Religious Ritual as a Contestation Arena:

The Experiences of Aluk Todolo Community in

Tana Toraja of South Sulawesi ©

Idaman
Faculty of Law, Haluoleo University, Kendari
Email: idam_idea@yahoo.com

Abstract. This paper explores the extent to which

Todolo Aluk community in Tana Toraja in South
Sulawesi make religious rituals, such as Rambu Solo’, as
an arena of contestation against the domination of the
official religions and cultures that existed in South
Sulawesi. The ritual of Aluk Todolo community is a
kind of Arena to maintain and show identity and
religious traditions of the ancestors. In a study
conducted in 2004 ago, researcher revealed the facts
relating to the community's efforts in Aluk Todolo by
displaying their religious ceremonies in the form of
renegotiate it with new beliefs or new religion, in this
case Christianity. Despite periodic minimization and
marginalization against followers of this belief, it acts
like Rambu Solo' and Rambu Tuka still often be a very
interesting party even though it was done by the Toraja
people who have embraced the new religion. This
seemed to give the impression that despite the new
religion, but some of the teachings of ancestral remains
held.
Adherents of Faith of the ancestors (alukta) in Tana
Toraja or Aluk Todolo community is a typikal

The article is reproduced from my thesis research for Master
©

Degree at Center For Religious and Cross-Cultural Studies, Gadjah MAda

University, that is entitled ‘Ritual, Identity, and Modernity: Redefinition of
Aluk Todolo’s Community Belief in Tana Toraja of Sulawesi’. Related to the
thesis I would like to thank to all dear colleagues and friends, Prof. Dr.
Irwan Abdullah and Dr. Pradjarta DS, respectively to both as my provisors,
Cristian Paulus ‘Awad’ Sidenden , who firstly reading and giving a brilliant
correction to my draft of tesis, Ibu Elizabeth R. Tandirerung (tante Bidan),
Rev. Andareas Kabangnga, Rev. I Y. Pangallo, Tominaa Tato’ Dena’ whose
giving me much data and information that enable me to finishing my field
work on 2004 di Makale and Rantepao.


Idaman
community that is still adamant refuse forms of
minimization and contextualization by the official
religion. Although they are less and less in quantity, but
the resistance effort is still underway. Ancestral rituals
seems to be a significant form of negotiation in order to
maintain the confidence and culture of Aluk Todolo.
Because Aluk not be separated by tradition or culture.
This is what continues to be done by Tominaa Tato
Dena' along with a number of adherents of Aluk
Todolo in Tana Toraja.

Keywords: Aluk Todolo, Contestation, Rambu Solo’,

Tominaa

Introduction
Dialectics in religious life is something that is inevitable
and often natural. In the case of religion and social change,
religion, or rather religious activities often have to deal with the
social changes that are widespread. When a religious dogma to
be maintained, he eventually had to open up to changes that is
occurred on a larger scale. The choice: remain isolated and
untouched or should join the process of social change.
As a social boundary, a religious doctrine or religious
community would have to face and undergo a process of social
change on a larger scale. Therefore, certain religious
communities at the local level can not be separated from a split
design and the fact of social life1. Based on these facts, some
religious communities became involved in a struggle or dialectic
with the so-called globalization and modernization. The second
term are social fact in which inevitable by religious
communities, and even the two terms also are often deny the
existence of religious communities at the local level.2

1Lester R. Kurtz, Gods in the Global village: the World’s Religions in

Sociological Perspective, (California: Pine Forge Press, 1995).

2see, Jonathan Friedman, Cultural Identity and Global Process. (London:

SAGE Publications, 2000). Peter F. Beyer,. “Privatization and the Public

Influence of Religion in Global Society,” dalam Mike Featherstone, Global
Culture: Nationalism, Globalization and Modernity. (London: SAGE Publication
Ltd., 1991). Irwan Abdullah, “Privatisasi Agama: Globalisasi atau
Melemahnya Referensi Budaya Lokal?,” makalah dipresentasikan pada

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 Religious Ritual as a Contestation Arena: The Experiences of
AlukTodolo Community in Tana Toraja of South Sulawesi

As the implications of this fact, the religious community

in a particular local culture experienceed a kind of minimization
and contextualization. Local communities usually leave the
culture or beliefs of their ancestors. Related with this, Suparlan
states that there are several possibilities that could occurred as
the excess of local community dynamics. First, certain local
communities trying to leave or discard their cultural traditions.
This happens because the community is looking at the
traditions that had been their practice in life more as an
attribute that is no longer profitable for identity, or the identity
of their culture especially in interacting with other ethnic or
tribal nation, and also not economically profitable, social and
political. Later they adopted elements of other cultures is seen
as the dominant culture in the structure of inter-cultural
relations in the sphere in which they live. Second, given the
specific local communities escape further from the centers of
culture contact force with the outside world and from contact
with the more advanced cultures. So that they are culturally
freed from external cultural influences are felt as a psychiatric
and mental load. And third, communal life and social solidarity
experienced disorganization (fragmentation) or even
disintegrating because the control mechanisms that exist in
their culture that is not used.3
Aluk Todolo Community in Tana Toraja in South
Sulawesi faced a number of problems in view of the identity of
their culture and beliefs. This community is confronted by a
number of social changes, the politicization of religious,
identity politics and the spreading of official religion. All these
phenomena are quite obtain diverse reaction from the Aluk
Todolo community and even by Torajan people themselves.
Therefore, following description is going to reveal the
phenomenon of social changes faced by Aluk Tolodo
Community in Tana Toraja in South Sulawesi. Alukta or
religion that is still embraced some communities in Tana Toraja

seminar tentang Kharisma Warisan Budaya Islam di Indonesia. (Yogyakarta:
Museum Benteng, 1995).
3Parsudi Suparlan, Orang Sakai di Riau: Masyarakat Terasing dalam

Masyarakat Indonesia, (Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia, 1995), p. 25.

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Idaman
experiencing dialectic or minimization process and
contextualization, both by the spread of religion and the project
of modernity. The Efforts to preserve the ancestral religious
traditions, Aluk, still done by presenting the most important
aspect of this Aluk religion such as Rambu Solo', which until
now considered as a spectacular celebration of the Torajan
people.
Ritual of Rambu Solo' and a number of other rituals seem
to be a viable option for the Aluk Todolo community to open
the arena of contestation or resistance to modernization
efforts, minimization and contextualization, the politicization
of religious identity and the politicization of religious
dissemination especially in order to maintain the authenticity of
belief and their existence in this country.

History of Faith of Aluk Todolo

The Origin of Toraja People
Each specific ethnic beliefs has a set of comprehensive
and complex history and teachings. Even so, a set of teachings
and history of a particular ethnic beliefs come from many oral
stories, manuscripts or manuscript, Chronicle, and
archaeological sites. Construction memory of the past is then
modified in such a way by some people, for example by
traditional and religious leaders are then used as guidelines for
the implementation of any religious rites, and even as a source
of moral values. In the Indonesian context, the construction of
the past has been widely explored to support the fact that there
is a system of beliefs and public construction in the past.4

4for
example, see, Suratikno Rahardjo, Peradaban Jawa: Dinamika
Pranata Politik, Agama, dan Ekonomi Jawa Kuno. (Jakarta: komunitas Bambu,
2002). Abdurrauf Tarimana, Kebudayaan Tolaki (Jakarta: Balai Pustaka, 1993),
Facruddin Ambo Enre, Ritumpanna Welenrengnge: Sebuah Episoda Sastra Bugis
Klasik Galigo. (Jakart: Yayasan Obor Indonesia dan Ecole Francaise
d’Extreme-Orient-Fakultas Sastra UI, 1993). Mr. Andi Zainal Abidin, Capita
Selecta Kebudayaan Sulawesi Selatan (Makassar: Hasanuddin University Press.
1999. Ibídem, Capita Selecta Sejarah Sulawesi Selatan.( Makassar: Hasanuddin
University Press. 1999) and Mattulada, Latoa: Satu Lukisan Analisis
Antropologi Politik Orang Bugis. (UjungPandang: Hasanuddin University Press,
1995).

