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CELL.E TRICHOE^E
AXD OTHER

GHKTSTIAX AXriQlTITIE>S
IN THE

BYZxVNTINE PROVINCES
OF

SICILY WITH CALABRIA

AND

NORTH AFRICA
INCLUDING

SARDINIA.
Vol. I.

ILL 'U'S'-T^UA'T'EB'.

EDWIN HANSON FEESHFIELD,

M.A., F.S.A.

I'lUXXiiJ) pKnATElA,
1913.
 F7S-

Book may he obtained by Students from the

A few Copies of Hiis

Author tkrouqh the Printers and Publishers,

IRijon S, BvtiolD,

XonDon,
JE.C.
 TO THE MEMOKV OF MY MOTHER,

TO MY FATHER,

AND

TO MY WIFE WHO ACCOMPANIED ME

IN MY TRAVELS,

THESE PAGES ARE AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED.

iv,5i28aJi5
 Sicily.

1898, 1899, 1905, 1906,

1907, 1908 and 1913.

Caiabma.

1899 and 1905.

Sardinia.

1901 and 1909.

AixiiERS and Tunis.

1910 and 1911.

 CONTENTS.

PAGE
Introduction V. to xviii.

Illustrations, Plans and Maps. xix. to xxi.

Books of Reference . . xxii. & xxiii.

Additions and Corrections xxiv.

Six Ancient Churches in Eastern Sicily 1

Notes upon these Churches . 15

Western Sicily 28

Sardinia 50

Calabria 77

Tunis . . Cella) Trichoras Henchir Maatria, and Sidi Mohanuned

El Gebioui 103

Tunis. .Byzantine Churches at El Kef and Haidra ,. 120

Notes on Coins . . . . . . . . 128

Index
 INTRODUCTION.

The purpose of this book is to record for English students the

existence and present condition of some little chapels in 8ieily
and Tunis built on a trefoil plan known to French antiquaries
as cellsB trichorae, and of some churclies and other remains
of the period of the IJyzantine occupation of Sicily, Calabria,
Sardinia, and Tunis. This period commences in the middle of the
Gth century in the reign of Justinian wlien Belisarius broke up the
dominion of the Vandals in Africa and afterwards that of the
Goths in Sicily and Calabria. In Africa the occupation lasted
till the Saracens took Carthage in 099, in Sicily and Calabria till

the Norman conquest in the 11th century, and in Sardinia till

the Byzantine governors, after acquiring a quasi independent

position as Judges, came under the dominion of the Republic of
Pisa about 1073.

Gellrp Trichora.

A suggestion that these chapels in Sicily were built by the Greeks

to suit the ritual requirements of the Eastern church first led me to
enquire whether there was any connection between the triple apse
and the three apses, the sanctuary, prothesis, and
built trefoilwise
diaconicon, essential to the due performance of the Byzantine
liturgy as elaborated about Justinian's time. The only way to
determine this question seemed to be to ascertain when the Greek
liturgy was introduced into Sicily and Calabria, then to make a
systematic search for these trefoil chapels and then to try and find
a Byzantine church with a presbytery arranged in the trefoil plan.
I need scarcely say that this search has already involved me in
many journeys to a number of out of the way places that few
archaologists are likely to trouble themselves to visit, liut as
the buildings described are almost the only evidence we now have
of a Byzantine occupation of Sicily, Calabria, and Sardinia, that
lasted for nearly Wye hundred years, they possess some historical
interest and so I venture to record what I have seen and been
able to ascertain concerning them.
vi. Introduction.

After two or threo fruitless errands into Calabria and Sardinia,

fruitless at any rate so far as this partienlar question is coneerned,
my attention was directed to two trefoil chapels in the central plain
of Northern Tunis.

A visit to these two buildings satisfied me that there is nothing

Byzantine about them either in origin, in plan, or in purpose, and
that they belong to the same early period in Thristian history
after the Peace of the Church as the monastery churches at
.Soliag, the chapel of the Trinity at S. Honorat, and the t\No
chapels in the cemetery of S. Callixtus at Eome.
Why this trefoil plan was favoured by the early Christians is an
open question. Upon the analogy of the round churches built by
the Crusaders in imitation of the so-called church of the Holy
Sepulchre they may have obtained the idea from some building
in Palestine then existing but now destroyed, traditionally connected
with our Lord's Ministry or with the Apostles. Or perhaps the
trefoil plan was adopted at a crucial period in Christian history
to emphasise the doctrine Holy Trinity or
and worship of the :

from a common form of early sepulchres or merely by an accidental

:

development of architecture. Be that as it may, it seems certain

that the trefoil plan is not a Christian invention, for a small trefoil

chamber in the monastery of S. Menas, in Egypt, is fitted up as

a vapour bath or laconicum, and the heating apparatus under the
floor still exists. And the same trefoil vapour baths are found in
the therma^ at Lambessa and Thelepta, in Tunis, built abo^it the
period of the Emperors Septimius Severus and Caracalla. Upon
this ground some archaeologists have suggested that the trefoil
plan was first used by the Christians for their Baptisteries.

CJmrchrs.

A recent discovery in Sicily itself justifies the suggestion that

the chapel at Malvagna may have been built, or at any late used,
for the Byzantine liturgy. The style of architecture; shows that
this chapel, and also that at Maccari, belong to a much later period
than the third Sicilian chapel at S. Theresa, near Syracuse. They
are covered with domes supported on the little angle arches or
squinches common to the so-called Byzantine -Norman buildings
and to Arab buildings of a much earlier date in North
in Sicily,
Africa and Egypt. The student is aware from tlie text books
 Introduction. vu.

that almost without exception the Byzantine-Norman churches

in Sicily are provided with the three parallel apses, the sanctuary,
prothesis, and the diaconicon, but as in Constantinople, so in
.Sicily, there seemed to be no example of a Byzantine church with
a presbytery arranged in the trefoil way.

The discovery of a Byzantine church^ at Castiglione, in Sicily,

supplies a piece of evidence that was missing. The important
facts about it are that it is situated at the foot of Etna,

quite close to the Malvagna cliapel, that it is of about the same

date as Malvagna, and that the presbytery is arranged in th(^

trefoil way. That is to say that two little niches do duty for the
prothesis and diaconicon, and are placed facing one another in the
Xorth and South walls, and not on either side of the apse in the
East wall, where there is ample room to receive them. Mches
instead of apses placed on each side of the central apse are not
unknown, or indeed uncommon they occur at S. Thechi, in
;

Constantinople, and at the Favara, or Mare Dolce chapel, at

Palermo.

The Byzantines, like their i)redecessors the Eomans, have left

much evidence of their occupation of Africa. Beside many

churches there are a large number of walled and castles cities, forts

l)uilt by Justinian's generals after the Vandal war. But beyond

the modest buildings described in these pages they have left no
monuments in Sicily, Calabria, or Sardinia. I say modest because
they have no pretence to artistic merit and, architectural features
apart, they are only interesting and w^ortliy of record as pieces of
historical evidence of the Greek community. The absence of many
or important buildings of this period in Sicily and Calabria is due
to various causes the depopulation and poverty after the Gothic
;

and Vandal w^ars the concentration of Justinian's revival in the

;

West to the more important provinces, like Eavenna and Africa,

of which Sicily and Calabria did not form part the Saracen raids ;

and ecclesiastical controversies in the 7th century and the Norman ;

conquest in the 11th century. There is more evidence of the

1. T use the term Byzantine advisedly, for there is not a scrap of Norman Lombard
orArab work either in i)lan, elevation, design, or decoration about it.
As this church at Castiglione was not discovered till this iirst instalment of
my notes was in print, the description and illustration of it will ha given in
the next volume.
viii. Tnrrofhicfion.

Byzantines in Sardinia which formed part of the exarchate of

Africa, for unlike the other Western provinces of the Empire it

escaped a Saracen occupation.

Immediately after their arrival in these countries the Normans

and Pisans set to work to build churches on an extensive scale,
making in the process a clean sweep of the older buildings. The
case bears some analogy to that of the Saxon churches in England,
and one may perhaps be permitted to conjecture that as a general
rule what the Normans and Pisans found was not in itself, or in a
condition that made it, worth keeping. 1 am not disposed to

attribute this to mere Vandalism, but rather to the nature and

poverty of the materials used in construction and the natural
decay owing to the age of the buildings, for during the five
centuries that elapsed between the reign of Justinian and the arrival
of the Normans and Pisans there is no evidence of any extensive or
general church building in these countries.

The architecture for this long period is now represented by the

chapels at Malvagna and Maccari and the church at Oastiglione.
Nothing else remains of the numerous churches and chapels that
must have been built during the Byzantine occupation, and we
can only guess what they were like from the ecclesiastical archi-
tecture of other countries, or from the style of building adopted
l)y the Normans after their conquest of Sicily.

In Africa the churches of the Byzantine period, like the forts,

were built of old Eoman materials, on the plan of the early
Eome, and decorated with Byzantine carved
Christian basilicas in
detail. Those who are acquainted with 6th century work in
Constantinople, Ravenna, or Salonica, will recognise some familiar
patterns in the capitals of Justinian's ])eriod jireserved in the

mosque at Kairouan.

Introduction of the Girek liturfjij into Sicilij and

Calabria.

And here I offer an apology for the reference in these pages to the
ecclesiastical controversies of the 7 th and 8tli centuries arising
in a great measure out of the change in the official language from
Latin to Greek, asking the reader to remember that the arcliitecture
of the churches was adapted to the service to be celebrated, and,
though for a long time after Justinian's reign the Church was one.
 ;

Introduction. ix.

the form of service used in the Church of Constantinople, commonly

ciillod the Greek liturg'y, was considerably altered and amplified
and diiTered, not in lano-uase only, from that used in Kome. The
alterations tlien made necessitated a particular form of constructing
the chancel and east end that may for convenience be called the
tri])le apse. Tliis form of construction, still used in the Greek
and Eussian Churches of to-day, can be recognised at the first

glance, and, in these countries, is one of the few pieces of sure

evidence of a Greek community. To be exact the east end termin-
ates in three a])artments ; in the centre a chancel for the altar,
terminating in a semi-circular apse, and on each side of it a chapel,
also terminating in an apse and communicating witli the cliancel
tliey are called respectively the chapel of the prothesis and tlie

diaconicon. These three apartments, shut oft' from the rest

of the church by a screen called the iconostasis, are essential for
the due ])erformance of the ceremonies of tlie Orthodox Greek
liturgy, but for no other. Where they occur in a churcli built for

a Western rite, like, for instance, the Galilean or Roman, they

have no ritual significance, and their presence is due either to a
fancy of the architect, or perhaps to habit if he happened to be
a Greek. The student who is not practically acquainted with the
interesting ceremonies referred to will find them described in
Neale's History of the Holy Eastern Church.

The dilTerence between the Byzantine triple apse chancel and the
chancel arrangement found in the earlier African churches, like
Tebessa, must be distinguished. In the latter the altar stood,
as it does in the Western Cliurch, out in the open, and the apse,
copied from a secular Roman
was fitted as a kind of theatre
basilica,

witli a bishop's throne in the centre and seats for the clergy on

either side of it. This plan is made familiar to us by the basilican

churches in Rome, like S. Clemente, or the church at Torcello,
Parenzo Cathedral in Istria, or S. Eirene at Constantinople. Rut
in the Byzantine arrangement the small central apse was put to
enable the celebrant to walk round the altar at the celebration,
and the altar itself stood concealed from the view of the congre-
gation by the screen or iconostasis.

These alterations in the form of service and church design in

Constantinople were applied to Sicily and Calabria, first by tlie

Byzantine conquest, secondly by the change of the official language

from Latin to Greek about the time when the Emperor Constans
X, Iiitrodnrtio)!.

came to reside for five years at Syracuse, and the Greek element,
in importance, if not in numbers, came to prevail over the Latin.
Thirdly, through controversies upon matters of faith during tlie
reigns of the Herachan Emperors, and lastly by the transfer of the
Sicihan and Calabrian Churches from the Eoman jurisdiction
to that of the patriarch of Constantinople, and the corresponding
confiscation of the endowment or patrimony of the Eoman Church
in Sicily and Calaliria by the Emperor Leo III, in the beginning of
the Stli century. The severance of these two Churches from the
Latins tlien l)ecame and remained complete for three hundred
years till tlie Norman conquest in the middle of the 11th century.

The Greek Church in Sicily and Calabria during the

Saracen and Norman occupations.

While the Saracens ruled in Sicily the Church continued to use

tlie Greek rite and to depend on the Patriarch of Constantinople.

Tlie Saracens forbade the building of new churches, but those

decayed could be restored. Only two churclies apparently existed
in Palermo when the Normans came, a little church dedicated
to S. Chirico (Agia Kyriaki), and tlie principal mosque that had
been a church.

Almost directly after their conquest the Normans began to

build churches. I have selected for description in these pages
three Sicilian and five Calabrian churches, built after the conquest,

with chancels in tlie Byzantine form ; tlie Sicilian churches are

S. Giovanni dei Lep])rosi and tlie chapel in Favara Castle, both
near one another in the suburbs of Palermo, and built, according to a
well authenticated tradition, by the brothers Eobert Guiscard
and Eoger (the Count) either during or directly after the siege of
Palermo, and the chapel of the Trinity belonging to a Greek
monastery of S. Basil at Deha. The Calabrian churches built in
the Byzantine form are Stilo, Eossano, the Eoccelletta at Squillace,
the Patire chapel and Gerace Cathedral.

By the terms made with the Eoman see at the Council of Melfi

(1059), shortly after the schism between the Greek and Latin
Churches (1054), the Normans undertook to reclaim for the Latins
the patrimony and the spiritural jurisdiction of the Pontiff over
the Sicilian and Calabrian Churches that had been taken away
 hitroductinti. .XI.

))y Emperor Leo III. in the beginning of the 8th oentiiry. In

the
Sicily lliere was little difficulty in carrying out the undertaking,

for the Saracens had dispersed the Christians, and the Xormans
found but a single community at Palermo presided over by an
archbishop of the Greek Church named l^icodemus. This prelate
officiated at the Thanksgiving Service offered by the brothers
Guiscard and Roger when the city was taken ; but at an early
date he was replaced by a ^N^orman bishop. I should add that

upon the introduction and establishment of the Gallican Church

and a Norman episcopate by Count Roger, the clergy of the Greek
Church in Sicily were put under the jurisdiction of the Norman
bishops the liturgy, however, was not interfered with, and con-
;

tinued to be used until the scattered Greek population had either

emigrated or amalgamated with the Latin population in the times
of the Angevines.

The conditions in Calabria were, however, altogether different,

for ithad become the place of refuge for Greek Christian emigrants
from xVfrica, Sicily, and the Levant. These migrations, caused
partly by tlie iconoclastic persecutions, and partly by the Saracen
conquests in the South and East of the Mediterranean extending
over three centuries, had resulted in bringing a large and wealthy
Greek population to settle in the cliief towns like Gerace, Stilo,

Rossano and Reggio, Cotrone and Bari. To concilitate their

Greek subjects Guiscard, and the early Norman princes of his
family who succeeded him, allowed the Greeks in many dioceses
to elect their own bishops, as well as to retain their liturgy and ;

these privileges were continued in several instances for three cen-

turies after the conquest, liut in the majority of dioceses on the
Adriatic side, Latins were appointed as the Greek bishoprics fell

vacant. In Sicily, as I have said, the Greek clergy were put under
the Norman bishops.

In the Basilian monasteries of Calabria the Greek liturgy con-

tinued in use long after the times of the Angevines, and in the end
of the 18th century Cardinal Sileto, described by M. Battifol as
'
prefet de la congregation dite de la reforme des Grecs laquelle
embrassait le service de I'orient Grec catholique,' was commissioned
to reform them.

I have found no reference in the autliorities to the date or Act

when the Greek clergy in this part of the world became Uniati,
or first received their orders from the Latins instead of th«.»
xii. Introduction

Patriarch of Constantinople, or accepted the alterations in the

creed and prayers, and the position in the Roman Church eventually
confirmed in the 18th century and now held by them. In these
changes, no doubt gradually effected, the Latin conquest of Con-
stantinople played an important part. The Uniate rites and
ceremonies remained, and still remain, substantially the same
as those of the Ortliodox Church, and the service is still said in
Greek, but the structural peculiarities of an Orthodox Church
are not maintained, and the altar stands, according to the Western
practice, in full view of the congregation. The several congrega-
tions of the Uniate profession now
and Calabria are the
in Sicily

descendants of emigrants from Thessaly and Albania in the 18th

century, and the Greek clergy who minister to them stand in much
tlie same relation to the Roman bishops as the Greek clergy stood

to the Xorman bishops under Roger's settlement.

Whether the laity fully appreciated the subtlety of the Uniate

profession is an open question. But in Norman times they
certainly were not in the fortunate position of the Orthodox
Ruthenian emigrants to Canada who recently obtained relief from
Latin pretensions tlirough the Privy Council of a King of England.

I have included tlie cathedral at Gerace for two reasons, first

because in common with the majority of churches built in Sicily

and Calabria in the beginning of the Norman conquest it Jias a

triple apse, and secondly because Gerace was one of the cities where

the Greeks first obtained their local independence and Chureli

])rivileges from Robert (luiscard.

From similar concessions made to tlu' Greek community at Ros-

sano, during a revolt of Norman barons against the suzerainty
of Guiscard's sons Roger tlu» Duke, Boliemond, and their uncle
Roger the Great Count of Sicily, we learn why tliese privileges
were retained by some cities and new grants made to otliers and,
incidentally, how it came about that the bargain made at the
council of Melfi was not always kept and the Emperor Alexius
Komnenos thought it worth wliile to negotiate with Count Roger
for a settlement of the difference between the Greek and Sicilian
Churches. I conclude that these early churches in Sicily and
Calabria built 'ad usum (iraecorum,' or 'more Graecorum,' were
intended for the Greek liturgy, and the ])eculiar form of triple apse
essential for the Greek service seems to confirm my conclusion.
 Introduction. xiii.

The examples I have chosen from the '

regular '
churches are,
the Cattolica at Stilo, S. Mark at Eossano, the chapel of the Patire
at Corejfhano, the Eoccelletta at 8quillace, and the chapel of
the Trinity attached to the Basilian monastery at Delia : the
church of the Lepprosi and the Favara chapel at Palermo are
selected because they are supposed to have been built during or
just after the siege, at a time when the Christian population was
small and must have been almost entirely Greek.

We only know imperfectly how these changes affected the Church

in Sardinia, I found evidence of Byzantine art in details and
ornaments in many churches, but only one church, Sta. Sarbana at
Silanus, certainly built with the triple apse for the Greek liturgy.
The great majority of Sardinian churches Jiave only one apse and
were rebuilt by the Pisans.

1 have dwelt at some length on the triple apse because of the

hturgical signiticance. The architect will find in these old buildings
other features of interest, as for example the various forms of roof
the Voute en berceau and Voute d'aretes, domes of high and low
pitch, and the use of squinches and pendentives to support them.
I allude frequently to the insertion of small columns of rare or
decorative marble into the angles oT pilasters generally, at the
entrance of the chancels or the apses. The earliest example
recorded here occurs in the Byzantine basilica at El Kef, so
that though it frequently occurs in Mahometan buildings, Hke
the mihrab or an important doorway of a mosque, it is not a
Saracen invention. The position these pillars occupy possibly
indicates that they were originally meant to support the chancel
screen.

The student of early liturgies used in Sicily and Calabria should

consult Neale's History of the Holy Eastern Church. He should
also consult a learned and most interestingwork by M. Battifol
on Eossano and the library of the Basihan monastery of the Patire
near by. Of this book I have made much use. If the materials for
writing the history of these provinces exist at all they will be found
in the archives of some of these Basilian monasteries collected in
various libraries like that of S. Salvatore dei Greci at Messina.
Xlie general history of Sicily and Calabria from Procopius until
xiv. tntrodiictiori.

the clironicles oi: the Arab writers edited by Amari, especially that
about the interesting and important period when the Emperor
Constans II. came to live at Syracuse, is very meagre and still

remains to be written.

In the course of my journeys I came across a church and

three chapels in Sicily that are certainly older than Justinian's
reign, and though not directly connected with the principal
objects of my research they should find a place in these notes.

The Early Chridlan period in Sicilij.

The trefoil chapel at S. Theresa by Syracuse, the cruciform

chapels at Camerina, and the little basilica with a single apse at
Priolo, are earlier than the Byzantine conquest, and belong to
the period of architecture conveniently termed early Christian.
S. Phocas, at Priolo, resembles some the
churches
of earliest
found in the Levant, and the facsimile of the chapel at Sta. Theresa
will be found on the Island of S. Honorat, opposite Cannes. These
buildings probably date from the early part of the 5th Centmy.
The chapels at Camerina in particular are so interesting as to
justify more than a passing reference.

Camerina.

The twin chapels near Sta. Croce, in Camerina, exactly ahke

and obviously built by the same person at the same time, are about
a mile apart and quite isolated from any buildings or ruins. I find
that by inadvertence I have transposed the names, the Vigna di
Mare being nearest the sea and the Bagno di Mare nearest to Sta.
Croce. They seem to have belonged to a country village district
where the habitations, made of rough shingle and rubble, have
crumbled away into their component parts, as frequently happens
in an arid coimtry. Whatever their age may be they are real
archaeological curiosities. The cru(;iform ground plan appears
to estabhsh beyond doubt that they were built for Christian worship,
and two details of construction, the waggon vault I have already
mentioned and the method of rooling the square intersection or
lantern of the nave beWeen the transepts and the chancel, point to
 ;

Introduction XV.

iin At present this

early date. intersection in both chapels is covered
by a dome made of large and well cut stones arranged in rows of
diminishing size from base to crown. There are neither sqiiinches
nor pendentives to support the dome, and, to use a colloquial
phrase, it is merely dumped down on the crowns of the chancel

and transept vaults and on the arch in the wall dividing the nave
from the lantern. The dome in each case is clearly a later substi-
tution for an original roof as appears by four brackets projecting
about 18 inches from the corners of the intersection and six inche?
l)elow the base of the dome.
The two African chapels described in these notes show that
these projections, which I have called brackets, are not brackets
at all but springs of a cross vault, the voute d 'aretes, the roof being
either flat on tJie top as at Maatria, or following the contour of
the vault as at Gebioui.

The substitution of the dome for the vault can be accounted for
by the latter falling in this frequently happened, for the cross
:

vault in practice does not seem to have been an enduring form of

roof and somcAvhere about the 7th century it was abandoned in
^Vfrica in favour of the dome.

It is an early date, probably at least before the

clear that at
Norman conquest, they have been put to secular use. In each
case eight holes about six inches in diameter, have been pierced at
great pains and with careful precision through the base of the domes
these holes, in pairs at the angles of the lantern, are carried througli
into tlie interior of the building. The fact that in piercing them the
corners of the brackets or springs of the cross vault have been
mutilated in the driUing shows that the holes were put after the
original roof had been replaced by the dome. Professor Orsi
suggests that they were intended for poles to support a tent or
awning. seems to me more likely that the chapels were converted
It
into baths by the Saracens and the holes were intended to serve
some purpose connected with the heating. The local tradition is
that they were built for baths but I must say that, upon consideration
and having regard to the cruciform shape, I have come to tlu; con-
(;lusion that they were built for Christian worship, and probably

by refugees from Africa during one of tli^e Vandal persecutions in

the end of the fifth century or beginning of tlie sixth.

The site of these chapels would acquire some interest if it could

be indentihed Avith the sea port of Caucana, where Procopius tells
xvi. Introduction.

us the Byzautine fleet sheltered on its way from Constantinople

to Africa, and whence he was sent by Beiisarius to Syracuse to

ascertain the condition of the Vandal forces. It may be presumed
that Caucana was a place of some importance and the choice seems
to lie between the roadstead of Sta. Croce in Camerina and the
lagoon of Maccari. Procopius is unfortunately not precise enough
and the local remains are insufficiently well preserved to identify
Caucana with either of the remains of the large cities discovered
by Professor Or si near Sta. Croce and Maccari. The mediaeval
and modern names given to these two places do not help identifi-
cation. It has, however, been suggested that Vindicari, the name
given to the port of Maccari, is derived from Khalat ibn dikami,
the Saracen name given to it by
and that dikami in its turn
Edrisi,
was a phonetic corruption of Ichana or Caucana. In the chapter on
Africa I have pointed out how Saracen names occasionally help to
identify Byzantine sites. So, for instance, Caput Vada where
Beiisarius' fleet made for when they sailed from Caucana became
Eas Capoudia and Kuspe became el Eosfeh. The substitution
of dikami for Caucana is, of course, possible, though the pro-
nunciation of the u in Caucana as v makes it unlikely the modern ;

names of the Sta. Croce shore bear no resemblance whatever to

Caucana.
But some of the local conditions at Sta. Croce seem to justify a
preference for the Camerina roadstead as the site of Caucana.
There is plenty of sea room, shelter from the prevailing N.E. winds

and abundant drinking water from the river Oanis the last could ;

not have been the least important condition to Beiisarius, for

Procopius has given a graphic description of what occurred owing
to the lack of water on the prolonged passage from Zante. On the
other hand the neighbourhood of Maccari is a salt marsh, there is
but little fresh water and, so far as access and shelter go, the
difficulties of negociating the nan-ow entrance to Porto Vindicari

for a large fleet of six hundred vessels are at once apparent, more
especially as the entrance faces North East.

The illustrations of the bastion and walls of the ancient Greek

city of Heraclea Minoa and of the '
gymnasium '
at Tyndaris need a
word or two The former are in imminent danger
of explanation.
of destruction by the subsidence of the cliffs on which they
stand, and as they do not appear to have been photographed
before, it seemed worth while to record them before they
disappear. Many of the stones have mason's marks.
 Introduction. xvii.

Tlie building at Tyndaiis called gymnasium is remarkably like

a church and may have been used for one, though there are no
Christianemblems about it, l)ut the form of construction is

thoroughly Koman.

With two or three exceptions the buildings described in these

pages have been noticed in foreign pubhcations. The chapels of
^Southern Sicily in Professor Orsi's articles in Byzantinische Zcit-
schrift : the churches at Eossano and the Roccelletta by Sig, Abatino,
the Inspector of Monuments for South Italy, in the Neapolitan
pubhcation of tbe Storia Patria : the churches of Sardinia, in Dr.
Scano's book, eicepting S. Sarbana, discovered by Dr. Ashby : the
African chapels, by M.M. Saladin and Diehl. I make no claim
therefore either to original or exliaustive discoveries. It seemed
to mebetter to record what exists now than to wait indehnitely
for a more complete examination by digging, with the risk of tlie
buildings being in the meantime entirely destroyed.

To the authors of the various books I have consulted I make

here my dutiful acknowledgments ; a list of them will be found
in its proper place.
For the history of have consulted
Sicily and S. Italy I :

Martroye's VOccident a Vcpoque Byzantine, for the Gothic and

Vandal periods Gay's I'ltalie Meridionale et V Empire Byzantin
:

for the Byzantine period Amari's IStoria dei Musulmani in

:

iSicilia, for the Saracen period : and for the Normans and their
charters, Chalandon's Uistoire de la domination Normande en
Italie et la 8icile, and the articles by my friend C. A. Garuli, the
Professor of History in the University of Palermo, in Archivio
Storico ^iciliano.

The Gloria della by M. Lancia di Brolo,

Chiesa in iiicilia,

actually archbishop of Monreale, is a mine of information about

the Latin Church but says little or nothing about the Basilians
and other representatives of the Eastern Church, who, as I shall
point out, must have been numerous between the 7th and the 12th
centuries.

For Sardinia I have consulted two admirable books. On the

history, La ISardegna by Professor Besta, and on
Medioevale,
the art Storia delV Arte in Sardegna, by Dr. Scano. For Africa,
M. Diehl's, M. Saladin's and M. Merhn's works, and Les monu-
ments antiques de VAlgerie, and L'Algerie dans Vantiquit^, by
M. GseU.
 ;

xviii. Iiitrodiu-tloii.

For the ;^'eneral history of the tiiueis I have used the Later
Roman Empire, and the illustrations to Professor Bury's edition
of (jibbon sujjgested to uie the addition of photographs of some
coins collected by my wife during our travels.

I have to thank many friends abroad who have been at pains to

lielj) Foremost among them Sir II. Austin Lee, k.c.m.g., c.b.,
me.
and through him the Governments of Algeria and Tunis, their civil
and miUtary officers, especially M. Kleper the Controlleur of Beja,
Dr. iind Mme. Boricaud for their kindness and hospitality to us at
Feriana, Pere Lemaitre and the White Fathers of Tibar, M. Mussali,
Chief of the Constabulary Bureau at Tunis, the Archaeological Society
of Constantine, and M.M. Gsell and Merlin of the department of
Antiquities in Algiers and Tunis. I received much kind help in

Sardinia from Dr. Scano and the Consuls at Cagliari and Sassari
in Naples from Signor Abatino and the Society of Antiquaries
in Sicily from my old friend the late Mr, John Sofio of IVIessina,
and his family, especially his son Commendatore Luigi Sofio. I-'rom
Professors Orsi and C. A. Garuh I received my hrst encouragement
to publish these notes.

I venture to liojjc that an appeal to the indulgence of the reader

for the many errors and omissions which can scarcely be avoided
in a book of this description will not be made in vain.

E. H. F.

Palermo,
12^/? JaitKary, 1913.
 1 . ..

XIX.

ILLUSTRATIONS
PLANS AND MAPS.
SICILY.
Plate Paok.
1 Fa VARA, near Girgenfi : chapel door hi the Norman
Castle ... ... ... ... . 1
2 Priolo : Monastery of S. Phocas ... ... ... ... 3
Elevation and Plan.
3 <fe 4 Sta Croce in Camerina Bar/no : di Mare . 5
Plan
5 Sta Croce in Camerina : Vigna di Mare . . 6
Plan
6 M\ixaCt1^\ Chapel, West Side and Plan 8
7 the same. East Side ... ... ... ... 9
8 MAcr ARi Chapel, East Side ... ... ... ... ... 10
Plan and Elex'ation.
j) the same. South Side ... ... ... ... 11
10 the same. West Side 12
1 The '
Cvha '
chapel, near Sta Theresa by Syracuse ... l'.>

Plan and Elei'ation.

12 Bronze Lamp, /ownd «/ Set.inunto ... ... ... ... 17
By permission of Professor Salinas).
13 l{ossoT,iNi : rock cut church ... ... ... ... ... 19
Plan.
14 Impehtat. Byzantine Coins of the Seventh Century, struck hy
the Heracl ion family ; Heracliusto J uKtinia}) II. 24
1.5 Palermo: Church of S. Giovanni dei l^v^vvno^i, interior. 31
Plan.
\{S the same, exterior, a}id a capital tvith an Arabic
inscription ... ... ... ... ... 32
17 !*AT.ERMO : Chapel in Fa vara Castle {Castello a marc dolce) 34
15 the same, interior. Plan ... ... ... 3ij

19 Castelvetrano, Chapel of the Trinity of Delia. West

front, and Plan ... ... ... ... ... 37
20 the same. East front ... ... ... ... 38
21 Church of S Egidio
:i/l\zz\R.K, . .39

22 Heraclea Minoa The Citadel Walls of : the Creek City . . 43

23 Tyndaris The Roman Basilica, interior
: ... ... ... 44
24 Tyndaris: Apseof the Roman Basilica.
Cefalu, Ruins of the Church built over the " prehistoric
house." West Front and Door. Plan. ... 45
2.'> Cefalu: Interior of the Church ... ... ... ... 40
20 Termini, the Byzantine triptych i}i the Museum ... ... 47

The sources of the illustrations and plans, other than those taken
by my wife and me, are acknowledged on the fly sheets to the Pl.at^^s,
XX. ILLUSTRATIONS, PLANS AND MAPS.

SARDINIA.
Plate Pagk.
N 27 FouTOTOJiKKSjS.Gavino, Abbey Church, South side ... ... 57
28 the same, North side ... ... ... ... .58

29 the same, interior and plau ... ... ... .59

30 the same. East gable and apse dedication cross ... 60

Byzantine Capital, and plan.
31 SiTANT'S, Chapel of Sta. Sarbana, West and Soath sides ... (51
Sketch. Plan by Dr. Ashby.
32 SiNis, .S". (liovanni Abbey Church ... ... ... ... 02
Plan.
33 the same. East end ... ... ... ... ()3

34 the same, details ... ... ... ... 04

35 the same. North side ... ... ... ... 05
30 the same, interior ... ... ... ... 00
37 Cagt.iari Abbey Church of S. Saturn ino ... ... ... 09
and Plan
38 the same. West front of the Lantern, Corbel in
the Dome ... ... ... ... ... 70
39 the same, East end, detail of irall and dedicatio)i
cross ... ... ... ... ... ... 71
40 AssEMiNi, Church of Giovan^ii Exterior and Interior
S.
a}id stone ivith carved crosses from the Clrurcli
of S. Pietro 72
Plan.
41 SIT.ANUS r/zu/ Macomer, iVwr/iar/ii 75
42 Impekial Byzantine Coins; Various ... . ... 77

CALABRIA.

43 Roceij.etta, near Squillace, central apse ... .. ... 89

Plans.
44 the same. South side of the nave and Sketch of
East end and North side of the Church ... 90
45 the same, interior, looking towards the Chancel !)1

40 the same, interiors ... ... ... ... 92

47 Stit.o, la CattoUca, South Side ... ... ... ... 95
Plan and Elevation.
48 the same, interior ... ... ... ... 90
49 Ros.SANO, Church of S. Mark, East end and interior and
Church of the Patire at Coregijano 97
Plan.
50 Ro.ssANO, view from the tiarthex ... ... ... ... 9S
51 the same, view looking across the Clacrcti ... 99
52 Dedication Cross ai Stit.o ... ... ... 102
 ILLUSTRATIONS, PLANS AND MAPS. xxi.

TUNIS.
Plate Page.
53 El Kep, paneland Tunis, capital at the Bardo Museum...
; 102
54 Tebessa staircase from the hasilica to the trefoil chapel ...
; ] 03
55 the same ; west apse and mosaic on the tomh
of a Vandal boy ... ... ... ... ... 104
. 50 the same ; south and west apses, and mason's
marks. Plan by Mr. Duprat ... ... ... 105
57 ITppENA, Cakthage, AND HiDi Abicii Fonts ... ... ; 100
58 Carthage and Zaghouan ; cella trichora at the Damns el
Karita. fieneral view of the Zaghouan nymi)h-
Oium. the cella and the roof ... ... ... 107
50 Henchitj M.\atrta, exterior (/eneral view ... ... ... 108
00 the .same; interior ... ... ... ... 109
01 SiDi Mohammed Ex. Gebioih, exterior North and West .sides 110
02 the same ; vietvs of the other sides... ... ... Ill
03 the same; interior ... ... ... ... 112
(54 llENCHTH Maatiua AND El (iEBioi^ vicws of the interior ; ;

and tubes of j tottery used in the cor}.si ruction of

EKlebioui ... ... ... ... ... ... 113
05 SoussE AND Henchir Maatria ; the coffee house at Sousse
called the Koubba, interior ; and the exterior of
the Zaouia at Maatria ... ... ... ... 110
00 I^]l Kef cl
chiirch called Dar el Kus
view of the nave and. apse ;
;
the West end or narthex, and a key stone of an arch 120
07 Haidra. The ap,se of the (/arrison chapel in the Byzantine
fori, and one of the pillars sirpportinr/ the chavcel
arch ... ... ... ... ... ... 121
08 Capitals. Roman and Native ... ... ... ... 1 22
m thesam,e; Byzantine ... ... ... ... 123
70 Sfax and
anii Kairouan. Marble panel over the door of the
(treat Mosque at Sfax ; and terra coiia plaques
from near Kairouan ... ... ... ... 124
71 Consoles, Central Tunis ... ... ... ... ... 125
72 .MosAT(;s. Enfida church ; from Uppena and. Sidi Abich ;
and from Sfax ... ... ... ... ... 120
73 Crosses. Central 'Tunis ; Bou Ficha, Sbeitla, and two
tomb stones from the Caucasus. Cross on one
of the pillars in the French churcJi at Sfax, ob-
tained from. BAispe ... ... ... ... 127

MAPS.
Sicily 15
Sardinia ... .^o

Calabria ... 84
Tunis 114
xxu.

BOOKS.

Abattxo. Pr. : Puhlication on Stilo in '

Napoli Nobilissimfi.' Vol. xii.,
paf/r 11, Fehriiary 1903.

Amari : Storin del Musulmnni di Sicilia. Florence, 1854.

Antoniades : Ekphrnsis fes Agios Sophias. ConslnriiUmplc. lOOS.

Barreca : Caiacomhe di S. Giovanni in Siracusa. Syracuse. 1900.

Barth : Travels and discoveries in North and Cenlral Africa. 1857.

Battifol : L'Abbaye de Rossano. Paris, 1891.

Bertaux : L'Arf dans VHalie Meridian ale. Paris, 1904.

Besta : Tm Sardegna Medioevale. 2 Vols. Rebcr, Palermo, 1008.

BiscARi : Paferno, Prince of : Viaggio per tutti le antichifa della Sicilia, 1817

Brolo : Lancia di : Archbishop of ^fonreale. Sforia della Chiesa in

Sicilia. 4 Vols. Palermo, 1880.
Butler : Ancient Coptic Churches of Egypt. 2 Vols. 1884.

Bury : Professor, Later Boman Empire and Eastern Roman Empire.

Chat.axdon : Histoire dc la domination Normande en Italic ct en Sicile.
Paris, 1906.

Clarixval Coaimaxder: Article on Tebessa in the R^'ceuil of the Archico-

logical Society of Co}istantine, Algeria, 1870.

DElJ^TTRE : Rev. Pere. Cn PeJeri^iage aux rui)ies dc Cartage.

Lyons, 1906.

DiMARZO : Dizionario Topographico della Sicilia. Palermo, 1856.

DiEiiL : L'Afriqve Byzantine. Paris, 1896.

DUPRAT, M. : Article on Tebessa in the Receuil of the Archreological Society

of Constantine, Algeria, 1897.

PiNLAY : Greece under the Romans.

Freshpield, Dr. E. : In Archrpologia. Vol. xliv., p. '.iH'.i.

Gay : Ij'Italie Meridionale et Vcmpire Byzantin. Paris. 1904.

Garufi, Prof. C. A. : L'Archivio Capitolarc di Girgenti. In Archivio

Storico Siciliano, 1903.

GiovANXi. V. DI : Castello e la. chiesa della Ii'avara di S. Filippo a nmrc

dolce in Palermo, in Archivio, Storico Siciliano. Palermo. 1897.

Gregorovius : Rome in the Middle Ages. Trans. Hamilton.

GsELL. S. : Les monuments antiques dc VAlgerie. Paris. 1901.

GSELT,. S. : LJAlgerie dans Vaniiquite. Algiers, 1903.

 BOOKS. xxiiL

(^LTEitiN, V. : Voyaye dund Id Iie(/eiice de Tunis. 2 Vols. Pari', 1802.

TloDGKix : lluly and kcr invaders.

Hoi/rziNGEK, H. : Die AKchrisllichc Archilectur. Slulliiarl, ISS!).

.JacIvSox, T. Cj. : DaJnuilia the Quarnero and Isiriu. ;i Vols., 1S87,

Kocii, 1*. : Byzanlini^che BeamtentUcl. Jena, 1903.

Kaestner : De hnperio Consiuntini 111. Lcipsic, 1907.

La Marmoua : lie de Sardaujne. Turin, 1851.

Lai'otkk. a. : U Europe et le Saint Siege (Lv Papc .Jean VI 11.).

Paris, 189.J.

Lenormant : Jm Grande (Irtee. Paris. 1881.

.Maktijoye, F. : L'Oeeident a Vvpoque Byzantine. Paris, l!»Ol.

Mas Latrie : Tresor de Chronolo</ie.

Merlin : Pubtieations of the De}>artment of .intiquities in the Re(fe)icy of

Tunis.

Mli.AiAN : History of Christianity.

Mo.sSHEl.M : Eeetesiasti<:al History. Indited by liistiop Stubbs.

Murray : Handboolc for Sicily, 1890.

Neale, .1. M. : History of the Holy Eastern Church.
Orsi, Professor P. : Articles on Canierina and Muccari in Byxayitiniselie
Zeitschift, 1898-1899.

Pas1'ATE.s : By-antince Meletai, Constantinople, 1877.

Patricolo : Article on Delia Chapel in Archivio Storico Siriliano, N.S.

Anno V, Palermo, 1880.

Pirri : Sicilia Sacra.

Piedesel, .J. H. Vox : Travels Ihrout/h Sicily, translated by J . II. Eorslcr.

London, 1772.

PoDOTA : Dell Oriyine stafo e proyresso del rito Greco, 1758-0!.

PoDU, Sir Rexxell : Princes of Achaia and the Chronicles of Morea,

1890,
8AIXT NoM, ABBii UE : Voyoye Pitloresqae Naples et la Sicile, Paris, 11 So.

Salinas, Professor : On the Christian Lamp in the Puler)no Museum and

on the walls of Mount Eryjc, in Archivio Storico Siciliano, 188o.

ScAXo, Dr. D. : Storia dell Arte in Sardeyna, 1907.

ScoBAR : Caialoyus Episcoporuni Ecclcsiw Syracusance.

Seriziat, Commaxder : Article on Tebcssa in the lieceuil of the Archmo-

loyical Society of Constajiline, Alyeria, 1868.

Sladex : Sicily, 1904.

Theouoret : History of the Church. Bohn, 1851.

Wroth, W. : imperial Byzantine Coins in the British Museum.
 xxiv. ADDITIONS AND COEEECTIONS.

Page. Line.
23 There are no signs of a rib. See explanation in i'oolnote 5
to page 104.

12-16 The Cathedral at Syracuse is now in process of restoration

and some recent excavations at the Chapel of S. Alarcian
have brought to light the remains of the Noruiaii
basilica. These works and the excavations at S.
Theresa will be noticed in Vol. II.

24 Footnote omit " tmd OSO." Footnote iii. in the third

1.,

line for " Constans II." read Constantine III." As

the result of further research I have come to the
conclusion that the Sta. Theresa Chapel belongs to the
5th Century and is consequently earlier than the
others.

26 Footnote 1., for " 598 " read " 098."

31 9 For " Amalo " read " ^Vmato." The authority for this
statement is not Amato but Geoffrey Malaterra.
In
the last line but 7 I should have said that the stone
vault now appears to be a late addition.

36 18 For " S. Orsola " read " S. Spirito."

37 Views of the interior of the Trinita de Delia and a note

on the inscription on the apse will be found in Vol. II.

71 1 These are real mason's marks. What I took to be a spear

and the reed and sponge are a chisel and mallet. Simi-
'
lar marks in the cloister at S. Honorat and in the
Kircherian Museum at Rome are illustrated in Vol. II.

87 The site of Cassiodorus' Monastery seems to have been at u

place called Copauello, where Professor Orsi recently
found the foundations of a trefoil chapel. It lies just
below Staletti.

99 The Chm'ches of S. Joseph at (J acta, S. Costanzo at Capri

and S. Maria delle cinque torri at Monte Cassino are
illustrated and described in Vol. II.

122 bvit three The French name for this ornament is Coulicole.

123 Capital 23. Dviplicates of tliib pattern will be found in the

Capella Palatina at Palermo and at Caix'o in the Mosque
of Touloun.
I i'AYWw^-vV
 )

1.

t'*M
'^-^

J^A VARA,
(fiear Girgenti

Chapel door in the N'ormon Castle

Frontispiece
 NOTES UPON
SIX ANCIENT CHURCHES
IN

EASTERN SICILY.

The ancient episcopal sees in Sicily were Syracuse, Camerina,

Girgenti, Triocala, Lilybeo, Palermo, Termini, Cefalu, Tusa,
Tyndaris, Messina, Catania and Lentini.^
Syracuse as the oldest and as the seat of government till the
Saracen conquest became the most important and in the 8th
century the see was raised to an archbishopric with metropolitical
jurisdiction over Sicily. In Syracuse itself the principal churches
of interest are the rock cut chapel of S. Marcian, an ancient
basilica above it now forming part of the nave of the Norman
church of S. Giovanni, the cathedral, and fragments of the Norman
church of S. Lucia. The following ancient churches described
in these notes are in the outlying parts of the diocese : at Priolo
a village about half way between Syracuse and Porta Augusta, at
S. Theresa, a village on the railway to Noto, and Maccari, a deserted
city on the lagoons near Pacehino and cape Passaro.
The other churches described in this chapter are situated in the
dioceses of Camerina and Taormina.

PRIOLO.
Priolo is a station twelve kilometres north of Syracuse on the
railway to Catania. The hamlet, a poor place with primitive
houses, stands near the sea shore at the head of a wide bay between
the promontories of Magnisi and Augusta. The former, known in
classical times as Thapsos, claims to be the site of the earliest
Greek colony in Sicily. The Athenian fleet of the great expedition
against Syracuse is supposed to have sheltered in the roadstead
protected by a sandspit from the S. and S.E. winds. The neigh-
bourhood is full of classical remains, and one of the most important,
1. They varied from time to time, and at the Vandal Conquest of Sicily there
were only nine.
'^": :,:'': .' PRIOLO
a mass of ruined masonry locally known as the torre de Marcello

is, according to legend, either a trophy to celebrate the victory

of Syracuse over the Athenians or a monument to commemorate
Marcellus' expedition against Syracuse.

Dimarzo describes Priolo under the article on Mellili, the site of

the ancient Hybla in the hills behind the village, and gives the
district two other names, Aguglia and Mostragiano.

The church and the adjoining monastery of six cells, stand in

a little close a few yards from the high road leading to Catania,
about three quarters of a mile south of Priolo. Dimarzo describes
it and most ancient temple, dedicated to S. Phocas, built
as a noble
of square blocks made of stone, and spoken of by Scobar and Pirri
as built by one Germanos, a bishop of Syracuse in the fourth
century.^ The local legend about this S. Phocas agrees substantially
with the life of S. Phocas, martyr, bishop of Sinope in the second
century. He was a patron of sailors."-^

Both church and monastery are abandoned though the former

is occasionally used and served by the parish priest of Priolo. The
latter is resorted to by pilgrims at certain seasons of the year in

connection with the agricultural festivals and thanksgivings. The

old custodian or lay brother keeps the key and lives in Priolo.

According to Dimarzo the church was damaged by earthquake,

possibly in the twelfth century, when the Dasilica over S. Marcian's
chapel was destroyed.

The ground plan of the church is of the simplest character. It

is a basilica with a nave of five bays terminating in a semicular

apse covered with a sernidome. The aisles on each side had no
apses but ended in square walls. The north aisle has been
entirely destroyed exposing the nave arches. These arches are
round and the square piers supporting them are made of massive
well-cut stones in the style of good Roman masonry. The accom-
panying sketch of them is taken from Professor Orsi's article.

1. S. Phocas church see Sicilia Sacra by

For the reference to Pirri, ed. 1733,
vol. I, Also Dizionario Topograjico della Sicilia by Vtto Amico, edited
}i. 603.
and translated by G. Dimarzo, Palermo, 1856, vol. TI, p, 77, Article Melilli "nel
Masrojanno linalmente si osserva il nobile ed antichissimo tempio di S. Foca
Martire fabbricato di pietre quadrate di cui parlano Scobar nel Catal ed il Pirri :

che riconosce orij^ine di Germano Vescovo di Siracusa verso il IV Sec. di Cristo e

dove riposano le spoglie del S. Martire "

2. Dictionary of Christian Biography.

M^ 'Jh

'i. v;^Js\ ^-itoX <{\

 PRIOLO. ^. ,;, . ,-, _
( S. Phocas.)

above: — West front: cloister sho7ving south door of the church and
small 7vood door on the right leading to the cells above.

below: —N'ave arches on the north side showing the three low'er courses

of the north aisle roof now ruined: main entrance unth a cross

above the arch.

\,^^ -J' *r

Elevation N. side (OrsiJ.

V~A

Plan f OrsiJ.

To face page 3.
 PRIOLO 8

They are no doubt the square stones referred to in Dimarzo's

description of the church.

The nave and aisles were originally roofed with stone barrel
vaults.^ The nave vault sprang from a projecting stone cornice at
2'90 met. above the floor and close above the crown of the arches.
These arches separating the nave from the aisles have been filled
up with loose rubble, covered with cement and whitewash, and are
now only 2*25 met. high above the floor ; they are also the same
width at the spring of the arch. From these measurements, I
conclude that the present tiled floor is about a metre and a half
above the original floor.

When the vault was broken, the nave was raised to almost twice
its heiglit and covered with a plain timber and tile roof. In this
addition there are three windows, one over the west door, and two
others opposite one another on the north and south sides in the
clerestory about midway the length of the nave. The window on
the south side is now blocked up by the monastic buildings, showing
that they are later than the raised part of the nave.

The apse arch is 4'48 met. high from floor to crown, 3*83 met.
wide and springs from two single moulded cornice stones, five

inches thick 2*90 met. above the The semi-circular apse,

floor.

2 met. deep, is covered with a semi-dome, and had one small

square-headed light in the centre, now blocked up.
"75 met. from the eaves outside, the apse wall recedes slightly
from the plumb, and is composed of cement, small stones and
pieces of brick. The rest of the apse is made of rough hewn stones
and rubble and has a low flat tiled roof. Almost all the outer
casing of dressed stones has been removed, and only portions of it

remain on each side of the base to a height of a metre above the

ground.
The main door at the west end is 1*95 met. high and 1*32 broad,
with a round discharging arch over it, not visible from outside.
The jambs of dressed stone moulded plainly are comparatively
modern. The letter " I," part of an inscription, is cut on the lintel.
The west front outside is quite plain and covered with plaster
and on each side of the door are two rough benches of stone.
1. This feature points to a very early date and possibly Coptic origin. Ancient
Coptic Churches of Egypt. A. J. Butler, 1884, vol. I, p. 9.
4 PEIOLO
The sketch shows the ruined north aisle. Above the arches
there are three rows of large dressed stones inclining slightly

inwards, forming the lower courses of the vaulted roof of this

aisle. Above these stones on the roof is a heavy mass of cement
inclining gradually from east to west and showing traces of a gulley
pipe or conduit to carry water from the roof to a well, on the south
side of the west door.

The entrance to the monastery is at the south-west angle of the

nave, by a round-headed door leading to a square vestibule. Above
the door is a lozenge-shaped stone, with a cross carved in high
relief. This stone is set in cement. The vestibule has a plain
vaulted barrel roof of stone and leads into a courtyard, closed on
the south side by a wall, on the west side by the wing of the
monastery, on the east by outbuildings, and on the north by the
refectory and cells over it. The refectory with the cellar and
two vestibules adjoining it originally formed the south aisle of

the church.

The west bay is a cellar, the second and third bays are the
refectory, the fourth a porch giving access to a door in the south
side of the nave and into the cloister. The fifth bay was apparently
used as a storeroom and led to the kitchen and scullery.

The arches on the south side of the refectory are partly filled

with masonry, leaving square windows and arranged so as to

provide window seats between the piers. The tables on either side

are raised on a low dais, leaving a tiled gangway in the centre.

A small cloister of three round-headed arches runs along the

north side of the court in front of the refectory, extending from the
entrance to a stairway leading up to the cells on the first floor

above the refectory.

This stairway consists of six stone steps rising to a landing and
then nine steps more at right angles lead up to a corridor on the
first floor. This corridor is lighted by windows at either end and
gives access to four cells over the refectory, and leads to two more
cells in a wing on the south side. A narrow door on the north side
leads to a small wood gallery at the west end of the church.

I should add that, excepting the cross over the main entrance
and a raised cross on a trefoil base over the store room door,
 ,

'f^v^'ovT'T^BE^)*" ' , ^ r^'V:'-^' -'rv'':?!ftp^ " *r°5y,> .C' ,.f P» f

^#¥-^^
 .»• A f,

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 )

3 & 4.

STA. CROCE IN CAMERINA.

f Bagfio di Mare

J. North side; and one of the circular vents drilled through

the masonry.

4. My wife holding a reed in one of the vents on the south side.

Plan ( Orsi).

To face page j.
 :

CAMERINA 5

there are no traces of ornament, decoration or mason's marks

about the buildings.

Professor Orsi visited the monastery more than once and

conducted a series of excavations ; he has described it in detail and
I have used his plan.^
In its original state the exterior of the church probably resembled
the old Servian church at Mostar in the Herzegovina. A good
idea of the interior can be obtained from the photograph of the
nave of S. Giovanni in Sinis in the chapter on Sardinia.

S. CROCE IN CAMERINA.

The so-called Camerina chapels on the bank of a small stream

lie

between the village of S. Croce in Camerina and the sea. Dimarzo

in a footnote to the article on this place, says

" Non lungi della vasca (a fine fountain just outside the village)
" osservansi por presso un orto avanzi di antico bagno di tre stanze
" composto di pietre quadrate senza calce e macerie di simili
" fabbricati sin al mare ;
puo credersi aver ricevuto acque dalla
" vicina conserva."

The antico bagno is, I have no doubt, the Vigna di Mare chapel
and that is the only mention of these remains I have found in the
authorities.

There are two chapels, one called Vigna di Mare, on the bank of
the stream a short distance west of the town near this fountain,
the other called Bagno di Mare is about a mile and a half further
south on the bank of the stream and among the sand dunes, about
a quarter of a mile from the seashore.

The chapels and adjoining buildings are so similar in character

and construction as to leave no doubt that they were built at the

same time and by the same architect. They have the following
principal features in common ; a square nave covered by a dome,
chancel, transepts and an annexed building on the fourth side
consisting of two chambers, the ground plan thus forming a Latin
1. For his article on this and the other churches, see Byzanlinishe Zeitschii/t, p. 1

publication of 18th January, 1898, and p. 613 publication 1899 iVlII Band) Leipsic
Teubner.
6 CAMEEINA
cross. The only diflference between them is, that the chancel at
Vigna di Mare is on the north side, and at Bagno di Mare it is on
the south.
The land they stand upon belongs to the princely family of
St. Elia, to whose agent at Vittoria 1 was indebted for permission to
visit the locality.

The nave of the Bagno di Mare is a little square chamber, built

of large blocks of cut stone, covered with a dome made of eleven
rows of square blocks, in decreasing sizes from spring to crown.
The chancel is on the south side and the transepts on the east
and west sides but only the west transept remains perfect.
;

The dome is not supported on either squinches or pendentives.

It is to use a colloquial phrase simply dumped down on to the
vaults of the chancel and of the two transepts on three sides, and
on the wall of the narthex on the fourth side. Though the diameter
is considerably greater than the square nave little brackets or
consoles are introduced into the angles of the nave as if to support
the dome. In fact they are quite meaningless and in the existing
edifice support nothing. The peculiarity will be best understood by
reference to my sketch and photograph of the bracket at Vigna di
Mare, where I have placed a white cloth on the top to show that it

does not support any superstructure. Possibly these brackets were

intended either to carry the stone ribs of a cross vault or wood
beams for a flat roof. In either case the dome would then be an
addition. Another curious feature about them is that each has two
large holes on either side bored right through and also through
the dome.

It will be noticed that the transepts are not built true to the
centre of the nave. The east transept has disappeared altogether,
and the arch leading to it is blocked up. The west transept is

perfect, has a square end and is covered with a fine barrel roof of
well cut stones laid in symmetrical rows ; only a portion of the west
wall of the chancel stands, and the arch to it has been filled up
and a modern door made in it.

A small door in the north wall of the square nave and on the
east side of it leads to the two adjoining chambers. Neither this
nor the present main door are in their original position, but both
have old jambs with mortice holes. The original access to the
 STA. CROCE IN CAMERINA.
( Vtgna di Mare)

North side spring of the cross vault ( Vonte d'' aretes) which originally

covered the nave. There is no rib to the vault (p. 104 foot note ^ ).
Above the spring a white cloth; above the cloth the square stones of

the dome. The t7Vo breaks on either side of the spring are the vents

pierced through the masonry showing that they were drilled after the

building was erected ; on the left and right the chancel and transept arches.

Plan f OrsiJ.

To face page 6.
;^^\AL

wu M-^f^^/
 ;

CAMERINA 7

church seems to have been by a door in the east wall of the first

chamber or narthex, and then by the door m the partition wall

between the narthex and the nave. The main building was lighted
by little square windows in the dome over the chancel and transepts.

The two chambers are nearly square, that adjoining the nave
being slightly larger than the other. Both are covered with
waggon vaulting of well-cut square stones, the spring of the vault
receding three inches from the wall and making a kind of cornice.
The former may have been the narthex, the latter the baptistry.
Each chamber was lighted by little windows or apertures of no
interest. The window on the east side of the narthex above the
main door has a bevelled cill and below it are two little apertures
vhich look very like medieval lepers squints cut slantwise.

The following are the measurements —

The nave 3'80 met.
:

square. The east and west arches are 2 met. wide, and 2*50 met.
high above the present floor. The west apse is 2"80 met, long.
The crown of the dome stands 5 met. above the present floor level
the latter has not risen much above the original. The first
chamber is 2*90 met. long from south to north, and 2*80 met.
broad ; the height of the vault 4'55 met. from the floor ; the second
chamber is 2*60 met. square and 4"5 met. from vault to floor. The
arch between the chambers has been broken, leaving an aperture
7 feet wide. The average width of the walls is 0'65 met.

The plan and the chapel of Vigna di Mare are

elevation of
similar to the Bagno. The two adjoining chambers are at the
south end of the building instead of the north, and the dome is
of higher pitch and more perfect than the Bagno. The chancel
and transepts have been entirely destroyed.
The dome is composed outside of large blocks of cut stone, and
inside of smaller cut stones arranged in nine rows and diminishing
in size from spring to crown. The lowest row is composed of
narrower stones, and they rest on the chancel and transept arches
and on the south wall.

The peculiar consoles or brackets in the angles of the square

occur in this building also and they have the same holes bored
through them. These holes are about 6 inches in diameter and
are carried right through to the outside of the dome. In the
photograph my wife is holding a reed in one of them. Professor
 ;

8 CAMERINA
Orsi suggests that they were intended for poles to support a tent or
awning, but I think they were more probably cut when the Saracens
turned them into baths, and that they served some purpose
connected with the heating.

The first chamber or narthex adjoining the nave is in fair

condition, but the second is almost gone. The entrance to the

chapel was by a door in the wall of the narthex and the second
chamber was connected with the first by a door in the party wall.
Both chambers have strong barrel vaults made of well -cut square
stones, and there are traces of cement on the roofs outside.

The nave inside was lighted by long narrow slits in the dome
placed at the cardinal points over the transept and chancel arches
and the south wall. The original floor of the nave now covered
with fallen stones and rubble, was about three quarters of a metre
below the present level.

The measurements are as follows :

— The nave 3*65 met. square
average width of walls, '90 met. ; chancel and transept arches,
width 2'10 met. ; height above the present floor, 1"70 met. ; height
of the dome inside above the present floor, 4'30 met. ; length and
breadth of the first chamber, 3*40 met. and 3"75 met., and of the

second chamber, 2*5 met. and 3"7o met.

The chapels at Malvagna and Maccari are so similar in general

plan, appearance and construction as to justify a conjecture that

they were built about the same period and by the same architect.
The materials used in the latter are chiefly large cut stones, probably

taken from earlier buildings, and in the former, rubble, bricks,

blocks of lava and cement. The Maccari chapel is consequently in
much better condition ; moreover it is not exposed like Malvagna, to
the disintegrating effect of frost and snow. Both buildings owe
their comparatively good state of preservation to a thick layer of

cement of a very hard kind covering the domes.

MALVAGNA.
The village of Malvagna is situated about half-way between
Castiglione and Eandazzo, on a spur of the Nebrodian hills, facing
the northern slope of Etna. Edrisi does not mention the village,
 •.^'^. ..A S^^':.^!^

MALVAGNA.
The S. W. angle of the chapel; the S. apse pierced by a modern door.

My wife watching an eruption on Etna

On the plan ; a, modern door; b, ancient door now blocked; c, niche.

The fragments on the East side mark the room or cell: see plate 7.

N
« I

<yH^.^fc*-» o I
» ^ ->

Plan (E.F.J

To face page 8.
 nave

Ok
W :i

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 '

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\\'t \j<\\iiVb !\\\ .\ji TjtV :\\

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7.

MALVAGNA
The S.E. corner of. the chapel showing the S. apse with a modern

door, the E. apse and a part of the wall of the cell.

To face pai:[c g.
 MALVAGNA 9

though he speaks of the neighbouring township of Mojo. Dimarzo

mentions Malvagna and also the chapel as
" una fabbrica quasi intera appellata cuba dai terrazzini,''

and speaks of extensive ruins of walls, of cisterns, tombs, urns,

lamps, and money found in the district, indicating an ancient
locality of importance. The chapel is not mentioned by either
Fazello or the Principe di Biscari ; Murray's handbook speaks of it

as one of the few relics of the Greek Empire now extant in Sicily.

The chapel, locally called the Cuba, is situated (and I describe its
position with some detail, since I had much difficulty in finding it)

on a plateau at the foot of a hill below the village of Malvagna.

It is about half a mile north of the high road leading from
Francavilla to Randazzo and is reached by walking up a little

brook spanned by a culvert two hundred yards east of the entrance

to the village of Mojo. The latter and Malvagna gives their names
to a station on the Circum-iEtnea railway, about two miles south
of Mojo.

The chapel is a square chamber with semi-circular semi-domed

apses on the west, south and east sides ; the north side is a plain
wall and contained the main entrance which was not placed in the

centre, but a little on one side so as not to face directly on to the

altar in the central apse. The square is covered by a flat dome

resting on the north wall, and on the arches of the apses, and
supported in the four angles on squinches. The door cut into the
central or south apse, shown in the photograph, and the remains of

a chamber on the east side are of later date.

The features immediately noticeable inside the building are that
the lower half of the flat dome is octagonal, and that the eastern
apse is not only smaller than the others, but is on the south side of

the east wall leaving room for a little niche on the north side.

What this niche may have been intended for it is impossible to say.
But if these apses were intended to be used as prothesis, altar
and diaconicon respectively, then the eastern apse would be the
prothesis and the nichemay have some ritual significance.
The dome is well-made of small blocks of stone and lava,
roughly cut, arranged in eleven rows, and set in cement. The roof
outside is also covered with a thick layer of this material. The
squinch arches in the four angles are made of lava blocks similar

in construction, but of rougher work than those at Maccari.

10 MALVAGNA
The arch of the west apse is made of thirteen well-cut blocks of
stone and lava placed alternately like those in the S. Theresa,
Cuba.
Of the little square chamber on the east side, only the north
wall and a fragment of the south wall on the lop of the roof of
the east apse remain. From the latter circumstance I conjecture
the chamber to be a later addition.
The chapel is now used as a tool shed, but from a circular tank
sunk in the and lined with cement, and portions
floor of a square
tank with a lipped gutter close by, it would seem that at one time
it was used for a wine press.
The following dimensions must be taken as approximate only :
—
The nave 4*48 met. square ; average width of the walls 1"75
met. ; width of the two larger apses 2"75 met. ; depth of the same
ISO met. height of two arches 3"25 met. width of the east apse
; ;

210 met. depth of the same 1*30 met. height of this apse arch
; ;

3 met. main door, height 2'50 met., width 1*30 met. height of
; ;

the dome above the existing floor 5*90 met. and it has eleven rows ;

of stones from spring to crown.

MACCAEI.
Maccari is situated about ten miles south of Noto on the road to
Pacchino and close to the seashore. The chapel stands on the
north end of a narrow peninsula surrounded by the lagoon of
Vindicari and connected with the mainland at the south end. The
spot is locally known as
" citadella,"

and, judging by the remains in the adjacent fields, must have been
a place of considerable importance. This spot commands a fine
view of the seashore to the east, the lighthouse and headland at
cape Passaro to the south, and the hills over Noto towards the
north. The country to the west, well cultivated, enclosed in stone
fences and wooded with large olive and carob trees, has an appear-
ance of considerable prosperity. There is now much malaria in
the district, and the desertion of the town is no doubt to be
attributed to it.

Edrisi mentions it thus in his itinerary :

" Da Marzameni
a dahlat'ibn dikami (cala d'ibn dikami anche oggi
" Porto Vindicari) sei miglia."

According to Dimarzo this spot is the site of the ancient Ichana

 MACCARL
S.E. front of the chapel.

17^1

Elevatioji and Plan ( Orsi ).

To face page lo.

 ^M^>^'^

m
60 111

to '
^
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 m
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J
 M.

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 .Q

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 9.

MAC CARL
South apse and side door, showing the step buttresses and the square
projecting stones in the drum of the dome.

To face page ii.

 MACCAEI 11

mentioned by Pliny, and not to be confused with Machara

mentioned in Cicero's oration against Yerres with which Fazello
identifies it. The latter, quoted by Dimarzo, describes it as
" una salina .... alia dicui bocca il porto detto Fenico da Tolomeo,
" Nanstatmo da Plinio ed oggi Vindicari .... Vedoiisi molte
" vestigi;'. di edifizii .... Vi ha un tempio oibicvdare ed a volta
" travagliato con antique lavoro da piette quadrate e talmente ancora
" intero che non in antiche ma nei tempi del Cristiani sembia
" costruito al Salvatore cui ora e addetto.'

