier city. As a
result, population in Manila grew drastically, leaving very few open spaces.
Despite the effects of war, Filipinos maintained the presence of the plaza. To
answer the needs of the growing population, the plaza was soon revitalized in
the 1950s as a beehive of commercial activities. To boost family income of com-
munity members, most rural plazas on certain days (such as Fridays, Saturdays,
and Sundays) were converted into flea markets where makeshift food stalls, stalls
for textiles and clothing, and items for any and all household needs were sold. One
can still observe this tradition today in the Plaza in front of the famous pilgrim
church of Antipolo, Rizal (57 kilometers east of Manila), dedicated to "Our Lady
of Peace and Good Voyage" (Figure 5). Especially during the pilgrim month of
May and the celebration of the town fiesta in December and all Sundays, the Plaza
becomes a busy commercial space (Figure 6).
Plazas in rural towns and cities, aside from their commercialization, were con-
verted into needed playgrounds for community sports tournaments like basketball,
volleyball, and sipa (a game using a ball made of rattan). In places where mu-
nicipal halls were still located around the plazas, flag ceremonies took place, as
well as local governments' cultural programs like cultural shows showcasing Phil-
ippine dances, songs, and even stage plays in the vernacular. Yearly celebration of
THE ROLES OF THE PLAZA: THE PHILIPPINE EXPERIENCE 93
Philippine independence day was also held in the plaza, featuring brass band com-
petitions, balagtasan (a poetical joust in the vernacular), and debates on national
issues.
Many traditional functions from colonial periods continued. During the Lenten
season and especially in the Holy Week, plazas in the Philippines teemed with
religious believers and zealots. Aside from the presentation of the re-enactment of
the passion of Christ (Cenaculo) , Good Fridays in the plazas showcased various
forms of self-flagellation, from the whipping of the body with split bamboo sticks
to the re-enactment of the crucifixion of Christ.
The Plaza in San Fernando, La Union (265 kilometers north of Manila)
facing St. William's Cathedral is one example of such mUlti-purpose settings still
visible today (Figures 7-9). On both sides of this huge plaza (about 3,500 square
meters) are landscaped spaces which include kiosks and benches. The Plazas in
Hocos Sur (412 kilometers north of Manila) serves as another example of such
plazas (Figure 10). The provincial capitol of Vigan stands directly opposite the
famous Vigan Cathedral. Between the two structures is the elevated Plaza Salcedo
whose ambience allows for quiet strolls and conversations. On the left side of
the cathedral is Plaza Burgos, which stands in contrast with Plaza Salcedo. It
has a mUlti-purpose stage which is used during town fiestas, and other civic and
religious activities. Scattered around the sides are bleachers, since the Plaza is also
used for the town's numerous sports activities and competitions.
Figure 7. Plan of
Town Plaza, San
Fernando, La Union.
Shaded areas used to
be part of the plaza.
'R
~
:>-
~
~
Figure 8. St. William's Cathedral, San Fernando, La Union overlooking Town Plaza. ~
THE ROLES OF THE PLAZA: THE PHILIPPINE EXPERIENCE 95
..----
Figure 9. The sports arena dominating the Town Plaza of San Fernando, La Union.
In Manila, Quiapo district is the center of commerce and religious worship in the
city. Aside from its retail business with bargain prices, the place is noted for its
two important landmarks: Quiapo Church and Plaza Miranda, the seat of cultural
and political demonstrations before the martial law era (1972-1981). The Plaza
has a total land area of 2,954 square meters and faces the Quiapo Church. Quezon
Boulevard, the main artery for the north-south routes of the metropolis, borders it
on its south-east side. On its northern and eastern sides are various stores, banks,
restaurants and Quiapo Church's parish rectory and parochial school (Figure 11).
Plaza Miranda saw the rise of prominent politicians who gave their fiery
speeches before the crowds in the plaza. The Plaza was a point of reference to
anyone who would want to settle anything from a boxing duel to political grand-
standing. It was a consensus among rabid Filipino politicians that they could only
acquit themselves fully if they could defend their causes convincingly in the Plaza.
96 N.I. ALARCON
However, the popularity of the Plaza waned and eventually died after one night in
August, 1971, when during a congressional rally of the opposition party a night-
marish event took place. While one of the candidates was delivering a speech an
unknown assailant threw hand grenades on the stage, killing and injuring not only
those on the stage but also many of his followers. Various destabilization moves
followed which led to the declaration of martial law on September 21, 1972, by
President Ferdinand Marcos.