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 Religious Ritual as a Contestation Arena: The Experiences of
AlukTodolo Community in Tana Toraja of South Sulawesi

At first, the naming of Toraja arises because the

population in this area is in highlands.5 Sandra6 noted that
hundreds of years ago, no one could predict or imagine that
one day an ethnic group that is now called Toraja (Toraja
Sa'dan) comes from the mountains of Central and South
Sulawesi. This then makes the Toraja has the advantage because
the area is surrounded by mountain ranges, as well as people
usually rely on agriculture and plantation.
There are various interpretations or perceptions about
human origins of Toraja.7 That said, the Toraja ancestors are
human who came from Nirvana. The myth8 remains a legend

5the term of Toraja or Tau = the people of Raya = originated from

the word of Maraya (big, huge), or to Riaja, to Riajang, was given by

Sidendreng and Luwu (Bugis) people to the people whose lived in the
mountain, or the big people, noble. Over time its appellation becomes
Toraja, where the word of Tana means country. Currently the appellation
becomes Tana Toraja. (Amir Achsin, Toraja Tongkonan and Funeral Ceremony,
South Sulawesi Indonesia, Ujung Pandang: Ananda Graphia Press, 1991), p. 13,
Stanislaus Sandarupa, Life and Death of The Toraja People: An Introduction of
Toraja Culture and A Guide to Places of Interest. (UjungPandang: Tiga Taurus,
1984).
6 Jaida N’ha Sandra,.“From You Toradja to We Toraya”: Ethnicity in

the Making” Journal of South Asian Studies Association Vol.2 No.1, 1998.
Hawaii.
7the Term of manusia Toraja (Torajan People), that I used here,
incline to follow of Andareas Kabangnga’s term in his Manusia mati seutuhnya:
Suatu kajian Antropologi Kristen, and Th. Kobong in, Manusia Toraja. My
assumption, far before certain researchers usually used this term, that is
mean the people whose lived in the mountain, or in the country of tondo
lepongan bulan tana matarik allo. On Torajan People, Husni Jamaluddin, a poet
from South Sulawesi, write a poem: di uratku mengalir deras sungai sa’dang/
tulang igaku tanduk-tanduk kerbau belang/nafasku angin pegunungan angin lembut di
rumput ilalang/langit bapaku bumi ibuku/toraja namaku/benihku tumbuh di batu
tumbuh di tanah/benihku padi di ladang padi di sawah/benihku julang di gunung
tabah di lembah/benihku pohon-pohon kopi belukar damar hutan-hutan
cemara/namaku toraja/benihku tak hangus di api tak benam di air/benihku tak luka
dibadik tak koyak ditombak/benihku tak tebas dipedang tak tembus dipanah/benihku
langit kakeknya bumi neneknya/namaku toraja.
8The myth here is intended as a story, a fairy tale, statements, and

even a historical epics of the past. Usually myths describe the problem
divinity, nature or cosmology and cosmogony, revelation or sacred tradition.
Myth is also closely related to the issue of God, ritual, and time see. William
E Paden, “Religion as Subject Matter”, dalam Religious Worlds: The

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Idaman
among the people in this area tells that the ancestors of the
Torajan people of the first use the "stairs of sky" to get down
to the bottom, which then serves as a medium of
communication with Puang Matoa.9
C. Cruyt, an anthropologist, even said that the people of
Tana Toraja is the result of acculturation among locals/natives
who inhabited South Sulawesi mainland with immigrants who
in fact was an immigrant from the bay Tongkin (mainland of
China). The process of acculturation between the two societies
originated from the anchored of immigrants of Indo China
with considerable numbers around the upstream expected

Comparative Study of Religion. (USA: Beacon Press, 1995), p. 70. Malinowski
(1948:100) even reveals that myth is:
“Not merely a story told, but a reality lived. It is not of the nature of fiction, such
as we read today in novels, but it is a living reality, believed to have once happened in
primeval times, and con tinuing ever since to influence the world and human
destinies……….”
9Generally people of South Sulawesi believe that their ancestors are

to-Manurung. This term has two meanings: (1) those who have fallen
(Manurung) from the sky, (2) those who shine (ma-nur-ung; from the word
of “nur”, by means light). See Nurlina Syahrir under footnote, Nurlina
Syahrir, “Sere Bissu” sebuah Ritual Adat Masyarakat Segeri Mandalle, Sulsel
(Fungsinya dulu dan Sekarang), Unpublished Tesis Universitas Gadjah
Mada, 1991), p. 21. The Myth Tomanurung has to be related to the power
structure of the kings in Gowa-Tallo, in particular and in South Sulawesi in
general. See Edward L. Poelinggomang, Perubahan Politik dan Hubungan
Kekuasaan: Makassar 1906-1942. (Yogyakarta: Ombak, 2004), Abdurrazak
Daeng Patunru, Sedjarah Gowa. (Makassar: Yayasan Kebudayaan Sulawesi
Selatan dan Tenggara ,1983), p. 1. Mukhlis Paeni dkk. Batara Gowa:
Messianisme dalam Gerakan Sosial di Makassar (Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada
university Press, 2003), p. 61-70. Leonard Y. Andaya, The Heritage of Arung
Palakka: A History of South Sulawesi (Celebes) in the Seventeenth Century
diterjemahkan ke dalam bahasa Indonesia oleh Nurhadi Sirimorok dengan
judul Warisan Arung Palakka: Sejarah Sulawesi Selatan Abad ke-17. (Makassar:
Inninawa, 2004), pp. 17,20,25,30,40,378. the myth itself then widely dilated
almost to all the Sulawesi highlands, or the island of Sulawesi. See Also
Susanto Zuhdi, “Sawerigading dan Haluoleo di Sulawesi Tenggara (Ingatan
Masa Lampau dan Tafsir Masa Kini)” dalam Nurhayati Rahman dkk (ed.),
La Galigo: Menelusuri Jejak Warisan Sastra Dunia. (Makassar: Pusat Kegiatan
Penelitian Universitas Hasanuddin, 2003), Nani Tuloli,. “La Galigo Versi
Lisan Gorontalo” dalam Nurhayati Rahman dkk (ed.), La Galigo: Menelusuri
Jejak Warisan sastra Dunia. (Makassar: Pusat Kegiatan Penelitian Universitas
Hasanuddin, 2003).

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located in the area of Enrekang, then they build new

settlements.10

The spreading of the teachings and Aluk Todolo community

The development and deployment of Aluk Todolo
occurs in several stages, namely: Tipamulanna Aluk Ditampa Dao
Langi' or the beginning of the Aluk creation in the sky,
Mendemme' di Kapadanganna or the Aluk lowered to the earth by
Puang Buru Langi 'Dirura. Several important figures in the
spread of Aluk Todolo, among other things: Tomanurun Tambora
Langi' is the carrier of Aluk Sabda Saratu' that binds the
believers in limited areas of Tallu Lembangna region. In addition
there Sanda Aluk Pitunna distributed by three figures, namely:
Pongkapadang with Burake Tattiu 'towards the western part of
the Tana Toraja to Bonggakaradeng, some Saluputti, Simbuang
until the Pitu Ulunna Salu Karua Ba'bana Minanga, with the social
institution called in the Toraja language "To unnirui" suke pa'pa,
to ungkandei Kandian Saratu", the social institution that knows no
strata. Then Pasontik with Burake Tambolang towards areas of
east of Tana Toraja, that are the area of Pitung Pananaian,
Rantebua, Tangdu, Ranteballa, Ta'bi, Tabang, Luwu Maindo to
the south and north with the social institution called "To
Unnirui 'suku Dibonga, to Unkandei Kandean Pindan", the social
institutions that make up the livelihood of people in three
social strata. Tangdilino with Burake Tangngana to the central
part of Tana Toraja with the social order "To Unnirui 'suku
Dibonga, to Unkandei Kandean Pindan".11