He also mentions another building of the same form which has

fallen in ruins.

Paterno drily observes that the ruins do not repay the fatigue a
visit entails.

This chapel is chamber covered by a flat dome and

also a square
semi-circular half domed apses on the south, west and north sides,
forming chancel and transepts. It is built of large blocks of local
stone roughly cut, and the dome and apse roofs are covered with a
very hard cement. Some of the stones are so large as to suggest
that they have been taken from older buildings, though Professor
Orsi does not consider that there are any traces of a classical town
on this site.
There are three entrances. The main door is placed a little to
the side of the east front, and not in the centre. There are two
small round-headed doors in the south and north walls on the
east side of the respective transept apses. This arrangement of
side doors will be found in the Norman Greek chapel, near
Castelvetrano, called the Trinita di Delia. The top of the east
front has perished considerably, but enough remains to show that
the wall was carried up towards the centre in the way of a
rudimentary fa9ade.
The dome is counterweighed by a low circular drum outside, and
further supported at the four angles of the square by little step-

shaped buttresses. On the south side of the drum there are two
projecting square stones, visible in the photograph, but their
purpose is not clear.
The dome inside is well built of ten rows of cut stones of
diminishing size from spring to crown, supported by squinches in
the angles. It is in every respect better finished and more
substantial than the dome of the chapel at Malvagna.
 —

12 MACCAEI
The interior was lighted by little square windows above the apse
arches and in the centre of the east front. There are also traces of
a window in the north apse visible on the outside, though I could
find none inside but it must be remembered that all these
;

windows are merely small square apertures without ornament, and

they may have been blocked up in later days when the buildings
were used as storehouses and shelters for cattle.
The whole of the inside of the church is blackened with smoke,
and there is no trace of decoration or painting.

The dimensions are as follows :

The nave 6*40 met, square ; average width of the walls 1*5 met.
The north apse 3"50 met. wide, 2'50 deep, and the height of its

arch 4*10 met. The other apses are 2 '75 met. wide and 2 met.
deep, and their arches are 4"10 met. high. The main door is 3*50
met. high and 2 met. wide ; the side doors are 2" 10 met. high and
•98 met. wide. There are 10 rows of stones in the dome from
spring to crown, and the latter is about 6*50 met. high above the
existing floor level. I should add that the floor in the apses is

raised a step above the nave.

S. THEEESA.

The S. Theresa chapel, locally known as the Cuba, stands in the

middle of the farm-yard or fattoria of Mr. Vincent Vinci. It it an
hour's drive south of Syracuse, near the railway to Noto, and about
a quarter of a mile from the sea shore. It is almost completely
buried in the ground, and a sixteenth century martello or watch
tower has been built on the dome. This is now used as a country
house by the Vinci family.
I have been unable to identify this chapel in any of the old

authorities. It is situated a short half-mile to the east of the

railway from Syracuse to Noto, near the S. Theresa station.

According to Dimarzo all this district, bordering on the sea shore

from Lognina by Longarino to Cassibile is full of ruins, aqueducts,
tombs and baths of the classical period.
The ground plan of the S. Theresa Cuba, is similar to that of
the last two chapels, that is to say, the square nave is covered with
a low dome and has on three sides chancel and transept apses,
and a porch or narthex on the south side. The roof of the latter
 10.

MACCARI.

N. W. angle of the chapel, showing the S. 6- W. apses: the step buttresses,:

and on the right, one of the square stones let into the di-uni of the dome.

To face page 12.

 Ait

ire 10 1

the latter is ai

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 .11

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 n.

STA. THERESA.
Chapel called the Cuba.

I. The nave sketchy E.F.

2y J. The Martello tower and stones at the base built on the dome of the chapel.
Two views; sketch by my wife.
4. The central or W. apse.

The sketch I is taken from A; the door on the left is B; the stairway
from the Courtyard above is C; the arch is at D; it has now been blocked
with modern masonry. The springs of the barrel vault appear on the
wall on the left.

Elevation. A, Ground level. B^ Masonry at the base of the Martello tower.

Elevation and plan (Or si).

To face page JJ.

 ;;

S. THEKESA near SYEACUSE 13

has fallen. The nave is covered by a low dome, built of stones

laid in rows resting on four arches and simple pendentives. The
arches are all of the same size, and made of well cut blocks of
stones and lava placed alternately. The arches and the vaults of
the chancel and transepts spring from a cornice, and judging by
the dimensions of the building, the present floor mubt be at least
a metre above the original level. Mr. Vinci told me that he did
not like to excavate for fear of weakening the foundations and
disturbing the superstructure. The nave was lighted by two long
narrow slits in each semi-dome of the transept apses ; the walls of
these transepts are faced with cut blocks, and the semi-dome roofs
above are composed of smaller uncut stones set in mortar.

The narthex floor is covered with debris of the roof. Professor

Orsi excavated it and found that the floor was raised in a succession
of low stej)s cut in solid rock and that a small door on the south
side, approached by a flight of steps, led down from the ground
level. The very rough sketch will show the narthex as I saw it

the arch of the small door will be seen in the left-hand corner, as
well as the spring of the arches supporting the barrel roof.
Not the least interesting part of this chapel is the curious
position selected for it. The architect first excavated the site in
the rock and then built the chapel in it at a level so far below the
ground as to leave little visible from outside.
The dimensions are as follows :
— The nave 6*75 met. square
average width of walls, 1'35 met. The four arches supporting the
dome, 5*50 met. wide, and there are 21 stones in the chancel arch.
The transepts are 2"66 met. deep, and the chancel about '50 met.
deeper. The dome is 5 "30 met. above the present floor ; length of
the narthex, 5 met., width 5"50 met. The present floor appears to
be about "75 met. above the original floor.

It will be seen that all these chapels have certain leading

features in common : a cruciform ground plan, a square nave
covered with a dome with apses on three sides, representing
flat

chancel and transepts. The arches and windows in all are round-
headed, and each building is situated in or near a burying-ground.
The Sicilians attribute them to the Saracens, and call them
cubi and baths, but it seems to me there can be no doubt from the
style and materials used, that they are Greek buildings, and from
their proximity to burying-grounds that they are places of worship.
 14 DOMES AND SQUINCHES
Unfortunately they are all devoid of any ornament and decoration,
and I could not find even the carved dedication crosses so common
on Byzantine buildings.^
The domes of all three churches spring directly from the arches
and not from a drum, showing that they are of early date. At first
the Maccari dome might appear from the outside to be supported
on a well-defined drum about three feet high. But a closer
inspection inside will show that this drum in reality is a device to

counterweigh the outward thrust of the dome, and that by way of

further support little buttresses in the shape of steps, have been
applied to it at the four angles of the square nave. The same
arrangement of buttresses will be seen in the church of SS. Scrgius
and Bacchus at Constantinople, and this feature is so marked and
distinct that it seems reasonable to infer that the architect of
Maccari copied them from the church at Constantinople.
The Cuba, however, is not only better finished but a more
complete building, inasmuch as it has a nave or narthex, while in
the other two the west end terminates abruptly in the wall of the
square supporting the dome. But the main difference between
them method of supporting the dome, and from the fact
is in the
that the dome
Cuba is supported on plain pendentives and
of the

those of Malvagna and Maccari are on squinches, I thought the

former must be older, assuming that the squinch was a later
architectural development ; but recent discovery by the Austrinn
explorers of a squinch in the great church at Ephesus, goes to
prove that the use of the squinch extended over a very long period.
It is found in conjunction with the high pitched domes in the
Norman Greek churches of Palermo, and, indeed, in tlie renais-
sance buildings of the sixteenth century in Western Sicily.^

Where and by whom the squinch was first used remains to be seen,
but so far as I am aware it has never been met with in a classical
building, and I expect it will prove to be Sassanian and the earliest
examples found in the Euphrates valley.
1. An interesting chapel at Nona has the sane general features, and for a
plan and picture of it, see / almatia the Quarnero and Istria, by Jackson, vol. I.,
p. 342.
2. Compare the chapel
of the Trinita di Delia, near Castelvetrano also the ;

church of S. Kgid
Mazzara, the 16th century chapel in the Cathedral at Mte.
> a"
S. Giuliano, a chapel in the church of the Addolorata, also o:i Mte. S. Giuliano
and the chapel of S. John, attached to the famou-< Norman church of the Madonna
oiitsiile Trapani.
^5

O £?
 •x.
^
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SICIL Y.

To face page ij^.

<?
 15

NOTES

UPON THESE CHURCHES.

The ancient churches I have been describing seem to me to fall

into two groups. S. Phocas at Priolo and the two Camerina

chapels come in the first and earlier group, and they belong in my
view to the pre-Justinian period. The churches at Malvagna,
Maccari and S. Theresa come in the second and later group, and
they were built in the post Justinian and much later period to suit

the requirements of the Greek rite.

I need scarcely say that in the absence of inscriptions, ornaments

or contemporary documentary evidence, it is a difficult matter to fix

even an approximate date for these buildings. All that can be said
with any degree of confidence is that the earliest cannot be older
than the time of Constantine, and the latest are certainly older
than the Norman conquest, and, presumably earlier than the general
occupation of the island by the Saracens. But while S. Phocas at
Priolo and the Camerina chapels have nothing Byzantine about
them, Malvagna, Maccari and the Vinci Cuba were obviously built,
if not by a Constantinople architect, at least by some one who was

quite familiar with Byzantine models. S. Phocas is in my opinion

not only very ancient, but one of the oldest churches in this part
of Europe. It is not older than the middle of the fourth century,
for though Christian communities existed in Sicily within the first

century after our Lord's ministry, and continued to increase in

spite of the persecutions they were subjected to, these persecutions
led the Christians to worship underground, and there cannot be
much doubt that, inSicily at any rate, no churches were built in

the open till some considerable time after the edict of Constantine.

THE EAELY PERIOD.

The rock cut chapel of S. Marcian, at Syracuse, is popularly
supposed to be the earliest Christian place of worship in Sicily.
There is a local tradition, founded upon documentary evidence of a
16 THE EAELY PERIOD
relatively late date, that S. Marcian was sent to Syracuse by the
Apostle Peter, and that S. Paul preached there on the occasion of
his visit recorded in the Acts of the Apostles.^ Authorities differ as
to the date of it, and also of four capitals carved with the emblems
of the Evangelists in the angles of the dome. Of the antiquity of
the church itself and of some carved maltese crosses, there can be
no question. But the four capitals look to me to be Norman
imitations of early Byzantine capitals, and they are inscribed with
a latin legend.

Beside the existing Norman church of S. Giovanni, situated

immediately above the subterranean chapel of S. Marcian, there
are the foundations of a very early basilica with aisles and a single

apse at the east end. Barreca is of opinion that this building was
destroyed in a great earthquake in the twelfth century, and only
the nave was rebuilt by the Normans. If that were so, and a
flower ornament of Norman character on the bases of the nave
pillars, supports the view, then this basilica must have been
destroyed a second time, and S. Giovanni rebuilt to take its place,
for the last bay of the basilica now forms the central part of the
nave of S- Giovanni and contains classical pillai s. From these it

would seem that either the basilica was an ancient temple

converted into a church, or was built with materials taken from a
classical building near by.

The present Cathedral of Syracuse, formerly the temple of

Minerva, also claims to be one -of the earliest churches in Sicil3\

It is so well known that I need not describe it. The conversion of

the temple into a church has been usually ascribed to Bishop
Zosimus in 640, of whom I shall have something to say presently.

According to Gregorovius the temple had been converted into a

church by the time the Emperor Constans II. came to reside in
Syracuse twenty-three years later. The date of the conversion is,

however, according to Gregorovius, uncertain, and it is unlikely

that Belisarius effected it. The church was dedicated to Maria
Theotokos,^ and the student of early church history will recollect
that this dedication, Mother of God, became a catchword of the

Nestorian controversy which involved the question whether the

1. Storia della Chiesa, vol. I., cap. 1.

% Borne in the Middle Aaes : trans. Hamilton, vol. II., p. 162.

•> V /,OS\H

.\ \ ^o Vi<\ Yi'B^ CsX.

12.

To face page ly.

 THE SELINUNTO LAMP 17

Blessed Virgin should be called the Mother of God or as Nestorius

held only the Mother of Christ.^

During the fourth and fifth centuries the Church was distracted
by the Donatist and the Arian heresies. The Sicilian church
was directly concerned in the former, and Bishop Crestus of
Syracuse, the first Sicilian bishop whose name is recorded as
taking part in a Council, was summoned by Constantine to the
Council held at Aries in 314, to judge the Donatists. He attended
with his deacon, and the terms of the Emperor's letter of summons
have come down to us.^ There is an interesting relic in the
museum at Palermo relating to the Donatist controversy. During
some excavations undertaken at Selinunto in 1882 in the temple
ascribed by Schubring to Hercules, a bronze lamp was discovered
between the tenth and eleventh pillars on the north side of the
nave counting from the north-east corner. This interesting object,
found broken into two pieces, was restored by Professor Salinas
and deposited in the museum of Palermo. Owing to the inscription
Deo Gratias, he attributes it to an orthodox community in the
fourth or, at the latest, the fifth century.^ Deo Gratias was the
catchword or war-cry of the orthodox party, Deo Laudes that of
the Donatists, as appears from a passage in S. Augustine of Hippo's
psalm giving a history of the heresy.

" Vos Deo Gratias nostrum ridetis. Deo Laudes vestrum homines
" plorant." ^

There is no evidence to show whether the Christian community

here survived either at the time of the Saracen invasion or the
Norman conquest. But this lamp, a gravestone in the Palermo
museum and numerous tombs and fragments, prove the existence
ofwhat must have been one of the very early Christian colonies,
and the explorer Benndorf claims to have found traces of a chapel
in the ruins of the temple locally identified as A.

2. Bury's Later Roman Empire, vol. I., p. Ifc9.

3. Storia della Ohiesa, vol. I., p. 191, from Eusebius.

1. Archivio Storico Siciliano, New Series, Anno VII., fasc. I.-V., p. 13;.'. 8(3
Article, by Prof. Salinas. There is another lamp of the same pattei n, but without
the inscription, in the museum at Cagliari in Sardinia. U[on ihe controversy, see
Bury, vol. 1., p. 194.

2. Pt<alm CXXXII., 6 (quoted by Prof, iralinas). See also Bury, vol. I., p. 194,
in a footnote.
 —

18 . BISHOP GEEMANOS
No Sicilian bishop appears to have attended either the Council
of Nicea (325) or the Council of Sardica (344 or 347). Only five

Latin bishops with two Roman legates are recorded as having

attended the former, and the omission of Sicily from the Synodical
letter addressed by the bishops assembled at Sardica to the Church
at large is the more remarkable since Sardinia and Calabria are
mentioned.

PRIOLO AND CAMERINA.

There is a tradition,^ I am afraid it is nothing more, that the
church at Priolo was founded by Germanos, bishop of Syracuse in

the fourth century. There is another tradition that this bishop

was involved in the Arian controversy that he first sided with the :

Arians, and then changed his mind and took part in the Council at
Sardica.^

In the Synodical letter from the bishops assembled at Rimini

(359), addressed to the Emperor Constaiitius, the following passage
occurs :
" . . . When we had assembled according to your
" Edict to deliberate on the doctrines of the Faith, we were
" presented with a formulary drawn up by those disturbers of the
" peace of the church with whom Germanius, Auxentius and Caius
" are now associated. The doctrines set forth in this formulary
" were blasphemous," etc.^

In speaking of the church over S. Marcian's chapel Barreca

says :

" Una lapide con iscrizione Greca esistente nel Secolo XV. nella
" chiesa del Ca&tello Maniace in Siracuea, e riportata in latino dal
" parroco Allesandro Anguillara di quell 'epoca attribuise a Gerniario
" vescovo di Siracusa nella seconda meta del IV. Secolo I'erezione
*'
e la consacrazione di parecchie chiese."^

Apart altogether from the question whether Germanos was the

founder or not, there is no reason why this church should not date
from the middle of the fifth century. But his identity, or his
connection with Syracuse, with the church or with the Council of
Sardica, seem to me to rest on very slender foundations.^
1. Pirri, Sicilla Sacra, vol. I., p. 603, Ed. 1733.
2. Theodoret, History of the Church liohn's translation, 1854, p. 104.
:

3. Barreca in Catacombe in Siracusa, p. 82, quoting Privitera, vol. II., p. G16.

4. Storia della Chiesa, vol. I , p. 19G.

 f.l

lit

ertainly
nry

yr,c\j-n

.i^A g^»\ViS>\^
13.

ROSSO LINT.
Rock ciit church.

I. Interior from A. E.F.

2. The main and 2 side doors.

J. Interior from B.

Plan (OrsiJ.
 S. HILARION 19

Whoever the founder of S. Phocas may have been, it is certainly

a building of great antiquity. From the character of the masonry
and the stone waggon vault of the roof it might certainly be earlier

than the reign of Justinian. I hazard a conjecture that it was built

by some of the monks who sought refuge in Sicily during the fifth

Rome by Alaric, or from

century, either from Italy after the sack of
Egypt where the Eutychian heresy was then the national religion^
or, as seems to be more likely, from Africa after Carthage was

taken by Genseric.^

It will be remembered that Sicily, and in particular this part of

it near Syracuse, was on the trade route between Ephesus, Syria,
and Egypt, and Rome and Gaul, and in the way of constant and
considerable intercourse with the great centres of Christian activity
at Antioch and Alexandria.
Records of migrations of the more celebrated of these monks
have come down to us. S. Hilarion and his deacon visited southern
Sicily in 363, and appear to have spent a year in the island in the
neighbourhood of the modern Pacchino on the coast, or in the hills
behind Spaccaforno.

The locality usually pointed out as the scene of his labours is the

Val d'Ispica, where there are numerous caves The rock-cut chapels
and dwellings at Pantalica and Pallazuolo Acreide may belong to
this date. One of the largest and most accessible of these rock-cut
churches is at Rossolini, a station on the Syracuse Vittoria Railway
about half-way between No to and Modica. This church is a basilica
of irregular shape with a nave terminating in a semi- circular apse

and divided from the aisles on both sides by round arches on

square piers. In one aisle there are some tombs cut in the side,

and at the end of the other aisle there are the remains of what
seems to have been a kind of canopy in the roof. This church has
now unfortunately been turned into a wine cellar, and the paintings
which are said to have existed, completely destroyed by smoke. I
reproduce the plan given in Professor Orsi's article in Byzantinishe
Zeitschrift, and a photograph of the front and of an arch and pier
in the nave.

1. Finlay, Greece under the Roman$, vol. I. , p. 213.

2. Storia della Chiesa, vol. I., p. 404 : S. Eufinianus, mentioned in the life of
S. FulgentiuB, was a refugee from Africa.
20 S. PHILLIP D'AGIEA
About fifty years after S. Hilarion another noted man known in
Sicily as S. Philip d'Agira or Argiro, visited the island ; the country
also is full of places dedicated to or named after S. Calogero, which
I take to be merely a generic name and to indicate the presence of

a monastic settlement or a hermit's cell. The precise date of S.

Phillip's arrival in known but believed to be shortly
Sicily is not

after Alaric's sack of Eomewhen many priests and monks fled from
Italy to Sicily. S. Phillip came from Rome by way of Eeggio and

settled at Agira on the west slope of Etna. The tradition concern-

ing him is that he was sent to purge the regions of Etna and Agira

of the wicked spirits who had come to infest it after the destruction

of Solomon's temple in Jerusalem.^ This legend refers no doubt

to paganism which lingered for a long time in the more remote parts
of Sicily and in spots where the later Greeks and the Romans
feigned to locate the home and doings of the gods of mythology.
I can find no evidence of a persecution by the Yandals, at any
rate in this part of Sicily, so continued and systematic as to make
it impossible for S. Phocas and the Camerina churches to have been
erected during the fifth century.

Finlay observes that Genseric's jDiratical incursions into Greece

were neither very extensive nor very successful^ and the same I

think may be said of the raids into Sicily, for Marsala taken in the

first raid (440) and retained by Genseric when he purported to cede

Sicily to Odoacer (476) is the only permanent settlement recorded.

Upon this transaction Martroye observes that there is reason to

think that Genseric did not cede Sicily, which he no longer possessed,
but only renounced, in consideration of the tribute, all claims to the
territories which he had previously occupied.^ There is, however, no
satisfactory evidence that the Vandals ever had a permanent occu-
pation, if indeed their naval forces were large enough to effect and
retain it.^ In any case their domination over Sicily was too brief and
intermittent to admit of a systematic persecution of the orthodox
Church in Sicily as in Africa. Moreover, persecutions were not
always unconnected with political motives, and in Africa the
conciliation of a considerable section of the population may have
made persecution expedient, if not a necessity, for I gather tbat the
1. Storia della CMesa, vol. I., p. 211, footnote 2.

2. Finlay, Greece under the Romans, vol. I., p. 271.

3. Martroye, p. 190. 4. Diehl, I'Afrique Byzantine, p. 13.
 THE VANDALS IN SICILY. 21

successful occupation of Africa, if not the coming of Genseric him-

self, may probably be attributed to the Donatists. The Vandals
thereforehad a local and political reason for oppressing the
Orthodox Church in Africa which did not exist in Sicily.

Genseric died in 477 and was succeeded by his son Hunneric and
his grandsons Gundamund and Trasamund. Hunneric occupied the
Vandal throne for seven years and his reign was marked by severe
persecution of the catholics in Africa. Gundamund succeeded him
in 484 ; andsame year Theodoric became the ruler of Italy,
in the
giving his sister Amalafreda to Trasamund in marriage and settling
Marsala on her as her dower. Trasamund succeeded Gundamund in
496 and reigned in Africa till 523, dying three years before Theodoric,
and leaving his wife Amalafreda surviving. These two princes,
Theodoric and Trasamund, reigned over Italy, Sicily and Africa
during the same period and for nearly thirty years. During that
time an insurrection in Sicily (522) was crushed by Theodoric.
Trasamund in Africa was succeeded by Hilderic, and Theodoric in
Italy by his grandson Athalaric then a boy, Amalasuntha his
mother being appointed Kegent. The feud between the reigning
houses of the Goths and Vandals came about by Hilderic's treat-
ment of Amalafreda. He had imprisoned her for conspiracy and,
so soon as her brother Theodoric was dead, he put her to death.

Hilderic continued to rule Africa till 531 when Gelimer seized his
throne and held it for three years, being in his turn conquered and
sent a prisoner to Constantinople by Belisarius. Belisarius then
sent a mission to the Goths in Sicily claiming and eventually
seizing Marsala upon the ground that by Genseric's cession to
Odoacer it formed part of the Vandal kingdom. Justinian ignored
Amalasuntha's protest^ and the conquest of the rest of Sicily was
proceeded with and accomplished by Belisarius in 536. It was not,
however, till sixteen years later (552) that the Goths were finally
driven out and during that time Totila had conducted a successful
campaign against the Greeks and raided Sicily for a short time
in 548.

There is very little evidence as to the condition of the Church in

Sicily during this long period. S. Gelasius was Bishop of Rome
1. Martroye, pp. 173-174, translates (from Procopius) Amalasuntha's
letter to Justinian.
22 THEODORIC
from 492-496, that is at the commencement of Theodoric's reign.

In 494 he addressed a long letter to the Bishops of the Sicilian

Church reciting the desolation caused by the long wars and the
insufficiency of clergy to minister in many churches. If the
remedies prescribed in this letter may be taken to indicate the
special abuses which had crept into the Church, the conditions must
have been miserable enough. There is no evidence to show
whether reforms were carried out or what ensued in the later part
of Theodoric's reign, in Amalasuntha's regency, or during the

sixteen years' war between the Goths and the imperial troops.
The Church historian of Sicily concludes that in their dealings
with the Orthodox the Goths were more tolerant than the Vandals,
and so far as the early part of Theodoric's reign is concerned the
conclusion is probably right. Theodoric found it expedient for
political reasons to favour the Latin Church until the close of his
reign when the relations between the Roman See and the East had
changed. The severe laws against the Arians prompted Theodoric
to retaliate with equally oppressive laws against the Orthodox in

Italy. But he died before they were put in force, and his successors
were otherwise engaged in a struggle with Justinian which ended
in the expulsion of the Goths from Sicily and Italy altogether.

I conclude that these three churches were built during the Gothic
dominion and that the two at Camerina were copied from an African
model like the chapels at Maatria and Hadjla (p. 108), possibly by

Tefugees from Hunneric's persecution in 484.

Belisarius came to Sicily in 534. He was then leading the

Imperial fleet to the conquest of the Vandal kingdom in Africa. On
the way the fleet harboured in Caucana, and though the precise
locality is not known, it is believed to have been in the bay of
S. Croce in Camerina. The plan and construction of the two little
churches at S. Croce in Camerina are so peculiar and so unlike
anything Byzantine as to make it reasonably certain that the
architect was unfamiliar with, or at least uninfluenced by the
Byzantine style developed in Justinian's reign. I have adopted the
name for them chosen by Professor Orsi in his articles, and it is not
inappropriate since the nearest village or township is S. Croce, but
in fact they, as well as S. Croce, are some little distance from the
 BELISARIUS 23

site of the classical Camarana on the river Hii^paris, a place of

sufficient imj)ortance to have had a coinage of its own.^ Moreover
the village and the chapels are on a little stream in an adjoining
valley, known in classical times as Oanis, and mentioned by Pindar.
This stream flows down to the seashore between sandhills into an
open roadstead, and the estuary seems to be the town known site of a

under the names of Porto Longobardo,- Easacambro and Caucana.

The roadstead was also called the asilo of Bricia.
To this roadstead, as I have said, Belisarius brought his fleet from
Constantinople on the way to Africa, and it was from Caucana that
he sent Procopius to Syracuse to ascertain the condition of the
military preparations of his opponents. Caucana has been described
must have been a place of
as Belisarius' quarters,^ and presumably
some importance at that time but though the name sounds
;

Roman, there is no evidence, so far as I know that is was a

classical City, nor is it mentioned in the itinerary of Edrisi,

though Easacambre is a Saracen name. On the other hand

the name Porto Longobardo speaks for itself, and Dimarzo
calling the village S. Croce di Easacambre says it contained a
manor belonging to the priory of S. Lawrence and S. Phillip of
Scicli which was suffragan to the Norman monastery of S. Phillip
d'Agira,^ It occurred to me that Longobardo might mean Norman,
and that there might be traces of Norman work in these chapels,
but I could find none, and their general appearance is conclusive
that they are much older than the twelfth century. The conclusion
I have arrived at is that they are of Carthaginian or Egyptian
origin and belong either to the period of the Gothic occupation, or
that immediately succeeding the arrival of Belisarius, and before
the importation of Byzantine ideas and models had time to influence
local architecture.
1. Article in Byzantinishe Zeitschrift, p. 1. 'Publication of 18th Jan., 1898.
The Italian Military survey of this district gives no help in identifying the ancient
name^ and does not mark the site of these chapels. Camarana was in ruins by
Strabo's time. It continued to exist till the second century.
2. For this name see Gibbon ed.. Bury, vol. IV., p. 279, 1898.
:
Walter of
Malaterra IV. 16, cited as calling this spot Kesacramba.
3. Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders, vol. IV., p. 602, and Martroye, L'occident a
Vepoque Byzantine, Paris, 1904, p. 228.
4. Dimarzo Diet, of Sicily, vol. 1., p. 361, vol. II., p. 179, Ebbe il nome da
un imagine di S. Elena madre di Costantino expressa colla croce nel anticbissimo
castello come Pirri attesta. Del Casale di S. Croce di Easacambre fa menzione
il diploma dell' Imperatore Errico V. nel anno 1195 datatoinKagusadove enumera
i beni del convento di S. Maria Latina presso Gerusalemme cui successe quello di

S. Filippo d'Argiro' dietro di essere Stata dai Turchi devastata la Palestina.

24 THE BYZANTirE PEKIOD.
The three chapels at Malvagna, Maccari and St. Theresa are
unmistakably Byzantine in design, and built to suit the Greek rite
requiring prothesis and diaconicon. As to their date all that can

be said is that they are certainly not older than the reign of Justinian
or probably later than the occupation of eastern Sicily by the
Saracens in the tenth century. My opinion is that they are not
earlier than the middle of the seventh century for the following
reasons. By the end of the sixth century the official language of

the Empire, which in Justinian's reign was Latin, had become Greek.
But the change from the Latin to the Greek rite in the Church of
Sicily was much more gradual, and the final sex)aration from the
jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Kome, to that of Constantinople
was not accomplished till well into the eighth century.^ It is no
doubt the fact that during the early christian and mediaeval days
Sicily was a bilingual country. From Belisarius' conquest it is easy
to trace the gradual steps by which Greek took tJie leading place.
Perhaps the most important of these steps was the expedition to
Italy and Sicily of the Emperor Constans, the grandson of
Heraclius,'^ and his residence for six years in Syracuse with a large
part of his army and a retinue of officials and clergy who accom-
panied the Imperial Court.^ At that time (663 to 668) the Greek
element, if not in numbers, at any rate in importance, came to
prevail over the Latin.

Professor Bury introduces this Emperor's reign with the remark

that the history of the successors of Heraclius is veiled in the most
profound obscurity."* But from what we do know of this interesting

Emperor, his eventful career, his remarkable personality and his

1. Gregory the Great, in a letter to the Bishop of Syracuse speaks of Sicilians,
Latins or Greeks who accuse the Bishop of Rome of servilely imitating the customs
of the Eastern Church; and the clergy in Sicily sided in the Councils of 649
and 680 with the Eoman See against the Byzantine authority. Gay, Vltalie Meri-
dionale et V Empire Byzantin, p. 9.

2. The chapter upon this Emperor is one of the most interesting in the Later
Roman Empire. A monograph about him has been written by I. Kcestner, of Jena,
published at Leipsic by Teubner in 1907.

3. Storia della Ghiesa, vol. II., p. 23.

4. calls him Constans; on his coins he is called Constantine.

Theophanes
ProfessorBury (vol. II., p. 281 calls him Constans II. In the latest publication
)

about him by I. Kcestner at Leipsic in 1907 he is called Constans II. His son was
known as Constantine IV., Pogonatus, the Bearded. But on his coins Constans
too is represented with an enormous beard.
 14.

IMPERIAL BYZANTINE GOLD COINS.

Of the Heraclian family,,

from 6ij to 6g5.

1. Heraclms and Heraclius Constantt'ims, 6lJ —614.

2. The same^ 6jo.

J. Constats II ( Constantme III) and Consiantme IF',

and young princes, Heraclins and

the Tiberius
659—665.

4. Constans II and Constantine IV, 654 —65g.

5. Constantine IV, 6^0 — 685.
6. Justinian II, 685 —695.
685— 6(;5. ^^^sS'Sm^.
7. Justinian II,

These coins are described on p.p. I2g —133. Nos. I, J, 4 and J

are taken from the coins, and Nos. 2, 5 and 6 from casts.

Constantine IV is named ^
Pogonatns,^ the bearded ; but the coins

of his grandfather Heraclius, No. 2, and of his father Constans II

Nos. J and 4, represent those sovereigns wearing enormous beards.

Constantine IV himself has a short beard. The name '

Pogonatus''
was probably m,is-applied through a mistake of the historians.

To face page 24.

.i^r

AYA-XYik^X ^^ A A^^v^^WiA
\

w",-

??i?i — Q7,^
^?^?i v?.^

2, T

•V^ vjwA >-vtv\ oT

 CONSTANS II. AT SYRACUSE 26

religious opinions, we may infer that his reception by the bishops

of the Church in Sicily can scarcely have been cordial, more

especially when we consider his edict upon the contro\ersial quest-
tion of the day, the steps he took to enforce it, the interpretation
the western Cliurch put upon it, and the part the Sicilian bishops

played in resisting it.^

There are certainly no churches, nor for that matter are there
buildings of any kind in Syracuse which can with certainty be
attributed to the Greeks in this Emperor's reign, and lam inclined
to the conclusion in view of the conditions and the disturbing
events in the succeeding reigns, including at least one raid by the
Saracens on this part of Sicily, that these churches are not older
than the reign of the Emperor Leo the Isaurian, sixty years later.

During those sixty years the Greek influence continued to increase.

Bishop Zosimus who is credited with converting the temple of
Minerva into the cathedral of Syracuse died two years before
Constans arrived there. He was succeeded by one Elias, of whom
nothing is known beyond the fact that he was Archdeacon to his
predecessor and occupied the see for a few months. It was then
occupied successively by George and Theodosius, both Greeks. The
former, probably nominated by the Emperor who claimed the
patronage, was afterwards killed in a raid made by the Saracens
in 669.2

But it was not for some time after Constans' reign that the
rite became Greek. Though the writings of Gregory, bishop of
Girgenti, a noted scholar and composer of hymns, show that he
was a Greek addressing himself in Greek to a flock who followed
the Greek rite, he obeyed a citation to Eome upon a charge of

1. His edict was called the Type. The Lateran Council presided over by
Martin which condemned the Type, was attended by the bishops of Lentini,
Messina, Girgenti, Trioeala, Lilybeo, Taormina, Palermo, Tyndaris, and Lipari.
It was held in 649. Storia della Chiesa, vol. II., p. 7.

2. Storia della Chiesa, vol. II., pp. 34 & 36. From that time onward the see was
occupied by Greeks, and eventually was raised to an Archbishopric with jurisdiction
over all Sicily. This precedence it retained, nominally at any rate, until the Norman
conquest, when Count Roger appointed a Latin Bishop of Syracuse who had been
consecrated by Urban II. to preside over the clergy of both Greek and Latin rite.
See also Eocco Pirri, vol. I., p. 617 quoted by Barreca p. 89. And as to these two
bishops see Barrecca p. 49, and Storia della Chiesa, vol. I., p. 43.
26 LEO THE ISAUEIAN
heterodoxy concerning his writings, and was acquitted.^ The fact

points to this bishop having lived during the sixty years between
the reigns of Constans and Leo, when both Greek and Latin rite

pertained in the Church in Sicily and before the connection with

the Eoman See was severed.^ The ecclesiastical annals of Sicily

between 600 and 800 show the extent to which the Latin and
Greek rites were practised together. Basilian and Latin monas-
teries existed side by side. During this period the Eoman See was
occupied by the following Sicilians : S. Agatho 678, S. Leo IL

682, Conon 686, Sergius 687, and Stephen IV. 786. Conon was
educated in Sicily and Leo IL was famous for his eloquence in both
Greek and Latin. At the same time the church in Antioch had two
Sicilian patriarchs, Teofanes (an Abbot of Baya, near Syracuse) in
681, and Constantine (a deacon, also of Syracuse) in 683.

The dispute between the Eoman See and the Emperor Leo
respecting the images is a matter of history. It affected the Church
in Sicily indirectly. The Emperor, after being ex-communicated by
the Bishop of Eome, retaliated by confiscating the patrimony in
Sicily. I say indirectly, because the authorities do not seem to
agree whether the Emperor in terms forbade any intercourse
between the bishops and heads of monasteries in Sicily and

Eome.^ But the practical result of the Emperor's confiscation

was to place the Church in Sicily under the patriarchate of
Constantinople, and so it came about that the liturgy of

S. Chrysostom prevailed and continued in Sicily throughout the

Saracen occupation till the Norman conquest, when Count Eoger
and his successors introduced not only bishops from Gaul and

1. Gay, p. 10, and Storia della Chiesa, vol. II., p. 46. The date was 598.
Among the Sicilians, who were prominent after the separation from Eome, should
be mentioned S. Gregory Asbesta (Bishop of Syracuse), S. Joseph (the hymn
writer), and Melo (Patriarch of Constantinople). Amari, a-o1. I., pp. 29 and 197.

2. About this time also the Sicilian bishops adopted seals with legends in Greek.
Storia della Chiesa, vol. II., p. 72.

3. Storia della I., p. 384, and vol. II., p. 101.

Chiesa, vol. See also Diehl,
p. 509. have been the practice for the Sicilian bishops to meet
It appears to
under the presidency of the rectors of the patrimony. I should, pf-rhaps, not omit
to mention an episode regarding the appointment of a rector by Conon, who
occupied the Eoman See for a short period in 686, and the opposition of the
Sicilians. The clergy claimed a right in respect to it which had been disregarded.
 THE BYZANTINE PERIOD 27

England,^ but also the Gallican liturgy, and that rite continued till

the Council of Trent in the sixteenth century.^

It must be remembered that, though the liturgy used by the

Greek churches in S. Italy before the Norman conquest was in
calendar and ritual the liturgy of Constantinople, there is evidence
that other liturgies were introduced by refugees from Syria and
Alexandria after the Mahometan conquest of those countries.
For instance, the only ancient manuscript that we have of the
Syrian liturgy, of S. James, was found at Rossano, and the only
manuscript of the Alexandrian liturgy, of S. Mark, was found at
Messina.

The date of these three chapels should be placed between the

arrival of Belisarius or, more probably, of Constans, and the
Norman conquest, that is from 650 to 1050. For the last 200
years of that time Sicily was actually occupied, or in continual
invasion, by the Saracens, and I should prefer the second quarter
of that period, say from 700 to 850. The chapels at Maatria and
El Gebioui, described in the chapter on Tunis, were built on this
same plan.^ They belong to the class of African building that may
have served as model for these chapels, which were built, I con-

jecture, by refugees from Carthage after the Arab conquest in the

last years of the seventh century.t

1. A list of Bishops of Girgenti will be found in Arch. Stor. Siciliano N.S.

Ann. XXVIII., pub. Palermo 1903 by my friend, A. Garufi,

2. Storia della Chiesa, vol. II., p. 448. For the relation in later times between
Greek and Latin cler<^y iu the Levant, see Rodd's Princes of Achaia, vol. II.,
p. 272, in the Appendix and also an interesting? case before the Privy Coiinci]
;

upon an appeal from Canada between Zaoklynski and Polushie, two Ruthenian
emigrants. The judgment is reported in The Times of 5th December, 1907. The
Greek rite is now followed, according to the Uniate profession, by a few scattered
communities, chiefly Albanian, in Calabria and Sicily, and by the Greek settlement
at Cargese in Corsica. There is, or was, an orthodox church and community at
Messina. P.P. Rodota, in DelV origine, progresso e staio . . . del Hto Greco in Italia.
Pub. 1758-63, may be consulted. Also Storia della Chiesa, vol. I., p. 176.

3. The name given by French architects to this kind of building is colla trichora
or chapelle trilohie, and the trefoil plan was no doubt copied from such buildings
as the chajjels in the cemetery of S. Callixtus on the Via Appia at Rome.

4. See footnotes 1 and 3 on p. 24; in the former omit 'and 680' and in the ;

latter read ' ConBtantine iii.' for Constans ii.' in the third line.
*
In footnote 1
on p. 26, 598 should be 698.
28

WESTERN SICILY.

From the landing of the Saracens at Mazzara in 829 until the

surrender of Palermo in 1071, the Church in Sicily continued to
use the Greek rite and to be, nominally at any rate, under the
jurisdiction of the patriarch of Constantinople. There is an
edict attributed to the Emperor Leo the Wise and published
with variations between the ninth and the thirteenth centuries
containing a list of the original Sicilian bishoprics. But as some
cities were destroyed and others fell into the hands of the
Saracens the bishoprics either ceased to exist or continued as
titular only and by degrees the names of Sicilian bishops
disappear altogether from the proceedings of the eastern Councils.
Their position in the tenth century would I suppose be analogous
to that of a Latin bishop in partibus infidelium.^ Nor do the
Sicilian bishoprics appear in the Roman annals after a certain
date for it remembered that the official connection
will be
between the Church in Sicily and Rome had been suspended

since the beginning of the eighth century when the Emperor Leo
confiscated the Sicilian patrimony of the Roman see.

The two principal events in the purely church history of this

period are the restoration of the images and the controversy

respecting the patriarch Photius. Neither of these affected

Sicily directly for the Sicilians favoured the images and the
Emperor Leo and his successors, possibly for political reasons,
took no steps to press their views upon them. The controversy
regarding Photius developed into a political dispute between
Constantinople and Rome and with the latter, as I have said,

all official connection had been suspended for some years.'^ It

would seem that after the fall of Rometta, the last Byzantine
stronghold in the hills behind Messina, the Church in Sicily was
left to itself, and all we know is derived either from the lives of the
Calabrian monks, from the Arab chroniclers or from what the
Normans found when they conquered the island. Of the many
1. Amari, vol. II., p. 402. 2. Amari, vol. I., p. 485.
 ARCHBISHOP NICODEMUS 29

monks who migrated from Sicily to Calabria apparently only one

returned to Sicily as a bishop, and there is considerable doubt
even about him.^
The gradual conquest of Sicily and the iconoclastic persecutions
in the Levant caused a large imigration of monks into south west
Italy with the result that much tradition and church learning were
concentrated in Calabria during this period. With the interesting
political consequences of this movement I am now concerned.
not
They have been described by both Professor Bury and M. Gay.
The Christians formed the largest part of the population of
Sicily in the tenth century, and were divided by the Saracens into
four classes ; the independents, the tributaries, the vassals, and
the slaves. The last two classes existed chiefly in western Sicily,

called the Val di Mazzara, where the Saracens first landed. In the
south and south-east, called the Val di Noto, the population was
almost entirely Christian, in part tributory but chiefly vassal. The
independent Christians occupied the mountains of north-east Sicily,

called the Val Demone. Though nominally Byzantine subjects,

they formed themselves into quasi- independent municipalities and
leagues.

The terms upon which these vassal Christians, called Dsimmi,

were allowed to practice their religion and d« al with their property
were apparently similar to those granted to the Christian subjects
of the Porte by the Sultan Mahomet the Second, and still enjoyed
by tiieir descendants to-day, if indeed such a term as enjoyment
can be appropriately used. Among a number of rules relating to

dress, personal conduct, iiames, and the use of seals, the

Christians were forbidden to build new churches or monasteries
though they were apparently permitted to restore those that fell

into decay.

When the Normans took Palermo they found a Christian com-

munity presided over by one Nicodemus, who bore the title of
archbishop, and officiated at a church called S. Ciriaco. He is, I
believe, the only bishop in Sicily of whom there is any record

during the Saracen dominion. How he came to be appointed and

by whom he was consecrated is not known. Amari considers that
he was probably elected by his flock, and not only recognised by the
1. Amari, vol. II, p. 402,
30 HIS THANKSGIVING SERVICE
Emirs, but compelled by them to reside near their court at Palermo
to watch over, and be responsible for, the welfare of his community.
If that were so, he must have stood in much the same relation to
the Emir's court as the patriarchs of the Greek and Armenian
communities stand to the Sublime Porte to-day ; Amari also cites,
in support of his view, the positions of the Jacobite patriarch of
Alexandria and the Nestorian patriarch of Seleucia, who were
compelled by the Arab Emirs at that time to reside respectively at
the courts of Cairo and Bagdad.^

Nicodemus' name is recorded for us through his officiating at a

thanksgiving service held by the Normans after the conquest in

Palermo. The service, presumably in Greek, was held in the

ancient basilica which had been converted into a mosque, the
Mahometan fittings were removed, the Christian emblems reinstated
and the church was reconsecrated and dedicated to the Blessed
Virgin.^

But though the Normans availed themselves of Nicodemus on

this occasion, they looked upon him, according to Amari, in much

thesame light as they did the imam of a mosque. I do not know

what authority Amari has for saying this, and he does not cite
the source of his information. Shortly afterwards the Normans
appointed an archbishop of their own, disregarding not only
Nicodemus but also Humbert of Loraine, who at that time held
from bishop Leo IX. of Rome the titular rank of archbishop of
Sicily. I shall have occasion later on to give a list of some of the

bishops appointed by the conquerors, and it is interesting to

note that however much the Normans may have been attached
to the Roman see they almost invariably appointed their own
countrymen to the Sicilian bishoprics one of the
; best known of

them, Walter of the Mill, the builder of Palermo cathedral, was an

Englishman.

There is no record of the number or condition of the clergy in

Sicily when the Normans Amari considers that by the
arrived.
middle of the eleventh century there were not more than about six
monasteries left, among them being S. Maria of Vicari, S. Angelo
of Lisico near Brolo, and S. Phillip of Demona. In one case the
monks appear to have petitioned the Normans for a renewal of the
J. Amari, vol. II., p. 402. g. Amari, vol. III., p. 131.
 .21

ai

char Let' unu lids froii

( ruiscar*

\i09^«\'\c

A^ 'b"^Vi<S^ ^-iftX vi\^

 .

15.

CHURCH OF S. GIOVANNI DEI LEPPROSI,

PALERMO.
The chancel and lantern shewing one oj the sqntnches supporting the dome
and the nat'e.

To face page ji.

 S. GIOVANNI DEI LEPPEOSI 31

grant or charter under which they had held their lands from the
Saracens.^
The siege of Palermo lasted five months, and was conducted by
Robert Guiscard and his brother Count Roger. One of them
made his head quarters in the eastern suburb of the city, either at

the castle of Favara or else near the church of S. Giovanni dei

Lepprosi. This church stands just outside the city beyond the
Ponte del Ammiraglio on the road to Messina. From the record of
Amalo, a contemporary monk, there is reason to believe that the
church was built by the two brothers either during the siege or
directly after it."- In that case it must have been the first church
built in the composite style peculiar to Palermo, introduced under
Norman auspices, and probably to be attributed to native Greek
architects. The inspiration of the designers was of selection
rather than of invention, for there is no feature in this or indeed
in any of these churches which cannot be found in earlier buildings
elsewhere. As there is evidence that the Saracens preserved the
churches and converted them into mosques just as the Turks did
in Constantinople some centuries later, the architects employed by
the Normans no doubt utilised the models they were familiar with
combining in their plans the latin basilica with the greek cruciform
chapel, and substituting the high Arab form of dome, supported on
squinches, for the earlier and flatter Greek dome supported on
pendentives. The three apses essential for the Greek ritual were
also introduced, though the new buildings, intended for the Latin
rite, did not require them.

The ground plan of S. Giovanni dei Lepprosi is very simple ; the

church consists of a nave and aisles, rudimentary transepts, a
square intersection covered with a dome and three terminal apses
at the east end. The nave is divided into four bays by three
pilasters supporting round arches and a stone vault. The latter

seems to be slightly pointed and is pierced above the centre of each

arch by round headed clerestory lights. The pilasters, originally

square, have the corners bevelled off to within 30 centimetres of the

tops, the intervening space being left square so as to form a
rudimentary cap. A judicious hand has scraped the plaster off
several places in the nave including one of the pilasters showing
1. Amari, vol. II, p. 404.
2. But see Amari, vol. Ill, pp. 118, 119 and footnote 2 to p. 821.
32 S. GIOVANNI DEI LEPPROSI
that had no plinth but rose directly from the floor. This
it

peculiarity and the rough character of the masonry point I believe

to an early date.

The aisles are covered with cross vaulting, lighted by round

headed windows in each bay. In addition to the west door there is

a pointed door, now blocked up, in the south aisle evidently of late

date, and another smaller door in the north transept. The arches
supporting the square intersection are pointed and the dome above
is of the usual Palermo variety resting on squinches in the angles
of the square and lighted by four pointed windows above each arch.
The dome itself is also pierced with similar windows above the
squinches. The transepts have cross vaulted roofs and are lighted
V)y windows at each extremity.

A short chancel and a semi-circular apse with a round headed

window, now blocked, terminate the nave and smaller apses are
inserted as part of the original design of the church in the east
walls of the transepts on either side of the chancel. The pilasters
supporting the apse arches have the corners cut away or recessed
to take small ornamental pillars. The latter are unfortunately gone
but in the south apse the stone cap and fragment of a shaft remain
and they are the most interesting fragments in the church. The
base of the cap is carved to represent a cord or gadrooned edge
and from it spring six upright stiff and formal acanthus leaves, of

good work ; above them is a band of anulets and above it a broad

band with an Arabic inscription God is One only. —Arab caps in
much the same style but without inscriptions will be found in the
museum at Zaragossa in Spain.
In all these Norman buildings the architects seem to have been
partial to this device for lightening the general effect of a heavy
pilaster, and small pillars of choice marble will be seen in situ in
the chancel of the Capella Palatina and at Monreale. I found the
same recessing in S. Giovanni in Sinis, in S. Saturnino at Cagliari
in Sardinia and in the ruins of the Roceletta at Squillace in

Calabria. It is not, I think, strictly speaking, a Byzantine feature.

I do not recollect to have come across it in Constantinople, nor was
my father able to find an example after a diligent search made
there this year, but it was copied no doubt from Arab models and
would therefore not be earlier in Sicily or Calabria than the ninth
 16.

S. GIOVANNI DEI LEPPROSI, PALERMO.

The dome from the aisle roof atid the Capital of a pillar in the apse
of the diaconicon 7vith an Arabic inscription.

To face page j2.

SMi'^.
^«\
 ;

CASTLE OF FAVARA 33

or tenth centuries. One of the earliest examples I can find is in

the great mosque at Ispahan built in the eighth century and
restored in the eleventh ; and there is another in the mihrab of the
mosque at Kairouan of the ninth century (837). An instance of the
insertion of pillars in angles will be found in the chapel called the
Tempul na Hue beside the cathedral of Ardfert in Ireland. In that
interesting little building, now a ruin, the four external corners of
the nave are decorated from plinth to eaves with slender columns, a
decorative idea supposed to have been taken from early reliquaries
or caskets ornamented in that way. I have never come across
these semi-detached angle pillars in the exterior of any other
building in southern Europe.^ Recessed pillars are however no safe
guides to a date because they were sometimes introduced long after
the church was built.

The west end consists of a vestibule leading to the main door and
a chamber on either side, used respectively as a vestry and for a
ladder to the organ loft. From this loft there is a door on to the
roof of the south aisle and a photograph taken from it shows the
roof of the transept and the dome and lantern.

The outside of the church is of plain masonry like that of other

Norman cliurches in Palermo. I have unfortunately lost the

measurements of the interior, but notes in my sketch-book show
that the length of the nave inside from the west door to the apse
was about 20 met., and the width of the nave and aisles about
10 met.
In addition to the royal palace in Palermo, the Norman kings
had three castles in the suburbs called the Ziza, the Cuba, and the
Favara the latter was also called the Castello di Mare dolce or
;

" Sweet Water." ^ All three were situated near lakes or reservoirs,

and used by the sovereigns as summer residences till the Spanish

dominion when they passed into private hands. The Ziza, the
best known of the three is now a nobleman's house, the Cuba
a cavalry barrack, and the Favara little better than a ruin
1. This method of decorating corners is used in the Libyan-Punic monument
at Dougga,in the Regency of Tunis, and on two other monuments at Taboniye and
in the Wady Tagigi, in Tripoli. The latter are illustrated in Earth's travels in
North and Central Africa.
2. II Castello e la Chiesa della Favara di S. Phillipo, a Mare Dolce in Palermo.
By Vincenzo di Giovanni, Palermo, 1897.
 ;

34 CASTLE OF FAVARA
practically in each case the rectangular keep alone remains showing
from similarity in plan and Arab-Norman decoration that these
castles belong to an early date. This can be fixed approximately
by an Arab inscription preserved in the Cuba recording its erection
by William the Good in 1185. An Arab traveller and writer who
visited Palermo in 1187 describes these three palaces, and likens
their position round the city to a necklace on a girl's neck.

But the Favara claims to be two centuries older, and to occupy

the site of a Greek monastery converted into a castle by the
Saracens. This claim is supported by the writings of an Arab
traveller who visited Palermo between 997 and 1019, and describes
this castle and the adjoining gardens and lake. He calls it the
Casar Giafr, and attributes it to Giafr, the last but one of the Arab
Emirs who ruled Palermo before the Norman conquest. This Giafr
reigned in Palermo till 1019, when there was a revolt against his
cruelty and misgoverment and he fled to Egypt. He was succeeded
by Emir Ahmed, then a lad, who eventually fell into the hands of
the Normans fifty years later.

Either at the Favara, possibly at San Giovanni dei Lepprosi, or

somewhere in the neighbourhood, the brothers Robert and Roger
made their quarters during the five months' siege of Palermo.
Whether the Favara castle is now substantially as they found it is

doubtful ; the chapel in it however is certainly an addition to

earlier work, which was altered to make the chancel if not the nave
also, and my view is that the chapel was built in the reign of
King Roger by the architect of the chapel of the Trinity in the

Ziza.

The Favara cha,pel dedicated to S. Philip and S. James consists

of a large hall or nave covered with cross vaulting divided into

three bays, and a small square chancel at the East end covered
with a dome, and two shallow transepts on either side. The nave
occupies the half of the north east side of the keep from the floor
to the roof, and is lighted by two rows of small pointed windows
pierced in the facade. There are two doors giving access to it, one
from outside by a pointed archway ; and another and smaller door
in the west wall inside led to the apartments of the palace. A high
pointed arch with a small pomted light above, cut through the
original east wall of the hall separates the nave from the chancel
 17.

THE CASTLE OF FA VARA, PALERMO.

( Castello a Mare Dolce.) \

.1

The dome and the east end of the chapel from the Castle buildings.
The white line in the hills is the road leading from Palermo to Monreale.
Phot : /ncor/>ora, Palermo.

Plan by V. di Giovanni.

To face page J4.

vl

.O^^iV:\K^\ .K?iK^K\ '\Q 3.

 .81

.1 M\'

AWS \*t'<\

-
7 yi.fi\ s"»$\ vT^
 18.

CASTLE OF FAVARA.
PALERMO.
Interior from the nave showing the chancel arch, the lantern, the
main apse and one of the side apse niches. Another view from the floor

of the lantern looking np into the dome shotving the squinches ; on the
left the semi dome of the apse ; on the right the cross vault of the nave;
above and below the barrel vaults of the transepts.

To face page 3$,

 THE EREMITI 35

the latter consists of a square lantern supported on pointed arches.

The dome of the usual Palermo variety standing above it rests on
arched lights in the lantern and squinches in the four angles, and
is also lighted by four round-headed windows above the squinches.
On each side of the square chancel there are shallow transepts
roofed with cross vaulting and the east wall has a shallow semi-
circular apse recessed in the depth of the wall, lighted by a round
headed window now blocked up. On either side of it two long
narrow niches are cut in the walls of the transepts to represent the

lateral apses used for the Greek rite as prothesis and diaconicon.

The chancel outside is almost entirely hidden by outbuildings in

the courtyard of the castle ; it shows no trace of the apse or niches.
The dome has been much pulled about and at some time apparently
converted into a look-out tower by the insertion near the top of
large round headed stones projecting 25 centimeters and supporting
a gallery or platform on the crown of the dome. These projecting
stones seen from a distance look like the eaves of the familiar
Byzantine pepperpot dome with a flat roof. But in point of fact

the dome the usual Palermo variety, if anything rather higher

is of

than usual. The dome over the chapel at the Ziza, now buried
under a modern campanile, is still visible from the street in front
of the keep of the castle. The chapel was dedicated to the Holy
Trinity.

I have mentioned S. Giovanni dei Lepprosi and the Favara

chapel together because the former is supposed to be the first

church built by the Normans in Palermo, and the chancel of the

latter to have been copied at a later date from the chancel of

S. Giovanni. In studying this style of architecture much interest-

ing material for comparison will be found in the church of the

Eremiti, S. Orsola the church of the Vespers, and a little pavilion
called the Cubola, in the garden of the Cuba.

The church of the Eremiti, like the chapel at Mare dolce, is built

into an earlier piece of Saracen work, probably part

mosque. of a

There is was occupied by a monastery

a tradition that the site
founded by Gregory the Great, but no portion of the present
church or of the adjoining building dates from the sixth century,
and an existing charter records that the church was founded by
King Boger in 1148. This church and the adjoining Arab mosque,
 — — —

36 THE CUBA AND CUBOLA

now restored, are among the most interesting buildings in Palermo.
Patricolo has written an article upon them in Archivio Storico
Siciliano, accompanied by a plan showing the Arab construction
and the twelfth century church with three apses built into it. The
earlier church was no doubt destroyed by the Saracens.

I have already spoken of the Cuba, the third palace in the

suburbs of Palermo. The Arab inscription in it is rendered by
Sladen^ in English thus :

" In the name of God, Clement Merciful pay attention, Here halt
"and admire. You will see the illustrious dwelling of the most
" illustrious of the kings of the earth, William II."

A portion of the date also survives

" And of our Lord the Messiah, a thousand and a hundred, add three
" to four score."

On the opposite side of the road, in a garden once forming part of

little pavilion known as the Cubola.
the palace grounds, stands the
The ornament over the arches should be compared with that over
the windows in the east apse of S. Orsola also known as the
church of the Vesperi built in 1170 by the founder of the cathedral,
Archbishop Walter of the Mill. They are probably of the same
date through the Cubola is usually represented to be the only
purely Saracen piece of architecture in Palermo.

It is beyond my purpose to describe the Capella Palatina or the

Martorana and the little chapel of S. Cataldo next to it.

The chapels of the Favara and Ziza, being attached to royal

palaces, were suffragan to the Capella Palatina, and received a

grant of tunny as well as an endowment from the royal revenues.
The chapel at the Favara was entitled to a fish from the tunny
fishery at Solunto, beyond Bagheria on the road to Messina, as the
following passage in the Charter shows :

" Fro prime piscacione Ecclesia sanctorum Phillipi et Jacobi di

" Fabaria piscem unum."

There is another chapel in this part of Sicily in the Byzantine

Arab-style like S. Cataldo and some of the other buildings I have
1. Sicily, p. 4.23.
 k^YiVi

i )'mw ''
^mm^wm
19.

CHURCH OF THE TRINITA DI DELIA

CA STEL VE TRA NO.
West front.

Plan by Patricolo.

Phot : Incorpora., Palermo.

To face page jy.

 —

CHAPEL AT DELIA 37

been describing, known as the Trinita di Delia about a mile from

Castelvetrano.

The earliest record of this church is in a royal letter dated from

Palermo on the 17th of June, 1392, written to the Bishop of
Mazzara in these words :

" Commendamns dilecto Capellae nostrae Bernardo Figuera

" Ecclesiam Sanctae Trinitatis Ficani in territorio Castri Veterani
" cum feudo eodem vocato Delia, et omnibus iuribus, et perti-
" nentiis suis ecc. et quia Baro Castri veterani asserebat feudum
" Deliae Sui fui.«se juris, idem Rex perscribit Episc. Mazarensi ex

"htt. Oatanae 12 febr. 1 indict. 1392, ne permittat in possessione

" molestari dictum Bene'ficiarium."

According to Pirri this church was attached to a Benedictine

monastery, and in 1474 Cardinal Giovanni Nicola degli Orsini,
occupying the episcopal see of Teano and titular of S. Cecilia in

Trastevere, wished the priorship of Delia annexed to his abbey of

S. Giovanni degli Eremiti in Palermo. Fazello, on the other
hand, considers that the church may have been attached to a
priory of the Basilian order.

The plan of the church is almost square and orientated. The

interior is divided into nine compartments, forming a nave and
aisles terminating in three
semi-circular apses. The central
compartment of the nave is covered by a dome, the four corner
compartments are covered with cross vaults, the other four
compartments forming the nave, chancel and transepts, have
barrel vaults. The apses are covered with semi-circular semi-
domes. The material used is a kind of calcareous tufa quarried in
the neighbourhood, and the interior does not appear to have been
decorated, for there is no trace of mosaics, paintings, or of a marble
pavement or marbles on the walls. The dome is supported on
pointed arches springing from four marble pillars. Two on the
east side nearest the apse are made of cippolino, and the others of
red granite. The bases and caps are of white marble cut in the
usual Byzantine-Norman form. Spaces are also provided for six
small decorative columns by cutting away the corners of the
pilasters supporting the apse arches. These recesses are now
unfortunately empty, and with these exceptions the interior appears
to have been quite plain.
88 CHAPEL AT DELTA
All the doors and windows are made in the blunt pointed style

usually found in Sicilian buildings of this date. There are three

windows on each side of the church, including one in each of the
three apses. There are also some small lights in each side of the
square drum supporting the dome. The same kind of windows will
be found in the churches of S. Giovanni dei Lepprosi and S.
Orsola in Palermo. The main door is in the west front and there
are also two smaller doors one on each side in the north and south
sides near the west-end. This arrangement of three doors is

peculiar and similar to that in the little chapel at Maccari. It

has been suggested by Patricolo that it was intended to provide

separate access to the nave reserved for the women and to the two
aisles reserved for the men, the respective portions of the church

being divided off by wooden barriers. He argues that this

arrangement points to the church being built to suit the Greek

requirements.

Patricolo notes that the elevation of the church outside differs

from that of the Martorana and is more graceful. Instead of carrying
the roof of the body of the church at one level, the cross vaulting of
the four corner compartments of the building has been lowered so
that the nave chancel and transepts stand out and a cruciform
appearance obtained. The dome of the usual Palermo variety and
the drum below it occupy the centre of the cross, and are raised
above the rest of the building. The dome is supported inside on
squinches.

The plan, the elevation, and the general design of the Trinita di

Delia are, of course, copied from an earlier building, but I found

no early domed church or chapel in this part of Sicily which could
have served as a model. On the other hand there are a number of

chapels copied from the Trinita di Delia during the renaissance

period, and they are extremely interesting owing to the adaptation
of the new style of ornament to the Byzantine-Arab method of
constructing a dome supported on squinches. I found the following
five examples ; at S. Egidio and S. Catharina at Mazzara, in the
abbey church on Monte San Giuliano (Mount Eryx), in the church
1. I have taken the plan of the church from the description of Patricolo,
" La Chiesa della Trinita di Delia presso Castelvetrano. Monumento del
" XII. Secolo scoverto di 31 marzo 1880. (Estratto dall' Archivio Storico
" Siciliano N.S. Anno V. Fasc 1-11.) Palermo. 1880."
 20.

CHURCH OF THE TRINITA DI DELIA.

East front.

Phot: by In corpora, Palermo.

To face pai^e j8.

.(>£

lien aud

the chnrch being built

( .... . " I .. ,
/ I \ \ \ ^
 IS

0^ %-^fe\ *;>K\ 0\
21.

Church of S. Egtdio.

The interior of the square chancel with octagonal superstructure

and 1 6 sided dome above.

The South-side of the exterior.

To face page jg.

 CHAPELS IN WEST SICILY 39

of the Addolorata, in the same town, and in the chapel of S. John,

attached to the famous church of the Virgin of Trapani. All these
chapels are inserted or added to older buildings. I do not recollect
to have seen any example of this style in Palermo itself attributable

to the period of the Spanish occupation, but there are several

instances in Spain, and it may well be that they originated in this
corner of Sicily. Where the space for the squinch was insufficient,
as in the cathedral at Burgos, the ribs of the splayed scallop-shell
were squeezed up to resemble those of a half-closed fan. The
chapel in the abbey at Monte San Gialiano has an inscription
recording that it was built in the sixteenth century, and I am
inclined to think that all these Sicilian chapels with scallop
squinches are of that period. The most elaborate of them are the
chapels of S. Egidio at Mazzara and of S. John attached to the
Norman church of the Virgin of Trapani in the suburb of that
town.

Norman portions of S. Egidio can still be seen in the nave. The

chapel is in reality the chancel of the church, and consists of a
square chamber covered by a dome resting on an octagon lantern.
The accompanying sketch of the squinches and part of the vault

will convey an idea of the general appearance and character of this

as well as of these other domed chapels in the renaissance style.

But they are really only interesting because they show that the
Byzantine and Arab methods of construction were continued here
as late as the sixteenth century.

Before leaving this part of Sicily I should not forget to mention a

few fragments of some early churches. On the promontory at
Bonagia, obviously a corruption of Panagia, a small tunny fishing
station on the north-east side of Mte. S. Giulano, there are
foundations of an early chapel, but the remains are insufficient to
give any idea of either tlie style of architecture or the date. On Mte.
S. Giuliano, close to the site of the celebrated temple and behind
the prison in the citadel, there are the walls of the nave and square
apse of an early church. There are also a few minute pieces of
coloured plaster, some fragments of pavement and the jamb and
spring stones of round arches over two windows on each side of the
apse. The church had a plain rectangular nave 16 met. long,
7 met. broad, and the apse is about 4 met. square. The former
 ——

46 CHABTEBS OF GIBGENTI
has been completely destroyed, and nothing remains but fragments
of the walls about 1"25 met. above the ground. The apse walls are
still standing to a height of 4-50 met.

The absence of any considerable remains of an early church at

Mte. S. Giuliano was a great disappointment, more especially as
portions of the city walls seem to have been built, or at least
restored by the Byzantines. These walls are in a way an epitome
of Sicilian history, and contain Phoenician, Byzantine, Saracen,
Norman, and later work.^

The chapel of S. John on Cape Lilybeo, near Marsala, also seems

to have traces of early work which may be Norman. But the most
important remains there are the wall paintings in the catacombs
supposed to be the work of early Christians, though the general
style and the character of the lettering of the Saints' names, points
to theNorman period. I am inclined to attribute them to the

Greek monks who returned to Sicily after the Norman conquest

rather than to the early Christians.