Due to insurgency in the countryside and the secessionist movement of the
Muslims, compounded by the rising inflation caused by the 1972 worldwide oil
THE ROLES OF THE PLAZA: THE PHILIPPINE EXPERIENCE 97
crisis, the lives of the Filipinos were greatly affected in that period. Trying to
maintain peace and order during this time challenged local governments. Plazas
were avoided as places for relaxing not only because of clandestine assemblies
but especially for protest rallies. And because of continuous economic hardships,
the population in Manila swelled, causing a negative chain-reaction in the phys-
ical condition of the place. Traffic problems worsened and plazas were opened
to traversing public and private transportation. In addition, plazas were converted
into much needed parking spaces. And to provide people with additional income,
plazas were also converted into open markets to allow hawkers to sell their wares
(Figure 12).
After the August 1971 bombing, Plaza Miranda lost its distinct and continuing
purpose. An ordinary Manilefio today cannot identify its function. Officials are
afraid to touch the subject of the Plaza given its historical significance and other
factors that hamper its revitalization. Once a police station was built at the center
of the Plaza but it was later removed. Plants in huge pots (about 80 centimeters
in diameter) were placed around to make up for the lack of greenery. However,
because of poor maintenance many plants died and were never replaced. Plaza
Miranda has ceased to be a political and cultural arena since the declaration of
martial law. Because it is situated in a very strategic place in the district as well
as in the city, it has been used for various marginal purposes from time to time: a
crossroad for motorists and pedestrians, a flea market, or even a parking area.
When martial law ended in 1981, the country continued to experience socio-
economic difficulties. In 1986, the Marcos dictatorship was overthrown. Corazon
Figure 12. Hawkers and peddlers selling their wares at Plaza Miranda, Quiapo, Manila.
98 N.I.ALARCON
Aquino assumed the presidency and restored democracy, and economic recovery
also began. In 1992, Fidel V. Ramos became the President and the economic out-
look of the country brightened. During that period life improved a lot. Construction
of commercial malls, office buildings, residential buildings, golf courses and so on
took place at a feverish pitch until the country was hit by the Asian financial crisis
in 1997, which has since slowed down but never stopped construction. Ironically,
all these modem-day changes in fact impaired the existence of the plaza, due to the
following four factors.
ENCROACHMENT OF LAND
Due to the economic growth between the 1960s and the 1997 financial crisis, the
plaza is subjected to traffic and pollution which is more true in the Manila area than
in the provinces. The business establishments that surrounded the plaza during the
olden days grow, and likewise do their clientele. Since clientele growth is linked
to the availability of transportation, more street spaces are needed for transport-
ation to make business establishments accessible. As stipulated in the Philippine
Constitution, the separation of the Church and the State allows the government
to expropriate the plazas. Thus, the conversion of areas in the plaza for roads
causes the plaza to shrink and diminishes its other uses. An example of this is
Plaza Ka Hernandez in Tondo, the most densely populated district in Manila, with
a population of 589,644 (1995 census). The Plaza, originally about 2,720 square
meters in area, faces the huge Santo Nino Church (Figure 13). Due to the traffic and
n
iO
Figure 13. Plan of Plaza Ka Hernandez, Tondo, Manila. Shaded areas used
to be part of the plaza. (Source: City Development Planning Office, Manila
City Hall.)
THE ROLES OF THE PLAZA: THE PHILIPPINE EXPERIENCE 99
teeming population, portions of the Plaza were converted into streets and housing
and commercial lots, reducing the Plaza to a diminutive 480 square meters, an
island isolated from pedestrian access by the traffic surrounding it.
With the growth of business activity around the plaza, many houses around it
have been transformed into commercial buildings. Residential ambience is lost
and people are now primarily engaged in business dealings. Due to the focus now
being directed on businesses, those living around the plaza no longer find it a
pleasant place to be for a number of reasons, such as the pollution brought about
by transportation, crimes and public disorder, and high population density.
in the cheapest form of addiction: solvent sniffing. The Plaza has also become a
clothes-drying space for those living in the cramped and crowded residences. With
a population of 15,103 (1995 census), the Plaza today is neglected, with untrimmed
trees, overgrown bushes and dirty statues. But with a spate of building construction
that took place in the past two years (1997-1998) and, hopefully, with the Asian
economic crisis ending in the near future, business activity is expected to increase.