10Cruyt
(www.toraja.go.id,) might be right, if related to the system of
belief that is adhered by Aluk Todolo Community, especially the funeral
corpse by placing a coffin in the hole stone, it is similar to the old belief of
Chinese society. Cruyt analysis also seems to be appropriate if associated
with the process of large-scale immigration the population of Indochina to
the archipelago. Similarly, the majority of indonesian people coming from
Indochina and Austronesian race. Further descriptions of the process of
meeting or human origin of Indonesia and several ethnic groups in
Indonesia, including in South Sulawesi (Toraja), see Koentjaraningrat,
“pendahuluan” dalam Koentjaraningrat (ed.), Manusia dan Kebudayaan di
Indonesia (Jakarta: Djambatan, 2002), p.1-34.
11www.toraja.go.id; J. M. Van Lijf, “Kentrekken en Problemen van

de geschledenis der Sa’dan- Toradja-landen” dalam Indonezie: Tweemaandelijks

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Idaman
The history of development of teaching and Aluk Todolo
community as the description, showing an acculturation with
residents who had settled earlier. Teachings brought by several
people then spread to all corners of Tana Toraja, to Luwu, and
even to Central Sulawesi. The term of Toraja Sa'dan not only in
the areas traversed by the Tana Toraja Sa'dan. But the term also
was later developed further, that is the area affected and the
followers of faith of Aluk Todolo, (Nooy-Palm, 1987). In fact,
Cornelius Salombe,12 in his research suggests that the term also
includes the Toraja of Central Sulawesi; Tojo-Poso region
(Eastern Toraja) who speak Torajanese. Presumably Salombe
when making the classification based on language or dialect of
Toraja followed the classification of Van der Veen, one who
compile dictionaries of Tae '; Zuid-Toradjasch.13 Some have
argued that the presence of the kings of Gowa got a significant
influence of a figure of Tana Toraja, Lakipadada. This figure
was coming into the kingdom of Gowa with karaeng Bayo, the
most important figure behind the emergence of the kings of
Gowa in the future. Sword of Lakipadada, Sudanga, became a
most important ornament in the transformation of power from
one king to another king in this kingdom.14
The country of Tondok Lepongan Bulan Tana Matarik Allok.
15
Another name for Tana Toraja is very appropriate to describe

Tijdschrift Gewidj aan Het Indonesisch Cultuurgebied (Leiden: N.V. Uitgeverij W.
Van Hoeve, 1947-1948), p.520-521; Hetty Nooy-Palm, “Toraja Religion”,
dalam Mircea Eliade (ed.), The Encyclopedia of Religion, Vol.14, (New York:
Macmillan Publishing Company, 1987), p. 565-567.
12Cornelius Salombe, Bahasa Toraja Saqdan: Proses Morfemis Kata Kerja.

(Jakarta: Djambatan, 1978), p. 1.

13Check, Van Der Veen, The Merok Feast of The Sa’dan Toradja.

(Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, KITLV, 1965), p. 1. Ibidem, The Sa’dan Toradja

Chant for the Deceased. (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, KITLV, 1966), p. 1
14see, Paeni et al, Batara Gowa…..p. 30
15 this term means ‘negeri yang bulat seperti bulan dan matahari’

(Rounded Country like as moon and sun) (Sandarupa, of. Cit., p5, Achsin, of.
Cit. p. 20, Veen, log. cit). Pdt. J. B. Lebang (Lebang, 2003:35-63), describes
this country in the kind of londe (traditional rhymes of Torajan people; pantun
tradisional masyarakat Toraja); Tondokta Tondok Toraya Lili’ Matari Allo
toposikona takurrean sumanga’/ Tondokta tondok Toraya gente’ Lepongan Bulan
Nabengan Puang takurrean sumanga’/ Misa’ri Lepongan bulan lebu’na sang Torayan
tang la sisurik tang la ma’dua ba’teng/Tondok ballo tu tondokta tondok sundun garaga

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the geography or natural conditions of Tana Toraja. The area is

precisely located in the mountain chain. Areas with status
regencies in South Sulawesi region, ranging from the miles. 280
s / d km. 355 north of the provincial capital of South Sulawesi
(Makassar). Precisely at 2-3 LS and BT 199-120, with an area of
3205.77 km2 or about 5% of the area of South Sulawesi
province. 16
Tana Toraja district bordering Mamuju and Luwu in the
north, east to the Luwu district, south of the district of Pinrang
and Enrekang, west of the Polewali Mamasa. Long ago,
precisely in 1926, Tana Toraja region is included as part of the
onder Afdeeling Makale-Rantepao under Self-bestur Luwu. After
Indonesia's independence, is separated into a stand-alone
swaradja based Besluit Lanschap No. 105 dated October 8,
1946. Tana Toraja in 1957 officially changed to Tana Toraja
Regency dati II by Emergency Law No. 3 of 1957, and by Act
No. 22 of 1999 turned into Tana Toraja.17
Some changes in legislation concerning local government,
Tana Toraja has more beneficial both economically and
politically. At the economic level, for example, geographical
conditions of Tana Toraja is quite rich in natural resources
enables the Torajan people to determine their own destiny, or
even manage their own natural results. Fertile agricultural land
provides a great opportunity for the people of Toraja to
develop agriculture and plantations. Currently plantation sector,
coffee become of one of the economic base in Tana Toraja,
besides rice paddies, fields, and so on.
While politically, regulatory changes crustaceans which
suggests separation of Tana Toraja from Onder Ofdeeling Makale-

tondok dianga’ tondok dikasinnai…….an so on. Londe-londe that is usually called
Londe Tende’na Lepongan Bulan amounts of 140 pieaces. More information on
the country of tondok lepongan bulan. check also, Todd. T Ames, “Changes in
Wage labor, Small Bussines and Local Industries in Tana Toraja: A Rural
Community’s Responses to economic and Social Change,” Journal Antropologi
Indonesia 69., 2002.
16Abdul Aziz Said, Simbolisme Unsur Visual Rumah Tradisional Toraja

dan Perubahan Aplikasinya Pada Desain Modern. (Yogyakarta: Ombak, 2004), p.

7.
17www.toraja.go.id,.Van Lijf, of. Cit., p. 519.

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Idaman
Rantepao under Self Bestur Luwu, then became a separate
district provides the opportunities for the sons of Tana Toraja
region to control its territory. Regional autonomy is actually
quite beneficial for the region.18
The geographical condition is rather difficult for people
to get to Tana Toraja. the Trip must be taken with the vehicle
for approximately 8 hours from the city of Makassar. Currently,
local authorities working with the Lion Air company has
opened direct flights from Makassar (Hasanuddin International
Airport) to Makale, and of course with a relatively short time.
Presumably the opening track commercial flights to this area
also consider the interests of tourism development. Therefore,
for local and foreign tourists, the provision of these services
will further facilitate their travel. With an area of 5% of the area
of the province of South Sulawesi, Tana Toraja is divided into
15 districts (East and West Toraja), 116 lembang19 and a chief
headman. 15 districts are: Rantepao, Makale, Sa'dan Balusu,
Sesean, Rinding Allo, Tondon Nanggala, Sanggalangi, Sangalla,
Buntao Rantebua, Mengkendek, Saluputti, Bittuang, Rantetayo,

Implementation of regional autonomy after the New Order regime
18

allows the formation of several areas in South Sulawesi. Most of the area
tried to secede from South Sulawesi province and establish a new province.
Morrell (2002) illustrates that West Sulawesi (Polewali Mamasa [CBP],
Majene and Mamuju) and Luwu Kingdom is a proposal to establish a new
province very seriously. Both of these areas is an area that has an area of
approximately 55 percent of all South Sulawesi. With some reason, Tana
Toraja which was originally projected to enter into the Kingdom Luwu
province eventually removed from the unit. It seems that the reasons of
history and geography become key assumptions why Tana Toraja eventually
eliminated from the force.
19 Lembang is a village. Head of village or lembang was appointed

democratically, in a sense based on the deliberations. Usually the head of

lembang determined by council or called Ada' or to Ada. Historically, the head
of Lembang was appointed as a political unity between villages in Tana Toraja
in order to resist colonization of Bugis kingdom, especially the Bone
kingdom under Arung Palakka. At one point, seven heads of Lembang not
willing to support, to help the political unity to restrain the rate of
colonization of the kingdom of Bone, beheaded them, and according to one
informant, the seventh head of the Lembang who beheaded still there in his
grandfather's house. (Christian Paulus Sidenden, interview, September 9,
2004; cf, Achsin, of. Cit., p. 18.