The diocese of Girgenti was one of the most important in Norman

times, and according to the charters granted by Count Boger and
confirmed by his successors it comprised all the central part of the
island. The first of these charters is a grant of tithe to the church
of Girgenti The second is an
by Count Boger dated in 1093.
inspeximus charter dated 9th February, 1244. Both have been
transcribed by my friend Professor Garufi from the originals in the
muniment room of Girgenti cathedral, and contain much interesting
information about this part of Sicily.^

The recitals in the first charter are couched in grandiloquent

terms, the more interesting parts of it may be translated thus :

" I, Roger, by Divine Grace Count of Calabria, girt with the

"sword of Grace from above, and adorned with the helmet and

1. Professor Salinas records the discovery of Phoenician letters on portions of

the walls. I was fortunately able to find them from the information giren in his
article, and they appear to me to be masons' marks.
Archivio Storico Siciliano. N.S. Ann vii. Fasc I.-IV., p. 411, 1883.
1. " L' Archivio Capitolare di Girgenti 1 Documenti del tempo Normanno
"Suevo e il 'Cnrtnlarium' del sec. XIII. (Estratto dall' Arch Stor Sic N.S.
: : :

"Anno XXVIII.) C. A. Garufi. Palermo. 1903."

 —

CHARTEES OF GIRGENTI 41

" shield of good and laudable intention .... in the year 1093
"of the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ, Urban the Second,
" occupying the Apostolical See .... established the episcopal
"sees of which one is the church at Girgenti, whose bishop is

" called Gii^landus, and to whose jurisdiction I assign whatever is

"contained in the underwritten boundaries with all the right of

"tithe .... as well in the city of Girgenti as in the said

,
" diocese. That is to f;ay from the place where the river rises below
" Corleone to above the rock of Zinneth and then stretches through
" the boundaries of Jato and Cephala and then to the boundary of
" Vicari and thence to the river Salso, which is the division of
"Palermo and Termini, and from the mouth of this river where it

" flows into the sea to the river Torto, and from there to the place
" where it i-ises at Pirri above Petralia, and then to a high mountain
" which is above Pirri, and thence to the river Salso where it joins
" with the river of Petralia and along this river to the place where it

" descends to Licata which divides Girgenti and Butera, and thence
"along the sea shore to the river Belice, which is the boundary of
" Mazzara, and then along the course of this river to below Corleone

"where the boundary commences, excepting Vicari Corleone and

"Termini. And I grant the ownership to the same Lord Bishop
"Girlandus and other bishops after him of Casale Catta with 100
" villeins."

So that in point of fact the diocese occupied nearly the whole of

central Sicily with the exception of one or two towns.

The inspeximus charter is a much longer document, and is

entitled :

"Libellus de successione pontificum Agrigenti et de Institutione

" Prebendarum et aliarum ecclesiarum dyocesis sicut ex relatione
"cognovimus precendentium Seniorum et ipsi inspeximus in
"eodem statu."

The recitals and parcels or boundaries, substantially the same as

in Count Roger's charter, are followed by particulars of the fourteen

prebends and a number of benefices, and then by a list of prelates

who occupied the see of Girgenti. The first of them, S. Gerlandus,
held the see from 1093 to 1104. He was sent for by his kinsman,
Count Roger, from Besan^on in Burgundy, and consecrated by
Urban then Bishop of Rome.
" Sanctus Gerlandus in sex annis hedificando complevit Episcopium

"et Curiam prope Castellum propter timoi'em innumeralium Sarace-

 -

42 CHARTERS OF GIRGENTI
"norum habitanciurn in Agrigento quia pauci Xiistiaui ibi usque
"ad mortem Regis Guillelmi secuncli."

He was succeeded by Drogo, and Albert and Warm. The first

two held the see for a year apiece, and the third succeeded in 1105.

" Postquem f uit episcopus Gualterius francigena qui in episcopatu

" residens de Saracenis multis valde verebatur .... mox
" emptis multis bufalis fecit trahi lapides magriOS de civitate veteri
" et tribus annis complevit edificium tuiris

A piece of vandalism that called down upon his head the wrath of

observes " ch'ei non riposi in pace."

^
Amari, who
" Huic successit Gentilis tuscus qui fuit cancellariiis Regis
" Ungarife .... Post hunc vero fuit Baitholomeus electus
"dum asset Constantinoplim legatus et post tei'cium annum fuit

"consecratus a germano suo Gualterio Panoimitano archiepiscopo

" .... postea sub Rege Tancredo Panormi archiepiscopus
"fuit."

He was succeeded by Ursus who had an eventful career, and among

other experiences was taken prisoner by the Saracens. He was
succeeded by Raymond of Acquaviva, Dean of Girgenti, in the reign
of the Emperor Frederick.
Nearly all Norman names, and as I have said
these are good
before, however much attached the conquerors may have been to
the Roman see, they filled the bishoprics with their own kinsmen
and countrymen.
The charter mentions the Greek parish church in Girgenti, a
Greek benifice in Caltabellotta, the Greek church at Castronuovo
and the monastery of S. George at Trocculi (Triocala) below Calta-
bellotta. The latter was evidently the cause of friction.

In Girgenti itself there is a basilican church called S. Maria dei

Greci, built on the plinth of a Greek temple. Portions of the walls
may date from the Byzantine period, but they have been too much
restored and pulled about in later times to be capable of certain
identification.

Another very early church dedicated to S. Biagio stands at the

extreme east of the ancient city, also built on the site of a temple.
The present building is Norman but may be a restoration of an
1. Amari, vol. III., p. 210, in a footnote.
2. Walter of the Mill (Offamilo), the builder of Palermo Cathedral.
 St

.^ V ^';i,i^\ ^"ii^V ^'X.

 22.

HERACLEA MINOA.
Bastion in the City Walls.

Masons marks.
The Imver courses of the wall.

To face page 4J.

 THE SOUTH COAST 43

earlier Byzantine church. There are some very early crosses cut in
the west and south walls.

Another interesting building is the chapel in the Norman castle

of Favara, not to be confused with the castle of the same name at
Palermo. Favara is a large country town about nine miles north-
east of Girgenti. The castle, built by the Chiaramonte family, is

in a good state of preservation. The chapel is situated in the keep

on the first floor. The nave, a small square chamber, is covered by
a dome of high pitch in the usual Palermo style supported on
pendentives and pointed arches. The apse, a small square chamber
with lateral doors, is lighted by a pointed window flanked by three
columns on each side, one of Egyptian porphyry and the others
decorated with chevrons in coloured marble ; a photograph of the
Norman door of the chapel will be found in the frontispiece and
is one of the best of many doorways of the same kind found in
different parts of the island. Perhaps the best of them is in the
castle of Maniace in Syracuse.

The sea coast as well as the country inland westward of Girgenti

is very sparsely populated and there are scarcely any towns and no
villages. In summer this district must be quite waterless and as
hot as an oven. After leaving Porto Empedocle the high road passes
through two small places called Siculiana and Montalegro, both
dating from the Spanish occupation, and containing nothing of
interest. At the latter I was told that a fine " cuba,' the name the
peasants give to domed buildings, still stood on a hill at the mouth
of the river Platani. This spot now identified as the site of the
ancient Greek city of Heraclea Minoa is also known as Capo Bianco
from the lime stone clifif of the headland, I visited it through the
kindness of the Judge la Mantia and friends at Sciacca who took me
in a steam tug. The Cuba proved to be the lower part of a fine
circular bastion of the classical city wall, made of large and well
preserved masonry with several masons' marks upon it. In conse-
quence of the encroachment of the sea the bastion now stands at
the edge of the cliff, and is in imminent danger of falling some two
hundred feet on to the beach below. I have, therefore, reproduced
a photograph of it as well as of the wall and the masons' marks so
that some record of these interesting ruins may be preserved.

I could find no trace of a church and the ancient city which

44 SCIACCA
appears from some fragments I found to have survived till Roman
days is now razed to the ground. Nearly all the site is arable land
cultivated by peasants living at Heraclea Cattolica situated in the
hills inland.

Twelve miles west of Heraclea Minoa is Sciacca, the ancient

Thermae Selinuntinae, and the hot springs dedicated to S. Calogero
on a hill behind the town are still resorted to for their medicinal
properties. In Sciacca itself there are no Christian remains of the
pre-Saracen period, though the spot is par excellence the scene of
the traditional labours of S. Calogero. A Norman church dedicated
to S. Nicholas appears to be of very early date. It has a plain
nave and aisles terminating in three semi-circular apses ; of these

only the central apse is used for service, the south aisle and apse
have been turned into a vestry and store-room, and the north aisle
and apse incorporated into an adjoining house. The church
possesses an ancient wall-painting of S. Nicholas blessing in the
Latin way, and a large wooden cross with a painting of the
crucifixion in the late Greek style, both of the post Saracen period.
Other crosses of a similar kind will be found in the cathedral and
the church of S. Catharina at Mazzara. The Sanctuary of
S. Calogero has been entirely rebuilt, and nothing remains of the
traditional cell. The present church is quite modern.

Five miles behind Sciacca perched up among the pinnacles of a

short but steep mountain range stands the Norman town of
Caltabellotta, the successor of the ancient Triocala. I have
observed that, during Norman times at any rate, this ancient
diocese was merged in that of Girgenti, and presumably by that
time the Christian community had entirely disappeared. At any
rate there are no remains of the pre-Saracen period unless a few
fragments in a little monastery below the town can be attributed to
it. There are, however, a fine Norman abbey church and two small
chapels. The former now in process of restoration, contains a holy
water stoup of the same age as the older part of the church with
two keys and the legend Tu es Petrus carved upon it in early gothic
characters. The doorways of the chapels are very handsome.

The view from Caltabellotta is exceedingly fine, and extends from

the cathedral tower of Girgenti, visible through a gap in the coast
range to the promontory near Mazzara.
 23.

TYNDARTS.
The so-called Gvmnastum.
^-
y^. Norili aisle on the left ; Siuth aisle on the right.

To face page 44.

AS

A wifcli

r , ! . ./

^tNXXW^b ^te-'oV'^^T
oY.

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24.

im^li^-:-

TYNDARIS.
Apse of the Gymnasium.

CEFALU.
Ruin of the church built oz'er the ''prehistoric honse\- S.W. angle
shoioing the W. front and the doors of the house ; and the S. side.

lt."35

7"'S

B I "70

To face page 45.

 CEFALU AND TUSA 45

The Christian remains at Selinunto I have already alluded to.

I found some evidence of early Christian churches at Cefalu,

Tyndaris, Alaesa (a little village near S. Stefano di Camastra, now
known as Tusa), Termini and Carini. The first three were ancient
episcopal sees.

Upon the so-called temple of Diana, on the rock above Cefalu, are
the remains of a small chapel consisting of a square nave, a short
chancel and a semi-circular e-mt apse. The semi-dome vault of the
apse inside was faced with square stones and springs from a plain
bevelled cornice. Otherwise the masonry is of the roughest
description, composed of rubble and pieces of brick and cement.
The measurements of the nave are, length 7"57 met., breadth 7"15.
The chancel 4*05 broad, the apse 3"20 broad, and 1*70 deep. The
floor is filled with debris of stones and tiles, and there is not

enough left to show where either doors or windows were placed

or how the church was roofed. The materials are altogether
insufficient to form any idea of the date of the church which has
been attributed without justification to the eighth century.

About two miles north-east of Tusa there is a farmhouse with a

plain rectangular chapel adjoining it, erected in 1481, as a stone
tablet in the west gable records. It is supposed to be on the site of

the Koman and Byzantine city of Alaesa. The church has a piece
of Roman column for a holy water stoup, and two Roman millstones
are preserved in it, but with those exceptions there is nothing to
connect it with the pre-Norman period. In a field close by, full of

Roman tiles and pottery, there is a remarkable Roman sepulchral

chamber made of square stones and vaulted in a jDeculiar manner.

Similar work will be found in a monument in a corner of the
cemetery at Termini.
many Greek and Roman remains at Tyndaris and the
There are
most important of them is the Roman basilica called the gymna-
sium. It is more than likely that this building was used as a
church during the Byzantine occupation. The Sanctuary of the
Madonna and the chapel in it are relatively modern. The ancient
diocese of Tyndaris included the Lipari Islands, but I found no trace
of an early church on any of them, and in Byzantine days the
population was, I have no doubt, much smaller than it is now.
There is some doubt whether Carini, a small country town
46 TEEMINI
between Palermo and Castelvetrano was an ancient bishopric. The
classical town stood on the seashore, and there is nothing of it left

above ground. About half way between the sea shore and the
railway station I found a Norman pointed arch in a wall, and a
small chapel probably also Norman, but with no distinctive archi-

tectural feature about it. The mediaeval town is situated about

three miles inland on a hill crowned by a fine Norman castle.

Termini has several remains of the classical period, at least one

ancient church, some Byzantine fragments and inscriptions and a
Greek triptych in the museum.^
The triptych is about 2 ft. square, and the principal figures in
it are the Blessed Virgin and our Lord surrounded by Angels,
Apostles and Bishops, and Doctors of the Church. On the outside
of the right panel is a colossal St. Christopher crossing a stream.
The Saint is represented with a lamb's head he is dressed as a ;

warrior and holds a staff in one hand, and supports our Saviour on
the other arm. Our Saviour is clothed with a tunic, His left hand
rests on the head, and He is blessing with His right hand in

the Greek way ; near the figures are the letters I C XC with
abbreviation marks above. Above these figures is a half -figure of
St. Nicholas. On the outside of the left panel is a half-figure of
Anastasius of Alexandria, and below similar figures of S. Miletus of
Antioch, of S. Theodore, and of another saint. In the left top
corner there is another similar figure of S. Gregory.

The central figures in the chief panel are the Blessed Virgin
vested from head to foot in a red robe,^ Our Lord is seated on her
arm, and is dressed in a long green tunic. His left hand holds a
scroll and His right hand is raised in benediction in the Greek way.

He has a cruciform nimbus with the letters o^n. By the Virgin's

side are the letters MP ©Y with abbreviation marks above, and
H OAHTHTPIA. On either side are two small robed angels with the

letters m and r representing the Archangels Michael and Gabriel.

On either side of the panel are two figures representing S. John

the Baptist and S. John the Evangelist respectively. The former
represented with a beard holds an open book in one hand and with
1. —
See also Archivio Storico Sieiliano. N.S. Ann. vii. Fas. i.-iv., p. 142-146.
Palermo, 1883.
2. Probably in allusion to Count Eoger's vision dm ing the siege of Palermo.
 :

25.

CEFAL U.
Interior of the church on the ''Prehistoric house '

taken from the N. W.

corner of the 7iave looking towards the chancel the Nor mail citadel
is in the background.

To face page 46.

.?s

iho out

i"e, auu

.11' 0Y mih

tseutinig the

taiUt; of the pauel are i\

^ ^".
John theEr -

•'onrd holds

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 .rt£

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xV^'^n'^A^'^
 26.

TERMINI.
Byzantine triptych of the 12th Century
in the Museum.

To face page 4^.

 —

TEIPTYCH AT TERMINI 47

the other is Below the central figures

blessmg in the Greek way.
are three bishops S. John Chrysoslom, S. Gregory Nazianzene and
S. Basil the Great. Each holds a book in one hand and the other
hand is raised in blessing. On the inside panel of the right side
are representations of S. Joseph and the Annunciation and below
them a figure of S. George on horseback slaying a Dragon. On
the corresponding panel on the left side are two half figures of
S. Joachim and S. Ann who are being blessed in the Latin way by
the Blessed Virgin risen from her seat. The Holy Ghost hovers
over her head.

Beneath this group is an equestrian figure of S. Demetrius slaying

the Captain of the Saracens. This figure is introduced in allusion
to the vision of the Saint by Count Eoger during the battle of
Cerami in 1063, and from the introduction of it as well as from
the general character of the painting, the triptych is probably to be
attributed to the twelfth century.

I translate the following remarks upon the style of painting from

the Article by De Michele :

" The draughtsmanship of the figures is somewhat hard, but the

" contours are boldly executed ; the transparent and brilliant
" colouring seems to have been applied by a process of distemper, or
" else by encaustic, a mode of painting in colours with a wax body,
" which was employed by the ancient Greeks and Komans, and which
" is believed to have continued to flourish in Sicily even after the
" decadence of the aits, and to have lasted until the fifteenth century,
" as is confirmed by the famous picture of the Triumph of Death,
" painted in encaustic by Antonio Crescervaio, on a wall in the
" vestibule of the ancient chief hospital of Palermo.
" And lastly, it seems to me well to call attention to the fact that
" all the figures and drapery were first chased on the gilt ground,
" and the contours were afterAvards traced in black. The flesh was
" rendered by a light brown pigment, and the contour traced in the

"same colour, somewhat darker; but the eyebrows, eyelids and eyes
" are in black. Transparent pigments are applied over textures on
"the folds already drawn; and the half tones and flesh lights are
" rendered with bold touches and a full body that contrast with and
" stand out against a mass of brown colouring."

The old chiesa matrice dedicated to S. Giacomo seems to be

Norman work on the site of a much earlier building. I noticed
 —

48 TERMINI
that one of the steps leading up to it from the street originally-

formed part of the architrave of a classical building, and has a

triglyph carved on it. There are said to be other classical pieces
built into the tower, but I could not find them.

The Norman church was a basilica with three semi-circular apses

at the east end, the body being divided into a nave of four bays by
pillars supporting circular arches and clerestory windows above. A
fifth bay was the chancel, and the arches of it were supported by
pilasters as well as pillars. The roofs of nave and aisles were made
of timber. I have not often seen the original plan of a church so
completely altered. The sanctuary and a square apse have been
inserted in the place originally occupied by the west end of

the church, and the original main apse in the east end has been
shorn right off, and the principal door built in its place. The aisle

roofs have been raised above the clerestory, and the windows are
now blocked up. In point of fact the church has been completely
ruined both inside and outside.

Another church of very peculiar design, and unfortunately

gradually falling into ruins, is situated on the highest point of the
town near the public garden. The present fabric, comparatively
modern, seems to have been copied from an earlier church, and
from the general appearance probably the model was a Byzantine-
Arab building. I copied the following incription over the west
door :

" A.M.D.G. Divique prcecursoris Dni Jesu Xti vetustissima

" exuentes forma ecclesiam istam ab immemorabili conditam jam
" jam coUabentem Kev^» Saco^ S. Th. Dr, D. Dom<^"^ occurso beneflis
" et Cappel"** ac pii operis sci Mercurii in eadem erecti Dep*"^
"spectabilis D. Nicolaus Marsala U.I.D.D. Joseph Lo Faso ambo
" quoq Depti protectoris prsestitiis ab eodem opere maxima ex parte
" ex suppetiis ad recentioris formae refectionem ab anno Salutis
"MDCCLXXVIIO ad annum usque MDCCLXXXUM impensius
" seduloque incubuerunt.''

The nave of this church is an octagon supporting a dome of the

same shape. It is enclosed in a square curtain wall so that from
outside the church appears to be square with the octagon dome over
it. The building is in a deplorable if not unsafe condition indeed ;

the custodian only let me in after some demur. The walls inside
 VARIOUS FRAGMENTS 49

are of rubble and cement covered with whitewash cracked in several

places from top to bottom. Beyond the inscription quoted above
and a well, there is nothing of interest inside. From the terrace in
front there is a magnificent panorama of the sea coast from Solunto
to Cefalu. ^
Messina and Catania have so often suffered from earthquake and
eruptions that the absence of early buildings is scarcely a matter
for surprise. There are no Byzantine remains in the latter, but in

the former there is, I believe, a fragment consisting of a doorway of

the monastery of S. Salvatore dei Greci. I only know this from

hearsay, for the site of this monastery is now occupied by the fort
of S. Salvatore at the end of the mole in Messina harbour, and
therefore not accessible to foreigners. A little domed church near
Gesso, the first station out of Messina on the Palermo line, was
destroyed when the railway was built. The site was pointed out
to me about 100 yards south of the station, but I was unable to
obtain either any satisfactory description or any plans or drawings
of it. Murray says that it was dedicated to, and supposed to have
been founded by S. Gregory the Great .^
The church of S. Pancras at Taormina occupies, according to
tradition, the site of one of the earliest churches in Sicily. But the
superstructure of the present building at any rate is comparatively
modern. In a garden below S. Pancras, in a south-easterly-
direction, there is a little rectangular building with a semi-circular
apse, now used as a toolshed ; over a modern door there is a stone
slab with the date 1876, but I am inclined to think that this is a
little late Byzantine building, possibly a chapel, and the ancient
house adjoining it may have been a monastery.

1» Uandbcok/or S. ttxly and Sicily, 9tli Edition, p* 361, published in 1890.

50

SARDINIA.

The traveller who is not a sportsman or an antiquary will find

little to compensate him for the fatigue and discomfort of a
journey into Sardinia ; the means of access leave much to be
desired, the steamers are small and have little to recommend them
except their cleanliness, and the passages are long and usually very
rough. The scenery is not as fine or as accessible as in Corsica,
and the hotels in Cagliari and Sassari, conducted entirely as
commercial houses, lack comfort though they are tolerably clean
and the food is fairly good. The inns in the small towns and
villages offer the kind of accommodation frequently advertised on
the walls of Sicilian taverns, Si loca, si vende, si fa da 'manchiare,'
and the appropriate word for the faring is camjMve. On the other
hand the climate in spring is pleasant, the people with their varied

and picturesque costumes are attractive, and for the sportsman and
antiquary Sardinia offers a first-rate field. The latter will find
the island full of antiquities of every age commencing with the
pre-historic dolmens and the nurhagi.
The churches of Sardinia stand in much the same relation to
the Pisans as those of Sicily do to the Normans. Not only does
Sardinia owe her best churches to Pisan architects, but they seem
to have destroyed the earlier buildings as the Normans did in
Sicily. The pre-Pisan churches fall into two groups; the early
basilican and the byzantine, and very few of either remain. The
cathedral of S. Gavino at Porto Torres, partly rebuilt by Pisan
architects in the beginning of the eleventh century, is by far the
most interesting and important in the first group. Only four
byzantine churches substantially in their original condition have
been found up to the present, the largest and most important
being the church of S. Saturnino at Cagliari.

The other churches built while the Byzantine government

actually or nominally ruled Sardinia are S. Giovanni in Sinis near
 SARDINIA.
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 SARDINIA 51

Oristano, S. Giovanni d'Assemini, a village near Cagliari, and the

chapel of S. Savina at Silanus near Macomer, in the centre of the
island. The first is a building of considerable antiquity.

Some record of S. Saturnino and S. Giovanni d'Assemini has

come down to us, the former in connection with S. Fulgentius,^
bishop of Ruspe in Africa during the Vandal dominion, and the
latter in a charter preserved in Genoa dated in the commencement
of the twelfth century.'- During this long period Sardinia was
governed first by the Vandals, later as a province of the Byzantine
Empire, and still later by quasi independent princes or counts
owning allegiance to the Emperor at Constantinople.

After the fall of Rome Sardinia was ruled by the Vandals and
followed the fortunes of their African kingdom. The life of

S. Fulgentius shows that in one respect at least they imitated their

Roman predecessors, and made it a place of exile for the orthodox
bishops of the African Church. History does not record whether
the Vandal sovereigns sought to impose the Arian faith upon their
Sardinian subjects, but there is evidence that Trasamond treated
Sardinia in much the same tolerant way that Calabria was treated
by the iconoclast Emperors in the eighth century,^ for S. Fulgentius

w^as allowed during his exile to build a monastery near the ancient
basilica of S. Saturnino at Cagliari.

After the fall of the Vandal kingdom, and the conquest of Africa
and Sicily by Belisarius, Sardinia became a province of the
Byzantine Empire, and was administered as part of the African

exarchate. After the Saracen conquest cf Africa the Byzantine

possessions in the Western Mediterranean were reduced to
Sardinia, the Balearic Islands and a few sea ports in Spain and
Africa. The exarchate of Africa, however, continued to appear in
the imperial rescripts, and Sardinia was still nominally adminis-
tered as part of it.* But by the tenth century, though all

connection with Constantinople was not yet severed, the Byzantine

1. S. Fulgentius, 468-533, was made bishop of Ruspe in 508. He was exiled to

Sardinia and, with other exiled African bishops, he was summoned by Trasamond
to Carthage to dispute with the Arian bishops. After the conference he was again
exiled to Sardinia where he remained till 523.

2. Scano, Storia deli' Atte in Sardegna, p. 30.

3. Later Roman Empire, vol. II., p. 449.

4. Diehl, L'Afrique Byzantine, pp. 110 and 58G.

 52 SARDINIA
governors acquired independent position?, and as time went on
their offices became hereditary and developed into the judgeships of

the free States of Cagliari, Torres, Gallura and Arborea.^ It is easy

enough to fix the commencement of the Byzantine dominion in
Sardinia with Belisarius' conquest of the Vandals in Africa in the
reign of Justinian, but difficult to select a precise date or event
when it may be said to have concluded. On the whole, perhaps,
the most convenient and the least open to objection for the present
purpose is 1073, when Gregory VII., of Rome, claimed the
allegiance of the Sardinian judges and threatened them with a
Norman invasion if they refused it.^ At that moment there was no
question of the Byzantine suzerainty which, in fact, must have
come to an end many years earlier.

From the gradual emancipation of the judges we may conclude

that church and state in the island were left in a great measure to
take care of themselves.^ From the tenour of the occasional
relations with the Roman see it would seem that the sympathies of
both were with the East rather than with the West. At one
moment the differences between the Sardinian Church and Rome
were upon matters of faith and not merely upon questions of
church government or ecclesiastical supremacy. Two Sardinian
bishops attended theRome'* and sided
Lateran Council in
with the Latin Church in condemning the " Type," while not
long afterwards the Pontiff refustd to recognise the consecration of
some other Sardinian bishops by the Metropolitan of Cagliari
because they all sympathised with the Emperor.^ The Sardinian
Church was apparently divided into camps and the majority, if not
in numbers at least in importance, sided with the Emperor. When
a different view of the theological controversy of the day was taken

1. Besta, La Sardegna Medioevale, vol. I., pp. 40 and 47.

2. Besta, vol. I., pp. 79 and 80.
3. Gay, L'ltalie Meridionale, p. 209.

4. Summoned by Martin to consider the " Type "

Emperor Constans II.,of the
Besta, vol. I., p. 26. They were Deodatus and Valentine. During the
of Cagliari
Byzantine occupation the seven original bishoprics had dwindled down to four :

at Cagliari, Torres, Sulcis, and Pausania. Under the present arrangement there
are three archbishops at Cagliari, with suffragans at Galtelli-Nuoro, Iglesias,
:

and Ogliastra; at Oristano, with a suffragan at Ales and Terralba and at ;

Sassari, with suffi-agans at Alghero, Ampurias and Tempio, Bisarchio, and Bosa.
5. Besta, vol. I., p. 27, and Diehi, p. 537, on the relation between the
Byzantine Governors and Eome ; p. 509, upon the state of the Church.
 SARDINIA 53

by Constans' successor and son Constantine Pogonatus and the

Type was revoked, the Sardinian clergy again sided with the new
Emperor and changed their views. The MetropoHtan and the
Roman see were reconciled and the consecration of these particular
bishops, to whom exception had been taken, was recognised and
confirmed.^

As politics obviously played a considerable part on these various

occasions, so politics may account for the relations between the
Roman and Sardinia being suspended for about 150 years.
see
There is no record to show what the State did with the Roman
patrimony or what side the Church took in the controversy about
the images. But during this period the patrimony in Corsica
remains, while that in Sardinia disappears from the Roman
annals.^

The successful Saracen invasion and ultimate conquest of Sicily

affected Sardinia in isolating it more completely from the central

government at Constantinople. It is strange but apparently the
fact that Sardinia, though frequently threatened and occasionally
invaded, was never actually occupied by the Saracens as Sicily
was.^ But the Saracen success in Sicily and South Italy even
close up to Rome itself had another and indirect effect upon the
Church in Sardinia. It brought about an alliance between the
Greek Empire and the Roman see under John VIII., and from
this alliance ensued among other things a renewal of the relations

between the Sardinian princes and the Pontiff. In 873 John YIII.
had to recall the princes of Sardinia to Orthodox doctrines because
they yielded too easily to the seduction of heresy flowing from
Greek learning or from the influence of Greek merchants who
To appreciate
carried on the slave trade in the ports of the island."*
all these words imply a study should be made of John's pontificate,

of his relations with the Emperor at Constantinople on the one

hand and the states of Amalfi and Naples on the other, and of
his endeavour to stem the tide of Saracen advance in Italy. Were
1. Besla, vol. I., p. 27, and Diehl, p. 537, on the relation between the
Byzantine Governors and Eome; p. 509, upon the state of the Church.

2. Besta, vol. I., pp. 41 and 42.

Amari, vol. III., pp. 5-8.

3. There were several invasions. The more
important were apparently in 710, 752, 813, 817, 935, and in 1016 under Musetto.
"^
4. I have translated this passage from Besta, vol p. 43.
64 SAEDINIA
the trading communities in Sardinia taking the same attitude
towards the Saracens as Amalfi and Naples ; who were the slaves,
what was the course of trade, and was Sinis one of the ports
used.^

One of the important consequences of the alliance between Eome

and the Byzantines at the close of the ninth century w^as the
presence of a Greek fleet in the Tyrrhenian Sea, and this fleet may
have contributed in some degree to save Sardinia from a permanent
Saracen occupation.-

The Arab ships are recorded to have been raiding Corsica and
Sardinia^ at this time, and I do not suppose that at a moment when
the Saracens were masters of practically all the shores of the
western Mediterranean, in Africa, Spain and southern France, there
was much scope for church building in an exposed and isolated sea
port like Sinis.

I have gone in some detail into the general history of Sardinia

at this moment to see if any assistance could be obtained from it

in fixing the date of S. Giovanni in Sinis, usually attributed to the

9th century. I am afraid there is hardly enough even to justify my
conjecture that if the church was not built before the end of the
9th century when the island was virtually abandoned by the
Empire* was not built till the beginning of the eleventh century
it

after the defeat of Musetto (Moghedid) in 1016, when the Saracen

raids against Sardinia ceased altogether. The general style and

appearance of the church justify a preference for the earlier date.

The inscriptions in the churches at Assemini and the neighbour-

hood have been assigned to the time of the Byzantine revival in
the reign of the Emperor Nicephorus Phocas. Upon the whole I
think the church of S. Giovanni d'Assemini is not older than the
beginning of the eleventh century, and that the same might be said
of the existing portions of the church of S. Saturnino. The general
character of the buildings and some architectural details in
S. Saturnino certainly support this view and that is all I think

that can be safely said about them.

1. Gay, p. 129. Also Amari, vol. I., cap. XI., and especially pp. 442-443. Upon
this period see the learned and interesting volume I. of L' Europe et le Saint Siege,
by A. Lapotre. Paris. 1895.

2. Gay, pp. 162-163. 3. Amari III., p. 5. 4. Id., p. 12.

 SAKDINIA 55

I have come to the conclusion that these churches at Assemini,

CagHari and Sinis are not later than the third quarter of the llt4:i

century for another reason. 1 have alluded to the relations

between Rome and Sardinia in Constans' reign and during the
pontificate of John VIII. The differences between the Greek and
and Latin Churches were of long standing in 1073 when
Gregory VII. wrote to the Judges of the Sardinian States calling
upon them to act as loyal sons towards the Latin Church and to
renew that devoted attachment which already existed between the
Eoman Curia and the Sardinian race (gente Sarde).^ Those who
would not were threatened with licentia invadendi or permission of
occupation to the Normans or others of the many applicants who
sought permission to conquer the island. The Judges eventually
gave way and in the end the Archbishop of Pisa was appointed the
Pontiff's legate.

The allegiance of the Sardinian princes was claimed primarily

on spiritual grounds, and Gregory laments that the worship of
Christ was sunk in the greatest neglect, and that the Sardinians
(Sardi) more than any other people kept themselves estranged from
the Catholic communion.^

The concluding sentence is obviously directed against the Greeks.

Besta shows that up to the year 1000 Sardinia was looked upon by
the Latins as a den (covo) of heretics.- After that date it is

represented as full of religious fervour indicating the separation of

the people from the heterodoxy derived from the Greeks and the
triumph of Catholicity among them. Gregory's words, like his
predecessor's, seem to be addressed to the princes, probably of
Greek descent, who still clung to the Greek rite. As I have said
they eventually gave way and with the appointment of the Legate
the union with the Pioman church was completed. This change
synchronises with the introduction of Pisan architecture into
Sardinia, and it seems to me unlikely that an important building
like S. Saturnino, or indeed any of the Greek buildings I am going
to describe, would have been erected after the change had taken
place. S. Saturnino however seems to have been in part restored
by Pisan architects.
1. Besta, vol. I., pp. 79 and 80. I gather that a distinction is intended to be
drawn between the faith of the people and that of the Princes.
2. Besta, vol. 1., p. 74.
56 SAEDINIA
The reader will appreciate that my reasons for this conclusion
are based upon conjecture which I can only justify on the ground
that this early history of Sardinia is and must remain unknown
through the absence of all contemporary records about it.

The journey from Aranci Bay to Cagliari takes twelve hours for
the trains go very slowly. Passing some pretty coast scenery and
the sea port of Terranuova, the classical Pausania, with a Pisan
church dedicated to S. Simplicio, the railway ascends gradually
between two mountain ranges through broken and thinly populated
country covered with scrub and " maquis " to the plateau of

Chilivani. This piece of the line forms the southern boundary of

the ancient state and and modern province of Gallura. This
country of some geological interest and different from the rest of
Sardinia, includes the Limbara mountain range and the coast in
the straits of Bonifacio. The marble from the Limbara was
exported by the Romans to Italy and the granite pillars of the
cathedral at Pisa were quarried at S. Theresa di Gallura opposite
Bonifacio.

Though the flora of the district is Corsican rather than

Sardinian the climate must be milder for near Terranuova and
Aranci Bay I noticed anemones, the pink pyramid orchis and
asphodel all in bloom, while the first two were not above ground
and the last had scarcely budded even in sheltered spots of
Corsica.

A magnificent view of the jagged finger-like peaks of the Limbara

and of the straits themselves can be had from the Ospedale pass
above Porto Vecchio in Corsica, or from the deck of a steamer
passing through the straits.

At Chilivani the branch to Portotorres leaves the main line and

crossing marshes and flat land and the watershed between the
Tyrrhenian and Mediterranean, passes first through peculiar
limestone hills with flat tops, and then along a river bed through
a series of ravines and gorges down to Sassari. Many of these
limestone hills have a cap of hard rock overhanging the escarp-
ment of soft stone worn away by the action of water. The general
appearance of this district will be familiar to geologists and at no
 .T£

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 27.

V.J

PORTO TORRES.
Abbey church of S. Gaimio.
South side of the nave.

T'o face page sy.

 POETOTOERES 57

very remote period the country must have been raised into a
series of plateaux. In process of time these were worn away by
the weather into deep gorges and canons, leaving peculiar table-
top hills and mountains scattered about the landscape.
Sassari is the see of an archbishop, possesses a University and
is a flourishing provincial town with little or no architectual
interest. At the neighbouring villages of Osilo, Sennori and Sorso
the peasants wear the handsomest costumes in the island. They
are very pretty, brilliant in colour and decorated with peculiar
silver buttons similar to those worn by the Bosnian peasants.
From Sassari the rauway gradually descends through open
country to Portotorres. This little seaport, once an important
Eoman station, is now a poor straggling village. It still does a

considerable trade in horses, cattle and produce with Corsica and

the mainland. There are two weekly steamers to Leghorn, one of
them touching Bastia, and a fortnightly steamer to Ajaccio. The
latter, a small French boat, does the passage in six hours affording,

on the whole, the shortest and most agreeable means of access to

Sardinia.^

The cathedral and the Roman bridge are the two lions of
Portotorres. The former dedicated to S. Gavino is one of the
most interesting churches in Sardinia. It dates from the beginning
of the eleventh century and contains a number of fragments

including tombs, pillars, and capitals from classical and byzantine

buildings. The alterations made during the Spanish dominion
are unimportant, and the additions, as well as some adjoining
outhouses, have been removed since I first visited the church
eleven years ago. The more prominent of these additions consisted
of a rough parapet pierced with loop holes built over the whole
length of the aisle walls on both sides of the church, showing that
it had been fortified. These parapets were a great eyesore and
concealed the proportion and details of the nave.

The general appearance of S. Gavino and the architectural

details leave no real room for doubt as to its age, though local
antiquaries have tried to make out from documents of a relatively
late date that it was built in the sixth century, but, in fact, three

1. As an acknowledgment of much kindness shewn to me I recommend the

little known as the Tre Amici.
inn at Portotorres
58 S. GAVINO, PORTOTORRES ?

capitals with good Byzantine carving and a stone carved with

a cross afford the only evidence in the present church of an earlier
christian building. The antiquaries have no doubt confused the
church meant in the documents with S. Gavino.

The ground plan of S. Gavino is that of a basilica divided into

nave and aisles, the former terminating in a semi-circular apse at
each end. This arrangement was common in a Roman basilica,
but is very rare in a Christian church.^

The exterior is very simple. The roof is quite straight and

unbroken, and terminates in a gable at each end. The walls of
both the nave and aisles as well as the apses and gables and the
square ends of the aisles are quite plain and relieved only by the
usual Pisan round-head arcade and flat pilaster. The windows
too, of the simplest kind, are merely long narrow slits with
round heads.
A shallow cornice under the eaves of both the nave and aisles
roofs is supported by a single arcade of plain small round -head
arches resting alternately on bevelled corbels and flat square
pilasters. The windows I have just spoken of are pierced in both
nave and aisle walls, the former as clerestory, under every
alternate corbel : the church therefore was poorly lighted. The
cornice under the eaves of the nave roof is returned across the east
and west same level and immediately above the apex
fronts at the
of the apse roof. The gable above is decorated with the same
arches supporting the eaves and resting on pilasters of varying
length reaching to the cornice.

The whole building is raised on a plinth of three steps after the

fashion of a classical temple.

The plan of the church made by Dr. Scano shows three doors on
each side. The only original one left on the north side towards
the west end is of the usual Pisan type with square jambs and
lintel ; the latter supported by two carved elbows has a tympanum
with an incised ornament, and a round arch above. There is

a typical Pisan beast over the side of the door. Another door on
the north side is a fourteenth century alteration with an escutcheon
as finial and a demicouped angel supporting the arch on each side
1. Among other examples are tlie cathedral at Mainz and the ruined basilicas
at Sbei'tla in Tunis and Matifou in Algiers.
 28.

PORTO TORRES.
Church of S. Gainno.

North side of the nave.

To face page $8.

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 29.

PORTO TORRES.
Abbey church of S. Gavtno.
Interior of the nave looking East.

To face page 5g
 ;

S. GAYINO, PORTOTOREES 69

of the door. These angels hold an escutcheon with the arms of

Portotorres, a battlemented square tower.

The main door on the south side also dates from the fourteenth
century. Similar angels support the arch and a crucifix as finial
which fortunately escaped destruction when the parapet was added,
for I have an old photograph showing that it was partly embedded

in the masonry. Between the door and the eastern apse there is a
block of white marble with a cross carved on it in relief, a piece of
byzantine work belonging, I have no doubt, to the earlier church.

The nave inside is covered by a roof of plain wood rafters, and

the walls with the clerestory are supported on each side of the
nave by three pilasters and eleven pillars. The latter with capitals
and abaci above support plain round arches. These pilasters
divide the nave into three large and one small bay, the first two
bays from the east end having four pillars in each bay, the third
bay three pillars on each side and the last a short bay of one arch
between the pilaster and the west end of the church. Taking
these bays in order from the east end I noted the following pillars
and their capitals. In the first bay on the north side : first pillar,

fluted marble shaft with small corinthian cap, both from a

classical building ; second pillai*, plain granite shaft, ionic cap
third and fourth pillars, same shafts as the last, but with
corinthian caps. On the south side of this bay all the pillars
have corinthian caps ; the shafts of the first and the last two are
plain, while the second is fluted and made of marble. In the
second bay all the pillars on both sides have plain shafts and
corinthian caps. The third bay has three pillars on each side ; on
the south side the first pillar has an ionic cap, the second a
byzantine, and the third a corinthian ; on the north side the first

and third have byzantine caps, and the middle one a plain
pillars

cap. All the shafts in this bay are plain and made of granite.

The byzantine caps are made of marble and carved with the
same design of vase or chalice, doves and acanthus foliage.
-P appears on each face, and in one instance this monogram is

reversed this is not an unusual occurence. The device is, of

:

course, a great deal older than the fabric of the present cathedral,
and if these are not genuine sixth century capitals belonging to
the earlier church of which there is now no trace, they are very
60 S. GAVINO, POKTOTOKRES

skilful Pisan imitations. But I think that they belonged to the

older church, built probably during Justinian's reign, when an
attempt was made to revive the old importance of Portotorres as
an outpost of the Roman empire.

By a clumsy alteration of late date the high altar, sanctuary,

and choir erected on a kind of tribune occupying the third bay,
entirely spoil the effect cf the interior viewed from the east end.
A crypt, like a long tunnel with barrel vault, runs the whole
length of the nave and terminates in a rectangular chapel con-
taining the shrine of S. Gavino. It is of no interest and merely
contains a few fragments of Roman tombs and a classical has
relief of some importance.

The plans and arrangement of the two apses are similar. They
are separated from the nave by a stone screen supported by a
central pointed and two smaller round headed arches on either side
resting on pillars with circular shafts and caps. The arrangement
is most peculiar and I imagine quite unique ; but these pillars and
screens did not form part of the original design and date from the
fourteenth century. Since I visited the church ten years ago,
these screens have been lowered and the top of the eastern screen
has been made into an organ loft. The caps of the pillars in this
screen are decorated with a plain running pattern of roses and
interlaced basket work. The roof of the apse is groined and has a
boss carved with a representation of S. Gavino on horse back.
The apse itself is used a kind of store room and a staircase leads up
to the organ. The western apse is practically similar but the caps
of the pillars have two carved figures bearing the arms of
Portotorres and some grotesque men and beasts.

The aisles, very narrow in proportion to the nave, as usual in

buildings of this style, are covered with cross vaulting resting on
the abaci of the pillars and on plain corbels in the walls.

The whole length of the nave including the apse is 43"50 met.
and the total width including nave and aisles is 17'72.

From Chilivani the main line to Cagliari winds up the escarp-

ment of the Macomer plateau in long curves and after passing
through a forest of small oaks and scrub, across stony country not
unlike the County Kerry, reaches Macomer. The village stands
in a picturesque spot on the verge of the southern escarpment over-
 ;

30.

PORTO TORRES.
Church of S. Gavino.

The apse at the East cud and gable ; a stone with cross on the

S. Side of the naj'c^ outside

E. F.

A byzantine Capital in the chancel.

.WTS2!*.>T«^/'-

To face page 60.

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 31.

STA SARBANA.
St'lanus.
West front; South side shorving the broken roof
of the South chapel;
the central apse is on the
right.

Elevation East side.

Metres

Plan; (Dr. Ashhy.J

To face page 6i.

 S. SAEBANA, SILANUS 61

looking the great plain of Oristano. Branch lines run from here
westward to the sea port of Borso and eastward through some of
the finest scenerj' in Sardinia into the mountains of Nuoro. Near
Macomer there are many nurhagi close to the railway.

The village of Silanus is the second station on the line from

Macomer to Nuoro. In a field about half a mile south of the
station and some thirty yards from a conspicuous nurhag stands
the little Byzantine chapel known as S. Sarbana, probably a local
corruption of S. Sabina. This little building is not only a real
archaeological curiosity, but in one respect unique for the dome
inside is clearly shaped after the fashion of the neighbouring
nurhag.
The chapel has a circular nave with a porch and door at the west
side and a semi-circular apse at the east side it was flanked on the ;

north and south by two rectangular aisles ending in apses. Only

the north aisle remains. Though very simple and lacking in any
ornament the general outside effect of this little chapel is very
pleasing and the proportion as good as the plan is novel.

The nave is a plain drum of well cut blocks of limestone without

decoration of any kind beyond two bands of black basalt running
round the upper half of it. The roof is a flat cone covered with
tiles and the eaves are supported by a bevelled band of stones

projecting beyond the drum of the nave. This same bevelling

appears under all the eaves throughout the building. The north
aisle is a plain rectangular room with a door in the west front, now
blocked up, a window in the middle of the north side, and a semi-
circular east apse, also with a window in it. The door, placed a
little on one side and not in the centre of the west end of this aisle,

has two large monolith jambs and a round head arch with a
narrow cornice arch over. The same arrangement of arching
will be seen in the porch. windows have round heads
All the
and are built in the same way with a third inner course bevelled
to the aperture.

The porch projects from the west side of the nave on a plinth or
step which apparently ran the whole width of the chapel. The
jambs of the porch are made of large blocks of basalt and the
upper fronts and the arches are of limestone. Ascending three
steps we come to a plain square door and through it into the nave.
G2 S. SAEBANA, SILANUS
The interior is a circular chamber six metres in diameter
covered with a conical or beehive vault made of well dressed
stones and unbroken by cornice or ornament of any kind. The
arrangement inside is very simple, and in fact a reproduction
of the chambers of the nurhag. The altar raised two steps
above the floor of the nave stands in the apse and the front
or chancel step is carried right across the nave covering about a
third of it. In the plan I have shewn the portions of the nave
where a stone seat runs at the foot of the wall. The interior, now
quite dark, must have been poorly lighted even before the apse
window was blocked. I found it impossible to take a photograph
inside but one of the ruined S. aisle will show a piece of the roof
;

and the aisle arch connecting the nave and aisle. Both aisles
had waggon vaults of good masonry. In the apse of the N. aisle
there is the original stone slab on a block of masonry which served
as the prothesis. I failed to find any dedication crosses, marks or
inscriptions on it or in any part of the building.

Nothing is at present known of the history of this little chapel

but it is certainly a byzantine building and, from the general

appearance, I should judge it to be of the tenth century or
later. It has evidently been much restored but nothing short of
wanton destruction could have ruined the massive masonry of the
south aisle.

Leaving Macomer in a southerly direction the line gradually

descends the escarpment into the plain ; then crossing some low
lying and uninteresting country cut up with Ficus Indica hedges
and dotted about here and there with nurhagi and a few poor
looking villages the train reaches Oristano.

Oristano is a dull cathedral town the see of an archbisop with no

buildings of particular interest. The cathedral is a large ugly
romanesque building of the type usual in the eighteenth century.
A small piece of arcading in the wall of the choir aisle shows that
the earlier building was Pisan, and some interesting byzantine
has reliefs have been found showing that there was a still earlier
church.

The detached campanile is an octagonal structure covered with

a pomme and cone roof, and under the eaves are enormous
grotesque heads of Titans made of stone or brick and painted red.
 32.

S/JV/S.

Church of S. Gtoi'anfit.

W. and S. sides.

E.F.

E.

To face page 62.

u.

L_

Inch'cft ki(
 A.I

ASO

j.'i S5Ufi\^"ift\«^'C
 33.

S/JV/S.

Church of S. Gtova7im.
East end and apse.

To face page 6j.

 ORISTANO 63

This feature is quite novel to me but in shape and window

ornament the campanile resembles that of Lerida cathedral and
the Miguelfcte at Valencia in Spain. A handsome Pisan church
dedicated to S. Justa in the south suburb, and a bastion and one
of the old town gates are the only other ancient buildings Oristano
possesses. In a square in front of the Court house stands a fine
modern statue of Eleanora the 14th century soldier lawgiver and
ruler of this part of Sardinia while it was administered by the
Consuls or Judices of the republic of Arborea.

Sinis occupies the site of the ancient Tharros a Phcenician or

Carthagenian seaport mentioned by Ptolemy which still existed in
Roman times and was also an early Christian episcopal see.

Nothing is known of the date or circumstances of its destruction.

The town was situated on a sandy isthmus connecting a low range
of coast hills with a bluff forming the northern promontory of the

lagoon of Oristano.

The only way to visit it is by a carriage drive of fourteen miles

from Oristano through the village of Cabras and across the
marshes on the north shore of Oristano Bay. Sinis is frequently
inaccessible in winter owing to floods, and in summer the whole
district is full of malaria. The latter no doubt led to the abandon-
ment of Tharros and the removal of the population to Oristano,

though in point new town is not much better.

of healthiness the

The natives of Oristano call Cabras the tomb of the foreigner, and
La Marmora says that even Sardinians cannot live there in
summer and autumn unless they are born in the district.
Beside the church of S. Giovanni there are some early rock-cut
tombs, a few huts and sheds for cattle, goats and sheep. We
passed several large flocks tended by shepherds wearing the
picturesque but sombre national costume of Cabras. The
shepherds were fine strong looking men and belied the reputation
of the district for unhealthiness. I found their dialect very
difficult to understand, and some of them looked more like
Spaniards than Italians.
The district of Tharros, now most forlorn and woebegone,
reminded me, as we drove across the marsh, of the Turk's remark
about the roads of Asia Minor, "In summer all the country is a
road, and who wants to travel in winter? " The roaii came to an
64 S. GIOVANNI IN SINIS
abrupt end just beyond Cabras, and for the remaining eight miles
my driver had to pick his way across the marsh through pools and
bogs as best he could.

We eventually reached our destination and found the church of

S. Giovanni built of a coarse grained stone quarried in the neigh-
bouring promontory. Though there is no frost here and the site

chosen is sheltered from the disintegrating effects of the sirocco,

the stone has perished a great deal and the church owes its
preservation to the great thickness of the walls, and to the solid
roof and dome.
Excluding the central apse at the east end it is 19 met. long
by 17^ broad, the ground plan being consequently almost square.
The vaulting, however, is arranged so as to divide the interior into
a nave and aisles of three bays, a domed intersection with a shallow
chancel, a single apse on the east and rudimentary transepts on the
north and south.

Taking the outside of the church first. The west end has a
plain unbroken surface across the width of the building. The only
ornament on it is the stone cornice or eaves, following the contour
of the nave and aisle vaults, projecting a few inches and giving a
simple finish to the facade.^ There is a plain square headed door
with massive jambs and linteland a little octagonal window above
it, but no discharging arch. The surface of the lintel is slightly
chiselled away at the sides and top so as to leave a projecting
surface to correspond with the width of the jambs. Apart from
the jambs of the chancel and transept windows, this is the only
attempt at decoration I could find anywhere on the building.^

The north and south sides of the nave are propped up by

massive buttresses with sloping tops. The arch of a door now
blocked up occupied the western bay between the first and second
buttresses on the south side. There is a small door still used
between the third buttress and the transept on the north side.

The rest of the north side is hidden by outbuildings.

The faces of the chancel and the transepts outside are carried
up to the roof and finished off to follow the contour of the vault in

1. Compare the Cathedral at Sebenico in Dalmatia.

2. Compare this decoration with that on the door of the so-called prehietoric
house at Cefalu in Sicily.
 34.

5. GIOVANNI IN SINIS.

Arches of the nave and one of the vents on the roof.

To face page 64.

M.

so lUI to dv

yyrx?. Y.v-\Y»?nHJi.o\5^ i?.-

vidth of tht

coration
SS'iSS^-^Z*

p
 .Bfc

.^(s v^\\ v.^v^\ oT

35.

S. GIOVANNI IN SINIS.
North side showing the vents in the roof and part of the north transept.

To face page 65.

 S. GIOVANNI IN SINIS 65

the same way as the west front of the nave. Each face is pierced
by a double round headed light with massive jambs at the sides
and a monolith partition in the centre. The latter appears to have
been ornamented on the outside with a little half-detached pillar,
but the stone is too worn to make the detail of the caps and bases
recognisable. The eastern apse built of square blocks is semi-
circular and roofed with a semi dome covered with cement ; it

occupies the whole width of the chancel end and reaches up to the
cill of the window above. There are no side apses, and the east
walls of the transepts where apses might have been are pierced by
two round headed windows near the ground. They are now
blocked up.

Two square holes in the roof of the nave on the north side will
be seen in the photograph. We had to climb on to the roof of the

little wagonette and then scramble up a buttress on to the aisle

vault to inspect them. The preparing for this manoeuvre,

driver is

and he described it later in the day to his friends as " bisognava

arrampicarse come simie."

There were three holes originally, of which one is blocked up.

They seem to have been windows or vents for the nave and were
cut slantwise through the vault. The construction is most peculiar
and quite novel to me. I was unable to make a satisfactory
examination of them outside owing to their being choked with
rubble, and there is only a faint trace of them visible inside the
church.

Entering now by the west door, two steps lead down to the stone
floor of the nave. The interior is not as dark as might be expected
owing to light from the windows in the transepts falling in such a
way as to accentuate the details of construction and ornament, and
for a building of this size they are unusually massive. The vault
and walls are green with moisture, and after an hour spent inside,

the leaves of my sketch book were too wet to draw upon.

The nave and aisles are divided into three bays by two heavy
square piers and three round arches supporting the vault. The
latter is made of fifteen rows of square cut stones springing from
a fine bold cornice 4'48 met. from the floor. This cornice is

continued on both sides of the nave from the west wall to the west
chancel arch supporting the dome, and it also occurs on the east
66 S. GIOVANNI IN SINIS
side of the north transept and the return face of the apse arch.

The cornice in the rest of the building is of a different and much

smaller pattern. Plain square stone seats are placed at the foot of
each pillar and on either side of the west door as well as on either
side of the chancel. The curious vents or windows I have spoken
of were blocked up inside, and a mark or stain visible just above
the cornice in the photograph indicates their position.

There can be no doubt, I think, that the nave and the rest of the

church were built at different times, for the chancel arch and piers
and the transept vaults are of smaller span than the vault of the
nave. The chancel arch is still unfinished, and at the place where
it joins the nave vault there is a break. The nave cornice, too,

stops abruptly at the chancel arch, and the cornice on the chancel
arch is not only of a smaller pattern but at a different level. The
odd thing about that is that a piece of cornice exactly like the nave
cornice is repeated in the north transept.^

If the nave and its cornice are of very early date, so also is the
dome supported on plain pedentives, for, like all early domes, it

is very shallow and inclines at almost the same angle as the

pedentives. It is composed of square cut stones laid in thirteen
rows and finished up to the crown, and I could find no indication
of the dome crown being open as La Marmora seems to imply ; but
as he says he was never inside the church his suggestion cannot be
relied on. The piers supporting the dome are recessed to admit of
an ornamental marble pillar and this decorative device of African
origin will be found at S. Saturnine, in the church at Sohag and
in most of the Norman-Byzantine buildings in Sicily. It also
occurs in the Byzantine church at El Kef in Tunis. But there
is nothing to show whether these recesses are part of the original

design or were cut later. The recess in the south-west pilaster has
now been filled up.

The transepts are alike save in the detail of the cornice I have
already noticed. The windows in the east sides, visible from out-
side,have been blocked up and the arched recesses in the east wall
are now used as chapels. Some alterations in the north-west
corner of the north transept close to the cill of the window, show

1. The nave cornice is exactly like one in a very early church at Hierapolis,
near Laodicea, in Asia Minor, usually ascribed to the 4th century.
 S/N/S.

Church of 5. Gnwanni.
Interior showtufi;^ the chancel arch, dotne and apse.

To face page 66.

.i^L

, \'.u\\v jo^xX^ i2»,']\|» ^-MnvK^

marble decorative devici

.?>^ •i>;ft^>^w\'iN^
 S. GIOVANNI IN SINIS 67

that the cornices do not fit and that the transepts have been
restored or altered apparently at a later date.

The chancel apse is plain and small in proportion to the size of

the church and calls for no comment. The altars are raised two

steps above the floor and appear to be comparatively modern. It

remains to be said that there is no trace of either wall paintings,

mosaics or marble, nor could I find any dedication crosses or

masons' marks on the walls either inside or out.
The whole of this interesting church has the appearance of great
antiquity. The nave arches, the cornice and the seats seem to be
the older parts, and the nave generally resembles S. Phocas at

Priolo, but the break between the nave and chancel and the rough
unfinished arch of the latter need to be accounted for, and Dr.
Scano considers that the domed intersection is the oldest part of
the church.

About a mile north of Sinis in a spot called the agro di Cabras

there is a large compound about two acres square, surrounded by
huts provided for pilgrims who come here twice a year. In the
centre of this kind of village green there is a small chapel of late
date. Underneath it a gallery or crypt leads to a cruciform rock
cut chapel or baptistry, about ten feet below the earth level, with a
well in the middle of it. It has been suggested that this is a very
early Christian remain of the period of the perscutions, and that
the plan of S. Giovanni was copied from it. I was unable to make
any examination of the chapel as the floor was knee deep in water.

The train going southward crosses the Campidano or plain of

Oristano and between S. Gavino and San Luri passes almost
imperceptibly over the watershed into the plain of Cagliari. The
journey is not interesting and the flat and ugly landscape on either
side of the line is bounded by ranges of rugged hills from six to

eight miles distant. Assemini is the last station but one about
nine miles from Cagliari, and a little beyond it the line crosses
some marshes and skirting large lagoons enters the city on the
west side.

Cagliari is situated facing the sea on a low limestone hill

surrounded by lagoons and marshes. Owing to the impregnable
68 CAGLIABI
position a settlement existed from the earliest times. The
mediaeval city,* known as Calaris, is now represented by the upper
town containing the citadel, the public buildings, and the
cathedral. The modern town is built on the southern slopes
terminating in a fine marina facing the harbour. It has the
reputation of being the hottest spot in the kingdom. The
cathedral, originally a Pisan building, has been refaced and defaced
in barroque style, and is covered within and without with plaster
and whitewash. Some attempt has been made to restore the west

front by removing the plaster, with the result that the building
presents a most delapidated appearance. The interior is unusually

clean and pleasing, and contains some of the furniture of the

original cathedral including two ambones or pulpits, finely carved,

and crouching lions in marble on either side of the chancel steps,

all in the usual Pisan style. The see is an archbishopric with the
titular rank of the primacy of Sardinia and Corsica, and, so far as
the Archbishop's rank permits, he is dependent on the Archbishop
of Pisa. The Primacy of Corsica must, in fact, for at least a
century have been merely titular, for at the French Kevolution the
ancient dioceses of Corsica were suppressed and united in the
Bishopric of Ajaccio now dependent on the Metropolitan of Aix in
Provence.

The Church of S. Saturnino is the largest byzantine building I

have seen in this part of Europe. It has been much mutilated
and restored, and only the choir and domed lantern are used as a
church. The adjoining walls on the west side may have formed
part of a basilica mentioned in the life of S. Fulgentius. But it
would seem that whatever be their date or their original purpose,
they afterwards formed the outer aisle walls of the nave of a later
church. S. Fulgentius was exiled to Sardinia with other African
bishops by Trasamond in the sixth century, and obtained leave to
found a monastery at Cagliari near the basilica of S. Saturnino.
The basilica then in existence must have been built, therefore, in
the earliest style of Christian architecture, andit remains to be

proved whether any part of the existing remains belong to it. At a

much later date S. Saturnino was assigned to the guild of doctors
and apothecaries of Cagliari, and the invocation was changed to
Ss. Cosmo and Damiano, and by those names it is now known.
 -Tf.

\>^ V^Yi^^ Titi\ <i\

 37.

CAG LIAR/.
Abbey church of S. Saturmno.
S. Side.

The shaded portions on the plan are now destroyed.

Plan ( Scano).

To face page 6g.

 S. SATURNINO, CAGLIARI 69

The church, situated in low lying ground to the east of the

modern city, stands in a garden unencumbered by buildings, and
it resembles in general appearance the church of S. Sofia at
Salonica. Dr. Scano has given a general description of it in his

work on Sardinian Art, and I reproduce the plan from his book.

I am not aware of any byzantine building with exactly the same

ground plan. The general scheme is that of a Greek cross, the
head and arms terminating in semi-circular apses the members of ;

the cross are composed of nave and aisles and the square inter-
section or lantern is covered by a dome supported on broad round
arches resting on very massive piers.
The view of the south side of the church from outside shows
clearly the construction of the dome and its relation to these
arches. It rises directly from the arches and not from a super-
imposed drum, the square superstructure with the windows in it
being in fact merely an outer casing and a counter-weight to the
thrust of the dome on the four central piers and arches. This
part of the church cannot claim much structural merit : the
diameter of the dome is considerably greater than the square
intersection below it, involving the clumsy and disjointed looking
arrangement for adjusting the dome and square that occurs in the
chapels at S. Croce in Camerina in Sicily. At the angles of the

square the dome is supported on squinches resting on corbels.

These corbels are blocks of granite with flat sides and bevelled
faces, the centre corbel in each squinch being plain and the lateral
corbels carved with various devices. I noted among them a dove,
a scallop with an annulet below containing a fieur-de-lys, an
amphora or chalice/ a six-pointed star, a Pascal lamb with a large
banner, a cross in a circle repeated several times, and a peculiar
ornament intended possibly to represent a convential cypress tree.

Some other corbels, not admitting of description, are illustrated

from drawings in my sketch book.

The general appearance of the intersection resembles in some

degree those of the late Palermitan chapels in having the corners
of the piers recessed and pillars inserted in them. The capitals on
1. Compare the fleur-de-lys and chalice with drawings of carvings in
S. Sofia at Constantinople, in vol. II., p. 343, of a description of Sta Sophia, :

''EK^PAi:iS THU AFIAS XO^IA'S" by Eugenius M. Antoniades,

pub. at Athens by P. D. Sakellarios, 1908,
 — —

70 S. SATURNINO, CAGLIARI

the east side are classical Corinthian, and I imagine that they, and
their shafts, come from a Roman building.^ The caps of the two
western pillars are plain.

The following portion of an inscription is visible in the dome :

ASQ VII NCOAS TIP ERT ICE VSQ VEIN FINE

Scano renders this inscription, preceded by a cross and
terminating with a dove, as follows :

Deus qui incoasti perfice usque in finem.

The choir covered by a plain stone waggon vault, terminates in

a semi-circular apse covered with a semi-dome, and is divided into

two bays by piers supporting a broad arch. The aisles roofed with
cross vaulting end in square walls with plain windows of late date.
There seems to have been an ambulatory from the choir aisles into

the transepts by a passage between the piers of the dome and the
angle at the junction of the outer choir and transept wall. This
passage was spanned at the angle either by a small buttress arch
or a beam resting on a stone corbel in the pier. Owing to the

destruction of the transepts three of these ambulatories are gone,

but the fourth on the south east corner has been preserved as a
passage to the modern vestry. The corbel on the south-west
corner is also visible in the courtyard at the west end of the church
near a water pipe. Both these corbels are decorated with a plain

Greek cross in a little circle.

Passing now to the outside of the church the west arch supporting
the dome has been blocked up and forms the west end of the

present building. All the nave has been destroyed except the aisle
walls and the original west end. These walls still stand to a height
of about four metres, making a kind of courtyard. At first sight

the pillars and arches sunk in the aisle walls make the courtyard
appear to be part of a cloister, but in fact they supported the roof
of the aisles. Corresponding with the pillars there are flat but-
tresses or piers of early character on the outer side of the walls.

The pillars, their caps and bases are very early, and may well
have belonged to the basilica existing in the days of S. Fulgentius.

In that case the present church and the transepts now destroyed
were built into the middle of the basilica at a later date. Some
stones in the aisle walls appear to belong to Roman buildings, and
1. Dr. Scano and I found that the shafts were of marble, but apparently being
much worn and perished they had been coated with cement and whitewashed.
 38.

CAGLIARI.
Abbey church of S. Satiirin'}i().

West front of the lantern from the ruined nave.

To face page Jo.

.«r.

;;-, come '"ott! n

(11 stone waggon vai

liJJs wit .TuadowK

the chc

«H.
.^vVViiiiV

ike west arc!

forme the west

" v^ji^^^viY^^x:
 .l>f.

".Ttr ''-^-7-T

\\ jWltt\^t> i>^^ 4Vt Ai6-io'^

39.

CAGLIARI.

Abbey church of S. Satiirm'no apse and N. side ; part of the north wall
with a dedication cross; an ancient tombstone^ with a cross, now in the
wall of the nave, and part of the base of one of the nave pillars.

?\
m-

Wmm^r

Corbels in the squinches of the dome.

To face page Ji.

 S. SATUENINO, CAGLIARI 71

among them is a small stone slab with a rude carving of a Maltese

cross, ^ a spearand what may be the reed and sponge. This was
probably an early Christian grave-stone and indicates that these
walls do not date from the earliest Christian period.
I have already given my reason for thinking that the present
building in the main is not later than the first quarter of the
eleventh century. But probably it was not finished when the
Pisans came to be masters of Cagliari, for though the choir nave
and aisles retain the Byzantine form, they have been refaced and
the usual arcading of the Pisan period will be seen in good
preservation under the eaves on the west side of the choir.-
The arches in the lower part of the north transept apparently
lead to a crypt, where there may be traces of an earlier building,
for there can be, no doubt that the present church has
I think,

been built at various times and largely with old materials while ;

the Maltese cross on the walls and the crosses on the corbels in the
ambulatories appear to belong respectively to the earliest Christian
and to the Justinian periods the choir has certainly been restored
as late as the Pisan occupation. But in character the church is
certainly neither Pisan nor Lombard, and while I think it is later
than might be expected, the plan and construction of the dome and
the similarity to S. Sophia at Salonica leave, as it seems to me, no
room for doubt that it was built by a Greek architect and I should
ascribe it to the first half of the eleventh century.

Assemini, a poor village in a rich agricultural district, possesses

a large fourteenth century church dedicated to S. Peter and a small

Byzantine chapel dedicated to S. John. The latter, an interesting
building, probably built in the tenth century, resembles in some
details the S. Croce in Camerina chapels in Sicily.