It is anticipated that the Plaza will soon be refurbished and undergo re-Iandscaping.
Filipinos' attitude towards the plaza may be linked to the people's love for status
symbols. With a change in their economic position follows a change in their social
habits. The plaza therefore is no longer a place for the affluent and the middle class,
but is frequented more by the poor in society.
The emergence of commercial malls has changed the attitude of the Filipinos
toward leisure. Although from the 1950s to the 1970s the plaza provided outdoor
relief and social interaction for the community, Filipinos today prefer to stay in-
doors - inside the malls. Today's malls are designed with a plaza-like ambience
(Figure 16): a stage dominates the center of the space, where cultural presenta-
tions and religious activities (like the saying of Holy Masses and prayer meetings)
are held. Not only do the malls provide a wide variety of stores and restaurants
for people to choose from, they also provide a place with a high-powered air-
conditioning system for people who simply want to cool themselves. Ironically,
the fact that plazas remain popular in provincial towns might be explained by the
fewer number of malls built there.
THE ROLES OF THE PLAZA: THE PHILIPPINE EXPERIENCE 101
Figure 16. A view of the Alabang Town Center, Muntinlupa City. This mall was made
to resemble a plaza, featuring a stage, a children's play area, a fountain and benches.
Lack of political will to implement government policies leads to the seeming lack
of managerial muscle to do what is best for the greater majority of the people.
Filipinos are highly politicized. Thus there is a tendency to change the direction
of development in favor of special interest groups if there is no pressure coming
either from the government or from the people themselves. Good programs from
past administrations are often not continued, to erase memories of the previous
periods. s Budgetary constraints in the city funds also cause either the downsizing
of plazas or utter disregard to their proper maintenance, and of course the smaller
a plaza is, the fewer will be the available funds to maintain it.
HISTORICAL AWARENESS
The ending of martial rule has instilled in the Filipinos a sense of national pride.
Filipinos have learned the difference between a suppressive government and a
democratic one. Inspired by the gains of the 1986 People's Power Revolution,
Filipinos have vowed to protect their newfound freedom. Monuments are built to
commemorate this new freedom, while old ones are revived to remind Filipinos of
the long history of their struggles for independence.
On June 12, 1998, when the Philippines celebrated the centennial of its inde-
pendence, many cities had spruced up for the grand celebration. Parks and plazas
had gotten a share of this revival. For example, from the 1960s to the end of 1997,
the Plaza Santa Cruz in Manila (originally 3,430 square meters in area) was used
as a major thoroughfare for public transportation and a parking lot. Today, in line
with the First Lady's national beautification project, the Plaza has been landscaped.
Though the Plaza is now reduced in size to approximately 1,200 square meters, its
new look provides a refreshing sight to a once traffic-congested space (Figure 17).
Figure 17. Plan of Plaza Sta. Cruz, Manila. Shaded areas used to be part of the
plaza. (Source: City Development Planning Office, Manila City Hall.)
THE ROLES OF THE PLAZA: THE PHILIPPINE EXPERIENCE 103
Since most plazas are found next to churches, Filipinos often relate one with the
other. Sundays are very important weekly occasions for Filipinos. Ordinary fam-
ilies, after attending Sunday mass, often spend some hours in the plaza - buying
fruits or small things for the children or eating in a nearby restaurant followed
by a short stroll around the plaza before finally going home. In some instances, a
Filipino finds solace inside the church, then continues the meditation in the plaza.
If one is burdened with a problem, both spiritual and mental satisfactions can
be found in the church and in the plaza. The plaza is such a basic ingredient in
Filipino culture and everyday life that its value is constantly being rediscovered by
succeeding generations.
One fine example is Plaza Roma (originally Plaza Real) which faces the famous
Manila Cathedral. Located within the walled city of Intramuros, the Plaza has an
area of 3,966 square meters (Figure 18). Intramuros, once an exclusive place for the
Spaniards and Spanish mestizos, has today a population of 10,384 (1995 census).
Separately managed by the Intramuros Administration, it is both a national histor-
ical site and a very popular landmark in Manila. With well-maintained landscaping
and benches, and surrounded by food vendors, it has remained up to this day a
104 N.1. ALARCON
Figure 19. Benches provided in Plaza Roma, Intramuros, Manila to allow interaction among
promenaders.
place for people to roam around leisurely, for little children to run about, and for
people to savor the refreshing surroundings (Figure 19).