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Bonggakaradeng and Simbuang. Toraja population, according

to local statistics, numbering approximately 450. 000
inhabitants. While that is being migrated and working outside
of Tana Toraja region totaled 650. 000 inhabitants.
Structure and social stratification in Toraja society usually
based on lineage, wealth, age and occupation.20 Previously,
especially in the pre-colonial era, there are three social strata in
the Toraja people, aristocrats (Puang or parengnge), the common
man/layman (to buda, to sama), and slaves (kaunan). The Status
itself is determined by birth, even though one is financially
successful or even fail a few people allowed to break through
the social barriers.21 This is of course different from the system
and social structure of modern society. Culturally, traditional
Toraja society is divided into 4 classes,22 namely:
To Kapua. To means a person, and Kapua means higher
grade. They were in the grade to the landlord class and the
traditional authority above classes is lower. Based on the
location of residence, class to Kapua has a number of names,
among them to Kapua who live in the southern part of Tana
Toraja called Puang. 23 their place is called Tallu Lembangna.24

20Kathleen M. Adams, “Ethnic Tourism and the Renegotiation of

Tradition in Tana Toraja (Sulawesi, Indonesia),” Ethnology Vol. 36 No. 4, fall

1997, p. 266
21Kathleen M. Adams, “Constructing and Contesting Chiefly

Authority in Contemporary Tana Toraja, Indonesia,” Geoffrey M. White

dan Lamont Lindstrom (ed.), Chiefly Today: Traditional Pacific Leadership and the
Postcolonial State (California: Stanford University Press, 1997), p. 166
22Achsin, of. Cit., p.16-18, Veen, log. Cit , Sandarupa, of. Cit., p. 8.
23the appellation of puang usually refers to the certain class, such as

from a nobility class. Puang also usually refers to the Goddes and God
(Veen, of. Cit., p. 3). Unlike the case with the mention of Puang in Bissu
communities of Cerekang. Puang in this community refer to the figures or
leaders of the community, and not just used to other people, even if the
person is coming from the nobility. See Syahrir, log. Cit. Gilbert Albert
Hamonic, “Kepercayaan dan Upacara dari Budaya Bugis Kuno: Pujaan
pendeta Bissu dalam Mitos La Galigo” dalam Nurhayati Rahman dkk (ed.),
La Galigo: Menelusuri Jejak Warisan sastra Dunia. (Makassar: Pusat Kegiatan
Penelitian Universitas Hasanuddin. 2003). Sharyn Graham, ”Bissu in La
Galigo” dalam Nurhayati Rahman dkk (ed.), La Galigo: Menelusuri Jejak
Warisan sastra Dunia. (Makassar: Pusat Kegiatan Penelitian Universitas
Hasanuddin, 2003). Halilintar Latief, “Bissu: Imam yang Menghibur” dalam

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Then the people who live in the western part of Tana Toraja
called Ma'dika (knights), and living in the north, around
Rantepao called Siambe (father) for men and Sindo (mother) for
women. Society mentioned above also called Tana Bulaan, the
highest caste. They are formed from the elements of gold. 25
To makaka. Means older brother. They are middle-class
of social strata among Torajan people. In general, they were
free farmers who own land, to a lesser extent than to Kapua.
Sometimes they are called Tana 'Bassi, harsh caste or middle
class. To Makaka are formed from the element iron.
To Buda. They are the general public, and usually
workers and sharecroppers. Group classes are also called tana
karurung, caste-free peasant. This class is made up of elements
of clay.
To Kaunan. Slave class. The last class is disadvantaged
castes (tana kua'-kua') and do not have anything other than bone
and muscle. They are really poor people, hardworking. Toraja
people looked at this class formed from elements of sand or
soil
Until now, the social system that developed in Tana
Toraja is still valid. For example, the Toraja people in particular,
and the village in general, the system of slavery emerged as a

Nurhayati Rahman dkk (ed.), La Galigo: Menelusuri Jejak Warisan sastra Dunia.
(Makassar: Pusat Kegiatan Penelitian Universitas Hasanuddin, 2003). But
now the mention of Puang in South Sulawesi is generally aimed at people
who are respected or older, or a Muslim who has been performed a Haji,
for example by calling Puang Haji.
24Tallu Lembangna is a fellowship of three regions namely Makale,

Sangalla and Mengkendek. The fellowship has more authority in comparison

with other areas in Tana Toraja. In the war against the rulers of Bugis Bone,
Arung Palakka, this alliance may play a political role to curb the invasion of
joint armies Bone-Dutch. See, Andaya, The Heritage……log. Cit.. The
incident, when people of Toraja reject colonization of Bugis, called 'Untulak
Buntunna Bone' (Sandarupa, of. Cit., p.9. The fellowship then perform ritual
by slaughtering a pig tailless, 'bai Pokke', followed by the pledge before the
meat was divided into those present: .... anyone who refused to enter the
agreement will be stabbed by this Pig hairs. You people of Karunaga, from
this day forward you will be killed with a spear (pobongsorang doke) by all
groups in Tana Toraja ... (Andaya, the Heritage......p. 326-327.
25Size of nobility or class in Toraja society or individual is usually

measured with 24 carat gold (Elizabeth R.T. Interview, April 8,2004).

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consequence of the division of social classes. The system is

often rooted in slavery, if not certified by, indigenous
(Customary Law) prevailing in society.26 Although the system of
slavery has long been abolished, if not prohibited, in this
country, some aristocrats still implement such a system, even in
a reasonable level and not as tight as before. 27
Research done by Eric Crystal, Volkman, and Nooy-Palm
concluded that the social system that developed in Tana Toraja
also influence the type of leadership and traditional authority in
this area. Even until now the traditional authority is trying to
maintain a variety of ways. For example, with the affiliation to a
certain social organization, reasserted traditional functions, and
even refunded the functions of Lembang as before.28

Rambu Solo’ as the center of life

Each specific ethnic belief has a set of history and
teachings, though its part derived from oral stories. Everything
can be acquired and obtained through several ways, such as
through texts or manuscripts, stories, fairy tales, as well as
archaeological sites as the symbol or evidence of the existence
of an ethnic religion. 15 A set of memories of the past are

26W. F. Wertheim, “Indonesian Society in Transition: the Changing

Status System” dalam Andre Beteille (ed.), Social Inequality: Selected Readings
England-New York: Penguin Books, 1974), p. 194,
27 in the age of slavery, the slaves usually be marketed from one ruler

to others, or one clan to others. In the reign of the kingdom of Gowa-Tallo

and Bone, slaves were bought and sold the majority from Tana Toraja.
Further descriptions of the system of slavery and the slave trade network in
Tana Toraja, see Andaya, The Heritage ......log. cit, Anthony Reid, Sejarah
Modern Awal Asia Tenggara. Jakarta: LP3ES , 2004. Christian Pelras , The
Bugis. Blackwell Publishers, 1984), and Sandarupa, log. cit.
28Volkman, Toby Alice.. “Mortuary Tourism in Tana Toraja,” dalam