There must have been a considerable byzantine settlement here-

abouts for Greek inscriptions have been found in the churches of
several neighbouring villages, at Villasor and Decimoputzu, at
S. Antioco in Sulcis on the west coast near Iglesias and at
1. Compare
this cross with a group of three in S. Sofia at Constantinople.
Antoniades, p. 236, vol. II., see below.
2. The church was reconsecrated in 1119. The elevation should be compared
with that of the Mone tou Li bos at Constantinople this Church was built in
;

900-950 and pulled down in 1904. Figured on p. 325 of Byzantinai Ekklesiai by

Paspatis, 1877.
72 ASSEMINI
Maracalagonis behind Cagliari. Unfortunately all these churches

have been either destroyed or remodelled beyond recognition, and

S. Giovanni at Assemini is the only one that has survived.

Fortunately the inside was not affected by alterations made to

the church about forty years ago when the outside was completely
changed. The original ground plan is a Greek cross with nave,
chancel and transepts of equal length, and intersection covered by a
high pitched dome supported on round arches and squinches in the
four angles. The rest of the building is covered by a stone waggon
vault springing from a cornice. There is a small semi-circular
apse at the east end and the transepts are closed by flat walls.

Whatever claim to merit the outside elevation of this little

chapel originally possessed has been completely destroyed by the

insertion of aisles in the four corners of the cross so that the
ground plan of the present building is a square. The west end
facing on to a little close in the village has a plain door and a
square window above it, and, as at S. Giovanni in Sinis, the vault is

carried forward making a semi-circular cornice at the top of the

facade ; this way of carrying out the vault has also been adopted at
the end of the transepts and chancel. Entering the west door and
descending two steps we come to the floor now raised half a metre
above the original level ; the intervening space filled in some places
with bones was used for burial. The walls of the nave, chancel and
transepts have been pierced with plain arches to give access to the
modern aisles ; on the whole this has improved the general appear-
ance inside, but even now it is of the plainest description, and
whatever decoration may have existed has been covered with white-
wash.

The dome inside is of the same diameter as the square of the

intersection and consequently fits on to the front of the four arches
supporting it. In that respect it differs from S. Saturnine and the
S. Croce chapels where the domes are wider than the square.
Outside it resembles S. Saturnino in having half the height
concealed by the square superstructure of the intersection carried
up to counterweigh the thrust of the dome.

The following measurements will show how small this little

chapel is. The total length (including the apse, 1*50 met.) is
10 met. 95 cent. The square under the dome is 2 met. Each
 ASSEMINL
Church of S. Giovanni.
Interior looking East; exterior from S. W. ; Crosses on the wall
in the church of S. Pietro.

Plan of S. Gvwanni (Scano); the heavy line shnvs the original church.

To face page J2.

.Of

V a stoii

Hi * a pk in d
in »iria, thevft

S',i,V\f\ VS\N\_'.i'*^
 — — — —

ASSEMINI 73

transept is 3 met. 58" long. The width of the nave and of each
transept is 2 met. The cornice or spring of the vault is 2 met. 79"
from the present floor ; the cornice itself is 22 centimetres thick
and the height of the vault 1 met. 70- from the cornice. This gives
a total height from the floor to the crown of the vault of 4 met. 71'.

The walls are uniformly 60 centimetres thick.

The following inscription on a stone found in this church is

rendered by Besta^ thus :

JK[up;]e 0o)'idc jou aou SouXtv rcopKOTopqov cipXovTO^

5'cf/3S>;J7c[s'] K\^a]i its ^OV\L<i GOV TeTU ).

The following passage in a charter in the archives of the

cathedral of S. Laurence at Genoa, relating to S. Giovanni and
to the Torchitorios family, is rendered by Scano^ thus :

" Ego judice Trogotori di Gunali cum filio meo domnu

" Constantini .... fazo custa carta pro S loanne de Arsemin
" qui dabo ad sancto Laurenzio de lanua pro Deus et pro Anima
" mea, etc "

The date of this inscription is 1108.^

This may be a convenient place to record three other Byzantine

inscriptions relating to this family found in the neighbourhood
of Cagliari.

A stone from the church of S. Sofia of Villasor, a village near

Assemini, now in the Cagliari museum, rendered by Besta^ thus :

K\ypi\e ^or]dr) rwv hovXwv rou Q\eo'\v TovpKoropiov

^a(cn)\e(o(^) d cnrad{apLo)v ical ^aXovaiov tcov evyevearuTcov
apXovrcov r)p.SiV d/ji,rjv. Mvr](Tdr]T(i Koi K[vpt)e Tou 8ov\ov aov
^Op^OiCOp d/XT)V. ).

and another from a stone at S. Antioco di Sulcis, rendered by

Besta* thus :

[Kvpie ^otjOri Tov hovXov <tov T^copKOToplou irpojov-

GTTadapiov Kal [S]aXovat]ov \apXo]vTO<i [kuI K(ypie) t]?}?

[cru]'[,6f]/[;o]s" NrjairiXXa )

At the west end of the village of Assemini stands the parish

church of S. Peter. The earliest part of it seems to be the nave
with pointed arches and stone vault of pleasing proportions, dating

1, 3, 4. Besta, Sard. Med., vol. I., pp. 48 and 49.

2. Scano, p. 30.
 —

74 SAEDINIA

probably from the 14th century. On the wall of the south transept
there is an inscription on a stone slab, rendered by Scano^ thus
:

Ev (o^rofiarr) toD TlaTp6<;

KOI ^Aytov ITv(ei;AtctTo)?], iyco NecnreXXa oYcott^"? rwv
)4.yia>v K(i}pv(f>e(ov 'AiroaToXwv JJeTpov Ka\ TIavXov kuI tov M7/01'
'/'uavvof Tou BairirvcrTov, koX tt}?) IlapdevofxdpTvpo^ Bapl3dpa<i
fovre? 7n€a^r}ie<i avTOJV Sew elfioc /c(e) aod<i ttjv a<pear)v (twj'

afiapTrjficiTfov)

There is also a large slab incised with a row of crosses embedded

in the south wall.

These inscriptions, copied from Besta and Scano, have been

reproduced and criticised by various authorities. The conclusion
arrived at seems to be that they relate to various generations and
members of one family who had held office under the Byzantine
emperors, and that the inscription at S. Giovanni is a memorial
tablet or gravestone dating from the 10th century, and probably
from the reign of Nicephoros Phocas.
These Greek inscriptions at Assemini, Villasor and Sulcis are
very interesting for several reasons. The form of invocation to

our Lord and the conclusion of the third inscription are essentially
Byzantine. The two titles given, imperial proto, or a spatharios,
and archon are also Byzantine. It may be concluded that the
persons recorded worshipped according to the Greek rite and held
noble and official rank as subjects or vassals of the Basileus, and
that the Greek rite and the sovereignty or suzerainty of the
Emperor pertained in this southern part of Sardinia when the
tablets were erected. The characters of the inscription in S. Peter

are rough and therefore probably of late date. I should say that
they belong to the 10th century. It is difficult to define or

translate the rank or official title given, for I gather that the status
and functions pertaining to them varied in different provinces of
the Empire.- And it would seem to me to be the more difficult to

1. Scano, p. 32.

2. The learnedtreatise Die Byzaniinische Beamtentitel by P. Koch. Uni- ,

versity Press, Jena, 1903, affords no definition of these titles. Professor Bury
translates 'Spatharios' aide-camp. It was of sufficient dignity to be borne by
Constantine, potospatharios of the Chrysotriclinium, strategos of Lombardy, in
the 10th century. And in the charter granted by Guiamar to the monastery of
La Cava in 899 this passage occurs " ut nullus basilico nee stratego nee
: . . .

protospatharius aut spatharius candidatus aut spatharius aut gastaldus aut quails
 .u

'Iv the

.?X -i^Vk^ ^:j^ oT

 41.

NURHAGI.

Siianns.

Macomer.

To face page /j.

 SARDINIA 75

do so here. In theory and nominally Sardinia continued to be

reckoned as part of the exarchate of Africa long after the Arabs
had dispossessed the Greeks of all but one or two sea-ports on the
African coast and the Balearic Islands. Besta is probably right
when he says that in Sardinia the civil duties were absorbed or
taken over by the military officers ; the later Byzantine establish-
ment in Sardinia could have been little more than a military
outpost. The rank of the Torchitorios family might be properly
defined as knighthood. The title archon is the equivalent of Judex
adopted by the Torchitorios in the later inscription, and that was
eventually the title of the independent princes of the states of
Sardinia.^

Some more inscriptions as well as a small collection of fragments

of carvings from the Byzantine settlements I mentioned just now
will be found in the museum at Cagliari. The traveller should not

fail to notice a collection of interesting little bronze statuettes of

warriors and gods exhibited in that museum and
also some stone

matrices or moulds for making bronze spearheads found in or near

the Nurhagi.

It was beyond my purpose to study these interesting prehistoric

remains but after seeing the specimens in the museum and being
detained by boisterous weather I visited two well preserved Nurhagi,
one known as S. Barbara at Macomer and the other near the
chapel of S. Sabina at Silanus. Of the latter I give a photograph.

There is a popular idea that these Nurhagi are merely conical

heaped together more or less haphazard with one or
piles of stones
more beehive shaped chambers inside. Some of the ruined
Nurhagi give this impression, but S. Sabina happens to be in
unusually good condition and shows washow skilfully the plan

designed and how carefully the The stones are

work was executed.
graded, the larger ones in the lower rows and the smaller above, and
fitted together and sloped with mathematical precision to form an

cumque alius reipublicse hactionarius vel qualis cumque alius servns sanctorum
iniperatorum habent potestatem ./' over the subject matter of the grant.
. .

Perhaps some indication of the date of the Torchitorios family may be deduced
from these. Between 867 and 968, that is from the accession of Basil, tlie Mace-
donian, to the death of Nicephorus Phocas, the Byzantine influence predominated
in S. Italy. The references to Constantine and Guiamar I have from pp. xiii. and
XX. of M. P. Battifol's work, L'Abbaye de Rossano, pub. Paiis, Picard, 1891.
1. They were Cagliari, Arborea (Oristano), Gallura and Torres.
76 SAEDINIA
inclined face at an angle of about 10 degrees. The construction of

the beehive chambers one above another and of the sloping gallery
in the thickness of the walls from the lower to the upper story is as
carefully carried out. The whole building conveys the impression
of being the product of an architect possessing advanced knowledge
in engineering. The British school of Archaeology at Rome are now
making a special study of these monuments and the conclusion
arrived at up to the present is, I understand, that they were
probably village forts. If that be so, or indeed if they are assumed
to be chieftains tombs, the country must have been very thickly
populated for the Nurhagi are to be found by the hundred, if not
the thousand. The enormous labour and expense involved in
constructing them suggest that they were built to protect something
more important than purely agricultural or pastoral interests of the
island.
 13 H 15

« in H, J.

U ) (;; V \ -A

^jci. /-• -V -. II ;

r r ,i 1' )

z6
 .£1^

'.''.'^

•.s^ilJl

.\\ Vi^Vi^ Vjtt\ oX.

42.

IMPERIAL BYZANTINE GOLD COINS.

* ^. Coiistantius^ j6d.

g. Eudocia^ 422.

%i^«.. .'- ^o. Leo /, /^^ htitclier^ 45"/.

' .^trv^j-jr 2^^^ ///^ /^^ Lsaurian, 715—720.

12. Leo r/, ^/z^ Wise, 886 —912.

13. Constantine IX, Monomachos, 1045 —1055.
14. The same, 1045 —lOSS- Stiver.
IS- John Komncnos, 1188—1143.

16. Sicilian Coin of William II; 1 1 66—1 1 89

These coins are described on p.p. IJJ — Ij8.

^ *^*i'^

To face page 77.

 77

CALABRIA.

The churches and chapels described in this chapter, S. Mark at

Rossano, the Cattolica at Stilo, Gerace Cathedral, the Roccelletta

at Old Squillace, and the Hospice of S. Gregory at Stalletti, were
built by Greek monks after the Norman conquest of Calabria in

the 11th century. They have little architectural or artistic merit,

but they are of considerable antiquarian interest since they happen to
be the earliest places of Christian worship, and, excepting Gerace,
the only Byzantine buildings in this corner of Italy.

The absence of earlier churches may be accounted for by the fact

that before the 9th century the country had become depopulated
and reduced to a condition of desolation. The depopulation of this

part of Italy once occupied by flourishing Greek colonies like

Sybaris, Croton and Locris may, in its turn, be accounted for by

the exhaustion of the soil, by the destruction of forests, by the
natural insecurity from earthquake, by two great pestilences in the
6th and 8th centuries, and by the Saracen raids and incessant wars
which devastated the country.
When the Normans came upon the scene they found the
Byzantine possessions in S. Italy divided into two provinces. The
older province of Calabria proper, and the province of " Lombardy.''
The latter corresponds with the modern Apulia and had only been
acquired after the Greek conquest of Lombard territory in the 9th
century. The occupation had been too short for a change in
language and rite to be effected and Apulia had remained a Latin

province, with a Latin clergy dependent upon the Roman see. In

that important respect therefore it differed from Calabria, which
had been a Greek province from the 6th century, and had retained
the Greek language and liturgy, and the Byzantine code of law,^
and was served by bishops and clergy dependent on the Patriarch
of Constantinople.
1. Codified by Leo III., the Isaurian, and Leo VI., the Wise.
.7fi CALABEIA
The name Calabria needs a passing word of explanation. It

comprises the " toe " of Italy, that is the country to the west of a
line drawn from the mouth of the river Crati on the gulf of Taranto
across the Appenines to Amantea on the Tyrrhenian sea. It was
originally called Brutii and the modern Apulia was the ancient
Calabria, the change of name taking place about the time of the
Emperor Constans II.'s residence at Syracuse in the middle of the
7th century. After the conquests of Justinian and the defeat of
Totila the province was left, so to speak, in ruins. The gradual
repopulation apparently commenced in the beginning of the 7th
century, for by the middle of it the Calabrian Church was sufficiently
strong to send seven bishops to a synod at Eome. But the principal
immigrations were the result of the conquest of Africa by the
Arabs in the last half of the 7th century, the religious persecutions
in the 8th century, the conquest of Sicily in the 9th century, and
the policy of several Emperors to strengthen the Greek element by
encouraging emigration from the Levant.

In the re-arrangement of the provinces, commenced by Justinian

and continued by Constans II. and Leo III., the duchy of Calabria
was attached to the " strategia " of Sicily administered from
Syracuse. After the Arab conquest of Sicily was completed the
seat of government was transferred to Eeggio and Eossano, and
when the Byzantines became masters of all S. Italy in the close of

the 9th century, the two provinces, Calabria and " Lombardy," were
put under the direction of a military governor general who resided
at Bari and was viceroy for the Emperor.

The use of the Greek liturgy and the jurisdiction of the Patriarch
of Constantinople in Calabria should, I conceive, be attributed in
the first instance to the introduction of the Greek language into the
western parts of the Empire in the reign of Justinian. Leo III. is

credited with making the change of patriarchal jurisdiction in

circumstances which are matters of history. The confiscation of
the rich patrimony of the Eoman see in Sicily and Calabria, and
its diversion into the imperial exchequer about the same time, were
necessary accompaniments to the change in jurisdiction, since the
temporalities of the Church gave the Eoman Pontiff extensive
power as a landlord. In practice the Eectors of the Sicilian and
African patrimonies presided, ex-officio, at the assemblies of the
 CALABEIA 79

local bishops.^- How the clergy in Sicily and Calabria accepted

the Emperor Leo's changes we do not know, but the fact that they
were successfully carried out suggests that by that time the Greek
element already prevailed. The period of Constans' residence in
Syracuse for five years seems to mark the turning point when the
Greeks began to prevail over the Latins in importance if not in
numbers. The Emperor, for instance appointed a Greek to the
bishopric of Syracuse when it fell vacant^ and in the last year of his
reign he granted a charter to the Church of Ravenna giving it
independence from the Roman Patriarch.^ It is Constans therefore
rather than Leo that we might expect to find altering the relations
between the Roman see and S. Italy so as to bring the Churches
more directly under his control.

We first hear of the Calabrian bishops in relation to this Emperor

at the Lateran Council summoned by Martin to Rome in 649. The
sees represented were Monteleone (Vibo), Tropea, Tauriana,
Cotrone, Locris, Squillace and Rossano.* These bishops joined in
condemning the Emperor's edict (the Type) upon the ground that
by prohibiting any discussion upon the controversial theological
question of the day regarding our Lord's will the edict implied that
one doctrine was as good as another. We next hear of them
attending the Synod held in Rome in 680 and the dioceses I have
just named were again represented. At that Synod the Roman
Church resolved to be represented at the General Council sum-
moned by Constans' son, the Emperor Constantine "Pogonatus,"
to give him the name he is usually, but as I believe erroneously
known by. The Council (the 6th CEcumenical) was held in
Constantinople and finally condemned the doctrine of the one will.

The bishop of Reggio, invested with the title of " apocrisairios " of
the " apostolical " see, attended the Council as the legate of the
Latin Church.^ At that time therefore the Calabrian clergy still

depended on the Patriarch of Old Rome as their metropolitan.

The Emperor Leo's confiscation of the patrimony of the Roman

see in Sicily and Calabria, and the change of jurisdiction from the

1. See p. 26, footnote 3, and Diehl, L'Afrique Byzantine, p. 509.

2. P. 25, footnote 2.

3. Koestner, De Imperio Constantini III. (Constans II.), p. 86.

4 — 5. Battifol, L'Ahbaye de Bossano, p. viii. Also Gay, p. 186, Thurii, the

original see^ was replaced by Rossano.
80 CALABEIA
patriarchate of Old to that of New Eome took place between 730
and 732, We know how the Sicilian and Calabrian clergy
do not
received these changes. The Church historians seem to agree that
they were opposed to iconoclasm. They were not represented
either at the synod held in Rome in 730, when the iconoclasts
were excommunicated, or at the synod of the Constantinopolitan
Church,^ held in 753, when the worship or reverence of images
was condemned and declared to he contrary to Christianity. The
bishops of the three Byzantine provinces, Sicily, Calabria, and
Sardinia appeared in person and not by the Roman legate at
the 7th (Ecumenical Council held at Nicea in 785, in the
reign of the Empress Irene, ^vhen iconoclasm was condemned.
The Calabrian bishops came from Monteleone, Cotrone, Tauriana,
Tropea, Nicotera, Carini, Gerace ('Agia Kyriaki) and Reggio.^ The
Sicilian bishops were Theodore of Catania, John of Taormina,

Gaudioso of Messina, Theodore of Palermo, Constantine of Lentini,

John of Triocala, and Theophano of Lilibeo. The priest Galatone

represented Stephen of Syracuse and Basil of Lipari, and the
deacon Epiphanios attended for the Archbishop of Sardinia.^

At this time then the Churches of Sicily and Calabria had no

metropolitan but depended directly from the Patriarch of Constan-
tinople. Two Roman Pontiffs Hadrian I. (772-795) and Nicholas I.

(858-867) tried unsuccessfully to regain the Sicilian and Calabrian

patrimony. On the other hand the jurisdiction of the Patriarch
does not appear to have been disputed but accepted as an accom-
plished fact and cordial relations existed in the important
Pontificate of John VIII. (872-882) between Rome, the Byzantine
authorities and the Patriarch Photius.
A century later, that is in the reign of Leo the Wise, there were
three metropolitan sees, at Reggio, Sta. Severina, and Otranto.
The third, which I am not concerned with, occupied a peculiar and
independent position by itself and had no suffragans. The increase
in the Greek population may be judged by the fact that Reggio had
1. I use this term advisedly ; the Churches of Jerusalem, Antioch and Alex-
andria were not present at the synod which the Church of Constaninople claimed
without justification to have been an (Ecumenical Council. Bury, vol. II. p. 463.
2. Battifol, p. viii.
3. omitted to notice this fact in the chapter on Sardinia. It shows that the
I
Sardinian Church then depended on the Patriarch at Constantinople. For
these nameSj see Storia della Chiesa, vol. II., p. 164.
 CALABEIA 81

no less than twelve suffragans and Sta. Severina four. Under

Eeggio were, Monteleone (Vibo), Tauriana, Locris (Gerace or 'Agia
Kyriald), Squillace, Cotrone, Nicotera, and Tropea. These dioceses
had already figured at the synods and councils in the reigns of
Constans II., Constantine Pogonatus, and the Empress Irene. The
remaining three then added were Eossano, Amantea and Nicastro.^

Sta. Severina, a small city in the hills behind Cotrone, had been
taken from the Arabs by the General Nicephoros Phocas in 885-6,
and it was then raised to metropolitan rank with suffragans at
Umbriatico, Cerenzia, Isola di Capo Eizzuto and Belcastro. It has
been surmised that this province with the dependent dioceses were
created to accommodate the Christian refugees from S. Sicily and
immigrants from other parts of the Empire, but especially those
who came to Calabria after the fall of Syracuse (878) and Taormina
(902) and the conquest of W. Sicily by the Saracens.

The Calabrian monks of the Basilian order, the predecessors of

the founders and builders of the churches I am going to describe,

alsocame chiefly from Sicily during the Arab conquest. The two
best known are S. Elia of Castrogiovanni and S. Nil of Eossano.
By force of circumstances these monks were migrants, but during
the rare intervals of peace they devoted their time to agriculture
and to copying manuscripts, as their Latin predecessors in
Cassiodorus' time did. They may be divided into two categories.
First those like S. Elia, who migrated from Sicily in the end of the
9th and beginning of the 10th century. That was in the reign
of Leo the Wise, and at the moment when the Byzantines had lost
all but the hill districts behind Messina. These monks settled in
the mountain range behind Eeggio called Aspromonte. Secondly
those like S. Nil, who migrated from western Calabria and settled
in the country beyond Eossano,^ on the bordersof the Lombard

territory ; that was in the second half of the 10th century during
the wars between the Greeks and the Germans.

I may, perhaps, conveniently br^ak off the sequence of events

with the list of bishoprics prepared in the reign of Leo the Wise
and resume again in 1060. In that year the Normans beseiged

1. Gay, p. 186. The other two were Cosenza and Bisignano. Chalandon>
vol. I., p. 25.

2. Gay, cap. 5.
 62 CALABRIA
Squillace, the last Byzantine fortress in Calabria, and the garrison
finding further resistance useless surrendered and embarked for

Constantinople.^ With their departure the Greek dominion in

Calabria came to an end and passed into the hands of the Normans.
There remained the Church and clergy who were attached to the

Patriarchate of Constantinople and the monks of the. Basilian order

who were also Greeks. Here I must go back for a moment to two
events that preceded the surrender of Squillace, and taken together
directly affected the Calabrian Church : the rupture between the
Greek and Latin Churches in the reign of Constantine Monomachos
in 1054, and the treaty of Melfi between the Normans and the
Roman see in 1059.

The Greek and Latin Churches having failed to agree upon the
questions in dispute, not the least important being that of the
Roman supremacy, the Latins determined to utilise the Normans to
regain the patrimony and the spiritual jurisdiction that had been
taken away from them by the Emperor Leo III. in the 8th century.
The bargain with the Normans was struck at the Council of Melfi
II. and Robert Guiscard, the latter
between the Pontiff Nicholas
undertaking to place all the churches in his dominions under the
jurisdiction of Rome and the former conferring upon Guiscard
the duchies of Calabria, Apulia and Sicily.^

According to this arrangement, within 30 years of the Norman

conquest, the metropolitan sees of Reggio and Sta. Severina and the
suffragan sees of Squillace, Cassano, Bisignano, Cerenzia, Umbria-
tico, Isola di capo Rizzuto, Nicastro, and Tropea were all Latinised
by the appointment of Latin bishops and the introduction of the
Latin liturgy.

Where the Greek community was numerous or important as at

Rossano, Gerace, Cotrone, Bova and Stilo, the promise made at the
treaty of Melfi was not kept and the Greek bishops and liturgy were
retained. The change would have been effected more rapidly and
completely but for an incident in the history of Rossano in 1093,
'
when the Greek archbishop died, and the citizens revolted against
Roger the Duke of Calabria, Guiscard's son, because he appointed a
1. Chalandon, vol. I., p. 174.

2. Gay, p. 518. At the council of Melfi in 1089, Urban II. conferred the
duchies of Apulia and Calabria on Guiscard's son, the Duke Roger. Chalandon,
vol. I., p. 297.
 CALABHIA SB

Latin to the vacant see. This revolt would no doubt, in other

circumstances, have been suppressed and the Latin appointment
confirmed. But Rossano was an important fortress, the key of the
road between Apulia and Taranto and Western Calabria, and the
revolt happened to synchronize with a rebellion of discontented
Calabrian barons, among them notably the Duke's brother-in-law,
William of Grantmesnil. Having seized the surrounding country
Grantmesnil offered his services to the citizens who accepted them,
and with Rossano in hand he bid his kinsmen defiance. Many of
the barons followed Grantmesnil's lead, and the whole of the
Norman territory was soon in a condition of anarchy. By this

rebellion the suzerainty of the Hauteville family was put in peril,

and the circumstances were considered sufficiently serious to bring

to Rossano the Duke, his brother Bohemond, and their uncle Count
Roger, of Sicily, with a numerous army.

The combination of circumstances was fortunate for the Greeks

and they gained their point. Upon Roger offering to allow them to
elect their own bishop they surrendered the city and Grantmesnil's
rebellion collapsed. By the arrangement then made a succession
of Greek bishops held the see till the year 1364 and the holder
became the metropolitan for the Greek community in S. Italy.

The experience at Rossano was not thrown away. In the

principal Greek centres the bishops and clergy were retained and
the Norman law, enabling religious communities to hold property,
was applied to the many monasteries that sj)rang up all over
Calabria. This was a most important change, and it brought
much wealth and prosperity to the Basilian houses in Calabria.
Gerace kept its Greek bishopric till 1497, the last bishop and one
of his predecessors being Constantinopolitans. Cotrone retained
its Greek bishopric till 1261, two of the prelates being sent on
missions from Rome to the Court of the Byzantine Emperors.
Oppido retained its Greek bishopric till1349, and there appears to
have been a Greek bishop at Stilo for Some time after the Norman
conquest. At Bova the cathedral with its chapter and clergy
retained the Greek rite till the end of the 16th century.

The policy of conciliating the Greeks that these princes were

prudent enough to follow had been initiated by their kinsman
Robert Guiscavd. He seems to have been inspired by a sense of
$4 CALABEIA
imagination, conceiving himself to be the legitimate successor of
the Byzantine Emperor : under his rule Calabria was still called

a theme, a strategos or an exarch ruled the cities, spatharios,

turmarque, and other imperial titles are appended to names in

Norman charters, and in his person he affected the dress and copied
the seal of the Emperor.^ The passage from Martroye given below
is interesting for the comparison it suggests between Theodoric, of
whom it is written, and Gaiscard to whom it may be applied.
I may convieniently conclude these historical notes with a passing

reference to the Latin occupation of Constantinople (1204-1237), to

the development of the schism between the Greek and Latin
Churches that ensued, to the end of the Norman kings by the defeat
and death of Manfred (1266), and to the ecclesiastical policy of the

Angevins who succeeded them in Sicily and S. Italy. These events

in the general history of S. Europe, each in turn, contributed to a
change in the fortunes of the Greeks and their Church in southern
Italy.

After the death of Manfred what I may term the modus vivendi
maintained by the Norman sovereigns for the two Churches in
Calabria since the reign of Constantino Monomachos, came gradu-
ally to an end, and the Greeks were presented with the alternative
of conforming to the Latin Church or accepting the position of
schismatics and all the disabilities that followed from it,'^ By the
middle of the sixteenth century the Greeks who had not emigrated
or amalgamated with the Italian population were reduced to small
communities in one or two isolated spots, like Bova, in the
extremity of the Calabrian peninsula.

The traveller who goes to Calabria must be prepared for the

simplest lodging, the plainest fare, and a good deal of discomfort.

The best months to travel in are from December to April, and
1. Chalandon, vol. I., p. 260. Compare with Martroye, p. 73.
* ^vita avec soin tout ce qui aurait pu humilier ou exasperer les vaincus.
II
' II temoigna la plus vive admiration pour leur civilisation et leurs monu-
'
ments, leur laissa leur lois et leurs institutions, ne les inquieta point dans
' leurs croyances, affocta d'agir, de se vetir, de parler comme un Romain. II
' esperait faire illusion a ses sujets, au point de leur persuader que c'etait
• toujour* TEmpire rotnain qui les gouvernait '

2. Battifol, p. xxxvi.
y^\

/
i
I,

CALABRIA.

y/if

To face page 84.

v% -^^ft^
 Tjcugorie^ro
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^ Core^Lwcrwy issano

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StaSeverina^

SecL S. Euphemic^ Catcuvzaro^

•
^TRoceUettcL
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StalctttK SquMcuce

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 STALETTI 85

though they may be wet and cold there are frequent intervals of
brilliant sunshine, when the temperature is like that of a warm
spring day in England and very pleasant. In other seasons the
climate is very hot, and in the autumn the country is full of

mosquitos and malaria.

A carriage attached to the evening post train from Naples to

Reggio, labelled Cosenza and usually filled with passengers, affords
the quickest means of reaching S. Calabria. It leaves the main
line at Sta. Eufemia, and crossing the Appenines joins the south
coast line (from Reggio to Taranto) at Catanzaro Marina. The
modest buffet and rooms over the station there will provide the
and lodging for a week, and may be used as a
traveller with food
convenient centre to visit the churches I am going to describe.
Those who are not pressed for time will wisely prefer to go from
Naples to Reggio, or better still Messina, and make one or other of

those cities their headquarters. They should provide themselves

with food and bedding, and proceed to Catanzaro by the railway
round Cape Spartivento.
I had perhaps better begin with the Rocelletta and Staletti, as

they are within a few kilometres of Catanzaro Marina, and easily

accessible from the turnpike road leading along the sea shore
to Reggio.

The hospice of S. Gregory Thaumaturgos at Staletti claims to

have been founded by Cassiodorus, the secretary to Theodoric, in
the early part of the 6th century. The same claim is made for the

Rocelletta. There is, however, no evidence to support one claim or

the other. All that can be said is that Cassiodorus was a native of
Squillace near by, and that somewhere in the neighbourhood he
founded a religious house where the inmates devoted their spare
time to agriculture and the copying of manuscripts. I should add
that no part of the present buildings above ground date from the
6th century ; the church at Stalletti is comparatively modern, and
though some doubt may exist as to the precise date of the Rocelletta,

the form of chancel was intended to accomodate a ritual that did not
exist till long after Cassiodorus' days.

On the 11th October, 1551,^ the Papal Commissioners sent to

inspect the Basilian monasteries in Calabria visited Staletti and the
1. In the reign of Charles V. Calabria was then part of the Spanish dominions.
86 CALABRIA
Rocelletta. In their report^ the first name is spelt in three different

ways, Staldati, Stalatti and Staltatei.

'
On the 11th day of October we reached the monastery of the
*
Holy (Divi) Gregory of Staldati, where we found the abbott, a
'
Latin priest, and one deacon monk : the tomb of the Holy (Divi)
*
Gregory is there and many miracles are performed. There are
*
moreover many The abbot of this abbey was commenda-
relics.
'
tarius Tiberius Canossa and he had Latin priests to celebrate the
'office until Greeks could be obtained.'
*
On the 11th day of October we came to S. Mary of Old
'
Squillace, which is an abbey and not a parish church, and is also

'called Episcopatus Squillacensis. Near S. Basil of Camardi

'there is an ancient abbey, which was near the sea, but the abbott
'Mark Anthony Armogica, for fear of the Turks, made a grangia

'below the village of Stalatti and called the monastery after

'
S. (Sanctus) Gregory.'
'
On the same day we came to the aforesaid monastery of Old
'
Squillace which is only a short distance from the sea shore. We
'
saw there a bare altar without covering ; the walls of the church
'
were painted with different saints it is without door and badly ;

*
used since it is uninhabitable on account of pirates. In the said
'
church three masses are celebrated daily. The abbott is a man
'
of good wont to recite
life his office daily : he is also a priest and
'
celebrates mass from time to time.'

On the following day the Commissioners visited another mon-

astery, near by, called Magliotis. They found it in a neglected

condition, and ordered the abbott to have the office celebrated by

Latin priests until Greek monks could be sent. On the same day
they visited another monastery, S. Angelus of Maid a on the
Tyrrhenian side near Nicastro. There they found the church
'
fabricata ad usum Graecorum,' and they reprimanded the abbott
because he had a tin (stagno) chalice and ordered him to get a
silver one. On the 15th May they found the monastery of S. Mary
of Carra abandoned for fear of brigands. The church had been
built '
more Graecorum.' These entries are interesting in several
ways. In the first place they show that Staletti and the Rocelletta
were still reckoned as Basilian monasteries in the middle of the
1. Translated from Battifol, p. 109.
 STALETTI 87

sixteenth century. The Hospice of S, Gregory had been removed

from the sea-shore up to the hills near Staletti, and the Rocelletta
had also been abandoned on account of the brigands and pirates ;

and by Turks we are no doubt to understand Tunisian Corsairs

' '

who infested the coast and caused the towns to be moved from the
shore to the high ground.^ In the next place they show that there
was a deficiency of Greek clergy to perform the service. The entry
in the Commissioners' report immediately preceding that of the 11th
October is dated in May of the same year, and relates to a nunnery,
where the abbess had, for this reason, petitioned the Roman see for
leave to change the service from Greek to Latin. Lastly they show
that even at that date the Rocelletta had begun to fall into ruin.

The Hospice of S. Gregory is built on the crest of a high hill

about five miles south of the Catanzaro Marina station and from
the railway platform it can be seen standing out prominently on
the sky line. It now consists of a small domed cruciform chapel,
with a single apse, a refectory, cells, offices and a little garden
covering altogether about an acre of ground. The chapel was
rebuilt in the eighteenth century and had been recently repainted
when I saw it. Portions of the refectory wall, a doorway, and
some fragments were pointed out to me as belonging to an earlier
building, and may have been part of the original foundation.
In consideration, I suppose, of the traditional connexion with
Cassiodorus, the Hospice ia still licensed by the State and main-
tained by a small endowment, and a monk and lay brother minister
to the wants of the old and infirm of the village. If Cassiodorus
really built a monastery here the site was well chosen, for the garden
stands on the edge of the headland some 900 feet high, commanding
an extensive and beautiful view of the coast from Cape Stilo to
Cotrone, and overlooking Squillace bay, the '
Scyllaceum nauvi-
fragum ' of Ovid and Virgil.^

1. Tunisian pirates were permitted to exist

It is difficult to realise that these
till well into the nineteenth century.do not think the circumstance is men-
I
tioned in Dean Church's life but he told me that when he was a child the Tuscan
soldiers would not allow his nurse to take him walking on the mole of Leghorn
harbour when a corsair ship from Tunis came into port.
2. This district retains its stormy reputation. The local saying is, Un' amico
vho e cosi rarocome un' giorno senza vento a Catanzaro.
 88 CALABRIA
The Eoccelletta del Vescovo di Squillace, to give the rum its
name, stands in an olive wood at the foot of a little hill
official

about 200 yards north of the high road to Squillace and Staletti
and a mile from the Catanzaro Marina railway station. It can be
easily seen from the train and must not be confused with Rocella, a
pretty place further down the coast between Stilo and Gerace.

The earliest detailed description I have been able to find is

in a German book published in 1773 by J. H. EiedeseP and the

earliest picture of it is in a French book published in 1783 by the
abb6 de Saint Nom.^ Riedesel describes it as follows :
— ' A building
'
of bricks which had been described to me as a Greek Temple
'
stands below Catanzaro which next to Cosenza is the greatest
'
city of Calabria and the capital of Calabria Ultra. Its form how-
'
ever is such that I look upon it rather as a Gothic or a Norman
*
building. For though it is a parallelogram yet from the square
'
towers at its corners one must need conclude that it could not be
*
built by the Greeks, especially as the towers plainly appear to be
*
of equal antiquity with the rest of the building and are not, as
'
may perhaps be said of the narrow vaulted windows, built in later
'
times.'

The abbe de Saint Nom merely records the existence of the ruin,

calling it the Rochetta, but says nothing about the architecture.^

He gives an engraving from a drawing by Chatelet, showing the
surrounding country and a distant view of the ruin. The latter is

too small to be of any practical use but it shows that the two
towers described by Riedesel were situated at the extremities of the
transepts.

The ground plan is a T-shaped basilica consisting of a nave

withoutaisles, and a chancel with three apses at the east end.'*

The two parts of the church were joined by a cross intersection

covered with cross vaults and supported on either side by two towers.

1. Travels through Sicily and Magna Grecia and Egypt, translated by J. H. Forster,
F.R.S., from J. H. von Eiedesel, pub. C. C. Dilly, London, 1772, p. 159.
2. Voyage Pittoresque Naple et la Sidle, Abbe de Saint Nom, Paris, 1783,
drawings by Chatelet, vol. III., p. 110.

3. He mentions the discovery of stone cannon balls in the precincts, and says
that his journey was interrupted by the great earthquake of the 5th July, 1783.
4. The dimensions are on the plan which I have copied from J. Strzygowski's
Kleinasien ein Neuland der Kunstgeschichte, Leipsic, 1903. It is taken from
Caviglia.
 .i.l

lun/' S, ji-f

.Q***) ^^Si\^"^!Si\<<A'
43.

THE ROCELLETTA.
Central apse from the Soiit/i side.

Plans of chancel and crvpt ( Caviolia ).

To face page 8g.

 ROCCELLETTA 89

This intersection or central part of the church has unfortunately

collapsed carrying with it the two towers ; the ruin has therefore
been divided into two parts, the chancel and apses on one side of
the breach, and the nave on the other. The great rents and cracks
in the nave walls were caused by the earthquake of 1783 described
by the abb6 de Saint Nom. In Chatelet's drawing the two towers
are shown and the sketch from which it was taken must have been
made only a short time before the earthquake.

Commencing with the east end : the accompanying photographs

show that the central and north apse are almost intact and owe
their preservation to the thickness of the walls, built of flat tile
bricks set in very hard cement. The south apse has fallen down
in a heap of debris. The external decoration of the central apse is

divided in arcades into three tiers. In the basement tier there

are nine low round arched recesses or niches set in the face of the
wall : one in the centre and one on each side are pierced with
narrow slits to light the crypt under the chancel. In the second or
main tier there are seven round arched recesses or niches, one in
the centre larger than the others containing a round headed
window. Above them there is an upper tier of nine similar
recesses of equal size, one in the centre above the large window and
four on either side of it : as the parapet has fallen down only the
lower parts remain. The north apse has only two tiers ; the
basement tier has three niches with slits to light the crypt, and the
other tier, half way up the front, has a window in the centre and a
blind niche on either side of it. A little flying arch or buttress
under the parapet, across the angle where the two apses join,
should be noticed.

The photographs of the interior looking into the apses are taken
from the last bay of the nave where the intersection has fallen in.

The central apse and the chancel or sanctuary in front of it are

together twice the length of the side chapels and their apses. The
angles of the piers at the entrance to the apse have been recessed
to take ornamental columns of marble. These recesses reach about
half way up the piers in the chancel and the columns were no doubt
used to support the iconostasis. In the piers of the side apses the
recesses are much longer and the columns reached nearly up to the
spring of the vault. The three niches in the wall of the central
90 CALABKIA
apse, under the windows, served some decorative purpose, and the
chancel and apses were no doubt to have been lined with a veneer
of marble like Monreale. Columns or pillars in the recessed
corners or angles of piers occur at Monreale and in many Byzantine
buildings in Sicily. It is not a Byzantine feature and was taken
from the Arabs, who, in their turn, apparently copied it from some
of the early churches in Africa like El Kef.

The crypt is divided into three plain chambers corresponding in

size and plan to the apses above. The cross vault roof is supported
by massive square pilasters. The floor of the crypt, like that of the

rest of the church, was covered with debris.

Passing now to the body of the church : I found the west and
side walls fairly perfect ; they are 1'90 met. thick, made of rubble
covered with large bricks and occasional stones, the whole bound
together with very hard cement. I found no trace of pillars in the

debris on the floor, nor were there any corbels in the walls to
support aisle vaults. It would seem, therefore, that the nave was
one vast chamber and the span is too wide to have admitted of any
but a timber roof. There were five large round headed windows on
each side of the nave arranged for decorative effect to alternate
with six blind windows. The west front is quite plain. The single
main door is square with a discharging arch and tympanum over
it. Above it there is a plain round headed window and on either
side of two small holes or recesses in the wall probably to serve
it

some decorative purpose. At the top of the facade there appear to

have been a row of blind arches like those on the top of the central
apse. There was a small door on the north side of the nave but
the jambs have disappeared and only a large hole in the wall
remains.

On the south side of the church there are a farm yard and some
buildings round it, and these represent all that remains of the
monastery. To my surprise the peasant woman who showed us
round the ruins was dressed in the national costume, of which the
more conspicious garments were a white square napkin on her head,
a scarlet skirt, black velvet bodice and string sandals. These
costumes are rarely seen in every day use nowadays, but they seem
to be common in this province and I saw several more in the course

of the afternoon on the way to Stalletti.

 44.

THE ROCELLETTA.
S. and W. sides of the nave.

^:

#^^f''>
•
^^%

'f ^ ?
„k««!»3Sw«e»»

K.F.

N. and E. sides of the church.

To face page go.

 u

'\
•V\-%\

ehnreh : f f'^-"- ' fV

of the church there are a farm yar*

1 in the
1 ore conapicioaB garments were a white sqa
' ' > - •
^^^ ^^^ ^^

ovjiioG and i

t.Q 'V^O^T^^'X >»t«}ietti.

.z^

':\
 45.

THE ROCELLETTA
View in the interior frrmi the nave looking tozvards the chancel;
in the foreground the debris of the fallen transept.

To face page Qf.

 .

ROCCELLETTA 91

The age of this building has been much discussed. Lenormant

fixes it in the fifth century, Caviglia between 550 and 600, Bertaux
during the Norman occupation, and I. Grceschel in the last decade
of the eleventh century. As to the earlier dates I would observe
that it seems difficult to believe that a building of this size and
importance, and in this unprotected and undefendable situation
could have been built, or if built have survived during the Arab
invasions that continued from the end of the seventh century till

the beginning of the eleventh.

Those who are familiar with the churches of Constantinople will

be struck by the remarkable similarity in the general appearance of

the Roccelletta with that of certain buildings in the Aiwan Serai
quarter near the palace of the Blachernae. The treatment of the

south front of the nave, and especially the windows and the round
arches over them, is almost exactly like that of the facade of part
of the palace called the Tekfour Serai. ^ The upper part of this
facade is usually ascribed to the early sovereigns of the dynasty of
the Komneni in the eleventh century. The decoration of the apses
with niches occurs in several churches in Constantinople, as for
instance in the church of the now the Zeirek djami,
'
Pantocrator,'
built by the Empress Irene the wife of John Komnenos (1118-1143),

in the church of the monastery tou Pantepoptou,' now the Eski

'

Imaret djami, built by Anna, mother of the Emperor Alexius

Komnenos (1081-1118), and in a chapel dedicated to S. Thecla also
converted into a mosque, and called the Toklou D6d6 mesjidi.
According to Anna Komnena, this chapel, situated in the precincts
of the palace of the Blachernae, was built by the Emperor Isaac
Komnenos (1057-1059). Two other instances will be found in a
chapel dedicated to S. Nicholas, in a locality known as the Bogdan
same quarter, and
Serai ^ in the in the church of Sta Theodosia
now known as the Gul djami.
1 There are some excellent photographs of this building in the interesting
volume Byzantine Constantinople, by A. Van Millingen J. Murray, 1899.
;

2. These churches are illustrated by Paspatis in his book Byzantinai Meletai,

published at Constantinople, 1877. Not a few of them, including the church of
the Mone tou Libos (like S. Saturnino at Cagliari, p. 71), are now destroyed.
Zeirek, a Turkish word, means earthquake. Eski Imaret means tlie old alms-
house. Toklou is obviously a corruption of Thecla. Gul djami means flower
mosque. Constantinople was taken on the dedication festival day of the church,
and the Turks found it decorated with flowers.
92 CALABRIA
In his notes upon the Roccelletta M. Strzygowski does not allude
to these buildings in Constantinople, but in considering the form
and ground plan he says,
*
Die Roccella von Squillace ist vielleicht der alteste erhaltene und
* bekannt gewordene altromanische Bau dieser Art. Seine Bedeu-
*
tung fur die Entwicklungsgeschichte der Romanischen Bauforiuen
* ware unermesslich.'

If this suggestion is well founded, then the Roccelletta is a

building of the greatest archaeological importance and antiquarian
interest. The use of it as a model will account for the frequent
presence of three apses in Italian and Sicilian churches of the
Norman period, built for the Latin or the Gallican rite, where the
Communion service did not require more than one, and where the
triple apse was introduced either for decorative effect or because
the guilds and architects employed were accustomed to build the
sanctuary of a church in that way. The three apses were, however,
essential for the due performance of the Greek rite, according to
the liturgy of S. Chrysostom, in use by the Greeks at this time.
They appear, therefore, as a matter of course in the Roccelletta,

where the Greek liturgy was to be said, and as I have already

pointed out, the Roccelletta remained a Greek monastery till the
sixteenth century. I have included the cathedral of Gerace among
the churches described in this chapter, for it would, presumably, be
one of the first churches copied from the Roccelletta, since it is the
nearest, indeed the only, cathedral of the eleventh century extant
in Calabria. The ground plan is almost exactly the same as that
of the Roccelletta, and as Gerace was one of the few cities in
S. Italy, where the Normans allowed the Greeks to retain their

bishops, and the Greek rite continued in use till the fourteenth
century, the three apses would presumably occur there too, as a
matter of course.

It is to be hoped that some more information about this great

building may be brought to light in the examination of the
archives of the Greek monasteries now being made by the Italian
Government. But for the present, the actual date and the circum-
stances of the foundation can only be matters of speculation.
 46

THE ROCELLETTA.
Chancel and prothesis showing recess for a pillar in the angle of the pilaster ;

View of the nave from the chancel.

To face page g2.

d*^

. I \ \ 'A A AA3 CiSbe W^\

iied ill ii

/i.i..

>>rT«atioT'

-Q y^tt^ ^"i^Y «i\

 —

GEEACE 98

Gerace represents Locris, the ancient capital of the Locri

Epizephyrii. Nothing remains of the classical city but some un-
explored ruins near a martello tower about a mile south of Gerace
Marina. This small modern town has sprung up round the railway
station, and the traveller will find accommodation, but no food, at
the albergo Locri near by. The present city stands on the top of a

kind of bastion of rock with precipitous sides, about six miles from
the railway. A fine road leads to it, first across the plain, and then
winding gradually up the hill enters the city by the east gate.
Near the south gate, on a mural tablet from the ancient city, is the
following inscription :

" Jovi ultimo maximo diis deabusque inmortalibus et Romae

" feternae Locrenses."

The view from this spot, looking over the plain, the sea, and the
coast from Eoccella to Cape Spartivento, is very fine. The
bishopric was known first as Locres, later as 'Agia Kyriaki, and
finally as Gerace, the Latinised form of the Greek name. The
removal from the classical site probably took place in the beginning
of the eighth century, when the Arab raids made the coast
uninhabitable
The cathedral, dedicated to the Blessed Virgin, is a T-shaped
basilica, consisting of a nave with two aisles, and a chancel with
three apses at the east end. The two parts of the church are joined
by a cross intersection covered with a dome and cross vaults. The
ground plan is, therefore, like that of the Eoccelletta, and the two
churches are about the same size.^

The chancel and the apses are raised above the floor of the rest
of the church, and beneath them is a crypt like those of S. Nicholas
at Bari, and the cathedral of Otranto. This crypt, the nave, and
the south-east apse appear to be the only parts of the original
cathedral still visible ; the rest has been covered up with later
additions, including restorations after the great earthquake of 1783,
when the church was severely shaken.

The nave inside is divided into two equal lengths or bays by

square pilasters on each side. Each bay has five columns bearing
1. The ground plan was almost exactly the same till the later central and S.

apses were built out. Schulz gives a plan of the crypt, and the dimensions of the
cathedral according to Caviglia, 282 feet long and 88 feet wide. Denkmaeler dcr
Kunst des Mittelalters in Unteritalien, Dresden, 1860. Vol. II, p. 351.
94 CALABBIA
round head arches, and supporting the nave wall. In the
clerestory this wall is pierced with six large roundhead windows.
These columns, taken from the ancient Locri, are very interesting.
I noted the following on the north side : — The first pillar is red

marble, the next two white marble fluted, the fourth brescia, the
fifth fluted white marble with a pretty Corinthian cap. The sixth,

seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth are of granite, the eighth having
a red marble top. On the south side the first column is verde-
antique with a white marble Corinthian cap. The second and third
have similar caps and white marble fluted shafts ; the fourth is

plain white marble, the fifth cippolino, the sixth brescia in two

blocks ; the seventh granite, the eighth white fluted in two blocks,
and the ninth and tenth granite. The caps are of different kinds,

chiefly Lombard or Corinthian, with abaci above them. The arches

throughout are round and made of large stones. The general
appearance of the nave will recall that of the early basilican
churches of Rome and S. Gavino at Porto Torres. The roof is

made of wood rafters and a ceiling of boards covered with paper.

It was in a most dilapidated condition when I saw it.

The east end inside has been so much altered that no part of the
original work is now visible. A broad flight of steps in the north
transept leads down to the crypt. The roof is cross vaulted,
supported on pillars with capitals of various designs, and among
them examples of the Lombard type. The crypt is therefore
much more ornate than that of the Roccelletta, and the plan given
by Schulz shows that it resembles more closely those at Otranto
and Bari.

The north-east apse still retains the original decoration on the

outside. It has one window, and the eaves are supported by the
small arcading usually found in Lombard buildings of this date.
The south apse has been rebuilt, and a large gateway with a pointed
arch, leading to the cathedral close, has been built up against it.

The central apse was refaced in the 17th century.

According to Schulz the cathedral was founded in 1045, that is

to say while Gerace was still ruled by the Byzantines, and 14 years
before the Council of Melfi and the Norman occupation. The city
is often mentioned in Norman times, and was shared in equal parts

by the brothers Robert Guiscard and Roger, the Count of Sicily,

 .T^

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:ul

.?,Q ^<^.n\ vs^Y <^\

47.

STfLO.

La Cnttolica.

South side.

Elevations and plan hv Stg. Ahatino from ^

Napoli Nobilissima.''

To face page gS-

 STILO 95

when they divided the spoils of war after the conquest of Palermo.
In the course of the Xorman conquest the citizens, who were mainly
Greeks, obtained ceitain privileges from the Hauteville family,
including the right to appoint their own Greek bishops and to
retain the Greek liturgy. Though the cathedral must have been
built to accommodate the Greek rite, which continued in use at
Gerace till the 14th century, the construction and details are
Lombard. The explanation of this probably is that a Lombard
guild of architects and workmen were employed to do the work.
I should note in passing that with the exception of Siponto and
Mater a this is the oldest cathedral in S. Italy.

I now come to the two little chapels at Stilo and Rossano, the
former known as the '
Cattolica,' and the latter dedicated to
S. Mark. They are purely Byzantine in plan, design and construc-
tion, and, so far as I know, they are the only examples of their kind
west of the Adriatic. I have already alluded to the importance of
Rossano as a Byzantine fortress and the seat of the local adminis-
tration. Stilo is occasionally mentioned in the late Byzantine and

early Norman history. There is some doubt as to the exact locality

of the battle of Stilo, an important engagement in the German
campaign organised to conquer Sicily, when the Emperor Otto was
defeated, and the Arab general was killed and his army afterwards
dispersed. The name of the station, Monastevace,' is derived from '

an abbey of S. John patronised by King Roger and his mother.

Stilo, like Gerace, is situated about six miles from the sea, on
high ground formed by the talus of a rocky spur of the Appenines.
The scenery in the mountains at the back of the town is very fine
and wild. On the occasion of my visit this district had for some
time been the headquarters of the famous bandit Musolino, and
under martial law. Of these circumstances I was unaware until I

found myself escorted for the day by carabinieri from Monasterace.

The Cattolica is built on a ledge of rock at the foot of the cliffs

behind the town. The ground plan is square, covered by a roof

divided into nine compartments. The squares in the centre and at
the four angles are covered with pepper-pot shaped domes and the
intervening spaces with barrel vaulting made of brick. The nave and
96 CALABRIA
aisles terminate in three semi-circular apses covered by semi-domes
with flat tiled roofs.

The domes have flat tops, covered with tiles supported on three
rows of narrow bricks under the eaves. The central dome, larger
than the others, is decorated with rows of large square tiles,

arranged diamond wise round the centre of the drum. It has four
small windows at the cardinal points : these are divided into two
lights by a small twisted column. The other four domes are also
decorated with tiles in the same way lighted by single round
headed windows at the cardinal points. A narrow cornice or string
course of brick is carried round the drums of the domes and in

contour over the windows. Each apse has a single round headed
light and string course treated in the same way. The main door
is on the south side the jambs and lintel are square and made of
:

stone there is a discharging arch over it and a tympanum pierced

:

with a trefoil aperture : above it is a little round headed light. The

entire fabric outside is made of bricks and tiles set in mortar and
rather roughly finished.

Passing now to the inside : the central dome is supported on four

marble pillars, all obviously taken from an older building. As two
of the shafts are not long enough, ancient capitals, one of them
being of the Corinthian order, have been inverted and used as
bases : the caps are plain of the usual simple Byzantine shape.
Two of the shafts are of white marble, the third is of granite, and
the fourth of cippolino. On the pillar nearest the door on the right
a dedication cross is incised.^ The domes are supported on
pendentives and the arches throughout the chapel are round.

Beside the incised cross there was, according to Schulz, a marble

panel with scroll design surrounding a cross, but I did not notice
it. The wall paintings he speaks of have almost disappeared. In
the centre apse Our Saviour is represented seated on a rainbow in
the act of benediction with two winged saints or cherubs on either
side, the whole in an oval panel. There are paintings on the North
wall near the prothesis supposed to represent S. Nicholas, in the
diaconicon, and on the West wall.

1. The cross is reproduced on page 102. It is on the S.E. pillar. The accom-
panying sketch was made by me in 1898. The inverted capital is shown in the
foreground another classical fragment is lying on the floor, and on the right is
;

the modern holy water bason.

 ;

48.

Jfc.«"«ii:i:..-»«. «av.

STILO.
La Catiolica

The interior looking East^ showing the inverted capital

the holv water basin on the right. E.F.

La CaUolica — Veduta delle absidi (lalo (orientale).

Elevation by Sig. Abatino, from ^

Napoli Nobilissima.'^

To face page g6.

 ,

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 49.

ROSS A NO.

Church of S. Mark.
East End
showing- three apses.

Interior
from N. aisle looking into the prothesis.

lJ

Plan of S. Mark.

COREGLIANO.
Church of the Patire, showing three apses at the East end.

To face page p/.

 ROSSANO 97

The dimensions of this chapel are : ground plan of the square

6'15 met., the square under the central dome is 2'20 met., the
height from the floor to the base or spring of the central dome
5'80 met., diameter of the central dome 1'60 met., and the pillars
and their caps are 2*78 met. high.
The little church dedicated to S. Mark at Rossano is situated at
the west end of the city on a spur of rock. It consists of two parts,
the church proper and a large square hall or narthex at the west
end. The church itself has a square ground plan, and like the

Cattolica, is divided into nine compartments. Of these the central

and angle compartments are covered with high pitched pepper pot
domes, the central dome being rather larger and higher than the
other four, and the other compartments are covered with barrel-
vaults. At the east end there are three semicircular apses, covered
with semidomes, to do duty for the altar the prothesis and
diaconicon respectively. These semidomes and the domes are five

covered with coarse tiles. The domes have been smeared over with
whitewash.

The entrance to the church is by a door on the north side of the

narthex. This door appears to be modern. The narthex walls are
made of stone and the timber roof is hidden inside by a plain rafter
ceiling. There is a stone floor and a rough bench or seat runs
round the three sides of the narthex.

The first sketch is taken from the narthex and shows the three
arches at the west end of the church corresponding to the nave and
the two aisles, the floor being raised a step above the narthex. The
second sketch is taken from the south-west corner of the church.
The photograph is taken from the north aisle looking up to the
roof toshow the pendentive. For the purpose of showing the
structure of the church I have omitted the altar in the second
sketch. It now stands directly under the central dome and is

raisedupon two stone steps. The niche on the pilaster shown in

the photograph is modern there is a similar niche to correspond
;

on the other side.

The church was originally poorly lighted, the two square windows
on the north and south sides being modern. The central dome has
four single light round head windows at the cardinal points the ;

smaller domes have one similar window apiece facing the outside
98 CALABRIA
of the church. If the central apse had a window it is now blocked
up. Each lateral apse has a single double light window, the lights
being divided by a small pillar with cap and base of the usual style.

On the N.W. angle of the church, at the spot where the second
sketch is taken, there is a door leading out into a small triangular
court and a priest's house.

The dimensions of the church are : length 7'50 met., width 7"15
met., width of arches throughout 1*46 met. ; the spring of the barrel
vault is 5 met. from the ground. It is therefore a trifle larger than
the Cattolica, but in ground plan they are almost exactly similar,
themain difference being the heavy pilasters supporting the central

dome in place of the pillars.

The church had been renovated and whitewashed shortly before
my visit and any frescoes or paintings there may have been
were consequently covered up. I understand that the restorations
were made at the expense of the parish priest and this interesting

little building may now be looked upon as saved for some time to
come.

The general appearanceof these two churches, built within a

short time of one another and probably by the same guild, will be
familiar to anyone acquainted with the churches in Greece and
Constantinople. They are not older than the Norman conquest, and
would appear to belong to the 11th century or later. I was told

that another chapel at Rossano of the same kind had only recently
fallendown it stood just below S. Mark, and has been replaced by
;

a modern square edifice. It was dedicated to S. Nicholas. The

archbishop of Rossano, who kindly interested himself in my research,
told me that S. Mark and S. Nicholas were the only Byzantine
churches that he knew of in his diocese, or indeed in this part of
Italy.

Before passing from Rossano I should mention the ruin of the

monastery of the Patire at Coregliano near by. This famous
Basilian house, associated with the life of S. Nil, continued to exist
till the beginning of the nineteenth century, when it was suppressed
in the general dissolution of the monasteries by Joseph Bonaparte,
King of Naples. The church, recently restored, was a basilica
 so.

ROSSANO.
Church of S. Mark.

The interior seen from the Narthex.

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51.

I^OSSANO.

Church of S. Mark.
View of the interior taken from the N. W. corner in the north aisle

looking diagonally across the church.

To face page QQ.

 .

S. ANGELO ,
99

with three semicircular apses at the east end, and a nave with
lateral aisles. The original Byzantine parts of the church were the
apses covered by semi domes, and a door in the nave ; the rest of
the church was restored apparently in the fourteenth century when
the nave was rebuilt with pointed arches and a pointed door
inserted at the west end. An inscription records that the monastery
had been restored by Cardinal Barberini in 1672.^ I give a small
photograph of it.

Beside the purely Greek chapels at Eossano and Stilo there are
some other domed churches and chapels scattered about in S. Italy
of about the same date, but built in a composite style, where
Lombard or Norman features prevail. Most of them are well-
known, as for instance S. Andrew at Trani, S. Nicholas and
S. Cataldo at Lecce, S. Joseph at Gaeta, Sta Maria delle cinque
torri atMonte Cassino (S. Germano), the old cathedral at Capri,
and a building identified as a baptistry at Sta. Severina. I have
been unable to visit or to obtain a drawing of S. Peter at Otranto
but I believe it is similar to the church at Trani and has one
dome. M. Bertaux discovered a church with a single dome on
the south side of the Appenines near Lagonegro. It is called
S. Angelo in the territory of S. Chirico (no doubt originally 'Agia
Kyriaki) by Mt. Kapparo. He gives a small photograph taken at a
distance. The best description I have been able to obtain of it is

in a local antiquarian publication, difficult to procure, and I have

therefore copied the following extract from it. The pointed arches
show that it is a Lombard building.

*
Nel territorio di S. Chirico trovasi la rinomata abbadia di Sant'
' Angelo distante dall' abitato 5 kilom. E posta alia falde di un
'
contrafforte del monte Eapparo detto le murge. II sito e in una
' valle con orizzonte ristrettissimo. La chiesa e ad una sola navata
* coperta a volta a botte ; le mura che sostengono le volta sono ad
'
archi murati a tutto sesto. La volta poggia su archi a sesto acuto,
' nel mezzo della stessa evvi una cupola. L'interno della chiesa era
' tutto depinto a fresco di stile bizantino di epoca tarda.
' Alcuni santi hanno dei cartelli con scritti greco bizantino. L'arco
' della porta d'ingresso e a sesto acuto e viene sorretto da due colon-

1 Battifol, p. xxxi.
Article by Signor Vittorio di Cicco
2. . . . in. Arte e Storia. Nuova Serie)
Anno JF7. (VIII della Nuova Serie). Num. : 14. Florence, 30 July, 1897.
100 CALABRIA
'
nine con capitelli a fogliame. Al I'esterno della cupola e dell'

'
abside vi sono delle colonnine con archetti tondi murati. Sottostanti
'
alia chiesa vi e la grandiosa grotta di Sant' Angelo. E un vasto e
' profondo antro maraviglioso per le stalattiti

'
le pareti sono dipinte a fresco e sono della stessa epoca o maniera
'
delle pitture dell' abside. Della prima edificazione del santuaiio non
' si rinviene nessuna traccia di muraglia. Da quel poco di archi-
'
tettui"a gotica lombarda che adorna la chiesa si desume che la sua
* edificazione non potrebbe rimontare che al secolo XIII.'

One of the most interesting of these churches is Sta. Maria delle

cinque torri by S. Germano, Monte Cassino. Schulz^ gives a plan
and section showing that the idea was taken from a Byzantine
church with five domes like the Cattolica and S. Mark, the domes
being replaced by five low square towers.

The other little Lombard buildings, notably at Gaeta, Lecce and

Capri, bear much the same relation to the Cattolica and S. Mark
as the cathedral at Gerace bears to the Roccelletta, for the models
were Byzantine and the copies were decorated with Lombard or
Norman detail.

I say Byzantine, but Greek would be perhaps more accurate, for

the plan with five domes does not occur in any of the churches of
Constantinople, and with one or two exceptions (S. John in the
Trullo among them) the high pepper pot domes are not covered
with flat tiled tops but look like domes from outside as well as from
inside. And as I am again referring to these little churches at
Constantinople I may add that some of them were built at this
period with only one apse. The Sta. Thecla I have already men-
tioned has only one apse, but on each side of it there is a niche in
the wall to serve the purpose of prothesis on one side and diaconi-
con on the other. This arrangement occurs in the chapel of the
Favara at Palermo,'^ and was resorted to where space had to be
considered.

I may conclude this chapter with a reference to the liturgies

used in Sicily and Calabria during the Byzantine dominion.
In his chapter on the general classification of Eastern liturgies
Neale says, '
It is usually held that the whole body of Eastern
* and Western liturgies may be divided into four branches
1. Vol. II, p. 106. 2. See the photograph p. 35.
 LITURGIES IN CALABRIA 101

*
the Roman, the Gallican, that of Alexandria, and that of Jeru-
salem.' I have already pointed out that the Normans introduced
the Gallican liturgy into Sicily after the conquest, and it seems

reasonable to suppose that, up to the 8th century at least, the

Roman liturgy was in use in the S. Italian and Sicilian dioceses.
I am, however, more directly concerned with liturgies used by the
Eastern church, and therefore those of Jerusalem or S. James, and
of Alexandria or S. Mark. From the liturgy of S. James are
derived the liturgies of S. Basil and S. Chrysostom, and from that
of S. Mark the Coptic and Ethiopic liturgies of Africa.

The original rite of Jerusalem is the Greek office of S. James, one

of the oldest extant and still said in many churches of Greece on
S. James' day. From this liturgy there were three offshoots, the
second offshoot embracing the Sicilian liturgy. It differs princi-

pally from that of S. James in amplification. It is earlier than 984

and contains explanations of certain prayers intended, according
to Neale, to approximate to the then received Latin doctrine.
This liturgy was discovered by a Basilian monk in a library at

Messina.^
According to M. Battifol, the liturgy in use in the Greek churches
of Calabria was both in calendar and ritual the liturgy of Con-
stantinople. '
Scarcely any feasts of local origin, like those of
'
S. Fantin or S. Elia Spelota, were introduced before the eleventh
'
century. The Roman feast of the Corpus Christi is a later intro-
'
duction after the thirteenth century. But the rite of Constan-
'
tinople could not have been at the beginning the only rite of the
*
Churches of Sicily and Calabria, and it is a remarkable fact that
'
the only ancient manuscript that we possess of the Syrian liturgy
'
known as that of S. James comes to us from Rossano, and the only
'
manuscript of the Alexandrian liturgy, known as that of S. Mark,
'
comes from Messina, seeming some churches in
to indicate that in
'
Sicily and Calabria the rites of Antioch and Alexandria had once
'
been in use. I would say as much for the liturgy known as that
'
of S. Peter, which is a Greek translation of the ordo missae as it
'
was constituted towards the end of the seventh century. It is a
*
Greek translation of which the only manuscript we have comes
'
from Rossano.''
1. Neale, ed. 1860, p. 325. The Library of S. Salvatore dei Greci.
3. I have translated this from Battifol, p. 11.
102 CALABRIA
There is no doubt that a great dealChurch tradition and
of

learning was Europe after the Levant

concentrated in this part of S.
and Africa had been overrun by the Arabs, and it would seem that
in Sicily and Calabria the liturgies, like the styles of architecture,

found a meeting place and were used concurrently.