To curb the current drug problem besetting the country, local governments have
come up with various programs for the youth, in particular, the sports program.
Because of the lack of available space, portions of the plaza have been converted
into courts and playgrounds. Though these spaces are not enough, they may have
somehow helped in diverting young minds from further addiction. Further, the
church that lies adjacent to the plaza provides spiritual and moral nourishment
to the youth by engaging them in various church activities, such as participating in
church choirs, other church organizations, or standing lay committees.
It is inevitable that with the growth of a city, a change in its physical character is
necessary in order to keep up with the demands of the changing times. In Manila,
the city is choked with an ever-worsening traffic problem so that plazas have to
give way either by being converted into a thoroughfare or diminished further in
size to allow public transportation to move more freely around the city.
However, these are merely "Band-Aid" solutions. The increasing urban popu-
lation due to the influx of people from the provinces hoping to escape poverty is
the main cause of the socio-economic problems now plaguing the Metro Manila.
About 7.1 % of the population in Metro Manila lives below the poverty line so
squatter communities are numerous and the law prohibits their eviction. lo The
watchful eyes of human rights movements plus the politician's ambitions to keep
impoverished families as part of their political base compound the problem of over-
population. In short, city administrators' hands are tied in implementing policies,
making it quite difficult to envision a livable metropolis until the city government
exercises its political will. But due to the Filipino culture it will take a long time
before programs and projects are realized. Meanwhile, as long as the city govern-
ments do not find it is necessary to expropriate plazas, these spaces will continue
to provide delightful sites amidst the urban asphalt jungles.
In May 1998, Filipinos elected new national leaders from President Joseph Ejer-
cito Estrada down to the city council members. There are pervasive apprehensions
concerning how the present administration's "greening" project will continue. It is
feared that even a good project may not prosper in the next administration, as the
new leader will often develop a "better" proposed project in order to remove the
vestiges of the previous administration. In the wake of these speculations, it is the
fervent hope of many that in the new millennium the government shall conform to
the current framework of the National Development Plan. In spite of the emerging
borderless international community, the cultural and historical identity of the Phil-
106 N.I. ALARCON
ippines shall remain. One of the means to achieve it is the preservation of the plaza
where people can still enjoy the unique Filipino lifestyle.
Notes
1 According to Filipino historian Onofre D. Corpuz, "each barangay carried an extended family
group, consisting of the head and his immediate family, as well as the families of his children,
his brothers and sisters and the aged folk." See his book The Philippines: The Modern Nation in
Historical Perspective (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1965).
2 See Zelia Nuttal, trans., "The Laws of the Indies," Hispanic-American Historical Review,
Vol. V, 1922. Certain provisions (Nos. 111-137) discussed the beginning of towns and cities in the
Philippines.
3 Jaime T. Infante, The Political, Economic and Labor Climate in the Philippines (Pennsylvania:
Industrial Research Unit, The Wharton School, Venice HalVCS, 1980), pp. 5-7.
4 Ibid., pp. 5-7.
5 V. Donn Hart, The Philippine Plaza Complex: A Focal Point in Cultural Change (New Haven,
CT: Yale University, Southeast Asia Studies, Cultural Report Series, 1955).
6 Daniel H. Burnham, "Proposed Improvement at Manila," in Proceedings of the Thirty-Ninth
Annual Convention of the American Institute ofArchitects (Washington DC, 1906).
7 Stanley Kamow, In Our Image: America's Empire in the Philippines (New York: Random
House, 1989).
8 Established in 1994, the Clean and Green Foundation, Inc. sponsors numerous projects to
enhance the environmental qUality. One of them is the "Adopt-A-Street" program which aims "to
nurture back to life the dying streets of Metro Manila." The plaza is an important part of a street.
9 For example, the Marcos administration built the Coconut Palace, a state guest house made of
materials mostly from coconut trees. The interesting structure started to deteriorate after the collapse
of the Marcos regime because the subsequent Aquino administration saw it as a Marcos' project and
forwent preservation.
10 Danilo A. Arao, "The Reality of Poverty," Ibon Facts and Figures, Vol. 21, Aug. 15-31, 1998,
p.8.
Norma I. Alarcon
College of Architecture & Fine Arts
University of Santo Tomas
Manila
The Philippines