Rita Smith Kipp dan Susan Rodgers (ed.), Indonesian Religions In Transition.
Tueson: The University of Arizona Press, 1987; Hetty Nooy-Palm, The
Sa’dan Toraja: A Study of Their Social Life And Religion jilid II Rituals of The East
and West, Leiden: Verhandelingen Van Het Koninklijk Institute Voor Taal-
Land en Volkenkunde, 1986.
15Depth studies have been conducted by several experts associated

with the existence of religious and ethnic cultures only through tales,
manuscripts, archaeological sites. Some of them are Supratikno Rahardjo,

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constructed in such a way by certain people, such as religious
and traditional leaders then be used to guide the
implementation of any religious rites, to the present.
Likewise with Aluk Todolo community. From every
decade of the stories passed from mouth to mouth by
indigenous leaders became a construct of a guided teaching.
The absence manuscript or book later complicate the historians
to reconstructing the teachings and doctrines of Aluk Todolo.
So far, only relying on the speech of a religious leader. 29
Aluk Todolo community as a form of ethnic religions
have various kinds of religious rituals. Tominaa Tato 'Dena
reveals
“Di komunitas kami terdapat banyak ritual keagamaan.
Semenjak anak lahir, bahkan sebelum lahir sudah ada ada
upacara dan berlanjut sampai seseorang itu meninggal (to mate)
dan di bawa ke Liang “( In our community there are
many religious rituals. Since the child was born, even
before birth, there was ceremony and continues until
someone is dead (to mate) and taken to Liang).30
Religious ceremonies are carried out as a form of
homage to the spirits of ancestors (nene '), or even a tribute to
the supreme god (Puang Matoa).31 The belief of the Torajan is

log. Cit. Abdurrauf Tarimana, Loc. Cit , Fachruddin Ambo Enre, loc. Cit, Mr.
A. Zainal Abidin loc. Cit, Mattulada loc. Cit , and so on.
29Kabangnga (Interview, April 10, 2004) said that when he was doing

research for his dissertation on STT Jakarta, he absorbs the teachings of

Aluk Todolo from the source, or from one of the leaders of Aluk Todolo
itself, when it was still held by Ne 'Dena. Written sources concerning the
teaching of Aluk Todolo until now nothing and just rely on the story of
every leader. This expression is confirmed by Tato 'Dena (interview, 5 April
2004) that during the community of Aluk Todolo rested overall the teachings
of the leader Aluk. "From the first since Puang Matoa brings this teaching, there are
no books or manuscripts, such as Christianity or Islam. The teachings were just delivered
by the leader (to minaa). I just received Aluk Todolo teachings from the previous leader. "
30(interview, April 4, 2004)
31 Hetty Nooy-Palm in his studies and became a masterpiece The

Sa'dan Toraja: A Study of Their Social Life and Religion revealed a number of
religious rituals which performed by Aluk Todolo people in the West and
East of Toraja. Nooy-palm carefully elaborates ritual practices in Tana
Toraja, from birth, fertility, boarding houses tongkonan, until the problem of
death. Cf, Douglas Hollan,. “Cultural and Experiental Aspects of Spirit

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always associated with ritual or practice religious rituals. This

means belief in spirit then manifested in some religious rituals.
In Toraja society, or in the Aluk Todolo community in
particular, known doctrine called Aluk Pitung Sa'bu Pitu’ Ratu’
Pitung Pulo Pitu (7777). Beliefs or 7777 way of live was
introduced by Pong Sulo' Ara di Marinding village, a village in
the northern part of Toraja.32 This doctrine came to be called
Sanda Pitunna. Sanda means overall, pitunna means seven. But
until now this doctrine generally known as Aluk Todolo.
Achsin 33 revealed that the number of the first seven life
principles presented Aluk Todolo. The principle of the lives of
Toraja, then divided into two parts. The first part consists of
the principles relating to worship (worship) vertically. Worship
was conducted on Puang Matoa, deata, and Todolo. As for the
second principle consists of four principles relating to human
or social interaction in the form of horizontal relationships.
Rambu Solo’ Ceremony was held as a consequence of the
recognition of the existence of spirits. Aluk Todolo
Community believe that everything, ie humans, animals, and all
life, has a spirit or soul. This ancestral soul affect family life that
still exists on earth. Therefore, they seek to maintain harmony
with ancestral spirits by conducting sacred ceremonies.
Offerings subsequently accepted by the ancestral spirits, and
this confirms that the spirit would be able to survive in the wild
there. Spirit, tomembali Puang, a personal god, therefore, will
keep and bless worshipers. Spirit that has received the offerings
will be tomembali Puang.34
Funeral ceremonies held by the Todolo Aluk community
quite varied according to the level, social status and welfare of
the dead. Top class funerals are usually held with luxury. They
sacrificed hundreds of buffalo. Buffaloes are sacrificed buffalo
normally preferred.

Beliefs Among the Toraja,” in Jeannette Marie Mageo dan Alan Howard
(ed.), Spirits in Culture, History, and Mind, (New York dan London: Routledge,
1996)
32Amir Achsin, 1991. Toraja Tongkonan and Funeral Ceremony, South

Sulawesi Indonesia, Ujung Pandang: Ananda Graphia Press, 1991), p. 29

33ibid., p. 30-31.
34ibid., p. 41-42 .

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Rambu Solo' has multiple functions (Achsin 1991: 44),
among others:
a) Prepare the spirit in the next life.
a) As an indication of social status.
b) Basis for inheritance.
c) As an opportunity to repay the gifts received from
others throughout his life.
The relation of God, humans and spirits are usually
found on any system a certain ethnic or religious belief.35 Often
the teachings and doctrines of each religion is a manifestation
of local relations is. In the context of local religion in
Indonesia, Javanese religion 36 is a local religious typikal
emphasize and apply the principles of relational. In fact it is
seen as a relational concept of manunggaling kawulo gusti, or
peak perfection of life.
Relational concept, which is based or which are remnants
of this megalithic tradition rests on the belief that there are
certain rules that can handle everything yan exist in nature.
Irwan Abdullah and Azyumardi Azra37 revealed that supra-
cosmic rule is stable, harmonious and eternal. Cultural
traditions and socio-cultural system is the product of local
communities in the created order by dividing several things,
objects, animals, humans, spirits and properties into four
cardinal directions. The division performed to predict the order
and safety of life. Therefore, they do a variety of ways to
maintain cosmic order, as recounted myths, practice content
myths, with traditional ceremonies, presenting natural
procedures with dancing, set procedures for planting and
harvesting, sacrifice and do for safety, as well as running the
transition ceremony (life-cycle).

35check, Djam’annuri. 2003. Studi Agama-Agama: Sejarah dan

Pemikiran. Yogyajarta: Pustaka Rihlah.

36 Clifford Geertz, the Interpretation of Cultures: selected essays (USA:

Basic Books, 1973. Andrew Beatty, 1999. Varieties of Javanese Religion: An

Anthropological Account. (London: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
37 Irwan Abdullah and Azyumardi Azra, “Islam dan Akomodasi

Kultural” dalam Taufik Abdullah dkk (ed.), Ensiklopedi Tematis Dunia Islam.
No.5. Jakarta: PT. Ichtiar Baru Van Hoeve, 2002), p. 30.