Dedication Cross at Stilo.

 53.

Panel of the Byzantine period in the Museum at El Kef.

Capital of a pillar in the Bardo Museum also of the Byzantine period.

To face page I02.

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 54.

TEBESSA.

^ Trefoil chapel ; staircase leading from the Basilica.

Photograph by my father.

Plan (M. Clariiwal)

X, Baptistry; y and z, chambers.

7 o face page loj.

 103

TUNIS.
HENCHIR MAATRIA and SIDI MOHAMMED
EL GEBIOUI.
The history of the Church in North Africa after the proclamation

of Christianity may be divided into three periods. The first, or

Roman period, commencing in 314 and ending with the conquest

of Carthage by Genseric in 437 ; the second, or Vandal period,
ending with the capture of Gelimer by Belisarius in 534 ; and the
Byzantine period, ending after Carthage was taken by the
third, or
Arabs, when the Christians were given the option of becoming
Mahometans or leaving the country. From that time Christianity
disappeared from North Africa, and by degrees the country, like
Morocco of to-day, lapsed into a condition of anarchy and deso-

lation. During the four hundred years these combined periods

lasted at least two important emigrations of Christian clergy from
North Africa into Sicily took place. The first occurred during the
persecutions of the orthodox communities by Hunneric, the son of
Genseric, in 484, and the second while the Arab invasion was
in progress between 647 and 699, and again in 717 when the
Christians were expelled.

The Sicilian trefoil chapels at Malvagna and Maccari suggested

to me that the plan and details of construction were derived from
buildings erected by the Arabs in Tunis during the progress of
their some features in the chapels at Camerina
conquest, and
indicated that they too might be of African origin but of much
earlier date than Malvagna and Maccari. And it seemed likely
that these plans were introduced into Sicily by the clergy who had
emigrated during the Vandal and Arab persecutions. The following
notes are the result of several journeys into the interior of Tunis to
see if I could obtain any evidence of the origin or date of these
Sicilian buildings.

There appear to be only five examples of trefoil chapels in North

Africa, three in Tunis, and two in Algiers. The four described in
104 TUNIS
this chapter are : the trefoil chapel attached to the basilica at
Tebessa : a similar but smaller chapel attached to the basilica at
Carthage, called the Damus el Karita : a trefoil chapel in the
plains south of Kairouan, near Sidi Amor bou Hadjla : a chapel
like the last at Henchir Maatria, near Teboursouk. There is also
a square chapel in the district of Sbeitla, called Haouch Khima,
which may be conveniently classed with these trefoil buildings.

I had better perhaps begin with the chapel at Tebessa, because it

has been carefully explored and there is some evidence of the date

of its erection. It has been described by the first explorers,

Commandant Seriziat in 1868,^ and Commandant Clarinval in
1870; 2 also by M. Daprat in 1895-6,^ and M. Gsell in 1901.^
The accompanying plans are taken from Commandant Clarinval's
and M. Duprat's articles to the former I have added the letter X,
;

to indicate the position of a baptismal font which had not then

been discovered, and Y and Z to two chambers on either side of a
staircase; to the latter I have, added A to mark a little church of
later date.

The commencement of the exploration in 1868 is described by

Commandant Seriziat, and it was taken up two years later by
Commandant Clarinval. These explorations show that the trefoil
chapel was enclosed in a rectangular structure adjoining the south
side of the basilica. It was approached by a flight of steps from
the floor of the basilica, the latter being raised 3 metres above
ground level. The square nave of the chapel was apparently
roofed by a cross vault ^ (Voute d'aretes), and covered inside with
mosaics and outside with tiles." The style of vault and the general
1.Publication of the Archaeological Society of Constantine, vol. II. of the 2nd
Series (vol. XII. of the Collection), 1868.
2. Same, vol. IV. of the 2nd Series (vol. XIV. of the Collection), 1870.
3. Same, vol. IX. of the 3rd Series (vol. XXX. of the Collection), 1897.
4. Les Monuments Antiques de L'Algerie, by S. Gsell, Paris, Fontemoing, 1901.
5. Gsell, p. 271. I use the term ' cross vault/ and add the French equivalent
Voute d'aretes, to make it clear that I mean a plain vault and not one supported
by the crossed arches found in Norman and later mediaeval architecture. My
description of the vault at Camerina, on page 6, and the use of the word 'rib' is
in that respect misleading. The Camerina central vaults, like those in these
African chapels, were Voutes d'aretes.
6. Commandant Clarinval's article.
 55.

TEBESSA.
Trefoil chapel.

West apse.

PI. XI

.C£A

^^ 5ysiAS mmw s.aisiAim

LaiAno&ia OfJfa^/tKf

A hofs tomb found in the floor ;

from the Constnntinc Archceological Society^ s publication.

Photograph by my father.

To face page lo^.

.?.?.

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,Lli ir;-! v.,

^
 .dS

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 —
56.

TEBESSA.
Trefoil chapel.
East and south apses.

Plan (M. Duprat).

ri .,
^^ pi '-^
5 ->

To face page 105.

 — .

TEBESSA 105

appearance of the building inside when perfect will be best under-

stood from the illustrations of the chapel El Gebioui at Hadjla.

On three sides of the nave there are semi-circular apses covered

by semi-domes. The walls of these apses were apparently veneered
with marble and the semi-domes inside covered with mosaics. In
the four angles of the building are small rectangular chambers,
those adjoining the staircase being divided in two stories. This
staircase occupied the fourth side of the nave on the north side.

The walls of the chambers adjoining the staircase abut on, or are
they show that the trefoil chapel
applied to the wall of the basilica ;

and the rectangular building containing it were not built at the

same time as the basilica. They also show that the floors of the
upper stories were supported on cross vaulting (Voute d'aretes) and
the springs of the arches, made of a soft stone, still remain in.

the corners.

Commandants Seriziat and Clarinval found :

On the staircase, a sarcophagus of the early Christian period

with the Constantinian monogram X P and three rudely carved
allegorical figures. This sarcophagus is now the altar of the French

church at Tebessa.
The floor of the chapel was covered with earth, debris of tiles,

pieces of mosaic^ and cinders, showing that the building had been
destroyed by fire.

At the entrance of each apse and also at the foot of the staircase

stood two cippolino columns, one on either side. The bases of

all and portions of the shafts of some of these pillars are still

in site.

The floor of the chapel was almost entirely covered with mosaic.

At the spot marked D on M. Clarinval's plan, the tomb of a

child was found. Itwas covered by a mosaic, representing a boy
girt with a sword.- Beneath the mosaic they found a wood coffin
with metal fittings and the bones of a child from 8 to 10 years
old. M. Gsell is of opinion that the date given at the end of the

1. Gsell, p. 271. Le Carre (the nave) presentait des motifs ornementaux ;

I'abside du fond (central apse) des series de calices, d'ou sortaient des ceps de vigne
s'enroulant les uns dans les autres I'abside de gauche, des lozanges, des cercles,
;

des croix gammees celle de droite des oiseaux et, au milieu, un cerf
:

2. Illustrated opposite.
106 TUNIS
inscription falls in the year 508 and that the King's name in the

last line but two should read (Thrasa) MVNDI.i

In the course of excavating this tomb, the Officers discovered the

original mosaic floor at a depth of 1-20.

At the spot marked E-H on M. Clarinval's plan, a square pit was

found faced with square stones on three sides, and rubble on the
fourth. This pit was choked with debris. At 1'20 below the
surface the original mosaic floor was again found, and below it two
funeral urns and a small pot. Close to this spot were also found a
slab, four small pillars, supposed to be part of an altar, and a
small, but very beautiful piece of mosaic, recently stolen from the
Museum at Tebessa, where it had been deposited.

M. M. Seriziat and Clarinval express no opinion and M. M.

Duprat and Gsell the age of this chapel and the purpose
differ as to

it was built to serve. They all agree, however, that it was not
built at the same time as the basilica, and this view seems to me
to be right, for the reason already given. I might mention also,

that the varied and curious mason's marks found all over the
masonry of the basilica These marks
do not appear on the chapel.
are very interesting and seem to be Berber characters.^ They
exist, no doubt, elsewhere in North Africa, but I did not find them

on any building I visited. M. Duprat considers that the basilica

and the adjacent buildings were built for secular purposes and in-
cluded a forum, market, and so on, and that this trefoil edifice I
have been describing as a chapel was the public bath. It is quite
true that this trefoil plan is frequently found in public baths.
Examples, for instance, will be found at Thelepta and Ain Tounga.
I prefer M. Gsell' s opinion that the basilica was built for a church
and that the chapel may have been the original baptistry.^ The
adoption for a baptistry of a trefoil plan associated with a Bath
seems reasonable and probable enough.
1. Gsell, p. 273.

2. The illustration is from drawings I made. They will be also found in the
publications of the Archaeological Society of Constantine, p. 74 of vol. XXX., 9th
vol. of the 3rd series, 1897. Also vol. XXII., 1st vol. of 3rd series, 1883 and these ;

marks should be compared with the Characters given in the Instructions du Comite
des Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques Eecherche des Antiquites dans le Nord
de I'Afrique. Conseils aux Archeologues et aux Voyageurs. Paris, Leroux, 1890,
pp. 48-50.
3. Photographs of some Byzantine fonts will be found opposite p. 126.
 57.

BAPTISMAL FOI^tS.
'"'

S3 52

54 55

The numbers refer io page 126.

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 58.

CARTHAGE.
Plan of'the trefoil chapel attached to the christian basilica called the
Damns el Karita ; and general plan.

Plan (Delattre).

In this plan of the Damns el Karita the little trefoil chapel is at

the extremity of the semi circular cloister.

To face page loj.

 CARTHAGE 107

The trefoil chapel attached to the basilica, known as the Damus

el Karita, is much smaller than the chapel at Tebessa. After much
trouble and delay the site was purchased from native proprietors
by Father Delattre of the Peres Blancs. The accompanying
general plan, taken from his book ^ shows the result of his excava-

tions, still in progress, and the relative positions of the chapel and
the basilica. The whole of this large building, or group of
buildings, has been razed to the ground and nothing but the
foundations and a foot or two of the walls remain. They show
that the church stood north-east and south-west. On the north-
east side there was a large enclosure surrounded by a cloister, and
terminating at the east end in a semi-circle. The trefoil chapel
stood in the middle of this semi-circle, facing the east side of the
church. In shape, in general appearance, and in the position of
the chapel, this enclosuremust have resembled the Roman
nymphaeum at Zaghouan. As the accompanying photograph
shows, this source of the water supplied in Roman times to
Carthage and now to Tunis, is still almost perfect. The square
cella or temple occupies the centre of the semi-circle, as it were the
keystone of an arch, and contained the statues and altar of the
divinities. The temple has a peculiar form of cross vault (Voute

d'aretes), and I shall have occasion to refer to it again.

In describing the excavations M. Delattre calls the enclosure,

atrium, the well or fountain, nymphaeum, and the trefoil chapel,
cella trichora.^ The excavation of the chapel resulted in graves
and traces of sarcophagi being found under the floor of the apses.
Only a metre and a half of the walls still remain they were ;

composed of a lower course of large square stones with rubble

above, held together at intervals by square blocks placed vertically.
The inside had been veneered with marble. The apse arches
were supported by detached pillars as at Tebessa ; they and their
caps have disappeared leaving only the foundations composed of
large square stones to receive the bases of the pillars.^ The
roof, presumably a voute d'aretes, was covered with coloured
mosaics. The conclusion arrived at by M. Delattre and Professor

1. Un Pelerinage aux Buines de Carthage. Pub, Poncet, Lyons, 1906.

2. The small plan is taken from measurements made by me in 1910.

3. These blocks are marked A on ray plan.

108 TUNIS
de Rossi in regard to the purpose of the trefoil chapel seems to be
that it was a martyr's shrine.
There is no evidence to prove the date either of the chapel or

the other parts of this group of buildings. The excavations of

the basilica uncovered some cisterns, a Roman Columbarium in the

shape of a trefoil built before the foundation of the church (on the
north side) and some additions made after it was completed. A
baptismal font and a chapel connected with it were found on the
south-west side. The former is of a common type and no guide
to the date of the church. It is remarkable that these buildings
have been so completely destroyed, whereas the mosaic floors,

parts of pillars and their caps, the baptistry and even chancel
screens, have been preserved in the church on the south side of
the city. The explanation seems to be that the floor and subsoil
of the Damus el Karita were ransacked for tombs and epitaphs,
and a large mass of materials consisting of the more interesting
decorative details, like caps and mouldings, were taken to the
Seminary garden at Carthage. If these materials were carved for
the basilica and not taken from older buildings, they show that
the church was built in the fourth or early fifth century, before
the Roman patterns had been modified or replaced by the native
Berber or Byzantine designs.

As the buildings described above are in the middle of large and

important cities, some indication of their age may be obtained
from their position, surroundings, and the result of excavation.
Some idea of their general appearance may be derived from the
chapels at Maatria and Hadjla. These chapels, unconnected
with any great buildings, are in remote places in the interior
of the country and owe their fortunate preservation to that
circumstance.

Henchir Maatria, an Arab village situated in a valley about

6 kilom. north of Teboursouk, on the bridle road leading to Pont
de Trajan, stands on the site of a large Roman country town. The
Mahometan Zaouia or chapel of the village occupies a site in the
ancient forum, and the walls appear to be part of a small Roman
temple that preceded it. A large stone with figures of cupids and
 59.

HENCHIR MA ATRIA.
The chapel looking West. On the right the N. apse a7id the N. side
of showing long and short work in the angle.
the lantern The east
wall and all but a few stones of the East arch have fallen down
disclosing the interior and S. W. angle of the lantern where traces of
the cross vault are visible. On the extreme left is the S. apse.

» i

O
}
I 2 3^5 *

Metres.

Plan (E.H.F.)

To face page 108.

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 60.

HENCHIR MA ATRIA.
Interior of the chapel looking West, showing
the interior of the lantern
and the slab in the angle to support a spring
of the voute d' aretes.

To face page log.

 —

MAATRIA 109

garlands of flowers, carved in the style of the best Roman period,

lies in front of the plinth of the temple.

This chapel was noticed by M. Diehl,^ but it has evidently not

been excavated nor, so far as I am aware, has it been described by
the French antiquaries.
The plan shows that in shape and general design it resembled
the chapels at Tebessa and Carthage. The main entrance faces
N.E. and the central apse S.W. The chief architectural features
in it are :

A square nave with semi-circular apses on three sides and a

narthex or porch on the fourth side making a cruciform ground
plan.

A square super-structure over the nave, lighted by four windows

over the apse arches and covered by a voute d'aretes with a flat

roof outside. The heads of the windows were segments of circles

in the form usually found in Roman buildings.

The semi-circular apses were covered with semi-domes inside.

The material is chiefly rubble bound together with a very strong
cement and finished off at the angles with squared stones in long
and short work. The walls are thick, ranging from 1 to 1| metres.

The springs of the vault rest on flat stones inserted into the
angles of the nave.
The apse arches rest on square pilasters made of blocks of stone,

some of them dressed and taken from Roman buildings.

The outside roofs of the nave and apses were covered with
cement and appear to have been flat.

There are no traces of ornaments, mosaics, or carved marbles.

The illustration shows that the narthex is gone, the South apse
has been almost entirely destroyed, while the West apse has been
split into fragments, apparently by an earthquake.

The interesting features about this chapel are : the small portions
of the flat roof that remain : the method of supporting the vault
by stones or slabs inserted in the angles of the nave upon these ;

stones the pendentive and voute d'aretes rested the long and :

short work in the upper part of the nave wall shown in the
photograph : the use of old materials taken from Roman buildings.

1. L'Afrique Byzantine, p. 422.

110 TUNIS
The interior is filled with rubble from the fallen roof and
walls,and the d6bris have been allowed to remain where they fell
undisturbed. The ground is consequently raised considerably
above the original floor level and, judging by the piers of

the nave, the floor must be about 1 met. 50 below the present
surface.

Until the interior has been cleared and excavated, and the
arable land round the outside explored, it is of course impossible to
say with certainty for what purpose this chapel was built, whether
as a village church, a baptistry or a memorial chapel. The long
and short work and the presence of dressed stones from older
buildings indicate that it was not built in the 4th century, directly
after Christianity was proclaimed. I noticed masonry of the same
kind, near the forum, appearing to belong to a Byzantine block
house or fort. These military block houses are common in this
part of the country, especially in spots of strategic importance like
Maatria. I should attribute this building to the same date as the
fort, that is to say, the first years after the Byzantine conquest in
the middle of the 6th century.

The chapel of El Gebioui near Sidi Amor bou Hadjla is officially

known as the Zaouia of Sidi Mohammed el Gebioui, pronounced
Ke-bee-you. As the name implies, it has been appropriated for the
burial of a Mahometan saint. In the older military map^ it is
marked under this name, but in the later one^ as Ksar el Beo. I
understand the words el K6-bee-you to mean " the domes " in local
Bedouin dialect.

I had no end of difficulty in locating this interesting building,

situated in longitude 89' 60" E, latitude 39' 20" N. near the old
caravan road between Kairouan and Gabes by Skirra. This read
leaves Kairouan by the south gate and crossing the river Zeroud at
a ford, passes by the village of Sidi Amor el Kenani. Thence it

crosses the railway about 2 kilometres West of the station and

continues in a more or less direct line to the two Zaouia and group
of seven or eight Arab houses, constituting the village of Sidi Amor
bou Hadjla at 34 kilometres from Kairouan. The chapel is 12
1. Au 200,000 erne (1881-1887). 2. Au 100,000 erne (1896-1899).
 ^

61.

SIDI MOHAMMED.
EL GEBIOUI.
N. W. view of the chapel.

12. 3 -f 5"
t il I I I —
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Plan (E.H.F.)

To face page no.

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 62.

SIDT MOHAMMED.
EL GEBIOUI.
Exterior of the chapel taken from the East, S.W., and S.E. sides.

To face page iii.

 —

EL GEBIOUI 111

kilometres further along the road southward m the country

belonging to the Bedouin tribe Ouled Fargalla.
It stands on a small bank, I can hardly call it a hill, commanding
a view over the plain of central Tunis. Before the Arab conquest,
this fertile plain of arable land was a rich agricultural centre with
El Djem as the market city, and numerous ruins of Roman forti-

fied farms, oil presses, cemeteries, and towns, testify to the great

prosperity of the district. After the incursion of nomads from

Arabia in the 10th century, the plain became a wilderness. From
this condition it is now again slowly emerging under the auspices
of the French Protectorate.
I have identified this chapel with the village of Hadjla, because
there is no habitation or shelter of any kind nearer. The traveller

who wishes to see it must make his head-quarters at the village,

and bear in mind that with the exception of the well at Oglet el
lebbia,^ between the village and the chapel, the water in the
neighbourhood is brackish and undrinkable.
El Gebioui was first noticed by M. Saladin, and he describes it

in a report on his travels in Tunis to the Minister of Public

Instruction, giving drawings and plans.^ It has not been excavated.
The principal architectural features are :

A square nave with semi -circular apses on three sides and a

narthex or porch on the fourth or East side, making a cruciform
ground plan.
A nave lighted by four windows in the square lantern or super-
structure and covered by a cross vault, (voute d'aretes). Semi-
circular apses covered by semi-domes, lighted by three narrow
windows, one in the centre and one on either side of each apse.
The arches of the windows are segments of circles.

Short tubes of pottery fitting into one another were used to

build the vault and semi-domes. Small undressed stones, of
uniform size, set in cement are used throughout. The roofs were
covered with cement.
The apses, and probably all the interior were also covered with
cement decorated with paintings. Small patches of it, now choco-
late colour, but originally no doubt red, may be seen here and there.

1. Perhaps Oglet el Beya.

2. Archives des Missions Sdentifiqnes. 3 erne serie, Tome XTIT., p. 30, Paris,
Imprimerie Nationale 1887.
 :

112 TUNIS
The more interesting features in it are : the use of tubes for
making the vault the method: of building up the pendentives
the heavy piers at the angles of the nave. I give a photograph of

two of these earthenware tubes picked up in the neighbourhood.

They are about 8 centimetres long, 2 in diameter, hollow at one
end, pointed at the other, and solid in the middle. They fit into
one another and when cement make a compact and very hard
set in

mass of material. They were used by the Eomans,^ and are still
used by the natives in the south of Tunis, for vaulting and arches,
and consequently are of no help in chronology. Traces of them
will be seen in the photograph of the vault.

The remaining important architectural features of these two

chapels can perhaps be best explained by comparing them. Gebioui
is not only a much more substantial building than Maatria, but it

seems to have been more scientifically built. I have already

mentioned the difference in the materials.

The pendentives at El Gebioui were apparently made in blocks

and builtup over an arching of tubes. They are very massive and
rest upon pilasters or angles of the piers carried up from the
ground level. At Maatria the pendentives spring from stone slabs
inserted across the angle of the nave walls about half way between
the present floor level and the roof.

At Maatria no attempt seems to have been made to counter-

weigh the thrust of the nave roof. At Gebioui the counterweight
and support of the nave roof is supplied by massive square piers
of masonry at each angle. These piers were carried up outside
to the level of the spring of the pendentive inside, and the top of

each face of the lantern of the nave was finished off in a semi-
circle. At Maatria each face of the lantern of the nave was
carried up square at the top and the roof was flat, and as the apses
also were covered with flat roofs the outside elevation of the chapel
cannot have had much claim to architectural merit. At Gebioui
the roof of the nave outside followed the contour of the vault
inside, and, ruined as the building is, the photograph gives a very
good idea of what it looked like when perfect.

1, They are to be found on nearly every ancient site I visited, notably in the
thermae of Thelepta. The roofs of S. Sophia at Constantinople and S. Vitale at
Ravenna were made on the same principle.
 63.

SIDI MOHAMMED.
EL GEBIOUT.
Interior of the chapel looking south.

To face page 1 12.

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64.

HENCHIR MA ATRIA.
View of the chapel taken from the South apse looking across

the interior of the nave.

SIDI MOHAMMED.
EL GEBIOUL
the interior of the chapel looking East.

POTTERY TUBES fitting into one another ; used to construct

the cross vaults of El Gebioui. A Roman invention still used in

the districts of Gafsa and Tozeur in S. Tunisia.

The tubes were set in cement and the ribbed marks of them can be

seen in the vault illustrated on Plate 6j.

To face page iij.

 EL GEBIOUI IK^

This method of making the roof outside follow the contour of

the vault within was frequently adopted in Arab oil presses,
particularly along the coast in the country between Sousse and
Sfax. But I do not recollect to have seen it in any mosque or
Zaouia. In the mosques the roofs are flat, in the Zaouia they are
domes supported by squinches in the angles. These oil presses are
more small transepts.
usually built in the form of a nave with one or
The nave vault was supported on strong stone arches and as the
transept vaults are always short and narrow there is ample support
for the masonry in the cross vault.

But in these chapels the span of the roof is so large and the
pitch so flat that the centre had little support : in each case they
have fallen in. The cella of the Koman nymphaeum at Zaghouan
was also covered with a cross vault, but the span was small and
the vault was built up to an open crown made of a horizontal

circle of stone ; when finished the top was open like that
so that
of the Pantheon Eome.
at The photograph shows the crown
circle and the round hole has now been filled in with masonry set
in a dark cement.

About 250 yards north-east of El Gebioui there are the ruins of

a similar building on a much smaller scale. All that remains of

it are the foundations, four piers and the pendentives of an arched
vault made, like Gebioui, of small uncut stones set in cement.
The masonry has now fallen down in a heap. Between this ruin
and El Gebioui, there is a mound At
indicating a buried building.
this spotwe found small pieces of marble and mosaic, and below
the surface some fragments of rough white tiles with figures of a
star and a stag, and legs of other animals, in relief one of the ;

tiles had traces of red ochre paint. I shall refer later on to

collections of these tiles in the Tunis Museum and at Kairouan
collected from Hadjeb el Aioun and elsewhere in this neighbour-
hood.^ These tiles indicate the presence of a church of the 6th
century, and, unless I am mistaken, the ruin I have just referred

They are supposed to date from the 6th century. The illustration of these
1.
presented to me by the Director of Antiquities, M. Merlin, and the Mayor of
tiles,
Kairouan, will show what they are like. They are now in our church at Lower
Kingswood, Surrey.
114 TUNIS
to was a mausoleum and Gebioui itself stood in the cemetery
adjoining a church now buried under the mound.
About 15 kilometres south-west of El Gebioui, there is an exten-
sive Roman cemetery at a spot called Haouch Taacha, containing
a number of Eoman Mausolea of different designs. Among them
one figured by M. Saladin, should be particularly noticed in
connection with the chapels at Maatria and El Gebioui and the
church at Haouch Khima.

Haouch Khima is the name given to the site of a buried Eoman

city about 20 kilometres due south of Kasserine. It is situated in

Longitude 7' 5" E. and Latitude 38' 85" N. My attempts to reach

it (in 1911) with the means at my disposal failed after a journey of
sixteen hours. The best way to visit it seems to be to sleep at a
maison cantonniere on the railway half-way between the stations of
Kasserine and Thelepta. It should be about four hours' ride from
there, across the mountains bounding the Kasserine-Thelepta plain
on the South side.

It is a small but substantial building of large dressed stones. The

construction is altogether superior to that of any of the buildings I
have been describing, except Tebessa. It consisted of a square nave
covered by a cross vault, a single semi-circular apse covered by a
semi-dome, and a shallow narthex or porch with columns in front
of it. The general appearance of the building can be best under-
stood from M. Saladin's essai de reconstruction.^ It bears a strong
resemblance on a larger scale to the upper part of the mausoleum
at Haouch Taacha I have already referred to. It is obviously

copied from a Eoman building and, from the style of masonry and
the resemblance to some of the chapels at Bin Bir Kilessi in Asia
Minor, is probably one of the earliest Christian churches built in
the North of Africa.

So much for the architectural details of these chapels : now as to

the age of Maatria and El Gebioui.

It is probable that the Christians did build some churches before

Christianity was proclaimed in 314. Archaeological research has so
J. See footnote p. Ill above; Archives, p. 138.
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To face page 114.

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 TUNIS 115

far failed to identify any particular church with this early period in

North Africa. From the writings of the African Fathers it is

certain that soon after 314 many churches were built. At first

they were built, as the ruins show, in the suburbs of the cities, in

order, it is said, not to offend the pagans, but, as seems more

probable, to be near the Christian cemeteries.

It is also certain that directly after the Arab conquests in the end
of the 7th century when the Christian clergy were dispersed and
exiled, the native Berber population in a body became Mahometans,
and church building came to an abrupt end. Unlike their successors,
the Turks, the Arabs do not seem to have converted the churches
into mosques. From the cinders found in the debris, many
churches appear to have been burnt out, but the shell or fabric
was often, if not usually, left to perish away gradually and finally

fall into a heap of ruins.

If the proclamation of Christianity affords a convenient terminus

a quo for the study and dating of Christian architecture in North
Africa, the Arab conquest with the proscription of Christianity and
the dispersal of the Christians that ensued, supplies a correspond-
ingly convenient terminus ad quem.

To fix the date of any particular church within this period is a

very difficult matter, as the architecture, the basilican plan, the
timber and tile roofing, the position of the altar, the choir or
tribunes, the semi- circular apse with clergy seats in tiers, and
the bishops' throne in the centre, were the same throughout the
whole period. Enough is left to show that the larger churches
resemble the Roman basilicas of S. Clemente or S. Lorenzo in

general aspect and internal arrangement.

A few churches in sea-port towns on the East coast of Tunis were

apparently decorated with capitals, consoles, and other carvings
designed from Constantinople patterns of the Justinian period.'^

But in the Interior the churches were decorated either with poor
copies of Roman models or native designs derived from them, and
they afford no evidence of date, nor can any evidence be obtained
from the fonts or baptistries, for they were all constructed with slight
modifications on one pattern. Again the triapsidal arrangement
occurs in the earliest as well as the latest buildings. In Constanti-
1. The capitals in the mosque at Kairouan and some fragments at Sfax,
116 TUNIS
nople this arrangement affords an unfailing test of the age of a
church, because the three apses were provided to suit an elaborate
ritual, introduced either during, or immediately after the Justinian
period, and still practised in the Greek Church of to-day. In some
African churches a single side apse occurs. In one case, where the
church has been burned, broken fragments of the glass Communion
vessels were found on the floor of the side apse. It has been sur-
mised that these side chapels were used as vestries and for the

offerings of the faithful ; if that was so, then they may be regarded
in a way as the predecessors of the Byzantine prothesis and
diaconicon.

The ceremonial offering of bread and wine by the laity is a

custom of great antiquity. It is still retained in the liturgy of
S. Ambrose, followed in Milan Cathedral, and, I believe, nowhere
else.^ I do not know if it was an incident of the African Church
service. A conjecture that the later and more elaborate Byzantine
ritual I have alluded to was copied from a use of the African
Church presents itself temptingly, but there is no evidence to

justify it, or indeed an assumption that these side chapels in the

early African churches, whether basilican or trefoil, had any ritual

significance. There is a strong probability that they had, and that
is all that can safely be said. Their presence in an early church
like the basilica at Tebessa came to me as a surprise, and shows

that this architectural peculiarity cannot be used, as in Constan-

tinople, to fix the date of a church, for it occurs also in later
churches like El Kef, which were certainly built after the Byzantine
conquest.

I mentioned just now that stones from a Roman building had

been largely used in the chapel at Maatria. The use of Roman
materials in quantities in either forts or churches may generally be
taken to indicate that those buildings were put up after the Byzan-
tine conquest, for in the military treatise of Justinian's period,

called the Nea Taktika, the engineers were expressly advised to use

materials from ancient buildings in constructing their forts, and to

1. Visitors to Milan cathedral who attend High Mass will see, when the ser-
vice commences, a little procession of six persons, two vergers, two old men and
two old women, approach the threshold of the choir where they are received by the
celebrant and present to him offerings of bread and wine to be used at the
celebration.
 TUNIS 117

select some site near an ancient town where such materials could
be readily obtained.
There is ample evidence that this advice was almost invariably
adopted. The task that Justinian set himself in reclaiming North
Africa for the later Eoman Empiremuch more than the
involved
overthrow of the Vandal Kingdom. The country devastated during
the century of Vandal dominion had to be re-settled and defended
against the Berber tribes and clans, whose subjection neither the
Romans nor the Vandals had succeeded in accomplishing. Un-
fortunately for Justinian, one of Genseric's first acts when he
conquered Africa was to destroy the Eoman fortifications. So soon
therefore as Gelimer had been taken prisoner and the Vandal forces
were broken up, the Byzantines set to work to build forts and
block houses all over the country to keep order and protect the
colonists. A great number of these forts still exist in a more or less
complete condition, some few indeed are almost as perfect as the
day they were put up. They are all built with stones of large size
taken from Roman buildings, obviously roughly and hurriedly put
together, and they show that the advice in the Nea Taktika was
almost invariably adopted.

In the ruined towns that I visited in the interior, I noticed that

as a rule the churches were built, like the forts, with Roman
materials. At Sbeitla and at Uppena, charches had been rebuilt,

in part at least, with Roman materials on the sites and over the
debris of earlier churches. The Byzantine basilicas at El Kef, at

Announa in Algiers, and the recently discovered church in the out-

skirts of Dougga, all contain Roman materials. So also do the

garrison chapels built in the Byzantine forts at Haidra and Sbeitla.
And to this short list I might add many more examples.

The presence of Roman materials may be taken then to fix the

approximate age of the chapel at Maatria between the Byzantine
conquest in the middle of the 6th century and the Arab conquest in
the end of the 7th. The plan, the windows, the use of tubes of

pottery to build the roofs, and the form of vault, were all in turn
copied from Roman buildings. And in these respects El Gebioui
is like Maatria and belongs no doubt to the same period. Unfor-
tunately these two buildings are devoid of any kind of decorative
ornament, though near El Gebioui I found some tiles which belong
118 TUNIS
to the Byzantine period and to some extent confirm my view as to
the age of that chapel.

I may conveniently conclude this chapter by comparing these

two African chapels with those at Malvagna, Maccari, Sta. Theresa

and Sta. Oroce in Camerina in Sicily.
In the African chapels, built on the trefoil plan, the central
chamber is covered with a cross vault, the semi-circular apses with
semi-domes, and the tops of the windows are made in the shape of
a segment of a circle.

In the chapels at Camerina, built on a cruciform plan, the

central chambers were originally covered with cross vaults but now
with domes the chancel and transepts are covered with barrel
;

vaults and have square ends and the windows were merely narrow
slits.

In the chapel at Sta. Theresa, built on a trefoil plan, the central

chamber is covered with a very flat dome supported on pendentives
and the semi-circular apses are covered with semi-domes. The
narthex had a barrel vault, and the only door has a plain semi-
circular head.

In the chapels at Malvagna and Maccari, also built on the trefoil

plan, the central chamber is covered with a flat dome supported on

squinches, and the semi-circular apses are covered with semi-
domes; the windows have rounds heads.

The substantial difference between the African chapels and the

Vigna and Bagno at Camerina on the one hand, and the three
Byzantine Sicilian chapels on the other is in the method of roofing
the central chamber or nave. In the former the cross vault was
used, in the latter the dome.

In North Africa this change from the vault to the dome occurred
after the Arab conquest when a new architecture was introduced
and the Eoman and Byzantine plans, cross vaults, and ornaments
entirely disappeared. Arab mausolea, tombs, and shrines, of the
same size as the Maatria and El Gebioui chapels, exist by the
hundred all over the country. They show that the trefoil ground
plan was replaced by a plain square one with a single rectangular
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 65.

Interior of the Coffee house called the Koubba, showing

the squinches supporting the dome.

MA ATRIA.
The Arab zaoiiia.

To face page Jig.

 TUNIS 119

chamber covered by a high pitched dome or cupola supported on

squinches. These whitewashed cupolas are conspicuous objects
dotted about the brown landscape, and cannot fail to attract the
traveller's notice. I give photographs of the exterior of the
Zaouia at Maatria, near the chapel, and of the interior of an Arab
domed building at Sousse, called the Koubba, built for a Moorish
bath, but now used as a coffee house. These are typical examples
of the exterior elevation, and the internal arrangement for
supporting the dome by squinches, found in all these Arab
buildings.

In conclusion, I should like to point out that the architectural

defect in the cross vault as a means of covering, even the moderate
span of these African chapels, is El Gebioui.
at once apparent at

As the vault rises from the springs masonry gradually

so the
becomes thinner in order to reduce the weight, till on the crown it
is a mere shell. So soon as the crown, which acted like the key to
an arch, was broken the flatter parts of the vault fell in. This
happened both at Maatria and El Gebioui, while in the others the
vaults have disappeared altogether. On the other hand it is rare
to see a broken cupola, except in cases where the sub-structure has
given way. In practice, at any rate, the dome proved to be the
more enduring form of roof, and that accounts, I suppose, for the
Arabs generally adopting it to cover their buildings, and for the

substitution of domes in place of the cross vaults the Camerina

chapels were first provided with.

The trefoil plan for building small chapels of this kind was
adopted over a very wide area ; it occurs in the well-known chapel
of Sainte Croix, near Aries, below the monastery of Montmajeur,
and in a number of buildings, of the same kind, on the shores of
lake St. Seban in Armenia.
120

TUNIS.
EL KEF AND HAIDEA.

The church at El Kef is built on the basilican plan with a nave

and side aisles. It has a semi- circular apse with rectangular
chambers on either side of it, all enclosed in a square wall at the
east end and at the west end a narthex with three doors leading
;

into the nave and aisles and corresponding doors into a forecourt.
There was also access to the church by doors in the aisles, two on the
north side and two on the south, made with the large stones, being
part of a cornice taken from a Koman building. The roof of the
nave, made of wood rafters and covered with tiles, was supported
on marble pillars in pairs, also taken from Eoman buildings. The
caps with one or two exceptions have been taken away, but several
shafts and all the white marble bases are in site. The pillars

marked on the accompanying plan 1, 3, 6 and 7 are of cippolino,

2 is of grey granite, and 4 of white marble fluted. The aisles
and rectangular chambers on each side of the central apse were
roofed with cross vaults, and some of the springs still remiiin
in the walls.

The central apse is made of dressed stones covered by a semi-

dome. On the front of the keystone of the main arch there is a
Greek cross in a circle carved in relief; the corners of the pilasters
supporting the arch are cut away to take ornamental pillars one on
each side. These pillars have gone but their Corinthian caps remain.
The vaulting and the arrangement of the apse are
of the roof

the interesting features in this church. The cross shading on

the small plan indicates the masonry of the east end, and the
horizontal shading a narrow dado 1*75 met. above the ground.
Upon this dado stood small short pillars, corresponding with and
intended to appear as if they supported the ribs of the vault,
forming a kind of collonade. Between these pillars the face of the
wall is scooped away into shallow niches or recesses, the cornice
 66i

EL KEF.
The East and West end of the basilica^ interior.

~1
] r

] r

CZl

CZl

The apse.

The basilica.

To face page 120.

.dd

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in this
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 67.

.fiT'^r-^ftSyf^.tf? t

HAIDRA.
Chapel in the Byzantine fortress.
View looking down into the apse showing springs of the
ribbed semi dome.
One of the pillars supporting the
chancel arch.

To face page 121.

 EL KEF 121

above them forming a kind of rudimentary canopy. Probably

these indicate seats for the clergy, for a block of masonry against
the wall in the centre of the apse appear to mark the position of
the bishop's throne. This arrangement occurs in the Byzantine
churches at Dougga, Announa and elsewhere. It will be found in
S. Eirene at Constantinople, rebuilt in the 8th Century, in the
church at Torcello, also a Byzantine building, and in the ancient
basilican churches of The semi-dome is decorated with
Rome.
six ribs springing from the cornice and converging to the centre of
the vault. These arrangements can be best understood from the
accompanying photograph, where fragments of the small pillars
and one of the capitals with eagles at the angles will also be seen
standing on the dado.
Much the same scheme for decorating this apse, and also the
Byzantine chapel in the fort at Haidra, seems to have been copied
from the kind of Roman decoration found in a building at Henchir
Gebeul.^ The Arabs in their turn adopted ribs in building domes
like, for example, the coffee-house in Sousse.

The recessing of angles in pilasters to take ornamental pillars has

been noticed in the Norman chapels at Palermo, in S. Saturnino
at Cagliari, and S. Giovanni at Sinis in Sardinia, and in the
Roccelletta at Squillace in Calabria. The discovery of this device

for decorating the pilasters of a church which must have been built
before the end of 7th Century came as a surprise. The entrances
to semi-circular apse chambers were often ornamented in this way
with decorative pillars, both in Roman buildings as well as in early
Christian and Byzantine churches ; the baths at Ain Tounga, and
the trefoil chapels at Tebessa and Carthage, and the churches at
Announa and Uppena, for instance, are decorated in this way. But
in all these early examples the pillars stand clear of the angle of
the pilasters. I have already pointed out that this recessing of

angles is not found in any churches in Constantinople, and it would

seem from these African buildings to have been an adaptation of a
Roman idea.

1. Henchir Gebeul, situated about 12 west of Feriana^ on one of the

kilotn.
old roads leading from the south to Tebessa, was apparently a place of some
importance, probably a small fortress at the entrance of a mountain pass leading
from a lower to a higher jjlateau. Many of these Eoman towns, like Haidra,
Kasserine, Thelepta, Haouch Khima, to name only a few, are situated in strategic
positions to command the roads leading up to Tebessa.
122 HAIDRA
The garrison chapel at Haidra stands in the middle of the west

wall of the Byzantine fort. This great enclosure of about ten acres
is surrounded by a high wall with bastions at the corners and at
intervals along the sides. The chapel stands at right angles to the
wall, and the chancel is built up against one of the bastions. It

seems to have been a little basilica with nave and aisles and a
single apse. The site has not been excavated and the debris lie

where they fell. The base of a tower at the angle, a portion of

a pilaster, and the spring of one of the nave arches all on the north
side, alone remain. The lower part of the apse, built against the
bastion, has been preserved up to the spring of the semi-dome that
covered it. The chancel arch was supported by two cippolino
columns, one on either side. A few stones of the arch remain
resting on the abacus of the pillar. The abacus, if I may for

convenience use the term, was decorated, as the photograph shows,

with conventional sunflowers or perhaps daisies. The corres-
ponding pillar, also of cippolino, has fallen out of its place and is

standing inclined at an angle half buried in the ground. The apse,

full of the debris of the semi-dome and of the chancel arch, built
and decorated on the same principle as El Kef, is the interesting
feature in this church.

The African churches in general are built on the basilican

principle found at El Kef ; the divisions of the nave into choir,
altar space, tribunes, and so on, can generally be traced by the
patterns in the mosaic flooring and by fragments of the marble or
stone screens^ that separated the different parts.

I may conveniently close this chapter by describing some

examples of Roman, Native, and Byzantine decorative art found
in various places in the Regency.

The capitals, 1 in the El Djem amphitheatre, 2 at Sbeitla, 3 in

the garden of the hospice of S. Joseph of Tibar, are examples

of the common Roman-Corinthian style, distinguished by the
ornament resembling a torch handle always occuring with marked
prominence. The date of the example at El Djem can be fixed in
the middle of the 3rd Century, for the amphitheatre was built in

1. Asj for instance at S. Cleinente in Eonie.

 68.

^,_____^ H^ CAPITALS.

1. Ji/ Djem, Theatfe.

2. Sbeitla.

3. Ttbar, Monastery Garden.

4. Ban Ficha. Factors yard.

5. Henchir Gehenl.

6. Carthage^ small basilica.

7. Algiers^ Musettm.

8. Algiers.! Musenni.

9. G lie Ima., Public Garden.

10. Algiers, Museum.

1 1 «//</ 72. Feriana, Public Square.

13. Algiers .^
Museum.

14. Kair(juan, Court of the Great Mosque.

II is at Feriana and not at Algiers ; 12a is on plate 6g.

To face page 122.

.8d

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as Kf

rive, and By I
t^ liegency.

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iK« 'vkX^ \vv. ^^ L^m•t•^^\f\ ,\xm'v\\AiA vAXmX^v'^

J.I "i^v^^ -iuiX vA Sy»^t t^ •rw'J^\wo"j;jri o\

 Capitals on Plate 6g to face page I2J^ contmued.

The following Capitals ivill also he fonnd at: —

i8. S. Sofa, Constantinople,

ig. Parenzo, Istria. -m

20. S. Sofia, Sa Ionic a.

21. Church of the Wisdom of God, Lower Kings-wood,

Surrey ; from the church of S. Johti Studiicm,
Constantinople.

22. Kutchuk Agia Sofia, Constantinople ; S. Demetrius,

Salonica, and S. Vitale at Ravenna.

23. Museum at Alexandria and S. Vitale at Ravenna.

23a. Capella Palatina, Palermo, and the mosque of Tulun,

Cairo.

24 and 27. Parcnzo Cathedral.

25. Mosque of Amr, Cairo and S. Vitale at Ravenna.

To accompany fly sheet to face page 12J.

 .v>d

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69.

CAPITALS.

1 2a. Sheitla.

15. Gnelma.

16. Algiers Museum.

17. Is illustrated in Vol. ii.

Ija. Giielma.

18 to 2j. Kairouaii^ Great Mosque.

24. Is illustrated opposite pp. 102.

25. Sbeitla^ garrison chapel.

26. Is omitted.

27. Kairouan^ mosque of the Barber and Parenzo Cathedral.

44. Sfax^ in the outer wall of the principal mosque.

I2a^ 75, 16, ly and iJa are native designs. 18 to 2j are

Byzantine and the Capitals are probably imported
from abroad. 24^ 25 (2 views) and 27 have eagles
at the angles.

Duplicates of some of these Capitals will be found in

Constantinople Cairo^ Salonica, Alexandria., Parenzo
.1

and elsewhere. A list is given on the annexed sheet.

To face page 123.

 :;

CARVED CAPITALS 123

honour of the election of the pro-consul Gordian as Emperor in

238. Like so many other Roman and Byzantine capitals, the

carving on it has never been completed.

The capitals, 4 in the garden of the factor's house at Bou Ficha,

near Enfida ville, 5 at Henchir Gebeul, and 6 in the smaller
basilica on the south side of Carthage, are examples of the larger
and more ornate form of the Roman Corinthian style ; 5 and 6
are without the torch handle ornament. The example at Henchir
Gebeul is a beautiful specimen of fine carving.

The capitals, 7 and 8 at the museum Algiers, and 9 in the public

garden at Guelma, are copies of the old Ionic style rarely seen in

Africa ; the best known local examples are on the Punic tomb at
Dougga. I am unable to give either the date or the provenance of
these capitals. The capital at Algiers 7 with the monogram
X P is of course Christian, and presumably later than the
beginning of the 4th Century.

The capitals in the next two groups are designed by native

Berber artists ; 10 at Algiers resembles the style of 4, 5 and 6, but
has X P inserted in the acanthus foliage ; 11 at Algiers, 12 at
Feriana, 12a at Sbeitla ; 13 at the Algiers Museum and 14 in the
great Mosque at Kairouan represent palm trees 15 in the public ;

garden at Guelma has wheat ears 16 at the Algiers Museum has ;

fish at the corners, a peculiar design I do not recollect to have seen

elsewhere ; 17 at the Town Hall, Kairouan, has a little bust of
Satan with horns on his head and panels containing arrow heads
17a is at Guelma.
The next examples are Byzantine ; 18 is the basket pattern, 19
chevrons, 20 the blown acanthus, 21 cornucopia, 22 a lobed shaped
cap, and 23 a peculiar looking pattern in a basket work border,
possibly a conventional palm tree 18 to 22 are found in ;

Constantinople, and 23 at S. Vitale at Ravenna 23a is somewhat

;

like the last ; all these are in the great Mosque at Kairouan.

The provenance of these capitals is unknown, but believed to be

from Byzantine buildings situated on the coast of the Gulf of
Hammamet.
The following caps are all decorated with eagles at the corners
24 in the Bardo Museum at Tunis, 25 lying in the temples at
124 CAEVED CAPITALS
Sbeitla, 26 in the facade of the Mosque of the Three Gates at
Kairouan, 27 in the Mosque of the Barber also at Kairouan.

The group of pillars 28 and 29, with Eoman-Corinthian caps,

stand in the ruins of Thelepta. They are made of soft stone,
much weather worn, and show the use of consoles or brackets for
supporting the roof of a building.^ They are prettily carved in
the Eoman style, but inferior in point of execution to some
consoles lying in the ruins of Henchir Gebeul, the Eoman city
mentioned above.
The consoles 30, 31 and 32 in the basilica at Tebessa probably
date from the later part of the 5th Century ; the ornamentation is

copied from Eoman designs more freely treated but less finely
executed than the originals.

The consoles 33 and 34 are in a building in the N.W. corner of

the City of Sbeitla. Console 35, a roughly executed design of
peacocks drinking from a cup, is lying in the baptistry adjoining
the Byzantine basilica at Sbeitla. 36, a console obtained at
Thelepta in the place d'armes at Feriana, is another example of
crude work in very low relief, more suitable to wood than to stone
carving. Beside the two peacocks drinking from a cup there are a
dove, a fish, a lion, and a stag, and on the extremity is an eagle
holding a wreath in each claw.

The carved stones 37 and 38 are in the courtyard of the Museum

at Algiersand at Feriana respectively.
The following from Thelepta are now in the place d'armes at
Feriana : 39 is the lower part of the shaft of a pillar probably
connected with the chancel screen of a church. The photograph
does not show the sides grooved to take the panels of a screen.
These grooved shafts are frequently met with on the sites of ruined
churches, as for instance in the detached baptistry and the
Byzantine basilica at Sbeitla, and the basilica on the south side of
Carthage. 40, the shaft of a pillar. 41 and 42, fragments of other
decorative work are at Feriana.

43 is a Byzantine carving of peacocks drinking from a vase, with

a Greek incription on the wall of the great Mosque at Sfax.

44, a Byzantine cap in the wall of another mosque also at Sfax.

1. There is no evidence that it was a church.
 70.

Marble panel over the door of the Mosque.

Inscription^

GYOPASIANIS CYNAYTH CYcDPOCYNHN TAC KOCMOYCAC

• •

TON AeroN cenTON coyaomoy

Cross carved on a marble pillar from Ruspe\ now in the

French church at Sfax.

Terra cotta plaques of the 6th century from the district South
of Kairouan, tiow in the church of
the Wisdom of God,
Lower Kingswood, Surrey. < Representing the Byzantine

Imperial Eagle, Adam and Eve, and S Theodore on horse-

back spearing a crocodile.

To face page 124.

 .0^

the US*
uA- :i
^AOYOMOO)! ^ATi>tHWy5oq<DVa'HtyAHY3 C!MAIlAqnY3
'
. but iiiftrior lu noint of r-.... -.

.he ruin.''mm^9^m^''M WJ^^ ^^T

. 80, 31 and bessa p

33 and •)

eiy iuvv ieiiei, mort

..oivle the two pf"-- i-
i\ a lion, and a
h in e&'

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md at 1

the ehancc^^s^r^Vr,
the si.

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VI.

i.»^ 'i;jw\. <^

71

CONSOLES AND PILLARS.

JJ and J4. From a churchy in the N. W. quarter of Sheiila.

This church is described in Vol. it.

JS- Console in the baptistery of the basilica of Bishop Bellator

at Sbeitla. This church is described in Vol. it.

j6. Two views of the front and side of a Console now in the

Public Square at Fcriana.

j8. Fragment in the Square at Feriana.

jg. Lower part of the shaft of a pillar probably for a

pergula or screen; now in the Square at Feriana.

40. Shaft of a pillar in the Square at Feriana.

No. J7 is omitted. Some of the other numbers not illustrated

here will be found in Vol. ii.

mnii^m^

To face page 125.

 DEDICATION CROSSES 126

45, sketch of a cross carved in relief on a white marble pillar,

surmounted by a Corinthian cap, now in a side chapel of the

French church at Sfax, used as a pedestal for a modern statue of
the Blessed Virgin. This pillar and the cross on it are interesting,
because the cross on an orb, like this one, occurs frequently in
S. Sophia at Constantinople, and because of the alleged provenance
of the pillar from Ruspe (the see of Bishop Fulgentius, exiled
during the Vandal dominion) . From information supplied to me by
one who had assisted in transporting the pillar, I came to the

conclusion that it had been brought from Sidi Maklouf, the site of
the ancient Inch ilia, 31 kilometres north of Sfax, of which nothing
remains but a ruined mosque and a large Zaouia. In the courtyard
of the latter I found seven white marble pillars, similar to that at

Sfax, and a few debris of no importance obtained from the ruined

mosque, considered by M. Guerin to have perhaps replaced a
Christian church.^ Ruspe has usually been located some distance
further up the coast and much nearer to Ras Capoudia, the Caput
Vada of Procopius. I should feel more disposed to fix it at El
Rosfeh (the name itself suggests Ruspe), about 4 kilometres north
of Sidi Maklouf, where the remains are more important than at
any other spot on the coast between Sfax and Capoudia, not
excluding Ras Boutria, a large and important Roman city of which
nothing but an amphitheatre remains. It frequently happens that
Arab names corrupted from the Roman afford quite good evidence
of an ancient site, as for instance in the case of Capoudia, and
El Rosfeh may well be the corruption of Ruspe.

At El Rosfeh there are remains of a Byzantine block house, a

great mound, and a confused mass of debris, including a bath or
a baptistry with lobed recesses like those found in the Christian
basilica of Uppena and other sites in the Regency. Of the
Byzantine city called Justinianopolis, founded after Belisarius'
conquest near the Ras Capoudia, nothing remains.

46 and 47 crosses on the wall of the house at Bou Ficha,

occupied by the factor of the Enfida domain, are both Byzantine.
48 is a cross on a keystone in the basilica at El Kef. 49, the cross
on this stone at Sbeitla, now lying in the detached baptistry, is

similar to those on Armenian tombstones at Nozal, a village on

1. Voyage dam la Begenee de Tunis, vol. I., p. 153.
126 UPPENA MOSAICS
the road over the Mamisson Pass, on the north slope of the
Caucasus, 50,^ and to two in Guildford Castle Chapel.

51, a series of mosaic tombs discovered in the basilicas at

Uppena and Sidi Abich are now on the walls of the French church
at Enfidaville.

Of all these ruined Christian churches by far the most

interesting and important for the study of early Christian and
Byzantine archaelogy is at Uppena, where two basilicas were found

built on the same site : an earlier basilica built before the Vandal
occupation, probably in the end of the 4th or beginning of the
5th Century, contained a mosaic tomb with an inscription
recording the names of a number of Christian martyrs of the
early persecutions, and a later basilica built after the Byzantine
conquest contained a mosaic inscription in which the earlier
inscription was repeated and decorated with an ornamental border
and cross in the Byzantine style.

It would seem that the earlier church had been destroyed

during the Vandal dominion and rebuilt by the Greeks on a larger
scale partly on the old site and with marble pillars from a Eoman
building. The was a plain square pool,
font of the earlier church
while that of the Byzantine church, built on a higher level, was
ornamented with the lobed recesses frequently found in fonts of

this period all over the Regency.

The fonts referred to on p. 106 are 52, at Sidi Abich, 53, two
fonts at Uppena, 54 at Sbeitla, and 55 in the basilica on the south
side of Carthage.

The mosaic of the priest is in the museum at Sfax. It came

from the ancient Thinna near by.
The tiles illustrated on the plate opposite represent 1, Adam and
Eve 2, S. Theodore and the serpent and 3, the Byzantine eagle.
; ;

The first comes from the collection of the Bardo Museum at

Tunis, and was presented to me by the Director of the Depart-
ment of Antiquities. The second and third were presented to
me by the ex-Mayor of Kairouan. There is a large collection of
over fifty of these tiles in the museum, including a variety of

1. Upon
the different forms of cross and monogfram X P see article l)y
M. Duprat, in the publication of the ArchfEological Society of Constantine, vol. IX.
of the 3rd Series, vol. XXX. of the Collection, 1897; also Gsell, vol. II., p. 115.
 72.

I
MOSAICS.
No. SI-

Tombs from Uppena and Sidi Abich now in the modern church
at Enjidavillc ; and the tomb of a priest.^ from Thmna, now in the

Museum at Sfax.

To face page 126.

.£T

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73.

C/^OSSES.
The ntimhers refer to pages 125 and 126.

lOja^^.jT^^mi^'fm^'^jmA^^j^'. -,^^-.- \^">>^

46

50

49
SO. These photographs came into my hands by accident ; I found
them, loose in a second-hand book purchased in Paris^ and the

board they are gummed to is inscribed Nazal. The ornaments

show that they all belong to Circassian Christians. They are
illustrated here to shoiv the head crosses.

47

No. 48 is illustrated on Plate 66 to face page 120.

To face page I2y.

 TILE PLAQUES 127

sacred and secular subjects. Among the former are Adam and :

Eve, our Lord and the woman of Samaria, S. Peter receivmg the
keys, Abraham, Isaac and the ram in the thicket, Daniel (written
AANiEj,) in the lions' den, the miracle of the loaves and fishes,

S. Theodore and the serpent with the legend 'Serpente,'^ and

S. George and the Dragon. By far the most interesting is the
representation of the Blessed Virgin seated on a throne.- She
holds our Lord, standing between between her knees, the position
usually adopted in Byzantine representations of this subject. The
surface is too worn to show whether our Lord is blessing in the
Greek way, and that unfortunately is the case with every other
tile I have seen in which our Lord is represented.

Among the secular subjects are : peacocks drinking out of a

chalice,an octopus, a bull, a stag tossing a hound, a lion and a
palm tree, a man on horseback and various hunting scenes. Some
of them are stained with red paint.

It appears that these tiles, used to cover the walls of churches,

have been found in various places in the centre of Tunis, chiefly in

the neighbourhood of Hadjeb el Aioun,^ about 60 miles in the

interior west of Sousse. I mentioned finding fragments at El

Gebioui, and there are a number from the district round about it
hanging up in the office of the Controlleur Civil at Kairouan.^

The conclusion arrived at seems to be that they date from the

5th or 6th centuries, just before the Byzantine occupation. Greek
letters appear, as for instance in the D and L in the name Daniel
referred to above, but the inscriptions are always in Latin. Many
more of these tiles will no doubt be found, but in this part of
Tunis, with one or two exceptions the ancient Christian sites have
scarcely been explored, and they offer, as I hope to show hereafter,
a wide and interesting field for future archaeological research.

1. Bulletin Archeologique, November, 1909. Eeport by M. Merlin. Plates

XIV., XV. and XVI. on pp. 149 and 150.

2. Missions Scientifiques tome XV., 4th fascicule, p. 548. Article by M.

Gauckler, illustrated.
3. I have some doubt as to the correctness of the spelling of this name, but
give it here as it appears in the map and on the railway.

4. They came from a place 30 kilometres south of Kairouan, 2 kilometres

north-east of Henchir Trade. This would be about 12 kilometres north of
El Gebioui.
 :

128

NOTES ON SOME COINS.'

As Heraclius, Constans II., and Constantine Pogonatus are

frequently referred to in these pages, and as they were all closely
connected with Africa and Sicily, I have reproduced some
photographs of their coins in our collection.'^ Six Emperors are
represented in the first group, their combined reigns extending over
nearly the whole of the seventh century. They are, Heraclius
his son Heraclius Constantinus who only reigned for a few months
and does not appear to have struck any coins : his grandson
Constans II. (Constantine III.) : his great grandson Constantine
Pogonatus (Constantine IV.) : and his great great grandson
Justinian II. The events of these reigns are recorded by
Professor Bury in the Later Roman Empire, Vol. II., Book V.

According to Mr. Wroth, the coin No. 1, of Heraclius, c. 613,

may be a portrait. About 17 years later the coin No. 2, of
Heraclius, was struck, representing him with a long flowing
beard. The same large beard also appears on most of the
coins of Constans II., including those figured here. Constantine
'
Pogonatus,' who should have had a big beard, is usually repre-
sented, as he is on this coin, with a short beard and moustache.
The name Pogonatus applied
' '
to him by the historians originated
probably from a mistake as to the Sovereign represented. The
historians probably knew Constans' coin with a long beard, and as
on the legend he is called Constantine, they perhaps confused the
and the son (Constantine IV.). Unless
father (Constantine III.)
we assume that Heraclius and Constans both had these long
beards and that coin 3 is not merely a copy of coin 2, it would
seem that Heraclius is the Sovereign who should have been
called '
Pogonatus.' Notice the family likeness in the faces of the
2nd, 3rd and 5th coins, and the difference between them and
Leo III., No. 11, the founder of the succeeding dynasty.
1. Pages 25 and 77.
2.Supplemented by photographs of a coin in the Museum at Sousse, and of
casts of some coins in the British Museum.
 — :;

COINS 120

The coins in the second group are of Constantius the son of

Conslantine the Great, Eudocia the wife of Theodosius IT.,

Leo I., the Great, Leo III., the Isaurian, and Leo YL, the Wise.
Constantine IX., Monomachos, reigned when the schism between
the Greek and Latin Churches came to a head, and John
Komnenos was the contemporary of the Norman Kings of Sicily.
The little coin, xvi., is Norman- Sicilian struck in the reign of
William II., the builder of the Cuba at Palermo. On the reverse
there is an Arabic inscription giving the date 1166-1189. On the
obverse a cross with ic xc nika.

The student of Byzantine history should not fail to study

Mr. Wroth's interesting volumes. I have not in every case
attempted in these notes to reproduce the characters of the
legends. To Dr. Grueber I am indebted for the casts of coins
belonging to the British Museum reproduced here.

i. Gold coin. Heraclivs.

On the obverse : legend :

DD NN HERACLIUS ET HERAC CONST

bust of the sovereign, on the left ; he wears short beard
side hair arranged to curve inwards and not point
outwards as on most coins. Smaller bust of youthful
Heraclius Constantine, on the right. Both busts facing
each wears a crown with globus surmounted by a cross
they wear paludamentum and cuirass. Above, a cross.

On the reverse : legend :

VICTORIA AVGV
a cross potent on three steps with
CONOB
below, and at the end of the inscrijDtion, Greek D.

Date about 613-614. Constantinople mint.

This coin may be a portrait; a similar example is in Brit:

Mus : Cat : Vol : I., Plate XXIII., No. 5. And described Vol : L,
p. 186, No. 17.

My wife's collection.
 ——
— :

130 COINS

ii. Gold coin. Heraclius.

On the obverse : legend :

DD NN HERACIvIU.S ET HERA CONST

PPAV'
bust of the sovereign, on the left ; wears long beard and
pointed moustache. Smaller bust of Heraclius Constantine,
with short beard, whiskers and moustache. Both busts
facing ; each wears low crown with globus surmounted by
cross, paludamentum and cuirass. Above in field, a cross.

On the reverse : legend :

VICTORIA AVGV
a cross potent on three steps with
CONOB
below, and at the end of the inscription, K.

Date about 630. Constantinople mint.

This coin appears to be the original or model from which the

coins of Constans II. (see below) were copied. It is a better
finished coin than the copies. The crowns in Constans' coins are

ornamented with feathers or plumes, one on either side of the

head.

This photograph is taken from a cast made for me by the Brit

Mus: It is in Brit: Mus Cat: Vol: I., Plate XXIII., No. 9. :

And described Vol L, p. 189, No. 41, where the legend is copied.^
:

Brit : Mus : collection.

iii. Gold coin. Constans II. {Constantine III.)

On the obverse : legend :

effaced
bust of the sovereign, on the left ; wears a long beard and
pointed moustache. Smaller bust of Constantine IV.,
beardless. Both busts facing, each wears low crown with
globus surmounted by a cross, and on the sovereign's
crown a plume on each side.

On the reverse : legend :

VICTORIA A
a cross potent on three steps. On the left Heraclius, on
 1 — :'

COINS 131

the right shorter figure of Tiberius, the younger sons of

Constans.^ Each is beardless and stands facing. They
wear long robes and crowns with crosses ; they hold in
right hands globus crossed.
CONOB
below.

Date 659-668. Constaiitinople mint.

The date may be fixed from the fact that Constantino IV.,
Pogonatus, was created Augustus from 654, and Heraclius and
Tiberius were created Caesars from 659. This coin is apparently
copied from that of Heraclius (No. ii. above). A similar coin is

in Brit: Mus : Cat: Vol: I., Plate XXX., No. 20. And described
Vol : I., p. 261, No. 59.

My iciJVs collection.

1. For an account of these princes see Later Roman Empire, vol. II.

iv. Gold coin. Constans II. {Constantine III.)

On the obverse : legend :

. ONCTA
bust of the sovereign, on the left; wears a long beard and
pointed moustache. Smaller bust of Constantine IV.,
beardless. Both busts facing, each wears crown with
globus crossed. Constans holds globus crossed in his
right hand.

On the reverse : legend :

VICTO . . lA
cross potent on three steps, and
CONOB
below, and P in the field, right.

Date about 654-659. Carthage mint.

This little coin is one of many obtained near Tunis, in one '
find
and purchased by us there. A similar coin is in Brit : Mus : Cat
Vol : I , Plate XXXIL, No. 21. And described in Vol : I., p. 289,

No. 272.
My wife's collectio)i.

1. Conob, the legend of the Constantinople mint, appears on this coin and on
,\os. V, and VII., though these coins were struck in provincial mints.
 —— :

132 COINS
V. Gold coin. Constantine IV.

On the obverse : legend :

{see heloiv)^

bust of the sovereign, full face ; wears short beard and

long moustache and hair. Wears armour, a helmet with
globus crossed and plume in his right hand globus
;

crossed, and in left a shield with knight on horseback.

On the reverse : legend :

^
{see below)

a cross potent on three steps, and below

CONOB
Date about 670-685. Carthage mint.
This coin of Constantine '
Pogonatus ' is in Brit : Mus : Cat
Vol : II., Plate XXXVIL, No. 12. And described Vol : II., p. 321,
No. 54, where the legends^ are given. On the name Pogonatus
see Introductory Note. Photograph from a cast supplied to me by
the British Museum.
Brit : Mus : collection.

vi. Gold coin. Justinian II.

On the obverse : legend :

DIUSTINIA NUS PE AV
bust of Justinian II., facing, bearded ; wears crown with
globus crossed, mantle and robe; in right, globus crossed.

On the reverse : legend :

VICTORIA AVGV
cross potent on three steps, and below
CONOB
Date 685-695. Constantinople mint.

This emperor was the son of Constantine IV., Pogonatus. The

photograph of this coin was taken from a cast supplied to me
by the British Museum. It is in Brit : Mus : Cat : Vol : II.,

Plate XXXVIIL, No. 14. And described in Vol: II., p. 331,

No. 10.
Brit: Mus: collection.
 ——

COINS 133

vii. Gold coin. Justinian II.