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Life balance principle espoused by certain tribal religion

become a benchmark in assessing the extent of religious
teachings or doctrines practiced in everyday life. In Tana
Toraja, Aluk Todolo community adheres to the principle
balance, which is based on the principle of the relation of God,
man and spirit, which is then implemented into religious rituals,
such as the rituals of death, birth, marriage, harvest, fertility,
new home, etc.38
Religious rituals on a particular ethnic has several
functions, both at the individual and the group or society.
Fiona Bowie revealed that these rituals can deliver and express
emotion, to guide and strengthen the forms of behavior,
encourage or even subvert the status quo, to bring change, or
improve harmonious relations and balance. Certain rituals also
has a set of rules which is essential for healing. It is used to
maintain the life and fertility of nature, and ensure the
sustainability of good relationship with the supernatural, spirits,
ancestors, gods, or other supernatural forces.39
In Aluk Todolo community, religious rituals are
performed at certain times has a number of significant
functions, such as the media of social communication among
the ancestors of the belief, as well as communication with the
public culture of Toraja others. In addition, religious rituals
assessed will further strengthen ties between the socio-ethnic
unity in the region. Religious ceremonies in the Aluk Todolo
community performed as a form of homage to the spirits of
ancestors (nene ') or even a tribute to the supreme god, Puang
matoa and tomembali Puang.40
Overall the life of Aluk Todolo community centered to
the religious rituals, especially the ritual of death (Rambu Solo').

Check Nooy-Palm, “ Toraja Religion”….Log. cit.
38
39Fiona
Bowie, The Anthropology of Religion: An Introduction. UK-USA:
Blackwell Publisher, 2000. see also, S. J. Tambiah, “form and Meaning of
Magical Acts”, dalam Michael Almbek, Anthropology of Religion, Oxford:
Blackwell, 2002). Talal Asad, 1993. Genealogies of Religion: Discipline And
Reasons of Power in Christianity and Islam. Abltimore And London: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1993.
40cf. Nooy-Palm, Toraja Religion…loc. cit; Douglas Hollan, “Cultural

and Experiental Aspects of Spirit Beliefs Among the Toraja…….loc. cit

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Death ritual procession is usually held on a large scale. They
assumed that these funerals as the highest form of respect to
Puang Matoa (the supreme deity in the belief of Aluk Todolo),
and as a media escort someone who has passed away (to mate)
to Puya. However, along with the times, the ritual is then
packed into the media for tourism or economic interests.41
Therefore, there is concern that the sacrality of celebration of
death in this community then becomes blurred. This concern
has led to attempts by elite figures of Aluk Todolo community,
especially tominaa (traditional priest) and toparenge (village head)
to maintain their ancestral beliefs.42

Ritual Procession: Opening Space for Contestation

The efforts to spread official religions (organized religion)
against local beliefs often find its manifestations in different
ways. Along with these efforts, the official religions typically use
the term contextualization. Contextualization is a dialectical
method of interaction and communication between text and
context. On the other hand, contextualization is the
compromized effort between local beliefs with a particular
theology.
Th.Kobong, as quoted by Ngelow43 introduced the term
'genuine contextualization' (true contextualization) in

41Yamashita,Shinji, “Manipulating Ethnic Tradition: The Funeral
Ceremony, Tourism, and Television Among The Toraja of Sulawesi,”
Indonesia No. 59, 1994. Kathleen M. Adams, “More Than an Ethnic Marker:
Toraja art as Identity Negotiator,” American Ethnologist 25 (3): 327-351.
Copyright © 1998, American Anthropological Association.
42 Kathleen M. Adams , “Ethnic Tourism and the Renegotiation of

Tradition in Tana Toraja (Sulawesi, Indonesia),” di dalam Ethnology Vol. 36

No. 4, fall 1997. ibidem, “Constructing and Contesting Chiefly Authority in
Contemporary Tana Toraja, Indonesia,” Geoffrey M. White dan Lamont
Lindstrom (ed.), Chiefly Today: Traditional Pacific Leadership and the Postcolonial
State California: Stanford University Press, 1997. ibidem., “More Than an
Ethnic Marker: Toraja art as Identity Negotiator,” American Ethnologist 25
(3): 327-351. Copyright © 1998, American Anthropological Association.
Ibidem, “The Discourse of Souls in tana Toraja (Indonesia): Indigenous
Notions and Christian Conceptions.”
43Zakaria J. Ngelow, “Traditional Culture, Christianity and
Globalization in Indonesia: The Case of Torajan Christians,” Inter-Religio
45/Summer 2004.

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connection with the contextualization of fundamental belief of

Aluk Todolo in Tana Toraja with Christian beliefs. According
to Kobong, contextual theology (local theology) is an
expression of the dynamic interaction between doctrine
(gospel), church and culture. He explained that the
contextualization as a method associated with the text and
context. Th. Kobong also try to embody the paradigm of
"Christ Transforming Culture" a la Richard Neibuhr. Kobong,
for example, states:
“the criteria for Torajan traditional communities is the respective
pangala-tondok (the patriarch, the man who founded the community
village) with their own ritual and customary laws. It is clear that we
have to deal with it here at this very point. It seems that the solution
is not so difficult. We have to choose either Christ or patriarch: or
between gospel (word of God) and ritual and customary laws. Christ
and patriarch cannot be united: both cannot become criteria
simultaneously. A Christian, therefore, has to choose. He/she
believes and is commited to Christ or to the patriarch. A genuine
Christian cannot choose other than Christ, take up his cross and
follow him. This choice must be radical, because one cannot serve
two masters. The Christian has to choose for Christ of for patriarch.
This either/ or choice consequently leads to refusal to leave all that
belong to patriarch. It means to leave his ritual and customary laws,
and at the end, his tongkonan (clan house), his community and
culture. But the radical refusal of the structure of life pattern of
patriarch is not the goal of this choice, because then it is a refusal to
incarnation, or incarnation was not an event in the world and for
the world..….
In this context, theology of religion (read: Christianity) to
be ambiguous in the face of local belief, in which case the belief
of Aluk Todolo in Tana Toraja. Certainly not so easy to adopt
local belief as considered as heresy. Toraja people have to
choose between staying becoming adherents to Aluk Todolo or
be a Christian. If a Torajan choose Christianity as a new belief,
then automatically he must abandon all forms of rituals and
practices (customary laws) that were previously used to do,
tongkononan, community and culture.
Here, leaving the old belief with a new belief means
switching to position itself as "the self" while belief long as "the

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other". Abnormalities (otherness) is the identity of the old
faiths. Because they are different, they should not be, or be a
part of us. So, what happens is the conversion and
marginalization.
Some of the old belief (local religion) and then position
themselves as the 'opposition' to the official religion and
government. As communities in Central Sulawesi Wana who
declined Religion and government; tare agama, tare pamarentah!.
Just as Aluk Todolo community in Tana Toraja which still
adheres to the belief of the ancients. They rejected forms of
spread of religion that tend to separate Aluk with Culture. Yet,
for this community, Aluk and culture was a subtle entities.
Indigenous peoples and/or local religions also tend to
undergo a process of transformation. Although a certain level,
they want to maintain their 'authenticity', but the more intense
of social interaction with the world and other cultures will
further accelerate the process of change occured. Religions and
local traditions that used to claim to be the 'original' itself began
shifting forms of authenticity.44
Each local community or local religion is currently
experiencing a crisis of identity. They have to face a massive
wave of transformative that is happening in society at large.
The challenge is finally getting the space to local religious
communities and to create and represent themselves. Identity
eventually become something abstract, if not blurred.45 This is

44 the Term of authenticity similar to the term 'orthodoxy.' Term is

intended as a confirmation form of authenticity or purity of a doctrine or

dogma. Local Religion, relying on terms believed the 'originality' them as true
and need to be maintained. While the shift towards a new one similar to the
term revisionism '. I borrow this term from revisionist movements by Karl
Bernstein and Leon Trosky against the teachings of Karl Marx. This
movement believes that only by doing revision and reinterpretation of the
teachings of Karl Marx, it would be able to survive and not obsolete.
Revisionist Conditions experienced and done by local religions to their
doctrine appears to show that the local religions increasingly found its
manifestation in every age.
45A world where globalization is becoming mainstream (mainstream)

any culture or society in general integrated themselves to the global order.

Globalization in this context presents differences that undermine the totality,
unity of values and beliefs. See, Irwan Abdullah, “Privatisasi Agama:

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because a number of issues and straddled. Therefore, a large

number of local culture and religion are struggling to maintain
and if necessary go back to their original identity.
The case of refusal of the nobles or chiefs (toparenge) to
rate the Early Christian missionaries proselytizing in Tana
Toraja shows a community's efforts to maintain their cultural
identity and beliefs of their ancestors. According to the story
that developed in Tana Toraja, a rejection of religion led to the
murder of one of his missionary by either alone toparengnge.
Forcing government to ancestral beliefs, especially Aluk
Todolo, to affiliate to the orgnized religion also caused a
reaction from the Aluk Todolo community. The simplicity of
official interpretations or commentary by government toward
the term of religion is considered as a threat to their existence.
Although most of the community or the followers of the
teachings of the ancestors have been affiliated to the
miraculous official religion, rejection and even cynicism often
exhibited by this community. For example, the cynicism shown
tominaa Tato Dena' toward Pentecostal Christians who do not
accommodate the flow of Toraja culture, even leaving it.46
Dena’ even assume this attitude is outrageous and unacceptable
by adherents of Aluk Todolo in general. "How could forget the
heritage. How is it possible to separate the culture and Aluk
"said Dena'.
Contestation or resistance are the implications of the
politics of identity and / or politicization of the government
and its organs (read: official religion) against beliefs and local

Globalisasi atau Melemahnya Referensi Budaya Lokal?......loc. cit”.
Globalization further obscure terminology in a single identity groups. For
example, the identity of Java apparently does not involve a whole community
that inhabited the island of Java. Java also in Suriname and in some areas of
the country. When there is an intermingled, it is very difficult to identify the
identity of Javaneseness. For example, a Javanese-buginesse, buginesse-
javanesse, and so on.
46For example, cynicism shown by the people in one of the Lembang

in Tana Toraja to a Toparenge who have embraced the Pentecostal Christian.

ToParenge cynicism shown because he does not want to follow the tradition
of the burial style of Aluk Todolo against his parents who had died 10 years
ago. Toparenge have enough money to hold events Rambu Solo' for his father
who was also Toparenge or highly respected in the village.

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culture. In this context, the term contestation introduced a
term "subaltern" or marginalization. The process of
marginalization of fringe groups like local beliefs, urban poor,
prostitutes, gays, and so led to a reaction in the form of
resistance or contestation. In the post-colonial studies, The
term "subaltern" was introduced by Antonio Gramsci (1891-
1937) in the political records (known as "the prison of
notebooks"). Subaltern classes (marginal), according to
Gramsci, used as a collective description for a variety of groups
that are dominated and exploited differently that explicitly does
not have class consciousness. Subaltern is also used to refer to
social groups subject to the hegemony of the dominant classes
who control the state.47
Furthermore, subalternity than as a key to open a
discussion about the cultural constructs of domination, he also
opened a discussion about the difference and resistance. The
discourse about the state not just about domination and
hegemony, but also about the relationship between the center
(center) and periphery (periphery) that are ambiguous,
ambiguous, and full of ambivalence. There is a tendency to
perform hegemonisasi center and uniformity, but gave birth to
a copy of a fuzzy at the edges. Peripheral region has never
produced a proper habits, values and institutions that they get
from the center. Thus the relationship between the center and
periphery are ambivalent relationship, always ambiguous. On
the one hand there is imitation, but also the sides of mockery
and even resistance.
In the case of Aluk Todolo, identity politics of
government and the force of Global capitalism is felt strongly.
Since the new order, the government designed a national

47Antonio
Gramsci, Sejarah dan Budaya (selection from the Prison of
Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci) Surabaya: Pustaka Promothea, 2000), p. 207-
210. Ahmad Baso, “Bisakah Lokalitas Berbicara?: Pribumisasi Islam Sebagai
Upaya Menggugat “Imperium” Tafsir Resmi Agama.” Makalah. Tidak
dipublikasikan. 2001. Ibidem, “Kebudayaan sebagai Arena Kontestasi
Membangun Politik Tanpa Panggung: Dialog, Negosiasi, dan Resistensi”.
Makalah tidak dipublikasikan. 2001.

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culture, as a form of hybridization48 and mesiumisasi,49 as a

universal culture for all the people of Indonesia. Thus, any
potential local cultural should always refer to the national
culture. Finally conception of national culture into the
politicization of culture, identity politics extension of the
government, as well as further strengthening the government
hegemonisasi the local people or the fringes of society.
This condition is reinforced by government policies in
the past about religious belief systems and Indonesia, which at
least has brought significant implications for the existence of
local religions in Indonesia. Article 29 UUD 1945 governing
religious freedom for all adherents of a particular faith was only
a slogan. It is evident then, in its development, the existence of
cultural religions have no place. In other words, local
communities still maintain a belief in ancestors must be
affiliated to the religions recognized by the government.
The government had issued a policy that Aluk Todolo
community along with all the ancestors keperayaannya affiliated
to the official religions. The results can be seen that to this day,
believes the community as a dawa Matoa highest Puang should
be under few adherents Aluk Todolo into the official religion
is seen as a form of accommodation or adaptation significantly.
Because, accommodation or adaptations made is a form or a
strategy to maintain the culture and beliefs.
However, internally there are a number itself paradoxical,
if not inconsistency, associated with the internal dynamics of
this community. On the one hand, there are a number of
adherents of Aluk Todolo slowly started leaving the principles
of the teachings of AT and announcing fundamental changes
to the principles of their teachings. These groups usually have
switched to other beliefs, but culturally still running some AT
rites, such as the ritual death of Aluk Todolo, Rambu Solo' and
Rambu Tuka. This attitude, though it looks inconsistent, it
seems to be understood as a form of cultural accommodation

48Gayatri Spivak, “Can the Subaltern Speek?” dalam P. Williams and

L. Chrisman (ed.), Colonial Discourse and Post-colonial Theory. Hemel

Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1993.
49Amanda Rath, “cultural Sublimation: The Musemizing of
Indonesia,” Journal of the Southeast Asian Studies Association, vol.1. No.1 1997.

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and beliefs. On the other hand, there are a number of
adherents who insisted that the belief to the Puang Matoa must
be maintained. These groups are usually identified as elites of
AT, priest (tominaa) and indigenous leaders (toparengnge).
Inconsistency shown by AT community seems to be
understood as the implications of government policy on a
belief system in Indonesia. At the same time, the attitude of the
AT community as the implications of the political culture that
built by the New Order government. In this system, a local of
the belief no longer have the freedom of faith of their
ancestors. But they have to submit to the domination of central
government policies.
Political culture that built by the new order requires the
government re-purposing the local culture, and at the same
time, local communities must make Pancasila as the center for
national cultural. The government then created pockets of
culture as culture trendmark or example to be emulated by
other cultures in this country. This kind of political culture into
fields for meziumisation and cultural hybridization, as well as
the establishment of a dichotomy between official religion and
mysticism (aliran kebatinan).
Identity politics and the politicization of culture created
by the central government further reduce the space of
expression for this community. term "people who do not yet
have any religion" which once echoed the New Order
government allows, and even force this community to
reconsider their culture identity and religion. The process of
proselytizing becomes an extension of the government within
the framework of identity politics.50
The effort to democratization process in the country is
not solely dependent on the effort to reform all political
institutions, laws and amendments to legislation. But equally

Ajawaila, Jacob W.. 2000. “Orang Ambon dan Perubahan
50

Kebudayaan” Jurnal Antropologi Indonesia 61. Li, Tania Murray, “Articulating

Indigenous Identity In Indonesia: Resources Politics and the Tribal Slot,”
Working Papers, Berkeley Workshop on Environmental Politics, Institute of
Environmental Studies, University of California, Berkeley. Purba, Mauly.
2000. “Gereja dan Adat: Kasus Gondang Sabanginan dan Tortor,” Jurnal
Antropologi Indonesia 62.