On the obverse : legend :

. . USTI NIANUS PP
bust of the sovereign, facing, bearded, long hair; wears
crown surmounted by a cross, mantle and robe ; in right

hand, globus and cross linear border. ;

On the reverse : legend :

VICTORIA AVGV
cross potent on three steps, and below
CONOB

Date 685-695. Carthage mint.

This is a very well preserved specimen now in the museum

at Sousse. A similar coin is in Brit : Mus : Cat : Vol : II.,

Plate XXXIX., No. 6. And described in Vol : II., p. 337, No 35.

Sousse Museum.

viii. Gold coin. Constantius.

On the obverse : legend :

DN CONSTAN TIVS PE AVG

bust of the sovereign, side face ; a diadem of two rows of
stones with medallion over forehead, knotted at the back of
head with two pendant pearls.

On the reverse : legend :

GLORIA REI PVBLICAE

two seated figures holding a medallion with,
VOT xxxx and below, anti

iDate about 360. AntiocJi mint.

Constantius was b. 317, Caesar in 326, d. 361. One of the sons

and co-heirs of the great Constantine, survived his brothers
Constantino and Constans, and eventually became sole ruler. For
a time resided at Antioch [360] where this coin was minted. The
lamp at Selinunto probably belongs to this period.

My wife's collection.
 ———

134 COINS
ix. Gold coin. Eudocia, wife of l^heodosius II.

On the obverse : legend :

AEI, EVDO CIA AAVG

bust of the empress, side face ; wears a diadem with three
tassels and a cap, hair dressed in curls on the forehead,
earrings and mantle.

On the reverse : legend :

CONOB
a cross in a laurel wreath tied with ribbon and tassels, and
a medallion above, a star in the field.

Date about 4:'2,2. Constayitinojjle mint.

The empress Avas married in 421 and crowned Augusta in the

following year.

My wife's collection.

X. Gold coin. Leo I.

On the obverse : legend :

dnlp:op petav
bust of the sovereign, full face ; wears a crested crown and
a cuirass ; holds in the right hand a javelin, in the left a
shield with a knight on horseback.

On the reverse : legend :

VICTORI AAV
a winged Victory passant left, profile face, holds a long

cross in the right hand, a star in the field at her back,

and beneath V

CONOB
Date about 457.

Leo reigned from 457 to 474. He was named the Great and the
'
butcher.' During his reign the western line of Roman emperors
came to an end, and the administration of Italy passed into the
hands of the German chieftain Odoacer. The great event of his
reign was the unsuccessful expedition he organised against the
Yandals in North Africa.
 1 —

COINS 135

The bust on this com is not a portrait but only a conventional

representation used by several sovereigns from Valentinian III. to
Justinian II., including Leo's son-in-law the Emperor Zeno.
My ivife's collection.

xi. Gold coin. Leo III.

On the obverse : legend :

D LEO NPEAV
bust of the sovereign, full face ; wears a crown surmounted
by a globus and cross. His robe has a lozenge pattern ;

he holds a mappa in his upraised right hand, and in his

left a globus with a cross on it. A border of dots round
the coin on both sides.

On the reverse : legend :

VICTORIA AV
a cross potent on three steps, below
CONOB
and s in the field.

Date about 715-720. Constantinople mint.

Leo reigned in Constantinople from 717 to 741. He was named

Isaurian. The principal events in his reign so far as Ital}', Sicily
and Africa are concerned, were the confiscation of the Patrimony
in Sicily and Calabria, and the union of the Sicilian and Calabrian
Churches with the Constantinople Patriarchate. The Christians
were expelled from North Africa within two years of his accession.
This may be a portrait of Leo ; there is a certain likeness
between him and our Henry VIII. ; and by a strange coincidence
they treated the Roman See in much the same way. An example
of this coin is in the Brit : Mus : Cat : Vol : I., Plate XLIL, No. 7.

And described in Vol : II., p. 365, as No. 1.

My wife's collection.

xii. Gold coin. Leo VI.

On the obverse : legend :

LEO BASILEUS
ROM^N
 + ——

136 COINS
bust of Leo VI., with long beard, facing; wears crown
with globus crossed and imperial robes ; in right, globus
surmounted by patriarchal cross.

On the reverse : legend :

+ MARIA
bust of the Virgin, facing, orans ; she wears veil, tunic and
mantle ; •:• on drapery ; on left, m^ ; on right, ©v
Date, end of 9th century. Constantinople mint.

Leo VI., surnamed 'the Wise.' For the full legends^ and date
of this coin see Brit : Mus : Cat : Vol : II., p. 444, No. 1. And
Plate LL, No. 8. Photograph from a cast supplied to me by the
British Museum.

Brit: Mus: collection.

xiii. Gold coin. Constantine IX.

On the obverse : legend :

CON . TANT .NO

bust of the sovereign, bearded ; wears a crown surmounted
by a cross, a jewelled robe. He holds a labarum in his
right hand with five stars, in his left globus with a cross.

On the reverse : legend :

IHS . . REXREGNANTIUM
bust of the Saviour, facing; wears tunic mantle and
nimbus cross. His right hand raised in blessing in the
Greek way. hand holds a book of the Gospels
His left

ornamented with one central and many other pellets. A

border of dots on both sides of the coin.

Date about 1042-1055. Constantinople mint.

Constantine IX. reigned in Constantinople from 1042 to 1055.

He was named Monomachos. The principal events in his reign, so
far as Sicily and Italy were concerned, related to the schism
between the Eastern and the Western Churches in 1054.

An example of this coin is in the Brit : Mus : Cat : Vol : L,

Plate LVIII., No. 8. And described in Vol : II., p. 500, as No. 5.

My wife's collection.
 : ——

COINS 187

xiv. Silver coin. Constantino IX.

On the obverse : legend :

h[blAX]e[p NITIJICA
bust of the Virgin (Panagia Blachernitissa), facing, orans;
wears nimbus, and mantle and veil ornamented with four
pellets in front crosswise. In the field ivi^r ©v ; two
linear borders.

On the reverse : legend :

©KER,0, three lines above these letters partly effaced

KfiNCTAN
TINf^AEC
nOTHTH
MONOMA
and lines and dots below these letters partly effaced ; two
linear borders.

A similar com is in Brit: Mus : Cat: Vol: 11. , Plate LIX.,

No. 5. And described in Vol : II., p. 503, as No. 18.

My wife's collection.

XV. Gold coin. Jolin II., Komnenos.

On the obverse : legend :

illeg

and in the field mp ©v

two full left) and the
length figures of the emperor (on the
Blessed Virgin. The latter holds her left hand up in
blessing. The right hand is extended over the side of the
emperor's head to indicate the act of coronation. The
emperor is dressed in a long mantle, has a diadem on his
head, a scroll in his left hand the object in the right ;

hand is effaced.
On the reverse : legend :

ic xc
Our Lord, wearing tunic, mantle and nimbus crossed, is

seated on a throne ; holds a book of the Gospels on His

knee with one hand, and the other (effaced) is extended
in blessing.

Date about 1118-1143.

 —

138 COINS
This emperor was the son of Alexius Komnenos and the brother
of Anna Komnena ; b. 1088, cr: 1118, d. about 1143.

This coin was sent during the Eusso-Turkish war in a bag full

of other coins from Constantinople to London to be melted down

as part of the ^^ar loan. My father purchased it from the Bank of
England.
An example of this coin is in the Brit : Mus : Cat : in Vol : I.,

Plate LXYII., No. 9 And described in Vol : K., p. 559.

My wife's collection.

xvi. Gold coin. Williaiii II., of Sicily.

On the obverse : legend :

IC XC NIKA
and a cross.

On the reverse: Arabic characters with the date.

Date about 11(56-1189.

These little coins were struck by the Norman rulers of Sicily at
a time when, in some parts of Sicily at any rate, the population
was chiefly Saracen and spoke Arabic. See the passage in the
Charter of Girgenti on p. 42 above, in the first and second lines.

My wife's collection.
 —

INDEX

INDEX.
ABATING, Sig: (Plates) 95, 96. Belisarius, 16, 20, 22, 23, 24. 27,
Africa. 19, 54, 68, 78, 103 to 128. 51, 52, 103, 125.
Agia Kyriaki, 80, 81, 93, 99. Berbers, 106, 108, 115, 117, 123.
Aglra or Argiro, 20. Besancon, 41.
Agro di Cabras, 67. Bin bir Kilessi, 114,
Aguglia, 2. Bisarchio. 52.
Ain Toimga, 106, 121.
Aix en Provence, 68.
Ajaccio, 57, 68. Bishops.
Alaesa, 45. Calabiian, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84.
Alarir, 19, 20. Norman and French in Sicily,
Ales, 52. 26 27, 42.
Alexandria, 19, 80, 101. Sardinian, 52, 68.
Alghero, 52. Sicilian, 1, 17, 18, 25, 26, 27, 28,
Algiers, 103, 117, 123, 124. 29, .30, 41, 42, 80.
Anialafrida, 21.
Anialasuntha, 21, 22. Agatho, of Rome, 26.
Arnalfi, 53, 54. Albert, of Oirgenti, 42.
Amantea, 78, 80. Autrustine of Hippo. 17
Ampurias, 52. Auxentius, 18.
Angevines. The, 84. Basil, of Ijipari, 80.
Annovina, 117, 121. Caius, 18.
Antioch, 19, 26, 80, 101, 103. Conon, of Borne, 26.
Apse, triple, use of, 31, 92, 101, Constantine, of Lontini, 87.
115, 116. Constantine, Pat. of Antioch, 26.
Apulia, 77, 78, 82, 83. Crestus, of Syracuse, 17.
Arabia, 111. Deodatus, of Cagliari, 52.
Arabs, see Saracens. Drogo, of Girgenti, 42.
Aranci Bav, 56. Fulgentius, of Ruspe, 19, 51, 68,
Arborea. 52, 63. 70, 125.
Archbishoprics Gaudioso, of Messina, 80.
in Sardinia, 80. Gelasius, of Rome. 21.
in .Sicily, 1, 25, 29, 30. Gentilis, of Girgenti, 42.
Ardfert, 23. George, of Syracuse, 25.
Arians, 17, 18, 21, 51. Germanos, of Syracuse, IS.
Aries, 17, 119. Girlandiis. of Girgenti. 41.
Armenian patriarch, 30. chapels, Gregory Asbesta, 26.
119. tombs. 125. Gregory the Great, of Rome, 24,
Asia Minor, 63, 66, 114. 35, 77.
Asproinonte, 81. Gregory VII., of Rome. 52. 55.
Assemini, 51, 54, 55, 67, 71, 73, 74. Gregory, of Girgenti, 25.
Athalaric, 21. Hadrian I., of Rome, 80.
Humbert, of Sicily, 30.
BAGHDAD, 36. .lohn VIIT., of Rome, 53, 55, 80.
Baghoria, 36. John, of Taormina, 80.
Balearic Islands, 51, 75. .lohn. of Tiiocala, 80.
Bari. 78, 93, 94. Leo II., of Rome. 26.
Basil, juonks of Saint, 26, 37, I-eo TX., of Rome, 30.
81, 82. 83, 85, 86, 98. Martin, of Rome, 25, 79.
Bastia, 57. Melo, Patriarch of Constanti-
Battifol, M.. 75, 79, 86, 101. nople, 26.
Bedouin, The, 110, 111. Nicholas I., of Rome, 80.
Belcastro, 80. Nicodemus, Greek Ajchbishop
Belice, 41- of Palermo, 30.
11. INDEX
Bishops — Byzantine —
Photius, Patriarch of Constanti- Occupation, provinces and
nople, 28, 80- irovernment of Sardinia, 51,
Raymond, of Giry:enti, 42. 52, 53, 54, 74, 75.
Rufinianus, of Africa, 1, IP. Occupation. provinces and
Sergius, of Rome, 26. government of Sicily, 24, 25,
Stephen, of Syracuse, 80. 45.
Stephen IV., of Rome, 26. Princes : Heraclius Constantine,
Theodore, of Catania, 80. 128, 129, 130; Heraclius and
Theodore, of Palermo, 80. Tiberius, sons of Constans II.,
Theofanes, Patriarch of Antioch, 130, 131.
26. Titles, 74, 75, 79, 84.
Theofano, of r.ilybeo, 80.
Theodosius, of Syracuse, 25.
Urban II., of Rome, 25, 41. CABRAS, 63, 67.
Ursus, of Girt^enti, 42. Caoliari, 17, 32, 50, 52, 55, 56,
Valentine, of Sardinia, 52. 60, 67, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 121.
Walter of the Mill, of Palermo, Cairo, 30.
30, 36, 43.
Warin, of Girsrenti, 42.
Zosinms, of Syracuse, 16. 25. Calabria, 18, 27, 29, .32, 51, 76
to 102, 121.
Bisignano, 81, 82. Access to, 84.
Bohemond. 83.
Bishops in, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83,
84, 92.
Bonagia, 39.
Bonifacio, 56.
Byzantine administration of,
Bosa. 52. 77, 78.
Bou Ficha, 123, 125.
The Church in, 51, 78, 79, 80,
Bova, 81, 82, 83, 84,
82, 83, 84.
Bricia, 23.
Definition of, 78.
Brutii, 78.
Duchy of, 78, 82.

Burgos, 39. Lituruy in, 78, 86, 100, 101.

Bury. Professor, Monks in, 28, 29, 81, 82, 85,

17, 23, 24, 29,
87, 87.
128.
Butera, 4 I.-
Greeks in, 77, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86,
94, 95.
Normans in, 77, 82, 83, 92,
Byzantine Architecture and Art 94, 95.
in Africa. 106, 108, 110, 116, Saracens in, 86, 87.
117, 118, 119, 121, 122, 123,
124, 125, 126, 127.
Architecture and Art in Calabria, Calaris, 68.
77, 86, 90, 91, 95, 98, 99, 100. Caltabellotta, 42, 44.
Architecture and Art in Sardinia, Camarana, 23.
50, 51, 55, 66. 68, 69. 71. Camardi, 86.
Architecture and Art in Sicily, Camastra, 45.
14, 15. 22, 23, 24, 27, 31, 32, Camerina. Santa Croce in, 1. 5, 6,
3.3, 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43. 48. 7, 8, 15, 18, 20, 22, 69, 71, 72,
49. 103, 104, 118, 119.
Conquest of Africa, 103, 110, Canada, Greek rite in, 27.
111, 116, 117, 126, 127. Capella Palatina, Palermo, 36.
Conquest of Sardinia, 52. Capo Bianco, 43.
Conquest of Sicily, 22, 23. Capo Rizzutto, 81, 82.
Emperors in relation to Calabria, Caput Vada, 125.
77, 78, 79. 80, 81, 82. 83. Cargese. 27.
Emperors in relation to Sardinia, Carini, 45, 46.
52, 53, .54, 74, 75. Carra, 86.
Emperors in relation to Sicily, Carthage, 19, 51, 103, 107, 108,
21, 25, 26, 28, 29. 109. 121, 123, 124, 126, 131,
Occupation, provinces, and 132, 133.
c-overnment of Africa, 116, Casale Catta, 41.
117. Casar Giafr, 34.
Occupation, provinces and Cassano, 82.
government of Calabria, 77, Cassihile, 12.
78, 79, 82, 94. Cassiodorus, 81, 85, 87.
 INDEX 111.

Castello di Maniace, 43. Crosses —

Castello di Mare Dolce, 33. Priolo, 4.
Castelvetrano, 11, 14, 37. Sfax, 125.
Castigliono, 8. Stilo, 96.
Castrogiovanni, 81. Of wood in Churches at Maz-
Castronuovo, 42. zara and Sciacca, 44.
Catania, 12, 49. Cuba, Palermo, 34, 35.
Catanzaro, 8o, 87, 88. Cuba, near Syracuse, 1, 12, 13,
Cattolica, la Stilo, 95, 97, 98, 100. 14, 15, 24.
Caucana, 22, 23. Cubola, Palermo, 35, 36.
Caucasus, The, 126.
Cefala, 41. DALMATIA, 14, 64.
Cefalu, 12, 45, 49, 64. Damns el Karita, 104, 107, 108.
Cerami, 47, Decimoputzu, 71.
Cerenzia, 82. Delattre, Revd. Pere, 107.
Charters of Girgenti, Norman, 40, Delia, Chapel of the Trinity, 11, 14,
41, 42, 138. 37, 38.
Charters of Girgenti, Saracen, 31. Demone, vol. 29.
Chiaranionti Family, 43, Deodatus, Bishop of Cagliari, 52,
Chilivani, 56, 60. De Rossi, Professor. 108.
Cicero, 11. Diehl, M., 109.
Clarinval, Commandant, 104, 105, Dioceses in Sicily, 1.
106. . Dioceses in Sardinia, 52.
Coins, see page 129. Dioceses in Calabria, 80, 81, see
Comnmnion vessels, of glass, 86. also Bishops.
Con.stantinople, 15, 20, .53, 69, Domes, conical, 62.
71, 77, 80, 82, 83, 84, 91, 92, Domes on pendentives, 13, 14, 97.
98, 100, 112, 115, 116, 121, Domes on sqiiinches, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10,
123, 125, 129, 130, 131, 132, 11, 12, 14, 32, 35, 37, 38, 39, 69,
134, 135, 136, 138. 70, 72, 118, 119.
Coregliano,. 98, Domes, Pepper-pot shape, 95, 96,
Corleone, 41, 97, 100.
Corsairs, 87. Donatists, 17, 21.
Corsica, 27. 53, 54, 57, 68. Dougga, 117, 121, 123.
Cosenza, 81, 85, 88. Dsimmi. 29.
Cotrone (Croton), 77, 79, 80, 81, Duprat, M., 104, 106.
82, 83, 87.
EGYPT, 19.
Eleanora of Arborea, 63.
Councils, Aries, 17. El Djem, 111, 122.
Constantinople, 6th (Ecumeni- El Gebioui, see Gebioui,
cal, 79 Svnod, 80.
: Elias, of Syracuse, 25,
Lateran (64 9\ 25, 52, 79. El Kef, 66,' 90, 116, 117, 120, 123,
Nicea (325), 18. 122, 125,
7th (Ecumenical, 80.
Rimini, 18.
Eome, 24, 79, SO. Emperors, see also List of Coins
Sardica, 18. pp, 128 to 138.
Trent, 26. Alexius Komnenos, 91, 138.
Ba.sil, the Macedonian, 75.
Charles V. of Spain, 85.
Crati, 78. Constantine the Great, 15, 17,
23, 133.
Constans I., 133.
Crosses, dedication and other Constans Constantine III.,
II. or
carved, Assemini, S. Peter, 74. 16, 24, 25. 26, 27, 52, 53, 78,
Bou Ficha, 125. 79, 81, 128, 130, 131.
Cagliari, S. Saturnino, 71. Constantine II., 133.
ElKef, 125. Constantine IV., or Pogonatvis,
Feriana, 124. 24, .53, 79, 81, 128, 131, 32.
Girgenti, S. Biagio, 43. Constantine IX. Monomachos,
Guildford Castle, Surrev, 126. 82, 84. 136, 137.
On Capitals of Pillars, 123, 124, Constantius, 18, 129, 133.
125, 126. Eudocia, 134.
Porto Torres, S. Gavino, 58. Frederick, 42,
IV. INDEX
Emperors — Greeks —
Gordian, 123. Rite in Africa, 115. 116.
Helena, 23. Rite in Calabria, 27, 77, 78, 87,
Henry V., 23. 92, 95.
Heraclius, 24, 128, 129, 130, 131. Rite in Corsica, 27.
Irene, 80, 81. Rite in Canada, 27.
Isaac Konmenos, 91. Rite in Sicily, 24, 25, 26, 27.
John Konmenos, 91, 137, 138.
Justinian, 15, 19, 21, 22, 24, 52,
78, 116, 117. Gregorovius, 16.
Justinian II., 128, 132, 133, 135. Gsell, M., 104, 105, 106.
Leo I., 134, 135. Guelma, 123.
Leo III., 25, 26, 28, 77, 78, 79, Guerin, M., 125.
82, 129, 135. Guiamar, 74.
Leo VI., 28, 77, 80, 81. Guildford, Crosses in the Castle at,
Nicephoros Phocas, 54, 74, 75. 126.
Otto, 11, 95. Guiscard, 31, 34, 82, 83, 84, 94.
Valentinian III., 135. Gunda,mund, 21.
William II. of Sicilv, 138.
Zeno, 135. HADJEB EL AIOUN. 113, 127.
Hadjla, 104, 105, 108, 110, 111.
Haidra, 117, 121, 122.
Enlidavillo, 123, 125, 126. Hanunamet, Gulf of, 123.
Ephesus, 14, 19. Haouch Khima, 104, 114, 121.
Epiphanios, a deacon, 80. Haouch Taacha. 114.
Eremiti, Palermo, 35. Hauteville, The family of, 83, 95.
Henchir Gebeul, 121, 123, 124.
Henchir Maatria, see Maatria.
FAVARA, Castle near Palermo, Henchir Trade, 127.
31, 33, 34, 35, 36, 100. Heraclea Cattolica, 44.
Favara, Castle near Girgenti, 43. Heraclea Minoa, 43, 44.
Feriana, 121, 123, 124. Herzegovina, 6.
Fonts, Baptismal, 104, 106, 126. Hierapolis, 66.
Francavilla, 9. Hilderic, 21.
Fulgontius, S., 19, 51, 68, 70, 125. Hipparis, 23.
Hunneric, 21, 103.
GABES, 110. Hybla, 2.
Gaeta, 99, 100.
Galatone, a priest, 80. ICHANA, 10.
Gallura, 52, 56. Iglesias, 52, 71.
Galtelli-Nuoro, 52. Images, controversy respecting
Garufi, Professor, 27, 40. the, 26, 28, 29, 80.
Gauckler, M., 127. Ispahan, 33.
Gaul, 19, 27, 92.
Gavino, ch. of St., 50, 57, 60, 67. JATO, 41.
Gebioui, Chapel of El, 104, 105, Jerusalem, 23, 80.
110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 117, .Judges of Sardinia, 52, 55, 75.
118, 119. 127. .Justinian, see Emperors.
Gelimer, 21, 103, 116, Justinianopolis, 125.
Genoa, 51, 73.
Genseric, 19, 20, 21, 103, 116. KAIROUAN, 33, 104, 110, 113,
Gesso, 49. 114, 115, 123, 124, 126, 127.
Gerace, 77, 80, 81, 82, 88, 92, 93, Kasserine, 114, 121.
94, 100. Koubba, at Sousse, 119.
Giafar, Emir, 34. Ksar el Beo, see Gebioul.
Girgenti, 1, 25, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44.
Goths in Sicily, 21, 22.
Grantmesnil, William of, 83. Kings, Chieftains and Princes.
Alaric, 19.
Athalaric, 21.
Greeks in Calabria, 77, 81. 82, Bohemond, 83.
83, 84, 86, 94, 95. Gelimer, 21, 103, 117.
In Sardinia, .50, 51, 52, 53. 54, Genseric, 19, 20, 21, 103, 117.
55, 59, 60, 69, 71, 73, 74. 75. Guiamar, 74.
In Sicily, 21, 24, 25. Gundamund, 21.
 .

INDEX V.

Kings, Chieftains and Princes. Nestorians. the. 16.

Henrv VIII., 135. Nicastro, 81, 82, 86.
Hilderic, 21. Nicea, 18, 80.
Hunnerin, 21, 103. Nicephoros Phocas, the Emperor,
Joseph Bonaparte, of Naples, 98. 54, 74, 75.
Mahomet II., the Sultan, 29. Nicephoros Phocas, the general, 81.
Odoacer, 134. Nicotera, 80, 81.
Roger, see Roger. Nona, in Dalmatia, 14.
Tancred, 42.
Theodoric, 21, 22, 84.
Trasamond, 21, 51, 68, 106. NORMAN
go
Bishops in
QA
Calabria,
g9
Bishops 'in Sicily, 26, 40, 41, 42.
Kingswood, Tiles in the Church Coins in Sicily, 129.
at Lower, Surrey, 113. Conquest of Calabria, 77, 81, 94.
Kyriaki, see Agia Kyriaki. Conquest of Sicily, 26, 27, 28.
Conquest of Palermo, 29.
LA CAVA, 75. Noto, 1, 10, 12, 19, 29.
Lagoiiegro. 99. Nozal, Armenia, 125.
La Marmora, 63, 66. Nvioro, 61.
Laodicea, 66. Nurhagi, 50, 61, 75.
Lateran Council, see Coimcils.
Lecce, 99, 100. OANIS, 23.
Leghorn, 57, 87. Odoacer, 20, 21.
Lentini, 1, 25. Oglet el Lebbia, 111.
Lerida, 63. Ogliastra, 52.
Levant, The, 29, 78. Oil Presses in Africa, 113.
Lilybeo, 1, 25, 40, 80. Oppido, 83.
Limbara, Mts., 56. Oristano, 51, 52, 61, 63, 67.
IJpari, 1, 25, 45. Orsi, Professor, 5, 8, 13.
Liturgies, 26, 101, 116. Osilo, 57.
Locris, 77, 79, 81, 93, 94. Otranto, 80, 93. 94, 97.
Lombardy, 77, 78, 81. Ouled Fargalla Tribe, 111.
Longarino, 12. Ovid, 86.
Liiri, S., 67.
PACHINO, 1, 10, 19.
MAATRIA, 104, 108, 109, 110, Palermo, 1, 14, 25. 29, 30, 31, 33,
112, 114, 116, 117, 118, 119. 69, 95, 100, 121, 129.
Maccari, 1, 8. 9, 10, 11, 12, 15, Pallazuolo, 19.
24, 38, 103, 118. !
Pantalica, 10.
Machara , 11 Passaro, 10.
Macomer, 51, 60, 61, 62, 75.
Magliotis, 86.
Masrnisi, 1. Patriarchs.
Mahomet II., the Sultan, 29. Alexandria, 30.
Mainz, 78. Antioch, 26.
Malta. 1. Constantinople, 24, 28, 30, 77,
Malvagna, 8, 9, 10, 15, 24, 103, 118. 78, 79, 80, 82,
Maniace, 43. Photius, of Constantinople, 28,
Maracalagonis. 72. 80.
Marsala, 20, 40. Photius, of Seleucia, 30.
Martorana, 38. Melo, 26.
Matera, 95.
Matifoii, 58.
Mazzara, 28, 20, 38, 39, 41, 44. Patrimony of the Roman See in
Melfi, 19, 24. Africa, 79, 80.
Mellili, 1. In Calabria, 78, 79, 80, 82, 135.
Merlin, M., 113, 127. In Corsica, 53.
Messina, 1, 2, 5, 28, 31, 36, 49, 81, In Sardinia, 53.
85, 101. In Sicily, 26, 28, 135.
Mio;rations of Christians, 19, 20, Pausania, Terra Nuova, 52, 56.
29, 78, 81, 84, 103, 115. Peres Blancs, The, 106.
Petralia, 41.
NAPLES, 53, 54, 85, 98. Phoenicians, in Sicily, 40.
Nea Taktika, the treatise, 116. Pirri, 41.
 .

VI. INDEX
Pisa, 50, 55, 56, 68. Saints and Dedications —
Platani River, 48. Cataldo, Church at Palermo, 36.
Pliny, 11. Cataido, Church at Jjecce, 99.
Pont de Trajan, Tunis, 108. Catharina, Church at Mazzara,
Porta Augusta, 1. 38, U.
Porto Empedocle, 43. Ciriaco, Church at Palermo, 29.
Longobardo, 23. Ciriaco, Church in Calabria, 30
Torres, 50, 56, 57, 60, 94. (see also S. Chirico).
Vecrhio, Corsica, 56. Chirico, Church, 99.
Pottery Tubes, 111, Christopher, 46.
Pottery Tiles, 113. Clemente, Church at Rome, 115,
Priolo,' 1, 2, 15, 18, 22, 67. 121.
Procopius, 21, 23, 125. S. Croce (see Camerina).
Ptolemy, 63. Cosmo, Church at Cagliari, 68.
Croix, Church near Aries, 116.
Queen Amalafreda, 2 1
Queen Amalasuntha, 21, 22. Damiano, Church at Cagliari, 68.
Queen Eleanora of Arborea, 63. Demetrius, 47.

RANDAZZO, 8, 9. Egidio, Church at Maz/ara, 10, 14,

Rasacambro, 23. "38, 39.
Ras Boutria, 125. Eirene, 121.
Ras Capoudia. 125. Elia, of Castrogiovanni, 81.
Ravenna, 79, 112, 123. Elia, Spelota, iOl.
Reggio, 20, 78, 79, 80, 81, 85.
Roccella. 88, 93. Fantin, 101.
Roccelletta, 32, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, Fulgentius, Bishop of Ruspe, 19,
90, 91, 92, 93, 100, 121. 51, 68, 70, 125.
Roger, the Count, 25, 26, 31, 34,
40, 41, 46, 47, 83, 94. Gavino, Church at Porto Torres,
Roger, the Duke of Calabria, 82, 58, 59, 60, 94.
83. George, 47.
Roger, the King of 8icilv, 34, George, Church at Triocala, 42.
35, 95. Germano, Monte Cassino, 99, 100.
Romans in Africa, 108, 109, 112, Giacomo, Church at Termini, 47.
113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 120, Giovanni, degli Eremiti, Church at
121, 125. Palermo, 37.
Rome, 1, 19, 20, 24, 25, 26, 52, 70. Giovanni, del l^epprosi. Church at
78, 79, 94, 101, 113, 121, 122. Palermo, 31, 32, 35, 38.
Romotta, 28. Giovanni, in Sinis, Church, 50, 54,
Rosieh, El, 125. 64, 67, 72, 121.
Rossano, 77, 78, 79, 81, 82. 83, Giovanni, d'Assemini, Church, 51,
95, 96, 97, 98, 101. 54, 72, 73, 74.
Rossolini, 19. Giovanni, Syracuse, Church, 1.
Ruspe, 51, 125. Giuliano Monte, 14, 38, 39, 40.
Gregory, the Great of Rome, 24,
Saints and Dedications. 46, 77.
Agatho, Bishop of Rome, 26. Gregory, Asbesta, 26.
Ambrose of Milan, 116. Gregory, Nazianzene. 47.
Anastasius, 46. Gregory, Thaumaturuos, 85, 86, 87,
Andrew, Church at Trani, 99.
Angelo, Monasteries, in Sicily, 30, Helena, The Empress, 23.
in Calabria, 99. Hilarion, 19, 20.
Angel us of Mai da Church, 86.
Ann, 47. James, liturgy of, 100.
Antioco, Church at Sulcis, 71, 73. .Joachim, 47.
Augustine. John Chrysostom, 26, 47, 92.
John, Church at Syracuse, 16.
Bacchus, Church at Cagliari, 14. John, Church at Trapani, 14, 39.
Barbara, 75. John, Cliurch at Assemini, 71.
Basil, 47. Order of Monks (see John, Church at Lilybeo, 40.
Basil). John in TruUo, Church at Con-
Biagio, Church at Girgenti, 42. stantinople, 100.
•John Baptist, Termini, 46.
Calogero, 20, 44. John Evangelist, Termini, 46.
 ;

INDEX Vll.

Saints and Dedications — Saints and Dedications —

Joseph, 47, 121. Theodore, 46.
Joseph, the hymn writer, 26. Theresa, Chapel near Syracuse, 1,
Joseph, Church at Gaeta, 99. 12, 13, 14, 15,24, 118.'
Justa, Ch\irch at Oristano, 63. Theresa di Gallura, Sardinia, 56.
Theodosia, Church at Constanti-
Lawrence of Scicli, 23. nople, 91.
Lawrence of Genoa, 73. Trinita at Delia, 11, 14, 37, 38.
Lorenzo of Rome, 115.
Lucia, Church at Syracuse, 1. Vitale, Ravenna, 112, 123.

Marcian, Church at Syracuse, 12,

15, 16, 18.
Maria dei Greci. Church at Girgenti, Saladin; M., Ill, 114.
42. Salinas, Professor, 17, 40.
Maria of Vicari Monastery, 30. Salonica, 69, 71.
Maria, Church at Monte Cassino, 99. Salso, River, 41.
Mark, Church at Rossano, 77, 95,
97, 98, 100.
Martin of Rome, 52, 79. Saracens, Invasion and Occu-
Mary of Carra, Church, 86. pation of Sicily, 24, 25, 26,
Mary of Squillace, Church, 86. 27, 28, 29, 40.
Position of Christians under, 28,
Nicholas, Church at Sciacca, 44, 46. 29, 30, 31.
Nicholas, Church at Constanti- Charters to Christian Monas-
nople, 91. tery, 31.
Nicholas, Church at Bari, 93. Inscriptions on Coins, 129, 138
:
;

Nicholas, Church at Rossano, 98. on the Cuba at Palermo, 36

Nicholas, Church at Jjccce, 99. on the Capital of a Pillar, 32.
Nil, of Rossano, 81, 98. Invasions of Sardinia, 51, 53, 54.
Invasions of Calabria, 77, 81.
Orsola, Church at Palermo, 35, 36, In Africa, 103, 115, 119.
38.

Pancras, Church at Taormina, 49. Sardinia, pages 50 to 76.

Paul, Apostle, 16. Access to, 50.
Peter, Church at Assemini, 71, 73, Assemini, 71.
74. Bishoprics in, 52.
Peter, Church at Otranto, 99. Byzantine Administration and
Phillip and James, Chapel at Conquest of, 50, 51.
Palermo, 34. Byzantine Architecture in, 55.
Phillip d'Agira, 20, 23. Cagliari, 68.
Phillip of Scicli, 23. Cathedrals in, 62, 68.
Phillip Demona, Monastery, 30. Churches in, 50, 51.
Phocas, Church at Priolo, 2, 15, Judges of the States in, 51, 55, 75.
19, 20, 67. Nurhagi, 75.
Pisans in, 50, 55.
Rufinianus, 19. Porto Torres, 57.
Relations with the Roman See,
Sabina, or Sarbana, Chapel in 52, 55.
Sardinia, 51, 61, 75. Saracens in, 53.
Salvatore del Greci, Messina, 49. Sarbana, S., 61.
Saturnine, Church at Cagliari, 50, Sinis, 64.
51, 54, 55, 66, 68, 72, 91, 121. Statesof, 52, 75.
Sergius, Church at Constantinople, The Church in, 52, 68.
14. Vandals in, 51.
Simplicius, Church at Terranuova,
Sardinia, 56.
Sophia, Constantinople, 69, 71, Sassari, 50, 56, 57.
73, 125. Sbeitla, 58, 104, 117, 121, 123,
Sophia, Church at Villasor, 71, 124, 125, 126.
73, 74. Scano, Dr., 58, 67, 69, 70, 73, 74.
Sciacca, 43, 44.
Thecla, Church at Constantinople, Seals, Episcopal, 26.
91, 100. Sebenico, 64.
Vlll. INDEX
Selinunto, 17, 44, 45. TAORMINA, 1, 25, 49, 80, 81.
Sennori, 57. Taranto, 78, 83.
Seriziat, Commandant, 104, 105, Tauriana, 79, 80, 81.
106. Tebessa, 104, 105, 106, 107, 109,
Severina, Santa, 80, 81, 82, 99. 114, 116, 121.
Sfax, 113, 115, 124, 125, 126. Teboursouk, 104, 108.
Tempio, 52.
Termini, 41, 45, 48.
Sicily, pages 1 to 49. Terralba, 52.
Bishoprics in, 1, 17, 18, 26, 29, Terra Nuova, 56.
30, 41, 43, 56, 80. Tharros, 63.
Byzantine Conquest and Ad- Thelepta, 106, 112, 114, 121.
ministration of, 22, 23. Theodoric, 21, 22, 84.
Byzantine Architecture, 14, 24, Thmna, 126.
31. Tibar, 122.
Belisarivis in. 22, 23, 24. Tile Plaques, 113, 137.
The Church in, 1, 15 to 27. Torcello, 121.
Constans II. in, 24, 25, 78, 79. Torchitorios, Sardinian Family,
Goths in, 21, 22. 73, 75.
Liturgies in, 100, 101, 102. Torres, 52.
Monks in, 19, 20, 29, 30, 31, 34, Totila, 21, 78.
77, 81. Trapani, 39.
Normans in, 16, 23, 28, 29 to 36, Trasamond, 21, 51, 68, 106.
40, 41, 42, 44, 47, 48. Triocala, 1, 25, 44.
Saracens in, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, Troina, 1.
29, 30, 31, 34, 40. Tropea, 79, 80, 81, 82.
Vandals in, 20, 21. Tunis, 66, 87, 103.
Turks, 29, 31, 63, 86, 115.
Tusa, 1, 45.
Siculiana, 43. Tyche, 1.
Sidi Abich, 126. Tyndaris, 1, 25, 45.
Sidi Amor el Kenani, 110. Type, The Edict called the, 25, 52,
Sidi Amor bou Hadjla, 103, 110. 58, 79.
Sidi Mohammed el Gebioui, 109.
Sidi Maklouf, 125. UNIATE, Greek rite, 27.
Silanus, 51, 61, 75. Uppena, 117, 121, 125, 126.
Sinis, 5, 32, 50, 54, 55, 63, 67, 121.
Sinope, 2. VALENTIA, 63.
Siponto, 95. Valentine, a Sardinian Bishop, 52.
Skirra, 110. Val d'Ispica, 19.
Sohag, 66. Val Demone, 29,
Solunto, 36, 49. Val di Mazzara, 29.
Sorso, 57. Val di Noto, 29.
Sousse, 113, 119, 121, 127, 133. Vandals, in Africa, 103, 117. 125,
Spaccaforno, 19. 126, 134.
Spain, 39, 51, 54, 85. Vandals, in Sardinia, 51, 52.
Spartivento, 85, 93. Vandals, in Sicily, 20, 21.
Spatharii, 74. Verres, 11.
Squillace, 32, 77, 79, 81, 82, 121, Vicari, 41.
85, 86, 87, 88. Villasor, 71, 73, 74.
Staletti, 77, 85, 86, 87, 90. Vindicari, 10.
States of Sardinia, 75. Vittoria, 19.
Stilo, 77, 8 83, 87, 88, 95, 96, 97,
, Voute d' Aretes, Examples of 104
99. 105, 107, 109, 111.
Sulcis, 52, 71, 74.
Sultan Mahomet II., 29. ZAGHOUAN, The, 107, 113.
Sybaris, 77. Zaouia, 108, 110, 113, 118.
Synods, see Councils. Zaragossa, 32.
Syracuse, 1, 2, 12, 13, 15, 16, 18, Zeroud, River, 110.
19, 24, 25, 43, 78, 79, 81, Zinneth, 41.
Syria, 19. Zisa, 34, 35, 36.
CELL.l^ TEICHOE^
AND OTHER

CHRISTIAN ANTIQUITIES
IN THE

BYZANTINE PROVINCES
OF .

SICILY WITH CALABRIA

AND

NORTH AFRICA
INCLUDING

SARDINIA.
Vol. II.

ILLUSTBATED,

EDWIN HANSON JRESHFIELD,

M.A., F.S^A.

Printed Privately,
1918
A few Copies of this Booh may be obtained by Students from the

Author through the Printers and Publishers

IRijon Si arnolD,
29 poultry,
XoiiDon,
B.C.
 TO THE MEMORY OP

BASIL HAMMOND,
Fellow of Trinity,

AND TO

ARMINE F. KING,

Archdeacon of Tokio,

THESE notes ON HISTORY AND ECCLESIOLOGY

ARE AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED

^
 Sicily*

1898, 1899, 1905, 1906, 1907,

1908, 1913, 19U.

Calabria.

1899, 1905, 1914.

Sardinia.

1901, 1909.

Algiers and Tunis.

1910, 1911.

Egypt and Nubia.

1886, 1912.

Gaeta and Monte Cassino.

1912.

Albenga and Capri.

1913.
 PEEFACE

In consequence of the war the number of illustrations has

been reduced, and those of well-known buildings that can
be found in other publications are omitted.
The Introduction is, in the main, taken from letters written

to my father during our travels.The text of them is retained,

and the fact recorded here by way of apology to the reader
for the frequent appearance of the personal pronoun and some
lack of continuity in the subjects discussed.

E. H. F.
Juniper Hill,
Reigate,
1918.
 CONTENTS

PAGE
Preface V

List of Illustrations and Plans vii & viii

Books Consulted ix to xii

Introduction ... ... 1-18

Cellae Trichorae ... 19

Cellae Trichorae ... 34

Sicily ... ... 49

South Italy ... ... 67

North Africa, Introduction ... 85

Central Tunis ... 102

East Algeria ... 116

West Tunis ... 132

East Tunis ... 142

Egypt ... 154

Lower Nubia ... 156

Khargeh Oasis ... 167

Index ... 173

 LIST OF ILLUSTEATIONS
I'I'ATE FACINa PAGE
1 Altar at S. Theresa near Syracuse ; a tomb and some masons'
marks ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 20
2 Trinity Chapel; S. Honorat, Cannes 21
Plan
3 the same; interior ... ... ... ... ... ... 22
4 Beliquary of S. Honorat and a chapel in the Cemetery of
8. ,Callixtiis at Bomb ... 25
Plan
5 Chapel in the same cemetery and plan ... ... ... ... 27
6 Chapel of the Crocifisso at S. Germano, Monte Cassino ... 29
7 Sohag 34
(This and the following eight plates are vieivs of the
White and Red Monasteries at Sohag, in the Nile
Valley)
8 86
9 88
10 40
11 Plan 42
12 ... ... 43
13 : 44
14 46
15 Castiglione, Sicily, Church of S. Domenico 50
16 the same; interior ... ... ... ... ... ... 52
17 Omitted
^
18 Ageo ; Church of S. Peter and S. Paul . ... 56
19 Omitted
20 Capitals in the crypt of S. Marcian, Syracuse 62
21 Capitals; the same ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 64
22 Gaeta and Capri 74
Plan
23 S. Qermano, Monte Cassino 82
Plan
viii LIST OF ILLUSTKATIONS
PLATE FACING PAGE

24 Altar Screens ... ... ••• ••• ••• 86

25 Coptic screen and font ... 88

26 Mosaic; Tabaeca 90

27 Baptismal fonts ... 92

28 Apsidal seats 94

29 Crosses 98

30 Sbeitla; altar, mosaic, and oil presses ... ... 108

31 Haouch Khima Mta Darrouia 110

32 Henchir Gebeul and Ain Tounya Castle 112

33 Tebbssa ; basilica... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 118
Plan
34 Tebessa; basilica... ... ... 120

35 Early Christian tombstones ... ... ... 130

36 Haidra 134

37 Dougga; basilica and plan 136

38 Dougga; details of the church ... 138

39 Mosaics at Enfida 143

39a same 145

40 Mosaics at Enfida ... 146

41 Basilica at Carthage 150

Plan
42 Basilica at Addendan, Nubia 156

43 Church at Serreh, Nubia 158

44 Church of S. Michael, Kamula; Nile Valley 160

45 Church of S. Theodore, Medinet Habu, and a roof at S. Simeon's

Monastery, Assouan 162

46 Church of S. Theodore, Medinet Habu 163

47 Chapel near the Second Cataract; Wady Halfa 164

48 the same, interior; plan ... ... ... ... ... 165

49 Khargbh Oasis ; view and chapel tomb ... ... ... ... 167
Plan
50 KhXrgeh ; circular tombs ... 168

51 Khargeh; Cathedral tomb 169

Plan
52 Khargeh; various tombs 170

53 Khargeh; architectural details 171

 BOOKS CONSULTED
Abating, Dr.: Publication on Stilo in ' Napoli Nobilissima.' Vol. xii.

page 11, February, 1903.

Amari : Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia. Florence, 1854.

Antoniades : Ekphrasis tes Agias Sophias. Constantinople, 1908.

\ Ballu, a. : Les Buines de Tiingad, 1911.

Barreca : Catacombe di S. Giovanni in Siracusa. Syracuse, 1906.

Barth : Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa. 1857.

Battifol: L'Abbaye de Bossano. Paris, 1891.

Bertaux : L'Art dans Vltalie Meridionale. Paris, 1904.

Besta : La Sardegna Medioevale. 2 Vols. Beber, Palermo, 1908.

Biscari: Paterno, Prince of: Viaggio per tutti le antichita della Sicilia, 1817.

Brolo Lancia
: di : Archbishop of Monreale. Storia della Chiesa in Sicilia.

4 Vols. Palermo, 1880.

f Butcher, Mrs. E. L. : Story of the Church of Egypt. 2 Vols. 1897.

Butler: Ancient Coptic Churches of Egypt. 2 Vols. 1884.

Bury, Professor : Later Bovian Empire and Eastern Boman Empire.

f Byzantine Kbsbarch Fund : Publications on the Churches of S. Eirene at

Constantinople a7id of the Nativity at Bethlehem, 1911-12.

Chalandon : Histoire de la domination Normande en Italie et en Sicile.

Paris, 1906.

f Chard : Voyage en Perse, Amsterdam. 1735.

Clarinval Commander : Article on Tebessa in the Beceuil of the Archceo-

logical Society of Constantine, Algeria, 1870.

f Clarke, Somers : Christian Antiquities in the Nile Valley, 1912

f Codex Diplomaticus Caetanus, in Tabularium Cassincnse.

f Cooks: Guide Book to Egypt and the Sudan.

f Cordara, Vincenzo : Notizie di Francavilla.

f CowPER, H. S. : The Hill of the Graces, 1897.

Books added to vol. 1 list are marked f-

 :

X BOOKS CONSULTED
Delattre : Bev. Pere. Un Pelerinage aux ruinea de Cartage. Lyons, 1906.

f Dickie, Archibald C. Article in the Quarterly Statement of the Palestine

'
: '

Exploration Fund for January, 1899.

DiEHL : L'Afrique Byzantine. Paris, 1896.

DiMAHZO : Dizionario Topographico delta Sicilia. Palermo, 1856.

\ Duchesne : Early History of the Church.

DuPRAT, M. : Article on Tebessa in the Beceuil of the Archceological Society

of Constantine, Algeria, 1897.

f Fabio Giordano : Belation of Capri. Edited anonymously 1906. ,

FiNLAY : Greece under the Bomans.

f Foakes-Jackson, F. A.: History of the Christian Church from the earliest

tirnes, 1905.

Freshfield, Dr. E. : In Archceologia. Vol. xliv., p. 383.

f Frothingham, a. L. : The Monuments of Christian Borne, 1908.

f Gaetani d'Aragona : Memorie Storiche delta Citta di Gaeta, 1879.

Garufi, Prof. C. A. : L'Archivio Capitolare di Girgenti. In Archivio

Storico Siciliano, 1903. Also, Per la Storia dei Secoli xi. e xii,

in Archivio Storico per la Sicilia Orientate, anno : ix., fasc : i.

Also / Capitoli delta Confraternita di Santa Maria di Naupactos

1048-1068 nella B. Cappella Palatina de Palermo. In Bull
Inst : Stor Italiano n. 31.

Gay : L'ltalie Meridionale et V empire Byzantin. Paris, 1904.

Giovanni, V. di : Castello e la chiesa delta Favara di S. Filippo a mare dolce

in Palermo, in Archivio, Storico Siciliano. Palermo, 1897.

Grbgorovius : Borne in the Middle Ages. Trans. Hamilton.
'^
GsELL, S. : Les monuments antiques de VAlgerie. Paris, 1901. .

Gsell, S. : UAlgerie dans Vantiquite. Algiers, 1903.

GuERiN, V. : Voyage dans la Begence de Tunis. 2 Vols. Paris, 1862.

f Hanson, Captain William, 20th Light Dragoons : Short Journal of a

Voyage to Sicily, 1810-1811. London, 1814.
HoDGKiN : Italy and her invaders.
Holtzinqer, H.: Die Altchristliche Architectur. Stuttgart, 1889.

Jackson, T. G. : Dalmatia the Quarnero and Istria. 3 Vols., 1887.

Kaestner : De Imperio Constantini III. Leipsic, 1907.

\ Kauffman : La decouverte des Sanctuaires de Menas dans le desert de

Mareotis. Published by the Societe de Publications Egyptiennes,

4, Bue du General Earle, Alexandria. 1908.

Koch, P. : Byzantinische Beamtentitel. Jena, 1913.

La Marmora He : de Sardaigne. Turin, 1851.
 BOOKS CONSULTED xi

Lapotre, a. : L'Europe et le Saint Siege (Le Pape Jean VIII). Paris, 1895.

f Lemaire, R. : L'Origine tie la basilique Latine. Brussels, 1911.

Lenormant : La Grande Grece. Paris, 1884.

f Lenthekic : La Provence Maritime. 1880.

t Lombard : Constantin V. Paris, 1902.

f Marra, F. della : Monte Cassino, Descrizione. 1775.

Martroye, F. : L' Occident a Vepoque Byzatitine. Paris, 1904.

Mas Latrie : Tresor de Chronologie.

f Mason : Persecutions of Diocletian.

\ Merimee, Prosper : Voyage dans le Midi de la France. 1835.

Merlin, A. : Publications of the Department of Antiquities in the Regency

of Tunis. Forum et Eglises de Sufetula (Sbeitla) 1912.

f Messina e Dintorni : Guida a cura del Municipio. Messina, 1902.

f Mileham and Maciver : Churches in Lower Nubia. University of Phila-

delphia, 1910.

MiLMAN : History of Christianity.

f Moris, Henri : L'Abbaye de Lerins. Paris, 1909.

Mossheim : Ecclesiastical History. Edited by Bishop Stubbs.

Murray : Handbook for Sicily, 1890.

Neale, J. M. : History of the Holy Eastern Church.

Orsi, Professor P. : Articles on Camerina and Maccari in Byzantinische
Zeitschift, 1898-1899. Scavi . . . nel Sudest della Sicilia.

Estratto dalle Notizie delgi scavi; anno 1905, fasc. 11 and 12,

Borne, 1906.

f Pace, Biagio : I Barbari e i Bizantini in Sicilia. Palermo, 1911.

Paspates: ByzantincB Meletai, Constantinople, 1877.'
Patricolo : Article on Delia Chapel in Archivio Storico Siciliano, N.S.
Anno V, Palermo, 1880.

PiRRi : Sicilia Sacra.

Riedesel, J. H. Von : Travels through Sicily, translated by J. H. Forster.

London, 1772.
RoDD, Sir Rennell : Princes of Achaia and the Chronicles of Morea, 1890»
Rodota : Dell Origine stato e progresso del rito Greco, 1758-1763.

f Roman Studies: Journal, Vol. i., 1911.

Saint Nom, Abbe de : Voyage Pittoresque Naples et la Sidle, Paris, 1783.

f Saladin, H. : Archives des Missions Scientifiques, 3 ime serie, Tome Xfll,,

Paris, 1887.

Salinas, Professor : O71 the Christian Lamp in the Palermo Museum and on.

the walls of Mount Eryx, in Archivio Storico Siciliano, 1883.

xii BOOKS CONSULTED
f ScAOLiA, P. SisTo : Manuale di Archeologia Cristiana, Rome, 1911.
ScANO, Dr. D. : Storia dell Arte in Sardegna, 1907.

•f-
ScHULZ : Denkmaeler der Kunst des Mittelalters in Unteritalien. Dresden,

1860.

ScoBAK : Catalogus Episcoporu,m Ecclesice SyracusancB.

Sebiziat, Commander : Article on Tehessa in the Beceuil of the Archceological

Society of Constantine, Algeria, 1868.

f Seroux d'Agincourt. Histoire de I'art jx^r les monuments, 1823.

Sladen : Sicily, 1904.

Theodoret : History of the Church. Bohn, 1854.

f TosTi, LuiGi : Storia delta Badia di Monte Cassino, 1842.

f Toulotte : Proces verbaux d'une double Mission Archeologiqtie aux ruines

de la basilique d'Ujypena. Tunis, 1906.

f Vento, Raimondo : Gaeta nella Storia, 1911.

f Viollet lk Due : Dictionnaire de V Architecture Francaise.

Wroth, W. : Imperial Byzantine Coins in the British Museum.
 INTEODUCTION

The purpose of these notes has been explained in the Introduc-

tion to the preceding volume. For the sake of continuity the
original title is retained, though Sardinia now falls out of the
narrative and Egypt takes its place.

I may again conveniently commence with the cellee trichorge,

and present an illustrated description of the chapel of the Holy

Trinity belonging to the monastery of Lerins, on the island of
S. Honorat, opposite Cannes, the chapels in the cemetery of S.
Callixtus at Eome, and the trefoil sanctuaries of the churches in
the two monasteries at Sohag, in Egypt. The last are by far the
most important and interesting buildings described in these pages,
not excepting the basilica at Tebessa. It is said that the
monastery of Lerins was founded in the beginning of the fifth

century upon the model of Egyptian religious houses in the Nile

valley, and likely enough, therefore, that the trefoil chapel of
the Holy Trinity was copied from these sanctuaries at Sohag.
The same might be said of the chapel of Sta Theresa by
Syracuse, described in the preceding volume, for it is situated
close to the route taken by the early missionaries on their way
from the East to Gaul. S. Theresa has recently been excavated,

and a close inspection of it shows that it is almost exactly like

the Trinity chapel of S. Honorat in architectural details and in

plan. I conjecture that the ancient church of S. Giovanni in
Sinis, on the West coast of Sardinia, represents another link
in the chain of Christian stations between Syria and Gaul. The
church, or rather that part of it that is covered by a dome, built
like those of S. Theresa and Lerins, would then be considerably
older than the date previously assigned to it. It is also note-
worthy that the monastery at Lerins owned an estate about
Saccargia, in the north of Sardinia.
2 INTEODUCTION
From the cellae trichorse I pass on to the Byzantine and early
Norman churches in Sicily and Italy. The church of S.
Domenico at Castiglione in Sicily is of particular interest in
connection with the cellae trichorae, for it is the first example I

have come across and, so far as I know, the only one in Sicily
or Italy where the trefoil plan was adopted in the construction
of a sanctuary intended for the Greek liturgy.
The prothesis and the diaconicon are nothing more than
niches in the north and south walls. This substitution of niches

for proper chapels is notunknown, and occurs in the chapels of

Pavara and Ziza at Palermo and in the little late church of S.
Thecla, the present Toklou Dede mesjid, in Constantinople.
Something of the same kind is found in other small churches
there, but the arrangement was not very common and seems to
indicate a comparatively late date, about the end of the tenth
century or after. Nor should I omit mention the trefoil
to
arrangement of the sanctuary in the eleventh-century church of
S. Elias at Salonica.
The provenance of the common sanctuary with three parallel
apses and the date of its introduction into the church architec-
ture of Sicily and South Italy are certain enough. The circum-
stances in which these churches find a place in my notes has
been explained in the introduction to the preceding volume. But
I may repeat here that they are interesting chiefly from an
historical point of view, as almost the only evidence we still

possess of the Byzantine occupation, and of the presence of a

large Greek community after the Norman Conquest of these

provinces.
In the chapter on Sicily in the preceding volume, I have
noticed the fact that there are practically no remains of the
Byzantine occupation in Catania or Messina. The latter, how-
ever, possessed, and fortunately still possesses a very beautiful
little church, built in Norman times on a Byzantine model and
now known as the S. Annunziata dei Catalani, the name being
derived from a guild of Spanish merchants to whom it was
assigned. with a square sanctuary covered
It is a little basilica
by a dome supported on pendentives. The roof of the nave
is supported on pillars with classical capitals of Eoman
date, said to have come from a neighbouring ruin identified as
 INTRODUCTION 3

the Temple of Neptune. There is the usual sanctuary arrange-

ment of three semicircular apses, the main or central apse for the
altar and the prothesis and diaconicon on either side. The
interior of the church had been carefully restored prior to the
earthquake, but the exterior was surrounded by houses and there-
fore invisible. Since these houses were demolished the walls
have been uncovered, and they were found to be decorated with
various circular and lozenge patterns in coloured marbles or
stones in a style made familiar to us from Pisan examples. The
exterior of the dome and the central apse are decorated with little
pillars supporting a semicircular arcade. Prior to the earthquake
this church was so smothered in houses that only a small piece
of the central apse and the porch of the west front were visible.

Though much shaken and split from top to bottom, the fabric
was kept together by the dome and surrounding houses, and
when the latter were removed the church was shored up and is
now standing in the open waiting restoration.
The central and north apses and fragments of the nave walls
are practically all that remains of the cathedral. The latter are
made of rubble and cement so roughly put together that the
wonder is the building stood so long. As the reader is no doubt
aware, the little temporary cathedral, made of wood and iron, was
the thoughtful gift of H.M. the Emperor of Germany. It is
perhaps worth record that after the Calabrian earthquake a large
number of wood and iron churches of the same kind were ordered
by the Roman ecclesiastical authorities from a London contractor
to replace those that had been destroyed. When I wanted to
obtain some information locally respecting two or three out-of-
the-way villages in the Aspromonte, I was referred, of all places
in the world, to an ofhce in Pimlico.
Among other objects of minor interest saved from the wreck
are thetwo gigantic equestrian statues representing Mata and
Gog and Magog. These are made of wicker-
Griffone, the local
work frames, covered by pasteboard, fixed on platforms with
wheels ; in company of the effigy of a camel on men's shoulders,
they were dragged about and figured in the annual civic pro-
cession to celebrate the Feast of the Assumption of the Virgin,
and possibly also the defeat of the Arabs. The two figures
appear to date from the early part of the eighteenth century.
4 INTKODUCTION
One of them represents a clean-shaven individual, dressed as a
Boman warrior, who is usually mistaken for a woman, and the
other a swarthy individual of Berber type. I infer that they
typify the native victor and the vanquished foreigner, though
popular tradition makes them represent fabulous personages
variously named Cham and Rea, Saturn and Cybele, or Zanclos
and his wife, who came down from the Nebrodian hills to found
Messina. I have often thought the history of these effigies might
be worth tracing, not only for local tradition, but for the light it

might throw on our Gog and Magog and other statues of the same
kind that are to be found in some cities of Northern Europe.
As I am writing about Messina, I may digress for a brief
space and refer to the part my friend Commendatore Luigi
Sofio took in the earthquake and its sequel. To him and his
good parents, my old and esteemed friends the late Mr. and
Mrs. John Sofio, my wife and I owe some of our pleasantest
travelling recollections in Sicily.
The Sofio family escaped the earthquake by only a few hours,
for they left Naples on the eve, and the train they travelled in
actually reached Bagnara, in Calabria, opposite Messina and
in sight of the old Faro lighthouse, within an hour of the
disaster.* Information of a serious earthquake had already
reached the stationmaster at Bagnara, but as the light was
still burning in the lighthouse the passengers did not believe
the report that Messina had been destroyed. The train, how-
ever, was unable to proceed towards Eeggio, and after some
delay returned to Naples, where Mr. Sofio and a staff of doctors
took steamer for Messina, and arrived to find the city in ruins.
The rescue work had already been commenced by the sailors of

a Russian squadron that happened to be cruising in the neigh-

bourhood.
Many interesting incidents arising out of the earthquake
concern the identification of unknown children. Mr. Sofio was
appointed curator, or guardian, of a host of these children, who
were rescued from the ruins or found wandering about and unable
to give any account of themselves or their parents. This difficult
work has been so successfully accomplished that out of several
hundred children under twenty remain to be identified.

* Monday, December 28, 1908.

 INTEODUCTION 5

The following cases may be taken as illustrations. A

Neapolitan doctor saw a sailor from the Eussian squadron
rescue an infant, a few months old, from the top story of a house
near the Via Sta Maria la Porta. He adopted the girl and
took it to his home in Naples. The houses in Messina are
usually let out in flats, and in this particular block lived a
citizen of repute, who perished, as was believed, with all his
family. Mr. Sofio knew the Neapolitan doctor, and hearing
where the was found, had her brought this year to Messina
girl

for identification.In the meantime a claim to the estate of the

family was made on behalf of two infant cousins, whose parents
had also perished. The question of identity was, therefore,
raised in a contested suit before the Court of Claims, and a jury
of friends and relations empanelled decided in her favour.
In another case two little lads were found wandering in the
streets by a Russian officer and taken on board a Eussian man-
of-war. Four years later a Eussian gunboat put in to Tripoli
during the Italian occupation, and when the Italian Governor
went on board the two boys were pointed out to him. Their
pictures were taken and sent to Messina, the father was found,
and he identified his sons. Then came the difficulty: the Italian
Government claimed them, the Eussians did not want to give the
boys up, and the father, finding his sons comfortably provided
for, did not want them back. The solution of this problem is
still under discussion.
Some of the cases were amusing and many, as may be
imagined, touching and pathetic. I hardly know which of
these epithets to apply to the case of my good friend who,
being a bachelor, suddenly found himself the foster parent of
several hundred Messinese youngsters. Besides these duties
he also has charge of the admirable model village, built in the

northern suburb and maintained by H.M. the Queen of Italy.

Eeggio suffered more severely than Messina, but it was, archi-
tecturally speaking, a mean place, and the public buildings were
of no archaeological interest.
 ;

6 INTEODUCTION
By North Africa I must be understood to mean the French
colony of Algeria and the protectorate of Tunis ; that is to say,
the provinces known in Eoman times as Numidia, the two
Mauretanias, the Byzacena, and Africa Proconsularis. Under
the Eomans and the Cyrenaica were administered as part
Tripoli
of North Africa, but under the Byzantines they were attached
to Egypt.* The extent of the Christian remains in Tripoli and
Cyrene is still unknown, and owing to recent events it has been
impossible for a foreigner to visit them, but it seems likely
that the Church there was in rite and language the same as in
Algeria and Tunis. In one respect, at any rate, the history
of the Church has certainly been the same, for after the Arab
conquest in the seventh century the orthodox Christians were
completely wiped out, while in Egypt the Coptic Jacobite Church
managed to hold its own, and survives as a flourishing institution.
The student will find in the able and interesting works of Mrs.
Butcher, Mr. A. J. Butler, and my friend Mr. Somers Clarke all
and the latest that is known concerning the history, liturgy, ritual,
and architecture of the Coptic Church. It seems plain enough
that in the main the Copts followed the Greeks and not the Latins.
There are no books on the Church in North Africa like the
three I have just named, and so far as the architecture, at any
rate, is concerned, the only sources of information are to be
found in periodical publications and other works dealing with
archaeology generally. The student must thank my friend M.
Saladin for writing the first, and till recently the only con-
secutive notice of Christian edifices in the interior of Tunis
to his general survey must now be added the more detailed
examination made by M. Merlin, the learned Director of the
Department of Antiquities in Tunis, and the work of M. Diehl
on Africa generally. The truth of the matter is that until
recently Christian archaeology was entirely neglected and the
attention of the antiquaries directed to the earlier Eoman
remains and inscriptions.
Concerning the constitution of the Church in North Africa,
we know that after the *
Peace ' of Constantino it was presided
over by a Metropolitan at Carthage, that the provinces, each
with its own primate, corresponded to the civil provinces, and
* The exarchate of Africa also included Sardinia.
 INTKODUCTION 7

that there was a large number of bishops scattered all over the
country, but the names of several of the sees are still unknown,
and of those that are known many still remain to be identified.
We also know that Latin was the language used, as appears?
by the writings of the African Fathers, by dedications and
inscriptions, and that after Justinian's time, at any rate, the
Roman see possessed an extensive patrimony. These patri-
monies gave the Pontiff much power and influence as landlord,
and for a time at any rate the rectors presided over the local
assemblies of bishops, so that the Church in Africa was attached
to Rome by something more substantial than a common
language. Moreover, it is clear that the older and larger
churches in North Africa were designed and fitted upon the
same model as the basilican churches in Rome.
During the first period of Christianity, between the Peace of
the Church when the Christians were allowed to practise their
religion openly and the Vandal conquest in the fifth century,
the Church was distracted by the Donatist schism. No question
of faith was involved in this controversy, and as circumstances
evolved themselves it developed into a dispute concerning the
government of the Church and discipline. What liturgy was
used or whether the Donatist service differed materially from
the Orthodox we are not told. At any rate, I am not aware
that the ritual required any substantial modification of the
common plan and arrangement of the sanctuary and the altar,
so that a Donatist church is not distinguishable from an
Orthodox in the same way that the ordinary Greek church of
to-day can be distinguished from the Latin.
As the Donatists were accused of inviting, or at least assisting,
the Vandal invasion of Africa, and as ultimately the stronghold
of the sect was among the native Berbers in Numidia, it has
often occurred to me to wonder whether the Donatist schism
(at the outset a movement for a higher ideal or standard of
conduct, like the Quakers) did not eventually develop into a kind
of political home rule movement by the native clergy against
their brethren of Roman origin.