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AlukTodolo Community in Tana Toraja of South Sulawesi

important is the reform of the means of culture production.

The way in which taken is reform and criticizing the whole
discourse of religion, gender and culture which are built based
on political interests and hegemonic by certain dominant
groups. After that, open public spaces free of domination –by
borrowing the term of Jurgen Habermas - for negotiation and
resistance to hegemony and domination. Cultural hegemony is
apparent when cultures emerged as an arena of contestation in
which each group brings socio-political and economic
development and strengthen its dominance. Especially if it is
then manifested in the political construct of culture is
deliberately constructed by the bureaucracy, the capitalists, the
intelligentsia of the city, the urban intellectuals, religious
people, in order to maintain its supremacy.
At the same time, the singularity for interpretation of
religious texts also helped aggravate and reinforce local
religious marginalization. Yet according to Homi Babha, the
construction about text, is a construct of hybridity, something
ambivalent, that never become coherent and essential. On the
one hand, it asserts originality, clarity of authority and
authorship. But it was also the dislocation, repetition,
distortion, displacement, and misreading.51
Very likely, the construct of religious interpretations can
not be separated from the bias-borrowing of Foucault
archeology of knowledge-arounded interpreter or speakers
behind the text. For example, the bias of political, economic, or
summarily, its arounded of power relations.
Currently, Aluk Todolo community try to maintain their
religious and cultural identity by using a variety of contestation,
such as the arts, and other rituals, despite there are religious
revolution and tourism. Kathleen M. Adams (1997a, 1997b), in
his article, "Ethnic Tourism and the Renegotiation of Tradition
in Tana Toraja (Sulawesi, Indonesia)," describes the
connectedness of Toraja ethnic arts and crafts with the
principles of belief of Aluk Todolo community. With Toraja
architecture based on the model, especially in engraving,
Adams found the artistic forms of art and craft of Torajan are a

51Baso, loc. cit

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Idaman
place to highlight, articulate, and negotiate various hierarchies
of identity and hierarchical relationships. Furthermore, through
this article, Adams track transformation presented in Toraja
architectural symbols of authority elites into icons aligned in
the Toraja ethnic identity.52
Rituals of ancestral beliefs in Tana Toraja, which until
now is still often shown the result of negotiations between the
faith of Aluk Todolo community with Christianity. Despite
periodic minimization and marginalization against followers, it
acts like Rambu Solo' and Rambu Tuka still often be a very
interesting party even though it was done by the Toraja people
who have embraced the new religion. This seemed to give the
impression that despite the new religion, but some of the
teachings of ancestral remains held.
The creation of public spaces are free for the community
in order to embody Aluk Todolo rites, dogmas and their
cultural identity is a necessity that is not negotiable and must be
prevented. This community has the same rights as other
communities and even other religions for expressing their
beliefs. Central and local government, is no longer a 'decisive'
for all the expressions of culture and religion, as it is often the
case in the New Order era, but rather as a facility provider
(facilitator) for the continuation of the community. Freedom of
expression, choose, and determine the direction of the life of
each community should be a priority for the government right
now.
Last but not least, Aluk Todolo community have shown
how the current globalization, modernization, and revolution
religions have slowly shifting patterns of social relations and
values they hold so far. Radical movements, which is one
resistensif attitude or resistance is no longer the only way to
defend yourself. Therefore, all those should continue to
negotiate their own culture while still highlight the nature of

52see also Adams, More Than an Ethnic Marker: Toraja art as

Identity Negotiator….loc. cit. Volkman, Toby Alice. “Mortuary Tourism in

Tana Toraja,” dalam Rita Smith Kipp dan Susan Rodgers (ed.), Indonesian
Religions In Transition. Tueson: The University of Arizona Press, 1987.

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 Religious Ritual as a Contestation Arena: The Experiences of
AlukTodolo Community in Tana Toraja of South Sulawesi

them, that believe in the existence Puang Matoa, the gods,

Tomembali Puang, and still rite their religious celebrations.

Closing Remarks
The discourse of contestation or resistance stems from
the interpretation of the local belief as pheripery even for a long
time too marginalized, both by governments and by the official
religions (organized religion). Here it appears that organized
religion as a legitimate and recognized by the government, while
on the other local religions regarded as quaint, marginal, and
need more "religiousized". This context raises a number of
political-Religion opposition rejected government, as
demonstrated by the Ammatoa community Kajang Bulukumba,
which is still firmly refused Islamization, Tolotang communities
in Amparita Sidrap remained adamant not to be affiliated to the
Hindu religion and Islam, and the other local community
ancestors of belief.
Adherents of Faith to the ancestors in Tana Toraja or
called Aluk Todolo community is typikal community that is still
adamant refuse the forms of minimization and
contextualization by the official religion. Although they are less
and less in quantity, but the resistance effort is still underway.
Ancestral rituals seems to be a significant form of negotiation in
order to maintain the belief and culture of Aluk Todolo.
Because Aluk not be separated by tradition or culture. This is
what continues to be done by Tominaa Tato Dena' along with a
number of adherents Aluk Todolo in Tana Toraja.
Ritual of Rambu Solo' is considered as one of the rituals
Spectacular in Aluk Todolo community is still being done
today. For most people of Toraja, which must have been
affiliated to the Protestantism, the celebration of death is no
more as an effort to preserve tradition. While the adherents of
belief of Aluk Todolo, celebration Rambu Solo' is considered as a
moment to usher in the spirit of Puya, and even a moment to
honor Puang Matoa, the supreme god in belief Aluk Todolo.

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Idaman
Research was done by Yamashita53 about the death of a
Christian, Puang Mangkendek, shows that the ritual is still
performed by a person who has been affiliated to the Christian
religion. Regardless of the economic motives behind this
spectacular party, it explained that the ritual of Rambu Solo' is
still maintained today. This means that the ritual signs solo' are
often held each year continues to be the most important part
and is maintained in the lives of Toraja.
Party death, Rambu Solo', which is usually performed
spectacularly this often gets strong reactions from various
circles who regard this ritual as a waste.
Thus, the ritual of Rambu Solo’ and a number of other
rituals that are considered as the space of contestation, as a
political symbol of the efforts of people of Toraja, especially
adherents of Aluk Todolo, to renegotiate their rituals and
history. Even today, people of Toraja re-examining their rituals
and consciously reshape traditions from the past. Even as
revealed Adams,
“they are not resigned to accepting representations depicting them as
pagan primitives given to inappropriately extravagant funeral
rituals, but are actively engaged in ingenious political strategies to
adjust and enhance their group’s image and vigorously challenge and
contest the perceived threats to their identity and power.”54
By continueing to accept the perception that portray
them as primitive pagans because of their death rituals, Aluk
Todolo community still actively maintaining and displaying
political strategy in the form of opposition and resistance to the
threats that disrupt their identity and power.

Shinji Yamashita, “Manipulating Ethnic Tradition: The Funeral
53

Ceremony, Tourism, and Television Among The Toraja of Sulawesi,”

Indonesia No. 59, 1994.
54 Kathleen M. Adams, “Ethnic Tourism and the Renegotiation of

Tradition in Tana Toraja (Sulawesi, Indonesia),” di dalam Ethnology Vol. 36

No. 4, fall 1997,

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