What I have just said regarding a structural distinction

between the churches of the Donatists, and the Orthodox applies
also to those of the Vandals. The Arian clergy took possession of
8 INTEODUCTION
the existing Orthodox churches, and if any were built during
their ascendancy the new are not distinguishable from the old.
I now pass to the third or Byzintine period, that lasted from
the conquest of Justinian till the closing years of the seventh
century. During this time North Africa was governed more
or less directly from Constantinople, at first by Justinian and
his immediate successors, and later on and for the greater part
of the time by Heraclius and his descendants.
Nearly every church of importance that I have seen in North
Africa shows that it has been extensively restored, if not
practically rebuilt out of materials taken from classical buildings.
There is every reason to attribute these restorations to the period
when Justinian set about reconstituting the Eoman Empire in
North Africa. Beside the purely military operations, this con-
sisted of colonizing and cultivating territory that had been
depopulated and devastated by the Berbers during the Vandal
dominion, and of rebuilding the churches ; the Emperor also
placed the clergy in an official position that they had not
occupied before, and not a little of the subsequent trouble over
religious matters may be traced to the great power and
importance acquired by them at this reformation. The fact
that the ritual arrangements of the sanctuaries, the altars,
and so on, were the same in the restored
tribunes, baptisteries,
as in the ancient churches seems to point to the fact that there
was no substantial alteration in the service to be performed.
It seems, therefore, impossible to distinguish the date of the
church from any structural peculiarity adapted to a particular
and varying form of ritual as at Constantinople, and the con-
clusion seems to be that the early form of service was continued
after the Byzantine conquest, and that the arrangements to
screen the altar with stone or wood screens across the chancel
arch, in the manner adopted by the Copts and Greeks of to-day,
was unknown and if any screening of the altar did take place it
;

was effected by a movable curtain suspended from a baldacchino

or rods and drawn to conceal the celebrant from view in the
manner practised by the Armenian Church.
I conclude that the African Church commenced by being
Latin in language and in rite, and that during the Byzantine
dominion it continued also in faith and Church government
 INTKODUCTION 9

substantially as it had been before the Vandal occupation, and

so remained until the fall of Carthage in 699.
Though this event may bo conveniently chosen to mark the
termination of the Christian empire in Africa and the commence-
ment of the Mahometan dominion that was destined to last for
just over twelve hundred years, in Africa as in Sicily the Arab
conquest proceeded slowly. We may attribute the ultimate
success to the general weakness and disorganization of the
Byzantine empire during the preceding fifty years, and select

as the turning point of events in favour of the Arabs the revolt

of the Viceroy Gregory against the Emperor Constans II. The
defeat of the Greek army at Sbeitla that ensued placed the whole
of Southern Tunis in the hands of the Arabs, and though the
Greeks were able to defend the fortified towns for some time
to come, the country districts were left to the mercy of the
invaders, "We know very little about the subsequent campaigns
of the Emperor Constans II in Africa. They were probably
attended with some measure of success, for the Greeks were
able to hold their own and some of the lost territory seems to
have been regained. But these operations came to an end with
the Emperor's death, and his son Constantino IV, Pogonatus,
was otherwise engaged in defending Constantinople in a siege
that lasted for seven years, besides carrying on a war with the
Arabs in Asia Minor.
Mr. Diehl, in UAfrique Byzantine, devotes many interesting
pages to an account of the local history of this period, and so far
as the relations between the Churches are concerned it is evident
that the orthodox Latins, under the protection of the Viceroy
Gregory, himself orthodox, held their own against the Greeks,
who at that time, and under the auspices of the Imperial family,
professed Monothelitism, During this rivalry Abbot Maximus,
the champion of the orthodox party, was accused by the Greeks
of having occasioned the loss of Tripoli by his evil counsels, just
as later on the Pontiff Martin was blamed for the loss of all

the Western provinces of the empire.

x\s these charges arose out of the Latin relations with the
African Church on the one hand and the Emperor Constans
on the other, I may briefly allude to the circumstances here.
The student is of course aware that from the Peace of the
10 INTEODUCTION
Church up to the end of the seventh century, Christians, and
more especially the Eastern Communities, were distracted by
doctrinal disputes touching the nature, the will, or the energy
of our Lord. The Emperor Heraclius attempted to reconcile
the exponents and adherents of the rival doctrines on these
subjects by an official pronouncement, or, as we should now call
it, in diplomatic phraseology, a formula. The attempt not only
failed, but raised other" issues affecting the Emperor and his
family, and when he died the Church was left divided into two
rival camps, the orthodox who supported the dual doctrine,
'
'

and the heretics, who are known to us under the names of their
founders or such cumbrous titles as Monophysites and Mono-
thelites. The student may obtain a limited idea of the issues
on questions of faith involved in these controversies by con-
sidering the doctrine that declared our Lord to have been
possessed of a single and that a Divine nature. The orthodox,
among whom must be reckoned the Latin and African Churches,
argued, and to us also it must apparently logically follow, that if
this be the true interpretation of the mystery of our Saviour, the
doctrine of the incarnation becomes a myth, the Godhead must
be held to have suffered on the Cross, to have died and have
been buried. I need not pursue the illustration.
The dispute and this formula caused a great stir in Christen-
dom, and was not finally set at rest till the close of the century in
the reign of Constantine IV, Pogonatus. In the meantime the
Emperor Constans II (the grandson of Heraclius and father of
Constantine IV, Pogonatus) conceived the idea that the con-
troversy might be stopped by forbidding any discussion about
it, and this was by the imperial edict or rescript issued
to be done
in the Emperor's name and known to us as the Type.' The '

edict of the grandson, Constans II, produced as great a stir

among the orthodox as the formula of the grandfather, Heraclius.
The formula and the Type differed, however, in two im-
'
'

portant respects : the former was no more than a statement

of and expression of the Emperor's views
faith the latter ;

expressed no opinion on the points of faith, but it forbade any

discussion about them and was issued in the name of Constans II
as an order of State.
I have already alluded to the Emperor Constans II's relation
 INTEODUCTION 11

with the Latin Church over the Type, to the part the Sicilian,
Calabrian, and Sardinian bishops took in the Lateran Council
when it was solemnly condemned, and to the prosecution of

Martin by the Emperor for disobeying it.

The part the African Church took in the dispute that gave
rise to theType is recorded to us in two letters addressed to the
Emperor and the Patriarch of Constantinople by a synod of
African bishops. The letter to the Emperor bears some analogy
to that addressed some two centuries later by John VIII to
the Byzantine princes of Sardinia. We see from these letters
that the African bishops held thesame views as Martin and the
Lateran Council, and the hostile critics were not slow to take
advantage of the circumstances and attribute the misfortunes
of the Greeks in Africa to the intrigues of the Latins, while
those in the opposite camp accused the Emperor Constans of
trying to force heretical doctrines on the orthodox community.
But in truth there seems no evidence that the Emperor Constans'
religious views were different from those of his father or his son
who were orthodox. And the Latin objection to the Type is

based, not on any definite pronouncement in favour of this

or that doctrine, but because by forbidding discussion on the
controversial question of the day regarding the attributes of our
Lord, the edict might be held to imply that one doctrine was
as good as the other. After making due allowance for the part
that theology played in the politics of this age, it seems likely
from the course of subsequent events that the substantial ques-
tions at issue underlying the dispute between the Emperor and
Martin of Rome turned less on matters of faith than of language,
and Church government, and that it arose out of the
nationality,
gradual growth of the Greek element in influence and importance
at the expense of the Latin.
The Church historian of Sicily * has pointed out that the
change from Greek to Latin commenced when Constans II came
and that the Emperor himself probably took
to live at Syracuse,
a part in promoting it. We are not told what happened to the
Church in Africa either in the reign of Constans or of his son,
Constantine Pogonatus ; the acts of the latter as affecting the

• Lancia di Brolo, the present Archbishop of Monreale, Storia delta Chiesa in

Sicilia.
12 INTEODUCTION
Church could hardly have been objected to by the Latins on the
score of faith, as hewas an orthodox churchman and presided
over the Council at Constantinople when the heresy that
occasioned the edict of his father was condemned and finally
disposed of.

In Sicily and Calabria the change from Latin to Greek had

proceeded so far and so thoroughly that in the Emperor Leo Ill's
reign these two Churches passed from the jurisdiction of the
Patriarchate of Rome to that of Constantinople. The fact that

the transfer was successfully accomplished seems to indicate that

by then the Greek element had jDrevailed, if not in numbers,
at least in importance over the Latin. We have no means of
judging by a similar test whether the Greek element also pre-
vailed in North Africa, for by the time Leo III came to the
throne the Arabs were in possession, the Church had come to
an end, and the Christians were given the alternative of be-

coming Mahometans or leaving the country.

In passing to Egypt, I should not forget to mention a fourth

book, upon the churches of Nubia, written by Messrs. Mileham
and Maciver, and published by the Pennsylvania University
Eckley B. Coxe, junior. Expedition of Archaeology. This
for the
and the three other books already referred to will supply the
student with the best and latest information obtained on
Christianity in the Nile valley. I need not do more here
than refer briefly to the churches described in these pages, and
point out how Egypt
the Church history and architecture of
differ from that of Algeria and Tunis. The
and important
first

difference the student will notice is that whereas Christianity

came, so to speak, to an abrupt end in Algeria and Tunis at
the close of the seventh century, a large and flourishing Christian
community still exists in Egypt under the name of the Coptic
Church. He will naturally inquire how it came about that the
Christians in Egypt were not only tolerated, but even, to a limited
degree, protected by the Arab conquerors, while almost at the
same date those in Algeria and Tunis were given the option
of becoming Mahometans or leaving the country. The circum-
stances are, of course, matters of well-known history, and I
 INTKODUCTION 13

refer tothem here only because they throw some hght upon the
history of the Church in North Africa, and they occurred while
the Byzantine Emperors of the Heraclian family, whom I have
so frequently mentioned, occupied the throne at Constantinople.
I have already alluded to the questions of faith relating to our

Lord's attributes and Divinity that divided the Church from the
fourth to the seventh century. I say the Church, but in point
of fact these questions arose chiefly among the Syrian and the
Egyptian Christians, and were debated in the great centres like
Antioch and Alexandria between the orthodox fathers and their
opponents known to us under a variety of names, the Nestorians,
Jacobites, Monophysites, and Monothelites. The founders of the
first two were especially connected with Egypt, for Nestorius
himself was sent to the Khargeh Oasis in exile, and the Coptic
Church to-day still follows a Jacobite profession.
In the seventh century the Coptic Church was, as it still

is, separated in faith and Church government from the orthodox

Greek Church, locally designated then as now by the name
Melkite or royalist. I suspect that the distinctions between the
two professions was first brought into marked prominence a
century earlier in Justinian's reign, and according to one
authority rival missions were actually sent to Egypt by the
orthodox under the auspices of the Emperor, and by the heretics
under those of his consort, the Empress Theodora. The attempt
by the Emperor Heraclius to reconcile the conflicting parties
under his formula or ecthesis having failed, the Arabs appeared
upon the scene when the dispute was still in active progress.
As circumstances eventually evolved themselves, the orthodox
became identified with the royalist imperial or Greek party, while
the opponents threw in their lot with the Arabs. There is no
doubt that to preserve their freedom the native Copts who
followed the dissentient or heretical profession appealed to the
Arabs for protection against the Byzantines and just as under ;

the capitulations with the Sultan Mahomet II, the Greek

Church is recognized and tolerated in Turkey, so under the
bargain made with the Arabs, the Coptic Church was permitted
to exist and still continues to-day. On the other hand, the
orthodox Melkites who identified themselves with the imperial
government were rigorously proscribed until a comparatively
14 INTEODUCTION
recent date. The Coptic Church has therefore had the Egyptian
mission field to itself, and exceptional opportunities of preserving
its identity and customs. The language, however, was lost, and
Arabic took its place. The last is perhaps the most remarkable
result of the separation, for we may suppose that to the rank and
file of the clergy and laity the question of language played at
least as important a part in the dispute with the orthodox Greeks
as that ofChurch government, or the abstruse doctrine about
our Lord that is presented to us so prominently by the clerical
historians.
In these notes I have endeavoured to see if the date of a
church can be fixed from the style of sanctuary architecture that

was adopted to suit a particular and one object

form of service,

of my visit to Egypt was to see how the arrangements of the

primitive churches in Algeria and Tunis might compare with
those in the Nile valley.
I think I am justified in saying that in the main the present
ceremonies of the Copts, so far as the celebration of the Lord's
supper and the sanctuary arrangements are concerned, are
substantially the same as those pertaining in the Greek Church
of to-day. But if the Coptic Churches in general are built
to suit a service that is founded in the main on the Greek as it
was developed after Justinian's revival, at least two structural
peculiarities that seem to be survivals of an older ceremonial
have been retained in the ancient churches of Cairo.
As I have pointed out in the Introduction to the chapter
on Algeria and Tunis, there is no indication that the ancient
churches in those provinces were ever provided with fixed parti-
tions to screen the altar in the manner of the Greek iconostasis.
And if, as there seems no reason to doubt, in the earliest times at
any rate the celebrant was hidden from the view of the congrega-
tion, movable curtains must have been used for the purpose,
either hanging from a canopy or baldacchino or from rods fixed
across the body of the church. I am not at all sure that the
baldacchino was as common in Africa as in Kome. In some
of the ruined churches there is no trace of anything of the kind,
and, unfortunately, one of the only independent pieces of evidence
we possess in the way of a representation of the interior of a
church, the famous mosaic now in the Bardo Museum at Tunis,
 INTEODUCTION 15

throws no light upon the question, and represents the altar

as standing exposed in the middle of the nave. But on the other
hand we have the evidence from the churches in Kome and the
marble carving on the west wall of S. Sofia at Constantinople
to show that a baldacchino was used and to these examples must
;

be added some of the old churches of Cairo.

It is quite certain that in the early period no stone screens
existed in Egypt, and when these were introduced at a later date,
the baldacchini were no longer necessary for their original
purpose. Nor are they found in the comparatively late churches
in the Nile valley. In the old churches of Cairo the baldacchino
or canopy over the altar figures as well as the stone screen, and I
can only explain the presence of the former by supposing that
the baldacchini were retained from old custom. It is also note-
worthy that the Coptic altars stand close into the apses, though
these are fitted with seats or tribunes for the clergy. This was
certainly not the primitive arrangement, where, as at Announa,
Tebessa, Carthage, and elsewhere in North Africa, as well as
in Home, the same arrangement of seats is found, but the altar
stood right out in the first bay of the nave ; it would seem
so that
that at some time the position of the altar was changed and
shifted farther into the sanctuary. And as the ancient churches
in Nubia are fitted in this way, the change in this part of the

world, at any rate, must have been made at an early date.

In another respect the Coptic practice differs from all others

by having several altars in the sanctuary, and three seems to be
the usual number custom is certainly not derived either
; this
from the early Christians or from the Greeks.
I am not prepared to draw any definite conclusion from these
and only note them here for the student's benefit, as
peculiarities,
they may be some guide to him in fixing the date of a church.
At Addendan and Debereh in Nubia, for example, there is some
indication that the sanctuary of the church was altered by the
erection of a stone screen that did. not form part of the original
structure.
The other peculiarity in a Coptic church is that there are
two fonts : a large one like a tank serving for ceremonial
immersion at the Epiphany, and the smaller one used for the
Sacrament of Baptism. I suspect that the tank represents the
16 INTKODUCTION
earliest and when the custom of baptism by
form of font,
aspersion superseded that of immersion (not submersion) the
old fonts were retained and utilized for ceremonial purposes-
only. Something of the same kind occurred at Albenga in
Italy, at Frejus in France, and other instances might no
doubt be found.
I speak with hesitation respecting the early practice of
administering the Sacrament of Baptism, for I am concerned
with it only in so far as the change in structure consequent
on a change in practice may be the means of fixing the date
of a building. The student who is interested in this question
must accept what I say with caution, especially in the use of
such terms as immersion, submersion, affusion, or aspersion.
In have only used the first and the last.
fact, I

would be manifestly impossible for an adult to be com-

It
pletely covered by water in any of these Tunisian or Algerian
fonts that are described here. They are not large enough by
a long way, for I tried the experiment in several of them.
The ceremony no doubt consisted in the candidate standing
knee-deep in the font and having water poured over him, and
that is what I mean to convey by the word immersion. By
aspersion I mean the practice of sprinkling as followed by
the Church of England and the Church of Rome
In to-day.
the Greek Church the child is actually plunged into the water
head and all. This is certainly not the general Coptic prac-
tice, whatever the theory may be, for the fonts are often
narrow-necked jars tucked away in niches or recesses in the
wall, where nothing of the sort could practically be done.

Was a distinction made between the design of a monastic

and a parish church? I have not been able to detect any,
but it is quite likely that the internal arrangements were not
quite the same. My father suggests that the trefoil church
of S. Elias at Salonica may be an example of a monastic
church, as there is no provision for an iconostasis : nor would
an altar screen of that kind be necessary where the congre-
gation was composed of persons who were in Orders. I am
not sufficiently well acquainted with the Greek monastic
 INTRODUCTION 17

service and practice to express an opinion respecting S. Elias,

but it is certainly the fact that trefoil buildings seem as a
rule to have been connected with religious communities. So
the trefoils at Sohag, Bethlehem, Tebessa, S. Honorat,
Montmajeur and S. Menas in Egypt were all attached to
monasteries.
And that brings me back to the two monastic churches
at The student may rightly consider them to be
Sohag.
among the most remarkable monuments of early Christianity
that have come down to us, and for my purpose they have
of course an especial interest owing to the sanctuaries being
built on trefoil plan as cellae trichorae. The other well-known,
or perhaps even better known, example of this arrangement
in a great Christian building of early date will be found in
the church of the Nativity at Bethlehem. It seems probable
that was the oldest of the three
this that the idea was ;

taken from an earlier building in Syria, not necessarily a

church, but perhaps a baptistery or a tomb. My father draws
my attention to a trefoil font, with steps leading down to the
cuvette for immersion, now lying in the courtyard of the
mosque, once a Byzantine church identified as the Hodja
Mustafa Pasha Djarai in the Balata quarter of Constantinople;
a plan will be found in the text. But I have discussed the
origin of church elsewhere,
the trefoil sanctuary in a great
and need say no more about it here beyond expressing my
agreement with M. Saladin in thinking that this peculiar
termination to a church was chosen for its doctrinal signifi-
cance. The reader will see for himself that my expedition
to the Christian cemetery in the Khargeh Oasis to find a
trefoil tomb was not successful.

I have already acknowledged the sources of much of the

information contained in this volume in the Introduction to
the preceding one. To the list of books which is reproduced
here I have added the four on Egypt already referred to,

and M. Saladin's report on the antiquities of Tunis that was

omitted by an oversight. These and other added books are
marked with an asterisk.
18 INTKODUCTION
Besides the many friends in Sicily and Italy whose kind-
ness I have already acknowledged, notably Professors Orsi
and A. Garufi, I must now add Professor Salinas, my friends
Mr. Macbean our Consul at Palermo, Mr, Churchill our
Consul at Naples, and Mr. Jerome, the United States Vice-
Consul at Capri.
I have again to thank M. Merlin for helping me in
Tunis and M. Saladin for his interest and for much valuable
information and suggestion he has given me from time to
time.
In Nubia I have to thank Sir K. Wingate, Mr. Drum-
mond of the Education Department Khartoum, Mr. lies
at

the Governor at Haifa, and Mr. and Mrs. F. Llewelyn

Griffith for their kindness and hospitality to me at Faras, and
to Mr. Woolley. In Egypt to my friends Mr. Somers Clarke
and Mr. J. W. Crowfoot. I have also to thank Mr. Strzy-
gowski for allowing me to use his photograph of the dome of
the Red Monastery at Sohag as it used to be. My visit to
these monasteries brought me to the house of Suwaris Basta,
the son of Basta Bey, whose hospitality and kindness are
well known to travellers. To the authorities in the Khargeh
Oasis, Mr. Hornblower, Mr. Armstrong, and to the genial
Director of the Museum at Alexandria, Dr. Professor Breccia,
I also owe thanks for their kind help.
I venture once again to beg the indulgence of the reader
for the many errors and omissions that can scarcely be avoided
in a book of this kind.

E. H. F.
Palermo,
January 12, 1914.
 : ;

CELL^ TRICHORD
Since our visit to Sicily in January, 1908, that is, a twelve-
month before the earthquake that destroyed Messina and Reggio,
our friend Professor P. Orsi, of Syracuse, has discovered the
debris of two more cellae trichorae. One is situated in the Val
d'Ispica in Southern Sicily * in a locality he describes as follows
*
Presso rincontro delle due cavuzze che unendosi formano il

corso idrico del Busaidone . . . alia sinistra del grande ponte,

due vaste catacombe. . . . Larderia e S. Maria. Piu sopra in
una spianata rocciosa in mezzo ai ruderi di un abitato Bizantino,
una fabbrica detta S. Pancrati.' The other is at a place called
Coppanello on the seashore just below the hill of Staletti in
Calabria. Nothing but the footings of this chapel remain, and
round about are the extensive ruins of a large monastery, possibly
the celebrated establishment founded by Cassiodorus.f This is
the ruin that we set out to find on our expedition from Catanzaro
Marina to the Eoccelletta. Unfortunately we missed our way,
and instead of proceeding along the coast road we turned up a
lane that eventually brought us to Staletti.

STA THEBESA
by Syracuse

We found that the floor of this trefoil chapel had recently

been excavated by the proprietor, Commendatore Vinci. Human
remains were found under the floor and also a late Eoman or
early Christian marble altar front in the central apse the latter ;

isnow deposited in the Museum at Syracuse. On this occasion

we noticed that the major part of the fabric of the little nave of
• Scavi . . . 7iel Sudest della Sicilia. Estratto dalle Notizie degli scavi
Anno 1905, fasc. 11 and 12, Rome, 1906.
t Vol. i. p. 85.
20 CELL^ TRICHOE^
Sta Theresa is composed of large stones taken from one of the
Roman buildings that this district is full of. The style of archi-
tecture, the form of altar, and the use of old materials indicate
that this chapel was erected in the early Christian period, and for
choice in the commencement of the fifth century before the
arrival of the Goths and Vandals. The remarkable similarity in
plan and architecture between Sta Theresa and the Holy Trinity
on the island of S. Honorat near Cannes shows that they belong
to the same early date. This, then, may be a convenient place
to describe and illustrate the Proven9al chapel that we visited in
1913 on our way to Sicily.

ABBEY OF LERINS
In Provence

The foundation of this monastery dates from the beginning of

the fifth century. As a school of theology it stood in much the
same relation to Gaul as Mount Athos and Monte Cassino did to
the Levant and Southern Italy, and in the twelfth century it
certainly rivalled them in importance and renown. Among many
celebrated scholars, divines, and fathers of the Church educated
within its walls, S. Patrick of Ireland and S. Vincent of Lerins
will be names familiar to English students. The community,
founded about 400-420 by S. Honorat on the smaller island * that
now bears his name, was composed of monks and hermits who
lived together under a rule probably adopted from the Egyptian
monasteries of the Nile Valley, but sufficiently distinct to have
been recognized at the Third Council of the Church held at
Aries (454) and identified as the Rule of Lerins. To this early
period belong the present cloisters of the modern abbey, the
church of the Holy Trinity with a trefoil sanctuary, and possibly
one or two of the little chapels or oratories dotted about in
different parts of the island. Though these notes are chiefly
concerned with cellae trichorae, the cloisters of the abbey and the
chapel of the Saint Sauveur are described here for the sake of
convenience.

* In Roman times S. Honorat seems to have been called Lerino to distinguish

it from the larger island Lero, the He Ste Marguerite of to-day.
 m
PHOTOGRAPHS
1 Uf(ir, S Theresa Cuba, SyraciiS(
2. Thmh, Alexandria.
)'. Masoii's Marks, Lerins Cloister.

SKETCfntS
.4_~„.

V w
w
n o^ n n
Z\
1
17

3-

/.
d
Mnsori's marks, Kirchcrian
Museum, Rome.
Masori's marks, Aries
Museum.
J. S. Satnrm'iK, Cas^liari.

To face page 20
 20 HORiE

Sta Theresa is composed of large stones taken from one of the

Roman buildings that this district is full of. The style of archi-

tecture, the form of altar, and f '^f old materials indicate

that this chapel was ^^^e^f^^^^f^x^cv- Christian period, and for

choice in the commencement of t^i-> fifth of>ntnry before the

arrival of the (ioths Aud Vandals. ^ lanty m
l.lan and arc^^e^ct^e be^^en^bt^^^^^
^

on the island of S. Honorat near Ca:— _- o^..v. ^ . .

.
-;

to the same early data2.'a.^'[j^lhs?J, may be a convenient place

to describe and illustrate the Proven9al chapel that we visited in

1913 on our way to Sicily.

n

The found alibn of his mori; I', l:- :mii^' of

the fifth century a school ol[_i|ieol('Jy 1

I ood in much the
same relation to Gaul W
'Mount Athos aj^d Monte Cassino did to
the Levant and Southern Italy, and inTne twelfth century it

certainly rivalled them in irapoHahce and renown. Among many

:ch educated
celebrated sc
o=<r) n
within its

will be in
foundey< ^ <i '

vv \ I
m In on th ^s.uy ier island* that
now bears Km name, wa« c of monks and hermits who
lived together ir ~ule juTTudoiy adopted from the Egyptian
monasteries of '
Valley, but sufficiently-distinct to have
been recognized at the Thftxi uolmcil of the Church held at
Aries (454) and identifiefl asrheTtuiejof Lerins. To this early
period belong the presentcJoist^i^'OT the modern abbey, the
church of the Holy Tri;^ij>y-^ith a trol^il sanctuary, and possibly
one or two of the lifthpisLnpRlR or oratories dotted about in
different parts of the islanu*: Though these notes are chiefly
concerned wirtfc«eN»\'ft:iv"iSe*i«\ tfh*bftl^stei|g of the abbey and the
chapel of the Saint .iB^fil:evMivs4itt\(Jescribed here for the sake of
convenience. ?.^\^K ,ii^ftm I'wois^V. <l.

•
In Roman timea^JSepoiai. seerasi Ao \^ve been called Lerino to distinguish
it from the larger i'slana Eiero, the lie ble Margu6«t€ of to-day.

>>v ^-^v^(\^ ^i'jv^\ o\

 •21

.-;-, , .ii^v^ U\^''A ^^tu^ N-K^J

:oes leads to th;s roinant:'

across the channel witli/^n*:

auctuar}^
ms dictionaj
the dome /f fh.'\

A^estern
tl

fisherfoik a^ a kr;> lun

the w
and '

t' iLiiiii.' of small materials and finis/

was addr 1 during the

r-^, vrl r-,( wa
the church
/re mounted on •

The
aall stone
lo\N er
) lapd in a hi
:is

aryof the w^g^^^y^

w i
l . cv i u -
CL
cingfes by la rp
^ d * s o
The larger vl
ve this si .'
t le chi'

in Hi'
uftn

\S ^'^'R^ v,i\»V ^^
 Plati.

To face Page 21
 LEEINS 21

Chapel of the Holy Trinity.

This chapel stands at the eastern extremity of the island

near the ruins of a Koman building said by tradition to have
been a temple. It is hidden in a grove of pine-trees and, being
invisible at a distance, may easily escape the visitor's notice.
From the little harbour in the straits between S. Honorat and Ste
Marguerite a path winding about between the stems of the pine-
trees leads to this romantic spot. On a fine sunny day the view
across the channel with the greenwoods of Ste Marguerite as a
background makes an exceedingly bright and pretty picture.
The path leads up to the west front of the church, and
walking round the south side to the east end we noticed that
the sanctuary consisted of three apses arranged in trefoil. In
his dictionary of French architecture * Viollet-le-Duc says that
the dome church is probably the first that was built in
of this
Western Europe, but he does not describe the sanctuary, and
the fact that it is arranged in trefoil came to us as a surprise,
for we had not seen M. Moris's t description of it. Continuing
our walk round the north side, where there is an outbuilding of
comparatively recent date that seems to have been used by the
fisherfolk as a kitchen, we returned for a closer examination of
the west front. This isnow composed of two parts ; the lower
and older portion extends up to the line of the sloping roof, and
the upper, made of small materials and finished off in a parapet
with battlements, was added during the Spanish occupation of
the island in 1635, when the church was turned into a fort or
blockhouse and guns were mounted on the roof.
The lower part of the west front is very roughly built with
small stones laid in a hard cement and bound together at the
angles by large dressed stones obtained from a Roman building.
The larger blocks used to make the posts and lintel of the door
give this side of the church the appearance of a prehistoric or
Cyclopean building. Above the door is a lunette window, and
again immediately above it a rude cross made of bricks embedded
in the masonry. There is some trace of a second cross, but no
other attempt at decoration on this side of the building.

• Dictionnaire de V architecture frangaise, vol. vi. p. 348-350.

f L^Abbaye de Levins. Henri Moris, Paris, 1900, Plon-Nourrit.
 ;

^2 CELL^ TKICHOE^
Entering by the door, placed a little north of the centre of the
wall, we come into a broad nave covered by a barrel vault made
of stone. This is two bays by a rib following the
divided into
contour of the vault and supported on each side by a detached
pillar. These pillars have stone shafts and plain caps, and were
no doubt obtained from a Koman building. The views of the
interior of the nave taken from the points marked a and h on
the plan are not much of a success, but the best that could be
obtained in almost total darkness. The view of the north side
shows the pillar and plain cap, and beyond it a small square
window in the wall. The view of the south side shows the
position of a door in the east bay. A sketch of the interior of the
church taken from the door and looking eastward towards
the central apse gives an idea of the general appearance, and
shows an arrangement of seats round the walls similar to that in
S. Giovanni at Sinis, in Sardinia. The nave and sanctuary are
separated from one another by a wall pierced by a round arch
springing from a plain cornice. The wall on the north side has
at some time been decorated with wall paintings of figures, and
a very faint trace of colour may be detected here and there. In
places the black outline* of figures and designs are visible, but
the damp and decay have obliterated the colours too much for
the subjects portrayed to be distinguishable.
The trefoil sanctuary consists of a square chamber covered
by a dome on pendentives and three semicircular apses covered
by semi-domes these semi-domes rest on a cornice at a different
;

level and of a different pattern to that found in the nave arch.

Each apse was lighted by a round-headed window ; the central
apse window is still open, but the other two are blocked up.
The remains of a stone altar slab and the pillar or foot that
supported it were found lying on the floor of the central apse

there were also traces of interment, showing that the chapel had
been used for the same purpose and in much the same way as
the trefoil chapels in the cemetery of S. Callixtus at Kome the ;

term shrine might be appropriate to describe this sanctuary.

The dome is slightly conical, and rests on a plain cornice that
separates it from the supporting pendentives ; it is made of

* Compare this method of outlining in black with that in the Abu Seir chapel in
Nubia, illustrated below.
 TRINITY CHAPEL.
S. HO NOR AT.
Trinity chapel fruni the West door
\(ii\ig the nave into the trefji/ sanctnarv.

\1

To face page 22
 i;

. ..Ltle north of the centre of the

.0 covered by a barrel vault made
id mto two bays by a rib following the
and supported on each by a detached
side

i,.:.,i. ^..-
!
.vp stone shafts and plaip and were '•"•^^'

i.o doubt ru Roman building. '1 of the

interior ave taken, from the points marken A on
the plan art uot much of a success, but the best thai
r.!.'o:.,,.,i : .
-"i..ost total darkness. The view of the nu.v.. . ...v

and plain cap, and beyond it a small square

•

he wall. The view of the south side shows the

^oor in the east bay. A sketch of the interior of the
n from the door and looking eastward towards
apse gives an idea of the general appearance, and
•
.-iiTangement of seats round the walls similar to that in
at Sinis, in Sardinia. The nave and ^
v are

m one another by a wall pierced by a ...... arch

!u a plain cornice. The wall on the north side has
•
been decorated with wall paintings of figures, and
•e oi'Sl9ll>M'li!X5\t¥;vVii'Si^ted here and there. In
0Utli;15%*t;s^(^V /'".'« " ' "^•'i'? :n-(^ v!Kil)lr' hv,t

V n^^Mfe^v,.,.-^ -->^-^

•
!i sanctuary consist.-, o. .. .^^^uare ;1

—
.

vendentives and three semicircuJ^- ^^ „„.„.,

these semi-domes rest on a cornice at a different
a different pattern to that found in the nave arch.
'

lighted by a round-headed wini"" 1

. still open, but the other two — ['.

of a stone altar slab and the pillar or foot that

d it were found lying on the floor of the central apse
-^s of interment, showing that the chapel had

„ .„. I..;. .,arae purpose and in much the same way as

. )\l chapels in the cemetery of S. Callixtus at Borne: the

t^xm shrine might be appropriate to describe th
:s slightly conical, and rests on a p' !; n

J
.: from the supporting pendentives . 'o of

* Compare this meLimd uf oiitlinink? in hlack with that in the Abu Seir chapel in
Nabt», iUiutratod b<

S.S. '»'^V^\ '^-JV»\ o\

 LERINS 23

dressed stones and built up in concentric rings. As already

mentioned, by VioUet-le-Duc to be probably the earliest
it is said
example of a dome in Western Europe.
Eeturning now to the main door, and passing out to the south
side, we come some buildings that have now
to the footings of
perished away. These consisted of a cloister and outbuildings,
and when uncovered the steps leading into them were found to
have been worn down and polished like marble by the pilgrims
who came to visit the shrine. The masonry of the lower or
original part of the church up to the line of the eaves and the
later or Spanish addition with the parapet and battlements
above can be clearly distinguished in the view of this side of the
church. There seems also to be a break in the masonry where
the nave and the sanctuary join, and this confirms our view that
the two parts of the church w^ere not built at the same time, and
that the sanctuary is older than the nave. The window in the
south apse, though blocked up, can be clearly distinguished but ;

the interesting detail of this part of the building is the ingenious

device of the Spanish architect to support his parapet by the
insertion of a kind of pendentive in the angle where the side
apses join the central one. The view of the window in the
central apse shows the decorative moulding that bears some
resemblance to the moulding in the nave of S. Giovanni at Sinis
in Sardinia.*

The Cloisters

The monastery was rebuilt in 1875, and on that occasion the

mediaeval church and all the older buildings except the cloisters
were destroyed. The accompanying
illustration will give an
idea of what they are like, and the plain solid masonry with the
waggon vault and pilasters bear a resemblance to the fabric of
the Trinity chapel. A collection of marks in the south wall
deserving careful notice are illustrated on the accompanying
plate. They represent two chisels, a mallet, an angle measure,
and an adze. The mallet in a more primitive form, accompanied
by a chisel and a Maltese cross, will be found on a stone in the
walls of the early nave of S. Saturnino at Cagliari.t We took
• Illustrated in vol. Plate 36.
i.

t Vol. i. Plate 39. The similarity in these details may not be quite accidental,
for S. Honorat possessed the important abbey church of Saccargia and adjacent
lands near Sassari in Sardinia.
24 CELL^ TEICHOE^
these to be emblems of our Lord's Passion, but the examples at
Lerins explain what they really are, and we found some more of
a similar kind exhibited in room L of the Kircherian Museum
at Kome and the museum at Aries, and they are late Eoman or
early Christian.

Saint Sauveur.

At the west end of the Island stands an octagonal chapel

now identified under the dedication to the Saint Sauveur.
Prosper Merimee * who visited Lerins in 1835 describes this
chapel as a baptistery, and though there is no evidence of a font
or water supply to serve it his conclusion is probably correct.
He might have gone further and suggested that the baptistery
was purposely placed here for symbolic reasons. The Christian
life commenced at the west end of the island in the baptistery,

and passing through the Abbey and church in the centre was
completed at the east end in the place of entombment, that is
the shrine in the Trinity chapel. M. Moris points out that by
the decree of the Council of Aries the Abbot had the privilege of
solemnizing the rite of baptism according to episcopal use.f
The interior is now used as a wine-cellar by the proprietor of
the neighbouring restaurant.
The six sides of the interior are recessed in niches and covered
with semi-domes, the seventh side is the entrance, and the
remaining side projects into a little semicircular apse covered by
a semi-dome. The roof of the chapel is a very flat dome.
There are one or two other little rectangular chapels in the
neighbourhood of the Abbey each provided with a semi-
circular apse, but there is nothingnoteworthy about them
else
except their respective dedications, t and no features in the
simple construction to help determine the dates when they were
built.

The annals of the Abbey give no information as to the con-

struction of the Trinity chapel, and the date can only be
• Voyage dans le Midi di La France.
t Compare this chapel with the baptisteries at Fr^jus and Albenga described
and illustrated in a later chapter.

I Moris, p. 380.
 ;

guessed, from t

ance of the :

, -point in ti be
lu had elected
irvs

diiced the rule of S

was resented by a
that ended in a plun»i
moj-

. ;iie five li

and re-endowed b}
niagne, and f'>v

From Charlem .

Siif -ens became n

of

\v^\\\\^ r((\^K '^llSiiCi \ft ift'xovu>V\. .?. \o f^v>«^t\"i^

or

but he laubt bavt^

Aries, wher-^ 1'^ i
visit of a
PontitT lo ^oden box
or reliquary reputed ry or early
fifteenth, now prest asse. The
identity of the t discussed.
M.Moris con clu U-1124) and
Eugenius III. (1161) a VI. (1522)
occun-ed long after . the last part
of this opinion 1 a -n that it wag
not later than the and the other
objects depicted ur. a the question,
ano shape of some

Latrii

^> ^^ft<\ ^:iV'>\ oT

 ROME.
Cemetery of S Callixtns West chapel.

(For the plan see next plate. )

To face page 25
 LEKINS 25

guessed, from the general history of the Society, from the appear-
ance of the architecture, and by comparison with similar
buildings elsewhere.
After enjoying great renown and prosperity for the first two
hundred and fifty j'ears of its existence, the year GOO marks a
turning-point in the fortunes of Lerins. It seems that the
monks had elected one Aygulph to be their Abbot, and he intro-
duced the rule of S. Benedict from Monte Cassino. The change
was resented by a section of the community and led to a dispute
that ended in a civil war, and the plunder and destruction of the
monastery. The monks had hardly settled their differences and
rebuilt it when the Saracens appeared on the scene, and for a
second time it was destroyed and the monks to the number of
some five hundred were killed. The community was resuscitated
and re-endowed by King Pepin le Bref and the Emperor Charle-
magne, and for a short time enjoyed a renewed prosperity.
Prom Charlemagne's death to the close of the tenth century the
Saracens became masters not only of the coasts of Provence, but
of all the western part of the Mediterranean, and exacted tribute
even from Eome itself. At this time the Pontiff, John VIII.,
occupied the Koman See and made a journey to south Gaul in a
Neapolitan ship. There is no evidence that he landed at Lerins,
but he must have passed close by on the way from Genoa to
Aries, where he landed at AVhitsuntide in 878.* The visit of a
Pontiff to Lerins is, however, recorded on a painted wooden box
or reliquary reputed to be of the late fourteenth century or early
fifteenth, now preserved in the cathedral treasury at Grasse. The
identity of the person represented has been much discussed.
M. Moris concludes f that the visits of CalHxtus II. (1119-1124) and
Eugenius III. (1151) are legendary, and that of Adrian VI. (1522)
occurred long after the reliquary was made. With the last part
of this opinion I agree,and came to the conclusion that it was
not later than the twelfth centur3^ The dresses and the other
objects depicted unfortunately throw no light on the question,
and the suggested date rests chiefly on the shape of some
escutcheons on the base of the casket that may be additions.

* Itinerary of the Popes, in Trisor de Chronologie. Mas Latrie. Also Le Pape

Jean VIII. Lapotre.
t Moris, p. 425.
 ;

26 CELL^ TKICHOE^
The Saracens were not finally dislodged from the south of
France till the time of William Count of Provence in 975. A
century later the monastery had regained its former prosperity,
and the fine fort that still stands on the south shore of the island
was built in the abbacy of Aldebert (1075) to guard the com-
munity against the Saracens.
About this time, or a little later, the church and monastery, all
but the ancient cloisters, were entirely rebuilt, and the works
then executed lasted till the middle of the nineteenth century.
A record of what they were like has fortunately come down to us
from the description of a member of the Community written
shortly before they were demolished.
There can be no doubt that the cloisters and the Trinity
chapel were built long before the time of Aldebert, and though
it is of course possible that they are as late as the revival in the
reigns of Pepin or Charlemagne, it seems more probable that

community fell on the evil days that

-they existed before the
commenced with Abbot Aygulph and continued during the
two centuries of Saracen oppression that ensued.

There are two other trefoil chapels in Provence, one near

Toulon, respecting which no information is at present to hand
the other is the well-known building dedicated to the Holy Cross
and attached to the monastery of Montmajeur near Aries. This
chapel is known to have been consecrated in the first quarter of
the eleventh century, and the architecture, the decorative details,
and the vaulted roof instead of the dome are in the style that
might be expected in a building of that date. Save in point of
plan there is no similarity between these two chapels.

BOME*
Cemetery of S. Callixtus

Nothing- is known either of the date or circumstances of the

erection of these chapels, or of the persons who were buried in
them. All that can be said is that they are Christian, of early
* The chapels are referred to in Die AUchristUche Architektur. H. Holtzinger
1889, p. 246 ; also in Journal of Roman Stiodies, p. 107, vol. i, part i., 1911.
 27

date, and
chapels for th
community.
The first i

•
the western
course quit
[>«, .1, tnt's house •

fi^llowing the 1 i

round-headed i

The second i

i;> uh is seen i;

apse the remains that apt

ws whero
/, .]^ bricks
. d witn'-±tfnijan
ittle museum,!
; the surrounding

iie total length

tii apse to the rj

width th of the
metres ^s deep ; wi
side apses, ne tres d eep.
.''
v,il fioor i- It I'ld-fevel omMni''
The next ,_ ; This is a 1

longer than ; re the nave VAjas

carried out «< 4 in Ithp sQidh-

west wall, Vdtn^just

within it :al ter-

mination <
door.
There is >• .WU\«^\ ^e side,

but pr. corre-

SpOI: i
in the
astel-

•arate
pass

Z^?. "^"^v^^ 'i::iVs\ oT

 X75, ROME.
I. W. chapel, apsrs and South side.

E. chapel.

W. chape/.

Plans.

To face paf^e 27.

 KOME 27

date, and were probably intended to be memorial or funerary

chapels for the interment of prominent members of the Christian
community.
The first picture shows the south-east front and the apses
of the western chapel. The superstructure of the square nave
is of course quite modern, dating from the demolition of the
peasant's house that had been built up round it. This new work,
following the lines of the old, takes the form of a lantern with
round-headed lights in the gables.
The second picture shows the interior looking into the
central apse, and it is taken from the temporary steps leading on
to the old floor. The remains of an altar with a tomb under-
neath is At the foot of the central
seen in the foreground.
apse the remains of more stone coffins were found, so that appa-
rently several people were interred. The picture shows where
the new brickwork of the walls joins the old ; the original bricks
are small and thin, of the kind usually associated with Eoman
work. This chapel has now been turned into a little museum, and
contains fragments of sculpture collected from the surrounding
garden.
The inside dimensions are as follows : The total length of
the chapel from the extremity of the central apse to the door,
9 metres ; width of the nave, 5*25 metres ; width of the central
apse, 4'30 metres across, and it is 2"70 metres deep width of ;

the side apses, 3'50 metres, and they are 1'98 metres deep. The
original floor is about 1 metre below the ground-level outside.
The next pictures are of the east chapel. This is a little

longer than the other, and at an early date the nave was
carried out some 4 metres. The principal door is in the south-
west wall, and the pictures of the interior are taken from just
within it. In the foreground are the marks of the original ter-
mination of the wall, and on the left of the picture, of a side door.
There no trace of a corresponding door on the opposite side,
is

but probably one existed. It is not unusual to find small corre-

sponding doors in this class of building. They occur in the
Nubian church at Serreh, at Maccari, and at Delia, near Castel-
vetrano in Sicily, and were perhaps intended to serve as separate
entrances for the sexes, or to enable visitors to the shrine to pass
across the chapel.
28 CELL^ TEICHOK^
In this chapel remains of an important tomb were found in the
central apse. The altar seen in the picture is of course modern.
The appearance of the brick masonry is similar to that of the
west chapel.
The inside dimensions are as follows : Total length from the
extremity of the apse to the door, about 13 metres ; nave, 6 metres
v/ide ; square intersection, 5'70 metres by 6 metres ; the central
apse is 4"50 metres across, and the side apses 4*57 metres across.
As the chapels in the cemetery of S. Callixtus were certainly
used for burial, and it has been suggested * that the trefoil plan
was copied from a pagan model, we have added to these notes a
short account and illustrations of a remarkable building at the
foot of Monte Cassino, near San Germano, known as the chapel
of the Crocifisso. Though attributed to a pagan foundress, and
said to date from the first century a.d., it is built in the form of
a cross with a bee-hive shaped dome over the intersection : the
plan in general resembles those of the two chapels at Camerina
in Sicily and the Galla Placidia monument at Eavenna. The
arrangement of bodies on three sides of a square chamber either
built overground or dug out underground seems to have been
common to both the Pagans and the Christians. While in
Alexandria we happened to come across an example of this class in
a little tomb chapel made of stone now preserved in the garden
of the Museum, of this also we give a short account and a picture.

MONTE CASSINO
Chapel of the Crocifisso, near S. Germano

In a little village about a mile out of St. Germano on the

road to Kome stands the chapel of the Crocifisso. It is situ-
ated at the foot of Monte Cassino, about 100 feet above the valley,
and close to it on the south side are the remains of a large
Roman amphitheatre. The top of this chapel, now covered
by a house, and consequently from outside, is on a
invisible
level with the village street. The entrance is by a narrow
lane with two flights of steps leading down from the main
street of the village to a terrace or platform in front of the
* Manuale di Arclieologia Cristiana, pp. 166-168. P. Sisto Scaglia, Rome, 1911.
 MONTE (

•^re IS a
country mountain B
opposite -

The gru .

irti. The .

^fjon vaults IS arrange-

and th> once recall
. v.alla ri:,

The intersv .fred by a

beehive-shapo > i
Silanus
I Sardinia, and it have
•" <"'" away !'; • arance
.!ar clii'r it with
I eat care and pi masons
assessed of
The floui „ clopean
locks of stonn without
The r.'. 1 stones
r size. a good
lese detai »'n from
I'nts cut
^^ '^'^'
antwise ii^oiii^!^: ^^^«^^o^^-^.
.-^-^^
Y"^" -^ere is
lie over eW(^ ,^^v^.w-.o — o
. .^ , _i-^ marks,
., decoratic^^XH-
^^•*^-' '-H— ^
^^^ ^^ ^^""^^'^ '^^"''^^.|
saints
c monks in the )
Tb*»pf
lave now becoini
lie twelfth cent;
The dimen^'
iiapel from '

iietres ; the wi*

'istance acr
oO that of til

metres dee]> .

aetres abo^•
'

No .1.

itiilfl; M"

^^"^
Q<t. ^T!..^\ "^'^^A
To face page 2Q
 MONTE CASSINO 29

door. From this spot there is a fine view westward over the
country below, and of the mountains above Gaeta on the
opposite side of the plain.
The ground-plan is a cross, forming chancel, transepts, and
nave. The former have square ends and are roofed with
wagon vaults shaped to the segment of a circle. This arrange-
ment and the general appearance of the interior at once recall
the Galla Placidia monument at Kavenna.
The intersection of the nave and transepts is covered by a
beehive-shaped dome like that of Sta. Sarbana near Silanus
in Sardinia, and the angles of the walls supporting it have
been cut away to follow the contour line giving the appearance
of a circular chamber. This detail has been carried out with
great care and precision, and is obviously the work of masons
possessed of considerable technical knowledge and skill.

The floor and walls are made of large, almost cyclopean

blocks of stone, dressed and fitted together closely without
mortar. The roof and dome are also made of dressed stones
of smaller size. The accompanying photograph gives a good
idea of these details ; the plan and elevation I have taken from
Schulz.* The lighting was
by four small squints cut
effected
slantwise in the lowest stone course of the dome, and there is
one over each arch. There are no inscriptions, masons' marks,
or decoration of any kind, except some mural paintings of saints
or monks in the porch on the right side of the entrance. These
have now become indistinguishable, but seem to be work of
the twelfth century or the thirteenth.
The dimensions are as follows: The extreme length of the
chapel from the door to the back of the chancel is 10"56
metres ; the width of the nave and chancel 2*35 metres. The
distance across the intersection from the end of one transept
to that of the other is 10*45 metres, and the transepts are 2*70
metres deep and 2*40 metres wide. The vaults are about 5'40
metres above the floor-level and the top of the dome 9 metres.
No definite or satisfactory information about this little
building seems to be obtainable.! Local antiquaries say it was
* Schulz has taken his illustrations from Seroux d'Agincourt. Compare it with
pictures on the same plate of SS. Nazaire and Celsa at Eavenna, built on the
same model, where this tomb is illustrated on Plate XV.
f Monte Cassino, Descrizione, dc, by P. della Marra, pub. 1775, p. cix.
 30 CELL^ TEICHOE^
built in prehistoric or Etruscan times ; but more reliable
opinions attribute it to a Eoman lady who lived in the first
century of our era, whose name occurs on a votive tablet found
near by in 1757 with the following inscription :
'
Ummidia
C. F. Quadratilla amphitheatrum et templum Cassinatibus sua
pecunia fecit.' She is supposed to be the sister of Caius
Durmio Quadratus some time Governor of Spain, and of
Syria in the time of Felix, and was born in a.d. 28 or 29.*
The general appearance and character of the masonry
justify a preference for the Eoman origin, and I do not think
that there can be any doubt that it was built as a funeral
chapel, and that it is pagan and not Christian. It was

appropriated by the Church at a relatively late date, and in

the middle of the eighth century was first dedicated to
S. Peter. It was then dedicated a second time to S. Nicholas
of Bari, in the time of Abbot Teodemaro and again in the ;

abbacy of Eoffredo, 1208, during the pontificate of Innocent III.

Finally it was dedicated to the S. Crocifisso in the seventeenth
century, and the then Archbishop of Eossano endowed it for
a mass to be said for him every Good Friday.

ALEXANDBIA
Tomb in the Museum
I understand that this tomb is one of many found in the
Christian cemetery, and that it belongs to the Early Christian
period. The measurement is 2"65 metres square and the
interior
same in height. The accompanying photograph shows how the
shelves for the bodies are placed, and will illustrate better than
a verbal description the arrangement of the construction and
decoration that are certainly late Eoman.
In the notes on the basilica at El Kef and on the ruined hall
at Henchir Gebeul, we have pointed out that the ribbed semi-
dome, an architectural detail of frequent occurrence in the apses
of North African churches, seems to have been derived from the
scallop-shell. We have in this tomb another case in point to
illustrate this. It requires but a small modification of the plan

• Upon this family see Pliny, junr., Epis. 24, lib. 7.

 :

CELL.^ TKICHOK^ 31

to reproduce the ribbed semidome over the tombs on the three

sides, and the latter, when converted from square chambers
into half-circles to fit the semidome above, become the semi-
circular apses of the common trefoil plan.

These Eoman chapels should be compared with the chapels of

Malvagna, Maccari, and Sta Theresa in Sicily, at Maatria and
Oebioui in Tunis, and at Tebessa and Carthage in North Africa
and the two monasteries at Sohag in Egypt. The plans are
almost identical, and there is not much to be said about them.
Thin bricks were used in the Koman chapels, dressed stones at
Tebessa and Carthage, and rubble set in a very hard cement at
Malvagna and Maccari in Sicily. The important difference
between them is in the method of roofing the square naves, and
this depended on the materials available.
In these Eoman chapels the roofs of the naves were
apparently made of timbers and tiles, for there are no signs of
squinches or pendentives to support vaults or domes, and the
walls are too thin to hold solid roofs. Timber and tiles have
been used in the recent restoration, and no doubt rightly.
In the Tunis chapels the intersection was covered with a
voute d'aretes made of rubble and mortar, and built up over a
substructure of tubes of pottery set in a kind of cement. This
ingenious way of building an arch or a vault, still practised by
the native inhabitants of Gafsa and Tozeur, in Southern Tunis,
can also be seen in nearly every Eoman building of importance
in North Africa, and notably in the thermae at Thelepta.

The naves of the Sicilian chapels are covered with flat domes
Malvagna and Maccari have squinches in the angles, and
Sta Theresa the ordinary plain pendentive. The chapel of the
Trinity on S. Honorat also has a dome on plain pendentives. The
squinch does not seem to have found its way into Sicily or Tunis
from the East before the Saracen conquest in the seventh
century ; the churches at Serreh, near Wady Haifa, on the Nile,
show that the squinch and the plain pendentive were used con-
currently in Egypt.
In the churches Sohag the original roofs have been replaced
at

by later Coptic domes on squinches but there is evidence that

;
32 CELL^ TRICHORD
the square intersection in the Red monastery was covered with
a timber and tile roof.

Three explanations are given of the origin and adaptation of

this trefoil plan to Christian buildings ; first, that it w^as derived

from a common form of pagan tomb ; secondly, that it was

adopted for a baptistery in imitation of a form of bath-room
frequently found in the Roman thermae ; thirdly, that it was
invented at a critical point of Christian history to emphasize the
doctrine and worship of the Holy Trinity.
It is no doubt true that the bodies buried in pagan tombs
were frequently disposed in recesses to contain either coffins or

urns, put on three sides of a square hall or central chamber ; in

this way, and to that extent, the arrangement of the bodies in
these trefoil chapels is similar. The pagan tombs can well be
illustratedfrom M. Gsell's work on the antiquities of Algeria,,
where plans and drawings are given of prehistoric tumuli, of
rock-cut tombs and Roman mausolea to these may be added the ;

example of an overground sepulchral chapel in the garden of the

museum at Alexandria. In most of these tombs there is a
passage leading into a square room ; on three sides of it there are
niches or rectangular recesses, after themanner of the Galla
Placidia chapel at Ravenna, or the tomb in the museum at
Alexandria. In the rock-cut tombs, and some others, such as
the chapel at Monte Cassino, the roofs of the recesses take an
arched form. The tomb in the museum at Alexandria is arranged
on this principle, and only requires the three sides to be built out
into semi-domed apses to make it a trefoil. But so far as I
know this projection of three apses making a trefoil plan is never
found in a pagan building intended for worship or sepulchre.
The trefoil form ofvapour bath-room, called the laconicum,
frequently occurs in Roman thermae, for example in those at
Lambessa, built by the soldiers of the Roman garrison in the
reign of Septimius Severus,* the thermae at Thelepta of about
the same date, where there are two trefoils, and in the monastery
of S. Menas, near Alexandria, where the heating arrangements
can stillbe seen under the floor.! I have been unable to discover
* Gsell, vol. i. p. 218.

t La
decouverte des Sanctuaires de Minus dans le desert de Mareotis, pp. 116
and 168, Kauffman Published, Alexandria, by the Societe de Puhlicatimis Egyp-
:

tiennes, 4 Rue du General Earle. 1908.

 CELL^ TKICHOR^ 33

why this particular shape was so often used for a bath, but there
must have been some practical reason which research may some
day explain. The connection between a bath and a baptismal
font is obvious enough, and the trefoil chapel attached to the
basilica at Tebessa is quoted as an example of a building which
may have served both purposes at different periods.*
The occurrence of the trefoil plan in a Koman bath disposes
of the suggestion that it was invented by a Christian architect
for a church or tomb, but hardly justifies preferring the
second explanation to the first.But whatever may have been
the origin, I am inclined to think that this plan was adopted by the
Early Christians in imitation of a trefoil building in Palestine,
now destroyed but then existing, and traditionally connected
with our Lord's ministry : much in the same way, for example,
as the '
round churches '
were built by the Crusaders in imi-
tation of a building supposed to have contained the Holy
Sepulchre. And I may remind the student that the trefoil plan
is not unknown in Jerusalem,! where an example will be found
serving the purpose of crypt to a chapel of relatively late date
built by the Byzantines and restored by the Crusaders. This
building is described and illustrated in the Quarterly Statement

of the Palestine Exploration Fund for January, 1899, in an

article by Archibald C. Dickie, and it is considered to be one of
the earliest Christian monuments in the city.t

* See the notes on Tebessa below. This involves an assumption not justified by
evidence that the basilica v?as built in Roman times for secular purposes and formed
part of a group of municipal buildings that included a market and a public bath-
house.
t Also the Church of the Nativity at Bethlehem.
J I am indebted to Col. Sir Charles Watson, K.C.M.G., C.B., R.E., for this
reference.
 CELL^ TRICHORD
SOHAG

These two monasteries, known respectively from the

materials used as the White and the Red, stand about a mile
apart on the western fringe of the Nile Valley three miles from
Sohag. They were same time, and have been
built about the
attributed to various Roman Emperors Con-
Sovereigns, the
stantine or Justinian, or the Empresses Helena or Theodora.
In their way, they are by far the most important monuments
of early Christianity in Egypt, and require several days apiece
for careful study. The student who is not provided with intro-
ductions to friends in Sohag must be prepared to rough it in the
full sense of the term, for the local hotel accommodation is

primitive and more filthy than any I have met with outside
China.

The White Monastery

I will begin with the White Monastery, because it gives the

better idea of a plan that is common to both.
The first general view outside, taken about 300 yards from
the south-east comer, shows the desert on the left, the culti-
vated land on the right, and in the centre the monastery, looking
like a great stone fort, with sloping walls topped with the pro-
jecting cornice common to ancient Egyptian architecture. No
part of the buildings enclosed in these watlls is visible from
this point excepting two white domes belonging to the later
Coptic restoration. The outside dimension of the monastery
wall seen in the picture is about 80 metres long and about 20
metres high. The wall that now has really become a curtain.
 so HAG.
White monastery.

General exterior Tiew * -^

Nnrth di)nr. ^^^^

Early cha/>el in S. Narthex marked C on plan.

lo fare paj^c 7^
 .

CELL/E TRICHOR/E

from the
ijdt. .':; a ]i)ile

Theodora,
aonuments
ays apiece,
tyith intro-
• .rOifth, it in the

liew outsi fcaids from

shows* the <
* I lie culti-

1, and iu the cu-Lic 1,1^ looking

QB^^'
with sloping walls t^ ^ \Kh the pro-
lE^IPpiHBHBilllliprture. No
partr of
1 . . »^.v
[j^^whit^dorn e|L
'^:<> fnitsidc diljflpnsion of thejtiona^
ng and about 20
lie wall that now has really become a curtain.
 f

il1^
i
.

''
~w
'^l
l.. .. .. •l
 SOHAG 35

and is so described in these notes, was originally pierced by-

four doors, one on the west or desert side, one on the north
side,and two on the south side one of the last is now used as
;

the entrance, and the others are blocked up.

In the original arrangement, the enclosure within the curtain
wall was roughly divided into three unequal parts, of which the
two smaller ones on the south and western sides were occupied
by corridors, and the other third and larger part by a great
church of basilican form provided at the east end with three
apses built in trefoil shape to serve as sanctuary. All that now
remains of this great church are the three apses covered by semi-
domes, parts of the walls, and some fragments of decorative
detail ; the nave has been completely gutted, and till recently
was filled with a number of small brick houses.
It will be easier for me to describe and the reader to under-
stand the interesting points in this building if I refer to the
letters on the plan and the corresponding letters on the pictures
and proceed as if we had entered by the south door and were
going round the place together.
Entering by the south door we stand in the corridor at the
point A. There are two pictures looking towards the door, B,
that leads into a chamber said to have been a library. On the
left is the wall of the south aisle of the church, and on the right
the curtain wall we have just passed through. At the top of both
walls there are little round-headed windows in a row, and below
them cornices with corbels. The corridor we are standing in was
therefore covered by a timber ceiling resting on the cornice, and
the monks' living rooms above it were lighted by the windows.
The original fabric of the fifth century is made of stone, while
the Coptic restoration of the twelfth century is of brick, and that
distinction applies to every part of the monastery.
The next picture is also taken from A, but looking in the
opposite direction towards C. C is the semicircular apse of a
Coptic church that was built at an early date in this corridor.
The apse was fitted in the usual way, with seats for the clergy
and a Bishop's throne in the centre, the position of the latter
being marked by a cross carved on a step-stone now lying just
below the end of the fallen pillar. The apse was decorated like
Announa and other North African churches, with pillars on each
 :

36 SOHAG
side of the entrance. The arched building X, seen beyond, is a
much larger Coptic erection covering a cistern or well.
From A in the corridor we pass through a door to D in the
nave. I give a picture of this door, looking back from D to A, to

show that the lintel is made of a block of stone with a triglyph

carved on it obtained from a classical building, so that from this
and an Egyptian fragment on the lintel of the north door and
elsewhere it is clear that ancient materials were used by the
architect.
The next picture, taken at D, is from my sketch-book. We
are looking at the wall EFG, and the dome K, just visible

on the top ofit. The north wall of the basilica is on the left, H
and the party wall between the basilica and the south aisle
marked J is on the right. This party wall was made by the
Copts of brick and was built up between the great pillars of
the nave, on the south side, that are still seen embedded in it.

The next view is taken from the top of the wall EFG,
looking at D, on the floor of the church, to show the place in
front of the white door where the preceding sketch and views are
taken from. This bird's-eye view shows the modern houses that
still occupy the spaces Y and Z on the plan, and also the arrange-

ment of the stone and marble pavement. Before the recent res-
toration all this part of the church was filled with houses, and
the pavement space became a lane or street between them.
To return to D and the picture taken from my sketch-book
the reader will understand that we are now standing in what was
the nave of the church and looking east towards the sanctuary.
In the original church neither the wall EFG nor the dome K
above existed, for these are Coptic additions made of brick after
the original nave had been gutted. The Copts had then to
satisfy themselves with the trefoil sanctuary for their reduced
church, the reason for this being apparently that the original
nave was covered with timber and tiles, while the roofs of the
three trefoil apses were made of masonry, so that when the nave
roof was burnt out (for there are traces of fire) only the roofs of
the apses remained. The Copts then covered the square space N
with a dome, made a narthex covered by three small domes,
L, K, M, in front of it, and then built up the brick wall EFG
to close their church in. If the reader will bear this in mind
 so HAG,
White monastery. M!^

Sketch of the ancient nave looking east from D

to the wall E.F.G on the plan; small domes
T,.K.M above; and pulpit on the left. --;

See plan un Jiy sheet J.

The pictures mentioned in the text.^ taken from

A to B on the plan., from D to A and from
the top of the wall E.F.G, are omitted.

Tft face pa^e '^6

 ^

side of the entrance. Ixie arcJied building X, seen beyond, is a

,.>w hvget Coptic erection covering a cistern or well.
1.

a A in the corridor we pass through a door to D in the

nave. I give a picture of this door, looking back from D to A, to

show tl' is made of a block of stone with a triglyph

'
I

carved .. d from a classical building, so that from this

and an n fragment on the lintel of the north door and
elsewhi clear that ancient materials were used by the
architect.
Thn >u>\t picture, taken at D, is from my sketch-book. We
8n- at the wall EFG, and the dome K, just visible
I it. The north wall of the basilica H is on the left,

rty wall between the basilica and the south aisle

naity wall was made by the
on the right. This Daily ..^

and was buiTt^

t it up betwt
be'tween the great pillars of
brick
Ib.e nave, on the south sidel<."^^i^*^ ^ffrseen embedded in it.
next view is taken from the top of the wall EFG,
^'t T^c^o-^'Si^^\ift^otl>^vflhi»"^wto?>4Si\ps\'^:tih^place in
i'lf t,%lw<(;fe <\\«>w<i\v)^ittj?6<j^liA^i»ffic^fA^^li&t«^ a^l'jftiews are

taken from. Thia>^\r^^-«w3V»«^^ Ww>\v^^tiJ^iMi\fe(^r& houses that

^ the spaces Y^i^d^^ o^^he^J^^^d also the arrange-
,!<• stone and marble pavement. Before the recent res-

. .ill yaJi^]aft*lh\ot\:*iiie?»4iiiw«lftwwte^iWc'^'t*r^^^ l^ses, and

ttko j. iVenien<s\B]^^i»eteaiiiieQt l!wm\)in<i^'e9^T)t^«^t^icfh(^.
irn to.V*>V«wd the ^e^ile %lfeft*?r>>?ii^y*^etch-book ;

. will understand that we are now standing in what wa'-

•
of the church and looking east towards the sanctuary.
Jn the original church neither the wall EFG nor the dome K
ind, for these are Coptic additions nv after ' ''
'
'.

, nave had been gutted.

.al C' ;ien to The
-V, i'^!> tiiemselves with the trefoil sanctuary for their reduced
church, the reason for this being apparently that the original
nave v, '

red with timber and tiles, while the roofs of the

three ti . .. ..^ ies were made of masonry, so that when the nave
ruof was burnt out (for there are traces of fire) only the roofs of
the »p$«fi remained. The Copts then covered the square space N
wit' * made a narthex covered by three small domes,
L./ , orit of it, and then built up the brick wall EFG
to close th^ church in. If the reader will bear this in mind
fvl V 1 '1 if if » f ?1
 WHITE MONASTEEY 37

he will readily understand the illustrations and explanations that

follow.
It will be perhaps more convenient to leave the nave for the
moment and proceed at once to the door F in the brick wall,
noticing the Coptic dedication crosses over the lintel.

Passing through the door F we enter the Coptic narthex and

stand under the dome K, flanked by the smaller domes L and M.
These are shown in the photograph taken from inside F, looking
upwards.
The next view is taken from the same place in the narthex
looking across N into the central apse. Three structural details
will be noticed here ; first that the central dome N is of Coptic
brickwork and rests on four piers, next that the two piers between
N and K have columns embedded in them, and thirdly that the
apses and P are separated by a passage from the piers and from
the central apse. These details show that the space between the
apses is now only partly covered by the dome N, and must in
the original church have been roofed by timbers and tiles. So
that when when the Copts covered
the latter was destroyed, and
this sanctuary by a brick dome, they had to make a square sub-
structure to support it. This was done on the side nearest K
by building up pilasters or piers round the ancient pillars that

supported the chancel arch of the original church. The top of

the capital of the pillar on the west side will be seen on the left

hand of the picture projecting a little from the face of the pilaster.
No attempt appears to have bsen made to restore the basilica*

as a whole ; all the Coptic architect did was to adapt the chancel
of the old basilica into a small church or chapel as we now see it.

Judging from what I have seen of these great Christian basilicas

elsewhere in Africa, I imagine that when once a basihca had been
destroyed, the same difficulty of reconstructing presented itself to

the Coptic as to the Tunisian and Algerian architects, but perhaps

even in a more pronounced way. As a general rule these great
buildings were covered with timber and tile roofs, and when, as
usually happened, these were destroyed by fire, the ways and
means that enabled the original builders to obtain timber from
Europe were no longer available. The restorers then adopted the
expedient of dividing up the original structure into a number
of square divisions or bays with transverse arches supported on
38 SOHAG
piers, and then of covering the square partitions thus made with
small brick domes. If in this case the same scheme was ever
adopted for the whole basilica, all that now remains is in the
present church consisting of the square intersection between the
apses and the bay of the nave next to them. In this case
the western arch of the was bricked up, the covered
first hsbj

space constituted the present and reduced church, and the rest of
the basilica was abandoned.
I now come to the ancient fabric. The semi-circular wall
of the central apse is divided into a lower and an upper
colonnade. In the restoration a wood architrave has been in-
serted from capital to capital to replace the original one that
supported the stone frieze and a little cornice above it. This
arrangement is the same in both colonnades, but in the
upper one the stone frieze is gone and has been replaced by
bricks in three rows. There are six columns in each row, and the
intercolumn space is occupied by round-headed niches : these
little niches are set in kinds of frames with pilasters on each side
supporting what I may describe as broken gables. This peculiar
design is repeated over and over again in both the monasteries,
but can be best seen in the Red Monastery where the niches
have escaped destruction. The canopies over them are semi-
domes and plain barrel vaults alternately, usually decorated
with various pretty patterns, flowers, fruit, birds, stags and
peacocks ; in one niche, on the north wall of the basilica, the
peacock is represented with tail displayed facing the spectator.
The barrel vault niches have usually a medallion with some
device on the back wall.
Owing to interposition of the wood screen and altar, it was
impossible to take a picture of the whole apse ; the views
taken in sections commence with the north corner of the lower
cornice and continue round to the south. In the centre of
the entablature above the lower colonnade is a square stone
carved with a heraldic bird displayed : this I venture to say,
with all deference to those who differ from me, is not a Holy
dove but the Imperial eagle.*
It will be noticed that all the capitals are different. Some
* The Imperial eagle is frequently represented, as for instauce over the main

door in the narthex of S. Sofia at Constantinople.

 SOHAG.
White monastery.

Trefoil saiicttiary of the ancient basilica

now covered
by a Coptic dome; a modern wood screen in
front
of the chancel; the north apse on the left; a
Coptic
wooden lectern in the centre.

The pictures of the domes in the narthex

are omitted.

k \

To face page ^8
V.;. (•0\'-rin<^ li. ; pciLLlliuus lim^ lUHde witii

sn_. If in till the same scheme was ever

adopted t vhole basilica, »11 that now remains is in the
present church c< 'f the square intersection between the
apses and the ba\ ui ilu> nave next to them. In this case
the western arch of the first bay was bricked up, the covered
'••pace constitated the present and reduced church, and the rest of
the; i>avHica was abandoned.
] M- : the anciciii iaunt:. The seun-iiii-uiui w.m
of tl ; is divided into a lower and an up}>"r
col')r. ill the restoration a wood architrave has been m-
tal to capital to replace the original one that
- frieze and a little cornice above it. This
ar same in both colonnades, but in the

upfK Tone frieze H^^^^ft.^^^ ^^^ ^' ''^

«* cows. There are six columns in each . riii^

'' IS occiipiea by rouna-neaaed niciu-^. uiesc

supportiii.j^^^-|:^-5 i„j^^ (ig6^1i^<teofe.-(iivejjij«iAkl(5^

design is ij^cO'-w •^xx.^f ^pclw^i^tajiaigsaiw i^M^v^^^S^ ft^^steries,
but c" s>'c.»v\ift:itkfe fiedk^Mofejl^fim® where the niches

have unction. The canoDies over them are semi-

dome^ .>^^|Vf^iS^^i?^^^^rvlfl\lft '•^!?l?natelf, usSallj decorated
pretty patterns, flowers, fruit, birds, stags and
- -
on the north wall of the basilica, the
niche,

;
-ented with tail displayed facing the spectator.
The barr»?l vault niches have^ usually a medallion with some
the back wall.
••-•
* -T^-^'Sltion 0( Liie \>ijiMi ,-i n • i: .
•- >i iio

iTnp. a picture of the whole ai .•. views

sections commence with the north comer of the lower
.1-, and continue round to the south. In the centre of
ntablature above the lower colonnade is a square stone
d with a heraldic bird displayed: this I venture to say,
with all deference to those who differ from >

dove but the Imperial eagle.*

u „;ii i>o noticed that all the capitals are different. Some
I !if iriip'-rial eagle is frtvj '
i ted, as for«iiista ace over the main
door in the narthex of S. Sofia a
 .. \

V
^

- .-^

'^y^

/^^

_j^ \.^-^-^ d i

t'V
"T' S23S^
1

s >:.,;^.r'
 WHITE MONASTEEY 39

are either unfinished or what I may call shop or ready-made

pattern to fill a vacancy ; others look like Eoman work, and
two resemble the caps in the Eed Monastery that seem to
have been made specially for the occasion.
The entablature above the wood architrave is divided into two
and a small projecting cornice the latter has a
parts, the frieze, ;

serrated edge and the face is divided up into little square panels
with rosettes and leaves below the cornice is a running pattern
;

of plain billets ; I shall not attempt to describe the patterns

carved upon the frieze in alternate rosettes and whorls. All
three friezes are different, and on the whole more elaborate in
the side than in the central apse.
The view upper colonnade shows that all the
of the
capitals are and resemble closely those in the Red
alike,

Monastery. On the second pillar there are two dedication

crosses in high relief with the P turned the wrong way.
The painting in the half dome represents our Lord seated
with the right hand uplifted, blessing in the Greek way.
This is Coptic work of the thirteenth century and probably
coeval with the rest of the brick structure.
So far as construction goes, the two side apses are repetitions
of the central apse ; they are separated from the latter, as I have
already pointed out, by doors leading into the rooms at the back of
the sanctuary, and in that respect the arrangement differs from that
of the Red Monastery where the two side apses join the central
one and the doors to the back are cut in the side apse walls.
I give some views and a general view of the
of the side apses,
south apse where a screen of wood stands in the way. In the
south apse one of the columns in the upper row has a pretty
dedication cross in a wreath of leaves carved in high relief. This
should be compared with a similar cross on a pillar in the Red
Monastery, and on the coin of the Empress Eudocia, illustrated
on plate 42 in Vol. I. Some of the pillars in both the apses,
and in both upper and lower rows, were obtained from an older
building ; notice in the upper colonnade of the south apse a shaft
in two pieces of which the upper is fluted ; and in the lower row
of the north apse a hexagonal shaft.
There remains the question where the altar of the basilica
stood. The Copts have shut off the central apse by a screen or
40 SOHAG
iconostasis and the altars within are concealed from the view
of the worshippers. But it is was not the
certain that this

original arrangement of the sanctuary when

altar was the
habitually placed out in the open; and judging by the early
basilicas in Tunis and Algeria the foundation of the altar here

should be sought either in the intersection between the three

apses, that is to say under the dome N, or if the precedent of
the African churches be more strictly followed then further west
in the first bay of the nave under the Coptic dome K, or even
further west. The position under N
on the whole more likely, is

but the question could be determined by digging up the floor.

What I have just said applies also to the Ked Monastery.
The present Coptic arrangement is of course a comparatively
late alteration.
The plan will show the arrangement of the chambers behind
the sanctuary. The construction of the semi-circular apse
within a square outer wall and the introduction of chambers
in the angles are common features in African churches. In
one of the rooms on the south side is the Coptic font, and
adjoining it an octagonal chamber that may once have been
the baptistery. It is now used as a store room and much too
dark to be photographed. This chamber has doors on the west
and north sides ; the former is the main entrance, and over it is

a small round-headed lunette with acanthus foliage and a Greek

cross (arms of equal length) carved in stone. The six panels
of the octagon are decorated with niches (half dome and barrel
vault tops) similar to those in the apses ; the semi-circular half
domes and the waggon vaults over them are decorated with
scallop shells, and in the gable over the north-east and south-
west panels are figures of a tall jar with vine and grapes issuing
from it. Above the niches a cornice is decorated with rosettes
and stars like that in the apses of the church.
To reach the chambers on the north side of the sanctuary
we have to return to the north apse by crossing the chancel.
Here are two other rooms, one of which forms a corridor leading
by a broad staircase to the roof. These stairs are part of the
and in the walls are fragments of carving
original structure,
obtained from an Egyptian building. The views of the nave
looking down from the roof and of the cupolas have already
been referred to.
 to

SOHAG.
WHITE MONASTE
Details in central apse, with dedication cross
on a pillar shaft ; and the Imperial eagle in
cornice : niches and cani)pies.

To face page 40
 40 a
ic*'iiv-i...-.i^ Ai ,vi...... ,^^^. concealed froni iii.; ViCN.

of the worahij ;t it is certain that this was not tt ;

original arraii}j;enjent of the sanctuary when the altar wu-

habitoally in the open; and " by the early
basilicas i« . Algeria the foundai.^,-. . ;' * >Har here
Hhoald be sou i- in the intersection betv, three
fip«es, tha ^v under the dome N, or if the precedwit of
tl be more strictly followed then fn -t

)n ...c nave under the Coptic dome i\.

fui position under N

on the whole more is

but the q- ould be determined by digging up the flooi

What I ; t said applies also to the Red Monastery.

The pr- -> ic arrangement is of course a comparatively
late ai

The plan sviU show the arrangement of the chambers 1

th' The construction of the semi-cir<

wii — .. ,,ie outer wall and the introduction of ^.......k.c»„

in the *»»•''*• are common features in African churches. In

one 0' ims on the south side is the Coptic font, and
adj' u octagonal chanftfe^rolft may once have been
the . It is riaw^"a.^2lt£EA.Qi\liit(aaW(>Mi and much too
dark i liographed,. This chamber has doors on, the west
and u .: Uie foriaer, is tlwi ipam entyance,.aJid over it is

CTu..-, cijual length) carved in stone. The six panels

of the . ; are decorated with niches (half dome and barrel
vault tops) aimilar to those in the apses ; the semi-circular half
dor '
' waggon vaults over them are d'

tiCii ">1 in the gable over the north-e;

wt ^ures of a tall jar with vine and ,

from n. Above the niches a cornice is decorated with rosettes

'
an bat in the apses of the church.
.... ;ij!' chambers on the north side of the sanctn.'n-.
w. havf to return to the north apse by crossing the cli:

Here are two other rooms, one of which forms a corridor h

by '
ircase to the roof. These stairs are pai"t oi ine
ori^ ... and in the walls are fragments of carving
„;:. .ure,

obtained from an Egyptian building. The views of the nave

looking dawn from the roof and of the cupolas have already
been referred to.
 WHITE MONASTEEY 41

In the chamber marked R on the plan are some fragments

and capitals that have been collected from various parts of the
building. Some of them are Coptic, some Eoman, and some
belong to the later period when the native artists introduced
designs of their own, copied more or less from Roman models
like those in Tunis and Algiers. There is nothing Byzantine
about them. Duplicates of a plain and graceful capital will be
found in the museum at Alexandria and in the mosque of Amr
at Cairo.*
To visit the west end of the church we have to return to
the nave and pass through door D.
The lower part of the wall H was decorated with a series of
niches, above them was a row of round-headed windows, above
them again square holes to take the joists of a triforium that
was also lighted by a row of round-headed windows, and finally
above all are the stone corbels to support the roof.
The niches are constructed on much the same plan as those
in the apses, and the arches over them are carved with various
designs, scallop shells, peacocks, deer, flowers, vine and grapes,
and interlaced foliage. The most original is a peacock with
tail erect facing the spectator in a niche in the north wall.
This wall was pierced by the north door that is now blocked
up. The it from outside is taken to show the crosses
picture of
on the and also a carved stone from an Egyptian frieze.
lintel

Between D and W, that is to say on the north side of the nave,

are the remains of a pulpit. The position should be compared
with that of one of the churches at Faras in Nubia.
We pass now to the west end of the nave. As the plan
shows the new houses YZ abutting on the walls of the basilica
are built across the middle of the nave, leaving a narrow passage
or lane between them. Beyond these houses, and between them
and the west wall of the basilica, there is an open space corres-
ponding with the last three bays of the nave. The next view
taken from this spot shows two of the pillars and the north
wall Q decorated with more niches. In the north-west angle
of the nave there are the remains of a Coptic building covered
with a dome and of a fine squinch that supported it.

The main door was in the west wall of the basilica and on
* See illustrations of capitals at the end of this book.
42 SOHAG
each side were two niches like those in the apse. Passing through
this door we come into the narthex that separated the west
wall of the basilica from the outer wall of the monastery. The
view looking north shows an apse covered with a brick semi-
dome supported on a cornice with the original wood architrave
and pillars. The view looking in the opposite direction shows
the south end T pierced by two doors, separated by a pilaster
decorated with a niche. One of the doors led to a staircase and
the other to a small room. On the left and right of this view
are niches of the usual form and beyond them the doors U and V.
The photograph of V is taken from outside.

The Bed Monastery

The Eed Monastery stands about a mile north of the White

Monastery. The road, if such it can be called, passes along the
border of the desert and the cultivated land through two small
villages occupied by an agricultural population that is mainly
Christian.
The ground plans of the White and Eed Monasteries are
substantially the same, but the latter is the smaller of the two,
and though there is less of it the parts that remain are in better
preservation. It has also been carefully and sufficiently restored
to pres(?rve it from further damage.
The main entrance was by the south door A under an
elaborately-carved lintel decorated with little crosses. Opposite
this door in a group of buildings outside the Monastery is a
rectangular room with a domed roof containing the Epiphany
tank. This room is of no particular interest, and was too dark to
be photographed.
Entering the south door A we
open space. Thecome to an
major part of this space, bounded by the wall opposite on the
north side, was occupied by a large basilican church and a
corridor on the south side of it. We are standing in the corridor C
and looking across the nave to the north door D, decorated with
a handsome carved lintel. The original trefoil sanctuary stood at
the east end on the right of the view and has been converted into
a church by the Copts in the same way as the White Monastery
was treated. The work of restoration was only partly accom-
 II

SOHAG.
WHITE MONASTERY.
Apse til West iKirtlicx at S on plan (see fly sheet J ).

RED MONASTERY.
Smith Door.

To face page 42
iyjicii hide M-ere two i. ^ • nose in the apse. Pas-i
this door we come le narthex that separate^ ,

wall of the basiliisa frtmi the outer wall of the monaster)

view lo^ ^vs an apse covered with a brick semi-
'
d(>me su; ,: '-ornice with the ; ;
'

and pill;i 'W looking in the o} ; -i:wv,_

the sour' reed by two doors, separat oilaster

deer* niche. One of the doors led to r; 1

^'
-l room. On the left and rigni
ml form and beyond them the dooi
of V is taken from outside.

The Red Monastery

i
Monastery stands about a mile
The road, if such it can be called.

.'.le desert and the cultivated land thruugu i

.ipierl hv an agricuK^^^^^pulation that i-

V the same, but the latter is the smaller of the two,

there is less.'^5^iS^TBeK]ft©ft*itlaRSfemain are in better
i. It has also bee%)gQj't^iii^ and sufficiently restored
itfrom further damage.
n entrance was by the soum uoor A under an
u ved lintel decorated with little crosses. Opposite
group of buildings outside the Monastery is a
loom with a domed roof containing the F.
111 is of no particular interest, and was tc

the south door A we come to an open space. The

ills bounded by the wall opposite
space,
-
occupied by a large basil- "" "^
uthsideofit. We are stan
and loo.i he nave to the north do
me c&rv«;o liatel. The original '
stood at
' '/^
of the view and ni^ ia< m (...averted into

:•
.
'• tibe same way as the White Monaster}
was he work of restoration was only partly accom-
 ViH\\Z >^^ \^\vs.

.31
V
-^
^ JD

CD -^
n
V "O^

^-o < rr

o 91 J—o.
^^
.uo\UA?,u^^a\ 'n^VN-vK Viu\\ \\oi\iJ^x-v?)?,\\\ 'ji^'i^o'^

'^''^^^ ^^"^
?iV ''>'^^^i
 2nd fly Sheet

Coptic Inscription and Arabic translation.

To face page 46
 ! : ;

£1
T'r

f roi
arc
and
N H'

they ^^

original sim
church in ti

I will (X '

the wall caj

arch V, suppoi
pilasters nf •

nearest tlu

ported an ar

arcn across t'l'

"
the corners '
-
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It is flanked
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much i

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 2nd Hv Sheet
12

~^

R£tT-M ONA STER Y.

riUTln chancel apse.
CV.

o ->
"fnscrifituman Coptic characters.
~--fwtth atranslation in a(h^ie^)

^]0
(VT-'
The illusitration and plan^-^ferrf^to
rec on ^i
page ypp^site 43"
ij are omutm^~^Jt
om^idd,-^ It w^Ube
w^uoe tmder- j .

gifoimd plan q/ the tvm-basilica» -^^ \

sUDstantiattyl^e same/ I
C^"***^ *

'>>

V-
o
o
To f^^yTTgT'JJ' J^
 EED MONASTEKY 43

plished at the time of my visit, and a small piece of brick wall

that formed the west end of the Coptic church was still standing
between the pillars of the ancient church. A modern wood roof
was erected to protect the old stone masonry behind.
It will be seen that the adjustment of the three apses R, S, T
forming the trefoil sanctuary is different to that of the three
apses in the White Monastery, and as the intersection Q is square
they fit close up to one another.
The nave was separated from the sanctuary by a great wall
from L to P. This was pierced in the centre by the chancel
arch V, at the two extremities by two large doors at L and P,
and on either side of the chancel arch by two smaller doors at
N and N. If the reader will refer to the pictures and the plan
they will explain how this wall was divided up, and how the
original sanctuary had been closed in and converted into a
church in the same way as the "White Monastery.
I will commence with the view X to Y because the details of
the wall can be clearly distinguished. This shows the chancel
arch V, supported by two detached pillars K, K. Y and Z are
pilasters of the pier adjoining K, K. The cap on the pilaster
nearest the spectator Z is a restoration uncarved, and suj^-

ported an arch across to the pillar H. Y on the opposite side of

the chancel arch has the original carved cap and supported an
arch across to the pillar F. H and F are the two pillars seen at
the corners of the Coptic brick wall G in the general view.
The niche over N is seen in the same view taken from X to Y.
It is flanked on one side by the pilaster Z (with the uncarved
cap) and on the other by the smaller pilaster c with cap at a
much lower level than that of the capital on Z, From c an
arch crossed to the pillar d, and from a on the opposite side

an arch crossed to b.
I must confess that this arrangement of piers and pillars in

reference to the colonnade of the nave is to me very puzzling and

difficult to account for.

Passing now into the sanctuary Q, we see that the plan of

decorating the walls of the apses with a double colonnade and
niches is again repeated here. In this case the capitals are all

alike and obviously made for this church.

The interesting part of the sanctuary is the roof over Q, and
44 SOHAG
I give a view of it as it now is, and, by M. Strzygowski's permis-
sion, as it was before restoration when the Coptic brick dome still

covered the space Q.

The intersection was covered by a square lantern lighted by
three windows in each side; each window was flanked by two
little pillars standing on a cornice. The superstructure is
modern, and the present dome is, of course, merely a makeshift
resting on the walls of the lantern that have been carried
up above the pillars. Strzygowski's view shows how the Copts
had replaced the original roof by a dome lighted with small
windows notice the way the Coptic architect made use of the
;

little pillars to support his squinches in the angles. The

photograph is interesting also because it shows how the inter-
column spaces were filled up with bricks to support the entabla-
ture where the wood architrave was gone. I do not suppose
there is any doubt that in the original building the little pillars
in the lantern flanked windows, and supported little gables or
canopies, and that the whole square was covered by a timber
and tile roof. The student who wishes to know what an inter-
section of this kind looked like when covered by a timber roof
will get a good idea from the Norman church of S. Spirito at

Palermo.
The view of the dome Q is taken looking up into the lantern ;

the arch of the chancel apse bottom left-hand corner^

is in the
the arch of the north apse in the top left-hand corner, and the
arch of the south apse on the bottom right-hand corner. The
apex of each semi-dome is ornamented with a flat scallop like
that in the octagonal room in the White Monastery.
Coming now to the apses themselves, it will be seen that
there are four pillars in each colonnade of the chancel apse
and in the others.
five As all the pillars and their caps are
of the same pattern it seems probable that they were made
for the occasion, and not taken from an older building. The
intervening spaces are again filled up with little gabled niches
in which domed and vaulted roofs are placed alternately. The
wood architrave has been restored, and above it is a plain frieze
with a carved cornice on the top.
As Monastery so here the roofs of the
in the Y/hite apses-
are covered with paintings of saints and Coptic legends. The
 3

SOHAG.
Red moHastery.

Trefoil sanctuary of the ancient basilica ; Coptic Tvood

screen in front of the chancel ; north apse on the left.

To face page 44
 ' J ;

SOi:

^i I give a view of it as it now is, and, by M. Strzygowski's permis-

sion, as it was before restoration when the Coptic brick dome still
covered the space Q.
The intersection was covered by a square lantern Hghted by
three windows in each side; each window was flanked by two
little pillars .standing on a cornice. The superstructure is
modern, and the present dome is, of course, merely a makeshift
resting on the walls of the lantern that have been carried
up above the pillars. Strzygowski's view shows how the Copt«
had replaced the original roof by a dome lighted with small
wii' notice the way the Coptic architect made use of the
litt;^ , ..as to support his squinches in the angles. The
phoi 'i:raph is interesting also because it shows how the inter-
coiu.'iM eipaces were filled up with bricks to support the entabla-
"ere the wood architrave was gone. I do not suppose
^ any doubt that in the original building the little pillars

lantern flanked windows, and supported little gables or

>, and that the whole sQ^*if^Q*^s covered by a timber
roof. The student w^j^^^^^lg^ ^^J5^now what an inter-
of this kind looked like when covered by a timber roof
r a g^'»ia^^o'^r6fl!?^^^%^]^»«^fmi^^'^it11^^\^15«^'S^T^ at

'"^
<• view of the dome Q is taken looking up into the lantern
!i bottom left-hand corner jT
of the chancel apse is in the
M of the north apse in the top left-hand corner, and the

the" south apse gn the bottom right-hand corner. The

each semi-dome is ornamented with a flat scallop like
the octagonal room in the White Monastery.
(iicg now to the apses themselves, it will be seen that
iht:,i are four pillars in each colonnade of the chancel apse
B,ni\ Fivt- in the others. As all the pillars and their caps are
of * "'Mie pattern seems probable that they were made
it

for .ision, and not taken from an older building. The

interver* 'i spaces are again filled up with little gabled niches
"

in \ 1 and vaulted roofs are placed alternately. The

woo, ; has been restored, and above it is a plain frieze
with a cai'Vod lornice on the top.
As in t ' Monastery so here the roofs of the apses
are covered w.tii paintings of saints and Coptic legends-. The
-0.'.- -Ijr~^^\

^OHAC- T?..^Mona.sr<Tj
IvA:
 KED MONASTEKY 45

best preserved is in the north apse, and at the east side.

The subject here seems to be our Lord and the Blessed

Virgin. On the left of the latter there are two figures seated
in regal attire ; above them a man is standing pointing to
our Lord. Between the two figures there is a short inscrip-
tion in Coptic characters, and the female figure holds a
tablet on her knee, also inscribed with a longer Coptic legend.
I am my friends Suwaris Basta and his brother for
indebted to
which an Arabic translation is added. This is
this inscription to
interpreted I the humble monk Lobus son of Yuanes priest
:
'

of Saint Schenuda Monastery and servant of God,' and the date

'
Baaba 1017 of the Coptic Martyrs,' that is, September, 1298,
A.D.*
According to the usual African plan the apses are built

inside a square outer wall, the intervening spaces being filled

with small chambers. Access to them is by doors in the side
apses. On the south side in the first room is a jar stuck into the
wall that does duty as font for the Copts. This room and the
one corresponding to it on the north side are covered with flat

domes decorated in the middle with a stone rosette in the shape

of a chrysanthemum. In the adjoining room on the north side
there is a slab or table such as would be used in a chapel of the
prothesis.
Before leaving this part of the church I should again point
out that the floor level of the nave and chancel is the same, and
that there are no indications of seats for the clergy, or of the
altar. The under the intersection, or as seems
latter stood either
more likely in front of the chancel arch, where the Coptic wall
with a door in it now stands.
In the notes on Tunis I have pointed out how in Koman
capitals at El Djem, a rudimentary cornucopia or torch-handle t
ornament, known to French architects as the caulicole, is always
prominently introduced in the acanthus leaf design. In process
of time this ornament gradually changes character, and in the

native Berber caps it disappears altogether. In the caps here

* The student must verify this inscription for himself. I made a noto of it at
the time and asked my friend Suwaris to have it copied for me. The inscription I
noted was in the semi-dome over the north apse of the Red Monastery.
t Mr. Crowfoot points out rightly that this torch-handle is really a stalk of the
foliage represented.
 46 SOHAG
we see the transition. The torch handle is represented by a
number of beads diminishing in size, forming a kind of tail
in between the leaves. In the fine capitals of the chancel
arch pillars and in the caps of the pilasters supporting the carved
stone over the north gate, this device is introduced to support
little Greek crosses. This is repeated in the caps of the flat
pilasters a, c and Y, but in place of the crosses there are
rosettes.
There is a Latin dedication cross on the soffit of the lintel
of the door leading to the diaconicon in the Eed Monastery, and
several examples of the Maltese and Greek types. But as a
general rule crosses afford no safe guide to a date, for the
Latin and Greek forms are found together in almost every
African church of importance, and in work that must be of
about the same date.

According to the local and early tradition these monasteries

were founded by the monk Schenouda, to whom many churches
in Egypt are dedicated. He flourished in the first half of the
fifth century, and took a prominent part in the history of the
Egyptian Church. The style of architecture, the use of
materials taken from Koman buildings, the presence of certain
details in the decoration, and the absence of others, justify a
preference for the early part of the fifth century, but this
evidence is not conclusive, and there is, of course, none to
identify Schenouda as the founder. Moreover the appearance
of these Monasteries, the circumstance that old materials are
frequently found in the fabric of the White Monastery, while
the Red appears to have been made of new, suggests that they
are built at different times and that the White Monastery is by
a little the older.
I base no argument in favour of this date on either the
basilican plan of the church or the trefoil shape of the sanctuary.
The former is too common, and the latter too rare, to be of any
assistance. It is, however, a remarkable fact that a trefoil

building is associated with so many of these early monasteries.

Sometimes as here, and in the church of the Nativity at

Bethlehem, in the prominent place of the sanctuary, or in
 14

SO HAG. ^-^^j^'

J? ED MONASTERY.
North Apse.

To face pa^e 46
 ri Luicli iMiiiuf 1ft represented vy n.
*»
ing in size, forming a kind of tail
i the fine capitals of the chancel
arcn pii 'i ^^® pilasters supporting the carved
1,: -i-vice is introduced to support
-Led in the caps of the flat
place of the crosses there are

cioss on the soffit t'l. mt iMiuel

tiicon in the Ked Monastery, and

i
Utese and Greek types. But as a
no safe guide to a date, for the
e found together in almost every
:ice, and in work that must be of

ind early tradition these monasteries

ak Schenouda^to whom many churches
He flounced m the first half of the
iif m history of the
the use of
•«
style ,^^K ate^UiifVecture,

•man buildings, the presence of certain

a. and the absence of others, justify a
-^art of the fifth century, but this

. and there is, of course, none to

founder. Moreover the appearance
.ircumstance that old material-^
lie of the White Monastery, ^w...-

i.-n made of new, suggests that they

aid that the White Monastery is by

he trefoil shape of the sanctuary,

the latter too rare, to be of any
narkable fact that a trefoil

,-...i. ov> •
...y of these early monasteries.

and in th< church of the Nativity at

minent place of the sanctuary, or in

^V ^>,vs\ ^:ivi\^ o\.

 SOHAG 47

subsidiary places as at the monastery of S. Menas, at Tebessa,

in the Damns el Karita at Carthage, at Monmajeur and S.
Honorat de Lerins in Provence, in Armenia, and elsewhere. In
these two monastic churches, as in the church of the Nativity
at Bethlehem, we have examples of the cella trichora using the
words in their real meaning as the trefoil choir or sanctuary of a
great church and not merely as detached cells or chapels.
In considering the decorative detail we stand on surer ground.
There is evidence that in the White Monastery some of the
pillars and capitals were obtained from an older building but in ;

the Ked Monastery they are certainly contemporary with the

church itself. There is nothing at all here like the true
Byzantine capital as we find it in Europe, in Tunis and Algiers,
or in the neighbourhood of Cairo or Alexandria. The forms are
essentially Eoman and they only resemble Byzantine work in so
far as the sculptor departed from the stiff conventional repre-
sentation of foliage in Roman patterns and attempted to copy
nature more closely. Viewed in that light, these transition styles
which are no doubt to be attributed to the native provincial
workers and usually dubbed debased, are a great improvement.
It needs but a glance to see that the decorative details at Sohag
are based on Roman and not on Byzantine models, and as the
sculptor was certainly not influenced by the Byzantine designs
that did find their way into lower Egypt, the inference seems
to be that they were produced before the middle of the sixth
century.
The presence of materials taken from Roman buildings raises
other considerations. In Algiers and Tunis we may certainly
take Justinian's conquest in 535 as a convenient terminus a quo
for fixing the date of a building where Roman materials have
been used, for the Roman buildings in those two provinces were
in the main destroyed by Genseric and his successors for military
or poHtical reasons. Owing war between the Vandals
to incessant
and the Berbers, no attempt was made to rebuild the Roman
cities that were destroyed until Justinian's generals had broken

up the Vandal kingdom and resettled the provinces. By that

time paganism was so far discredited that the temples became
useless, and were either converted into churches or broken up
for the materials.
48 SOHAG
The truth is that the history of Algiers and Tunis in the fifth
and sixth centuries is so well marked off into distinct periods by
the invasion and ultimate expulsion of the Vandals and the final
destruction of the Eoman Empire by the Arabs in the seventh,
that it is comparatively easy to assign, if not a date, at least
a period to any building of importance either before or after the
Vandal occupation or before the Mahometan conquest.
In Egypt nothing exactly corresponds to the Vandal conquest
that in Algiers and Tunis so profoundly affected the older Eoman
architecture and caused the destruction of fortifications and
public buildings and the use of the materials for building churches.
There is little doubt that for an appreciable period after the
proclamation of Christianity the pagan temples in Egypt were
not disturbed but from the reign of Theodosius onward many
;

were destroyed either by the zeal of monks and converts or by

the State as part of an organized endeavour to suppress paganisrn.
I offer these considerations for what they may be worth and the
student must judge for himself whether the slender evidence
obtilinable justifies the traditional foundation of these monas-
teries by Schenouda. It seems certain that these monasteries
were founded long before the Arab conquest.
 SICILY

CASTIGLIONE

S. Domenico

Since we visited Sicily in 1908 Professor Orsi has discovered

a Byzantine church near CastigHone. This building is of con-
siderable interest, as vi^ell for the architecture as for the ritual
arrangement of the triple apse in trefoil, showing that this plan
of providing for the Greek rite was not unknown in Sicily.
The term Byzantine is strictly applicable to this church
because there are no Arab or Norman features about it. The
situation is remote and difficult to find, but the following directions
will enable the traveller to locate it. He will probably make the
excursion, as we did, from Taormina, and by starting early and
using a motor-car the chapel at Malvagna can be visited on the
same day.
After leaving Giardini the high road to Catania skirts the sea-
shore and crosses the Alcantara by an iron bridge. Just
beyond the bridge a branch road runs in a westerly direction,
following the course of the river towards Randazzo. The first
town of importance reached is Francavilla, and here the road
bifurcates, leading on the right to Eandazzo by Mojo and
Malvagna, and on the left to CastigHone, a picturesque mediaeval
town perched on the top of a high rock commanding the valley.

The road follows the river Alcantara, and passing by a little

Norman chapel and over a bridge bifurcates again at the foot of

the Castiglione hill. There the road on the left leads up into the
town and on the right goes to Randazzo. At this point it will be
necessary to enquire for the property of a local squire, Signor
 60 SICILY

Cav. Giuseppe Sardo Euggieri, situated about half a mile down

the Randazzo road and close to the right bank of the Alcantara.
The church of S. Domenico stands in a field about a quarter of
a mile from this gentleman's house. It is unfortunately now
used as a cattle-shed, and on the occasion of our visit was in a
ruined and filthy condition. Enough however is left to show
that when perfect it was a graceful little building neatly planned
and skilfully built of stone rubble set in a hard cement, with some
bricks and blocks of lava used for decorative effect. But as so
frequently happens in these parts, no account seems to have been
taken of the proximity of Etna,* and the whole fabric has been
riven from top to bottom by earthquake. Indeed the church
would now be a shapeless mass of rubble but for the cupola over
the nave and S. Domenico and the church of the Catalani
;

at Messina illustrate what I have noticed elsewhere, that in

practice the dome proved to be the most enduring and binding
form of roof.
Reference should here be made to the ground-plan and the
illustrations. The former shows that the church is correctly
orientated and consists of two parts, a choir with a semicircular
apse for the sanctuary at the east end and narrow aisles on the
north and south sides. The prothesis and diaconicon, necessary
adjuncts to a Byzantine church, required for the due performance
of the Greek liturgy, and usually placed in the east wall on either
side of the central apse, are represented here by two little niches
placed in the thickness of the north and south aisle walls facing
one another. The nave, separated from the choir by a lofty round
arch, is a rectangular room divided into two bays and flanked by
narrow aisles.
Three different methods of roof are represented in this church.
The choir is covered by a voute d'aretes and the adjacent aisles
by barrel vaults. The weakness of the voute d'aretes as com-
pared with a dome is again illustrated in this building, where the
crown of the vault has fallen in. The nave is covered by a dome,
supported on skilful brickwork pendentives that may be des-
cribed as a series of fans fitting into one another. The
illustration will explain better than a verbal description this

* In the eruption of 1912 the lava from Etna flowed down to within three-
quarters of a mile of the church.
 is

S. DOMENTCO.
Castiglione.

'ielow N.W. and W. sides; ahotr S. side and prothesis niche.

1
Plan.

To face page 50
 —
k

r>o

C»v. Giuseppe Sardo R I ted about half a mile down

R« lo the right bank of the Alcantara.
t-Tids in a Held about a quarter of
a m I il^e. It is unfortunately now
used as a (*at on the occasion of our visit was in a
ruined and on. Enough however is left to show
that - '
-:
-
'I eraceful^Uttk building n* "- -
'- /]

and - lie rubble 'st^t in a hard cemen

bricks and blocks d Java used^?8r^ecorative effect. But a.s JO

..V'i.n MtftMm<^**be!ife^|)aftsr«6^6dd\iSt •IJete^d'l-^^

•
-ty of Etna,* and the whole fabric has i

oottom by earthquake. Indeed the cbi.

: peless rQ«f9^..crfTTrtTbi^^>H^t for the cupola over

Domeirtco^''a:Sd tTJ&sdicvrch of the Catalan!
notice
most

uld -heije be" made to tbe groiindl-plan an

/ I he farmer shows ^tbai the ch\ircli is correi

Nd consists ojt two pp,!^, "Jfc- dioir with ^ semici
ap6t -J? winctuai^ all the/east end and narirow aisles o i t le
'
:L •i4.QS< — iPhe protbesis-arPd
• .-d-i ;saTf"
•jvaftn^fei lie church, requi red f or Jii^dueteeB'fnjy!
, i

jraKa^^, a*e represented here by twq; |(i)^e iii ch( s

l/okdt^ls of: the north and south iisl»-|vaik^*cirg

4r-^"n!|,Yi, separated from the choirjby |L;]x)lt>;'f(|ii'i|d
rn divided iijito two bafs
^s ani; ti^jkj !

narr^v 3
b-'I^^l^o^? 0^ ^^^^ ^^^ representeji iq^-ihi'S-e-^fcl
j'V.rediby alvoute d'arStes and the ac^4cent a sles
<l{ ^nTob -weakness of the voute (^'arSle/ffs !c )n]-

\iMted with ^-—L^4^'^''"' i^bishratpA in 4iiio buiidin '

^ .,;ai±fet^i- '-

'.

L '...IS falle n in. j T hp. nn.v<j jc: PAypr.H| \iy it, 4(.tii.4

K^ork pendentives ^^L*4^-H mos-

., a ser > .f fans fittin^'^^^to one anoi I' ho
ratiop will better than a verbal description this

iho eraption of 1912 tiu l»va from Etna flowed down to within three-
-' rrr'
-
.f the church.

07, "^^.a*^ 'itiviX o\

 CASTIGLIONE 51

ingenious device for building up a dome that also occurs in one

of the churches at Salonica. The nave aisles also show that
considerable care was bestowed on the edifice, for instead of
the plain barrel vault that might have been expected, the roofs
are made of little voutes d'aretes supported on corbels. These
deserve careful notice for the sake of the comparison they may
afford with similar work elsewhere, and so be the means of fixing
the date of this church.
The church was well lighted by a three-light window in the
western fa9ade and smaller windows in the aisles. The window
in the central apse has two lights. There is a large door in the
centre of the west front and a smaller one by it to correspond
with the north aisle.

Beside the corbels and the fan pattern in the dome already
referred to, we noticed the following decorative details. Near
the niche for the diaconicon are the fragments of a wall painting.
On either side of the main apse there were ornamental pillars
made by leaving square blocks of lava projecting from the wall
and then trimming them up to resemble pillars. The angles of
the pilasters at the west side of the choir are recessed to take
two other ornamental pillars to correspond with them.
Leaving the by the main door we have a view of the
interior
western fa9ade. The only attempt at decorating seems to have
been the undulation of the top instead of making a straight
cornice. Buttresses are introduced to mark the nave, and aisles
and similar buttresses occur on the north and south sides, and
there are two to support the main apse.
The chief points of interest in this church are the absence of
Norman or Arab features in the architecture and the arrangement
of the sanctuary with the central apse and the ritual niches in
trefoil. In both respects this church is unique in Sicily, and it is
the only building to which the term Byzantine in the strict sense
of the word can be properly applied. At the conclusion of these
notes on S. Domenico we have described and illustrated the
church at' Agro for the sake of comparison, and the difference
between the two styles, the pure Byzantine and the hybrid
Norman- Arab imitation, is at once apparent.
In trying to assign a date to S. Domenico we are confronted
with the difficulty that there are no inscriptions, ornaments,
62 SICILY

or crosses to assist us. Up to the time of the Norman con-

quest there was little variety in Byzantine methods when
applied to so small a building. So far as the architecture
goes might be as early as the church at Salonica* or as late
it

as the churches at Eossano or Stilo. But immediately after

the Norman conquest the new composite style, familiar to us

in the Palermitan churches and seen at Agro, became so popular

in Sicily that it seems to have been adopted to the exclusion
of every other style, even where as in the Trinita di Delia
and at Agro the churches were built for the benefit of Greek
monks. S. Domenico would therefore be a notable exception to

a general rule.
documentary evidence relating to this little
It is likely that
church exists in th^ early Norman archives. Dimarzo's edition of
Amico's topographical dictionary in the articles on Castiglione and
Prancavilla refers to a Basilian monk named Chremes. It appears
that this Chremes petitioned Roger, the Great Count, for leave to
found the Monastery afterwards known as S. Salvatore della
Placa.t The petition was granted, and the newly established
house was endowed under the Norman law with the fief of the
locality whence it took its name. The establishment to which
Chremes belonged was then described as ancient, and there was a
tradition that a *
protopapas '
had ruled the neighbourhood so
far back as the time of the Emperor Leo III the Isaurian in the
beginning of the eighth century. The local historian quoted by
Dimarzo dismisses this tradition as a fable and also the legend
that Francavilla was founded by Franks in the time of Charle-
magne. He might have added that Francavilla was a Eoman
and probably a prehistoric settlement, and that Christianity had
existed there from the earliest times of our era. The important
fact noted by Dimarzo, however, is that under the Norman charter
the newly founded monastery received much territory in the
neighbourhood of Castiglione, and if S. Domenico existed at that
date it is almost sure to be mentioned in the parcels of the
charter or grant of land. The inquiry into the Norman archives
and the grant to Chremes seems to be well worth following up. I

* S. Elias. t See Appendix, p. 171.

I The authorities quoted by Dimarzo in his editorial note on Francavilla are :

Pirri, Sicilia Sacra, Not. 20, lib. 4. SS. Salvatoris di Placa, Villabianca, Sic. Nob.
 :

i6

INTERIOR
looking N. W. from chancel to nave
showing vaulting of dome over nave.

To face page 52
 62 81C1LY

or crosses to assist us. Up to the time of the Norman con-

^1 quest there wan little variety in Byzantine methods when
applied to so small a building. So far as the architecture
• -'''^* as early as the church at Salonica* or as late
goes it !)e

fts the ^
' at Kossano or Stilo. But immediately after
the Nonaan conquest the new coniposite style, familiar to us
in ^
: ;m churches and seen at Agro, became so popular
in 1"
it seems to have been adopted to the exclusion
of •
. style, even where as in the Trinita di Delia
and o the churches were built for the benefit of Greek
mr)!iiv> b. Domenico would therefore be a notable exception to
— ai rule.

documentary evidence relating to this little

likely that
exists in the early Norman archives. Dimarzo's edition of
topographical dictionary in the articles on (' <\

.villa refers to a Basilian monk named Chremc. a^„ ^i^.v c^rs . ..

1 IS Chremes petitioned Eoger, the Great Count, for leave to

i the Monastery afterwards known as S. Salvatore della
'
The petition was granted, and the newly established
was endowed und^j^^^^^-^glggi^anglaw with the fief of the
y whence it took.u^^Lm^-._JI^ establishment to which
< iremes belonged was then described as ancient, and there was a
a that a protopa^ft^^^'^^^Ied the neighbourhood so
'

k as fe^^^ft^^^ -Sfc^IS^'te^Isaurian in the

thet!ft5^o^
:;ung of tbg^^mtP a^*i?^.^^^\m^1oWB*orian quoted by
) 'nudrzo dismisses this tradition as a fable and also the legend
rancavilla was founded by Franks in the time of Charle-
He might have added that Francavilla was a Roman
'!)ably a prehistoric settlement, and that Christianity had

there from the earliest times of our era. The important

i)y Dimarzo, however, is that under the Norman charter
:

founded monastery received much territory in the

•
iod of Castighone, and if S. Domenico existed at that
dai Umost sure to be mentioned in the parcels of the
ch 1 ! of land. The inquiry into the Norman archives
"• '
f'hremes seems to be well worth following up.t

Elms. t See Appendix, p. 171.

* S.

J
The authoriiiefl q«otfid by Dimarzo in his editorial note on Francavilla are :

Pirri, Sioilia S<*cra, Not. 20, Hb. 4. SS. Salvatoris di Placa, Villabianca, Sic. Nob.

^t ^"^"sA ^"-^A. '^^

 CASTIGLIONE 58

On the other hand, there are practical difficulties in the way

of assigning a pre-Norman date to this church. The Norman
conquest, for instance, succeeded an Arab occupation of Sicily
that had lasted for over two centuries, and though the Christians
were allowed during that time to retain and repair the existing
churches, they were not allowed to build new ones. In Palermo,
at any rate, the Arabs, like their co-rehgionists the Turks, seized
the churches and converted them into mosques. It is, however,
a remarkable fact, that with the exception of S. Giovanni degli
Eremiti at Palermo, there is not a single church now extant in
Sicily that has been changed, first from church to mosque and
back again from mosque to church. It is, of course, possible that
this fate befell S. Domenico, but I could find no trace of it in the
building itself. And as a general rule the Normans made a clean
sweep of the old buildings, as they did in England, and started
afresh with new ones.
Judging by the fabric alone it would, however, not be impos-
sible for S. Domenico to have been built either before the Arabs
came to Sicily at all or at some time in the early part of their
occupation, and before they conquered all the island. From their
first landing at Mazzara, in 827, to the fall of Eometta, it took
them 150 years and even then the Christians
to conquer Sicily,
remained in a majority in the Eastern provinces.
The only other detail to guide us in assigning a date is the
substitution of niches for apses. The arrangement in trefoil is

of no help, for so far as we know it is not found in a Byzantine

building anywhere else. The only Sicilian examples of the use of
niches placed on each side of the main apse are at Palermo in
the chapels of the Mare Dolce or Favara Castle, built during the

Norman siege, and the Zisa. The little chapel at Constantinople

dedicated to S. Thecla, dating from the reign of the Emperor
Isaac Komnenos (1057-59), also has niches.
On the whole I am inclined to think that this church is

not earlier than the Norman by

conquest ; that it was built
immigrants from the Levant during the revival that ensued,*
torn. 2, p. 267 et seq. MS. che Com. di Palermo, Q q. R. 64
conservasi nella Bibl. ;

and on the grant of the fee, De

Ciocchis Sacro Regice Visitationis decreta torn. 2,
p. 454 et seq. Also Notizie di Francavilla by Cav. Vincenzo Cordara.
• Vol. i. p. 83. The new Norman law regulating the tenure of land gave the
monastic houses a new lease of life and much prosperity.
54 SICILY

and that it was probably the church of a BasiHan monastery.

But this opinion cannot be considered as final till the site has
been carefully explored.
The arrangement of the apse and niches in trefoil is inter-

esting for another reason. It has been suggested that the

neighbouring cell a trichora at Malvagna was built with three
apses arranged in this way to suit the requirements of the Greek
liturgy. We have never come across such an arrangement in
a Byzantine church built in Sicily or Calabria for the elaborated
Greek liturgy. But it does exist in the much earlier churches at
Sohag and Bethlehem. The arrangement at S. Domenico shows
that this plan was actually used in Sicily, and the suggestion with
regard to the chapel at Malvagna is quite likely to be well founded.
But the cella trichora was not an invention to suit the require-
ments of the elaborated Byzantine liturgy, as the Koman baths
at Thelepta and Lambessa the churches at Sohag and the very
early Christian chapels in Tunis clearly prove.

AGRO
This favourite carriage excursion from Taormina involves
driving two miles up the bed of a mountain torrent, and is only
feasible in dry weather. Before starting the traveller should
ascertain that the river-bed is dry and practicable for a carriage
or he may make the long drive to Sta Theresa la Eiva in vain.
And even if the traveller is unfortunate enough to find the
river in full spate he will witness a sight well worth seeing. The
river-bed or moraine, for that is really what it looks like, is in
places nearly a mile wide, and after the torrential rains that come
in autumn the water shoots down from the hills above with
incredible violence, carrying all before it, undermining or sweeping
away the roads and railway bridges, flooding the orange and
lemon groves with large deposits of shingle, and doing an
immense amount of damage in a very few minutes. Apart
from the archaeological interest in the church and the beauty of
the surrounding scenery, the excursion is well worth making
for the sake of seeing a large Sicilian mountain torrent or
fiumara at close quarters.
 AGKO 55

S. Peter and S. Paul

Dimarzo says that the church of the Crocifisso in Forzia d'

Agro was turned into a barrack and occupied by British troops
during the campaign against Napoleon when Murat tried to
invade Sicily in September, 1810. The French then held Scylla
and Keggio in Calabria, and on that occasion a detachment of
Neapolitan Infantry and some Corsicans, in all about 3,500 men
under the command of General Cavaignac, came across the
Straits and landed at Mill, near Giampilieri. The English regi-

ments engaged were the 2nd Light Infantry, the 21st Eegiment,
the 3rd and 4th King's German Legion, and the 20th Light
Dragoons. The upshot of this raid, described in the language of
the day as a '
singular incursion,' resulted in the surrender of
800 Frenchmen with 50 officers and a stand of colours as against
three wounded on our side. An account of this is given in the
Appendix to the diary * of my great uncle Captain Wilham
Hanson, of the 20th Light Dragoons. Captain Hanson was then
on the way from England to join his regiment at Terranuova, near
Messina, and he has left an interesting account of his journey
from Messina to Syracuse along the coast road. His experiences
in Sicily seem to have been much the same as my wife's and mine
were exactly a century later. The Sicilian country inns were
terribly dirty and bad, the fowls for dinner were half starved, just
killed, badly boiled, and very tough, and he and his brother

officer went to bed with not a few mosquitoes and bugs for
'

companions.' Of Nicolosi at the foot of Etna he says, Here '

there is no inn, and we therefore went to the house of a man

thought in this country a gentleman, who, provided they pay him
exorbitantly, is ready to allow Englishmen shade and house room,
for little else was to be had his name is Giamellaro
: and this ;

same man contracted for a certain sum (of part of which I am a

subscriber) to build a house this last summer for the accommo-
dation of travellers on Etna.' t On the way from Augusta to
Syracuse he passed by the Torre di Marcello near Priolo, describ-

* Short Journal of a Voyage to Sicily, 1810-1811, by Captain William Hanson, of

the 20th Light Dragoons. London J. Darling, 1814.

;

t This, I think, must be the Casa Inglese, and he refers to it again when he
ascended Etna.
 66 SICILY

ing it as a large pyramid of stone marking the place where the

Syracusans defeated the Athenians.
The little church dedicated to S. Peter and S. Paul stands

on a bluff or spur of the mountain-side jutting out into the bed

of the fiumara, and seen at a distance it looks like a small fort
with battlements round the roof. The plan shows that it is a
rectangular structure very narrow in proportion to the length and
height. It is divided into two parts, a nave with lateral aisles
and a chancel with three apses. Of these apses the main or
central apse is square on the plan and the prothesis and diaconi-
con are semicircular. In front of these apses there are three
rectangular compartments representing the chancel in the centre
and the lateral aisles on each side of it. The nave is divided into
three bays of equal size and separated from the lateral aisles by
four pillars, two on each side. At the west end there is an open
narthex outside the main door, and this is flanked by staircases

built in the prolongation of the aisles.

The arrangement for roofing the different parts of the church
is very peculiar. Commencing at the east end we found that
though the central apse is square on the ground-plan it takes a
semicircular shape about two metres from the ground on the
inside, the break from square to half-circle being negotiated by
little squinches in the angles. The semicircular shape is then
carried up to the top of the apse and is covered by a semi-dome
built up on little squinches or semi-domes arranged clusterwise
after the Arab manner. The apses of the prothesis and diaconi-
con are semicircular within and without and covered by plain
semi-dones. The rectangular spaces in front of the prothesis
and diaconicon are covered by cross vaults, and the chancel
between them is carried up square to the roof and then covered
by a little oval dome supported on the same cluster squinches of
Arab origin. The central bay of the nave is also covered by a rather
larger dome supported on squinches of the usual and simple
shape, while the two other bays east and west of it are covered
by timber and tile roofs. The aisles of the nave have cross
vaults.
All the interior of the church is smeared over with white-
wash excepting the four monolith pillars of grey granite and their
stone caps. The latter are carved to represent bunches of acan-
 i8

AGRO.
Abbey Churchy S. Peter and S. Paul.

INTERIOR
sJvowinf^ honey comb vaulting in the apse: and
squinches supporting the central dome.
The porch xvith Greek inscription above.

To face page _^6

 SICILY

ing it as a large pyramid of stone marking the place where the

Syracusans defeated the Athenians.
The little church dedicated to S. Peter and S. Paul stands
on a blufif or spur of the mountain-side jutting out into the bed
of the fiuuiara, and seen at a distance it looks like a small fort
with l)attlement8 round the roof. The plan shows that it is a
rectangular structure very narrow in proporti(^ i^th and
height. It is divided into two parts, a nave ,*.i^i- . ''-iles

and a chancel with three apses. Of these apses th or

central apse is square on the plan and the prothesis and diaconi-
r ;n are semicircular. In front of these apses there are three
'• '^o'lar compartments representing the chancel in the centre
.ateral aisles on each side of it. The nave is divided into
bays of equal size and separated from the lateral Aiftles by
'iUars, two on each side. At the west end tl
•X outside the main door, and this is fla>'^
m the prolongation of the aisl^^^i^tv
The arrangement fo^^^^e^figgvite 4JgQf e^t ^^^^to^iiS^church
IS very peculiar. Commencing at the east end we found that
'
-"^'h the central apse is square ^ifii\1fVS^'^"V^nd-plan it takes a
ircular shap^i^d<»W^^r»>f%^^l¥W?ii^«6^ ^i^n^a^WP^e
iii'^ide, the break from-^?k^^'^>:;3^^cm»).?^^?i^*^^^??^«^
squinches in tH^^gF^^^TH^ h^^^r^m- ^^H^ then
^>d up to the top of the apse and is covered by a semi-dome
. up on little squinches or semi-domes arranged clusterwise
%ftw the Arab manner. The apses of the prothesis and diaconi-
are semicircular within and without and covered by plain
dones. The rectangular spaces in front of the prothesis
Haconicon are covered by cross vaults, and the chancel
them is carried up square to the roof and then covered
'

"
dome supported on the same cluster squin
oval
m. The central bay of the nave is also covered by a
tie supported on squinches of the usual and simple
shap» the two other bays east and west of it wre covered
by tiuiijci and tile roofs. The aisles of the nave hftve cross
'aults.
AH th* «?Tt<>rior of the church is smeared over with white-
i four monoHth pillars of grey granite and their
btiiuc cap.-., i h*j Utter are carved to represent bunches of acan-
 '

AGRO 57

thus leaves of the usual and conventional Norman pattern. The

arches they support are all pointed, and so are the windov^^s in
the clerestory and the aisles.

Passing now into the porch and looking back into the church
through the main door v^^e get a distant view of the timber roof
of the thirdbay and the squinches supporting the dome over the
middle bay of the nave. The door itself has a pointed arch, and
in the tympanum is a cross in a circle with circular ornaments
in the quarters made of coloured stones. The Greek inscription
on the lintel is hopelessly abbreviated, but sufficiently clear to
be legible in the larger photograph. The text seems to be as
follows :
*

{First line) avtK(ai)vi(T{dri) 6 va(oc) ovt(o(t) tu){v) ayi{wv)

aTr{oaT6X(i)v) T[t{Tpov) K{ai) 11 (auXou) Tr{apa) 9e{o)(TTri

(Second line) piKT{ov) K{a)dayovfi{evov) tov ravpo/xevirov inrb oIkh

{Third line) mv avaX(t)paT{u)v) fivngOnt} avT{ov) K{vpio)g erei g\ir

{Soffit) o Trph)Topai(TTop Tipapcog o (ppajKog

Rendered into English this inscription is as follows :

'
Was renewed this temple of the holy Apostles Peter and Paul
by Theoste-
riktes Abbot the Tauromenian at his own
expense may remember him the Lord in the 6680 AM. (1172, a.d).
The master builder Girard the Frank

The combination of brick and stone and the general appear-

ance and colour of the outside of the church are very pleasing.
The view of the east end shows that the central apse is carried
square up to the top of the church while the prothesis and
diaconicon are semicircular. Notice the bands of bricks arranged
in the herring-bone pattern and the method of finishing off the
flat buttresses by interlaced arching. This is the style adopted
in decorating the apses of the cathedrals at Cefalu, Monreale,
and Palermo, but here this decoration is carried right round the
church. The view of the west end shows more pieces of herring-
bone pattern, and the peculiar porch or narthex in the fa9ade.
* I am
indebted to confrere Mr. Cyril Davenport, the Assistant Librarian of the
Order John of Jerusalem in England, for obtaining the transcript of this
of St.
inscription. Salinas, Notizie degli Scavi, January, 1885, pp. 87, 88.
58 SICILY

The view of the south side shows a door, now blocked up, that
corresponds to the central bay of the nave.
It needs but a glance at this building to see that there is

nothing Byzantine about it except the arrangement of three

apses, the Greek inscription over the west door, and the orna-
mental device known as the herring-bone pattern. The squinch
and pendentive arrangements are copied from Arab buildings,
and for the rest the church is purely Norman in plan and archi-
tectural details.
Another building of the same date and much the same style

but rather larger, known as the Badiazza, at Messina is now

partly embedded in a fiumara in the mountains behind the
city ;was severely shaken and considerably injured in the
it

earthquake of 1908, when a part of the roof fell in. The capitals
of the pillars deserve notice, and like the rest of the building
they are purely Norman. The only Byzantine feature about
this edifice is the triple apse, and like the church at Agro it was
built for Basilian monks.

MESSINA
In the church of the Catalani at Messina we have another
example of a building riven from top to bottom in an
and split

earthquake but kept together by the dome. The accompanying

from a photograph taken after the debris of the
illustration is
surrounding houses had been cleared away. The church is of
late date, and was built after the Norman Conquest. I have

already referred to it in the Introduction.

CASTELVETBANO
Trinita di Delia

In the preceding volume have given two illustrations of the

I
outside of this little chapel showing the west front and the triple
apse at the east end. On the wall of the central apse outside,
about 2J metres from the ground, I noticed a few Greek characters
cut in the stones, but can make no sense of them. The interior
of the church and also of the low crypt below have been
thoroughly renovated ; the crypt is a little cruciform chamber
 SICILY 59

with a cross vault for the intersection and barrel vaults for the
transepts. In the church itself two of the large pillars are made
of red granite, and the little recessed pillars are made of white
marble, and are quite modern. Only one of the capitals of the
large pillars seems to be old and it is certainly Roman ; the
others are probably Norman imitations.

ALTAVILLA
The ruins of the Norman church said to have been founded
by Guiscard and Roger for Basilian monks, stand on a bluff
overlooking the Palermo-Messina railway about two kilometres
east of Altavilla station towards Termini. The church was made
of blocks of stone, and presents even in its ruined state a very
substantial appearance. The ground plan shows that it was a
cruciform building with one large semicircular apse at the east
end of the chancel and semicircular apses on each side of it built
in the east walls of the transepts.* There was a crypt underneath
the chancel, and numerous fragments of carved stone that have
been stowed away there show that the church was Norman. A
peculiar square recess in the wall between the chancel and the
apse on the south side deserves notice.

SYBACUSE
The Cathedral

There is a tradition that the Doric temple at Syracuse now

used as the cathedral was first converted into a Christian church
by Bishop Zosimus, who occupied the See shortly before the
Emperor Constans II. came to take up his abode in Sicily, in
the middle of the seventh century. This tradition rests on no
very sure foundation, and judging by the dedication to the
Blessed Virgin under the style of Maria Theotokos, the conver-
sion might well have been two centuries earlier.
In 1911 permission was obtained to remove the plaster and
to make a thorough examination of the cathedral from floor
to roof, and in January, 1913 and 1914, the work of cleaning
the interior was in active progress.
* See the plans of the churches at Poictiers and Fontevrault.
60 SICILY

It will be seen from the sketch-plan that the nave and choir
occupy the room of the cella of the temple, and that the aisles
were made by filling in the spaces between the great pillars
with masonry, and so making an outside wall. The walls of
the cella were then pierced with eight arched openings, and
carried up to provide a clerestory room to light the nave. The
roofing was effected by barrel vaults in the aisles, and by
timber and tiles for the body of the church. The west end was
walled up in the same way as the north and south sides, and
probably had a narthex, but the exact arrangement is uncertain^
because an elaborate west fagade with a porch was built up in front
of it during the baroque restoration. The major part of the east
end also suffered the same fate at that time, when a large square
chapel was fitted up to the end of the choir, and a smaller chapel
was built out at the south-east corner but as a semicircular apse
;

covered by a semi- dome was discovered at the east end of the

north aisle in the place of the chapel of the prothesis, it seems
probable that the church had three apses, that the south aisle
had a similar apse to correspond, and that the present choir
terminated in a larger apse of the same shape.
It will be noticed that this semicircular apse in the north
aisle is built up between the pillar that stood at the north-east

corner and the second pillar of the east front of the temple, and
if the contour line be prolonged, it will be seen that the temple
ended about midway down the present choir. The footings of
the eastern extremity of the cella were found under the steps of
the bishop's throne, so that the present nave corresponds roughly
with the cella.

We noticed the following peculiarities : there are five

clerestory windows on each side of the nave ; four are grouped

together in the western half of the nave, and the fifth, which is

rather larger than the others, occupies a place by itself over the
second pilaster from the choir. The photograph of the window
on the south shows a large arch above it spanning two bays.
side
As no connexion with the present roof, it seems
this arch has
probable that it supported an earlier and lower one either of the
kind found in S. Spirito at Palermo, or a cross vault or a dome.
The same picture shows a portion of the timber roof supported
on wooden corbel figures. The latter are unmistakably Norman.
 SYKACUSE Gl

This roof runs uniformly the whole length of the church from
the west end to the eastern extremity of the choir ; it has been
repaired and restored at various times, and the portion over the
choir is now concealed by a ceiling of plaster.
The small picture of the window in the masonry between the
Doric pillars is taken in the north aisle. These windows are
made of finely dressed stone, have rounded heads and, as the
section shows, are made on the bevel in the Norman way. The
rim or flange on the outer side was no doubt intended to take an
open-work stone lattice or screen.
There seems no reason to doubt that prior to baroque restor-
ation the cathedral had the three apses incidental to a church
intended for the Greek liturgy. As the Normans usually adopted
this form of building the sanctuaries for the churches they
restored or built in Sicily after the conquest, this triple-apse
arrangement might certainly be as late as the eleventh century,

when, and other parts of the fabric now show, the

as the roof
cathedral must have been extensively restored.
One would like to know whether this restoration was the
result of the great earthquakes that occurred shortly after the
conquest in 1140 and 1169, and whether the displacement of
the Greek pillars in the north aisle was also the result of them or
of an earlier earthquake that took place in the sixth century. The
difiicult question, however, in regard to these apses is rather not
how new but how old they are likely to be. Were the building
in Constantinople or the Levant instead of in Sicily, we should
expect to find the triple apse as a matter of course. But the
Greek element in the Sicilian Church did not begin even to pre-
dominate till the Emperor Constans came to Syracuse, two
years after the bishop's death,* and fifty years more were to elapse
before it passed from the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Kome to

that of the Patriarch of Constantinople and the Latin liturgy

gradually gave place to the Greek.
The evidence from the works now in progress seems to show
that the fabric inserted between the pillars of the temple is in the
present form Norman, and that the early Christian work on the
cathedral fared at the hands of the conquerors as that of every
other ancient church in Sicily did.
* Zosimus in 661.
 : ;

62 SICILY

S. Marcia7i's Chapel

Two very different opinions are given as to the age of the

marble capitals in S. Marcian's crypc. According to Barreca and
many archaeologists they are early Christian, while other and more
recent authorities attribute them to the Normans. In point of
fact the capitals consist really of two parts, a little Ionic capital
below and a rectangular abacus above this combination was ;

much favoured by the early Christians and Byzantines, and con-

tinued in use for a long period. We are inclined to think that
the truth lies somewhere between the two opinions ; that the
capitals are ancient, that is, either Koman or early Christian, and
that the abaci are very much later.

We found four out of five of these little capitals used with the
abaci above to decorate the angles of the square hall of the crypt
the fifth has been turned upside down and placed on a square
block of stone near the altar, and is now described as S. Marcian's
throne. We think there is little doubt that these capitals are
early Christian, that they originally stood on granite shafts and
belonged to an older church that was destroyed either by the Sara-
cens or by earthquakes in the twelfth century. In the restoration
made in Norman times, four out of the five were appropriated to
serve their present purpose, and the granite pillars were used as
old materials to make up the walls.
The abaci deserve more particular notice, and it will be con-
venient to take them in the following order, premising that they
stand about nine feet from the ground, and that as they are
embedded in the angles of the crypt nave only two sides of
them are visible.
The Lion is at the angle marked (a) on the plan quite close ;

to it are pieces of a granite pillar that originally supported this

capital. We found that the diameter of this pillar and of the
capital now called S. Marcian's throne corresponded exactly.
The inscription on the sinister side is from S. Mark's Gospel,
c. i. V. 5, as follows

^ SECVNDVM MAKCVM. ET EGEEDIEBATVE AD

EVM OMNIS IVDEAE EEGIO ET lEKOSOLVMITE (sic)

VNIVEESI ET BAPTIZABANTVE AB EO IN lOEDANIS

FLVMINE CONFITENTES PECCATA SVA,
 30

CAPITALS
In the Crypt of S. Marctan^s Chapel at Syracuse.
EMBLEMS
of S. Luke and S. John.

To face page 62
 ;

62 SICILY
oc
S. Marcian's Chapel

Two very different opinions are given as to the age of the

marble capitals in 8. Marcian's crypc. According to Barreca and
manA '^ts they are early Christian, while other and more
recei ..jus attribute them to the Nc-'^-^"^ In point of
f^rf -iitals consist really of two parts, . l^mic capital
and a rectangular abacus above ; this corabin.ttion was
favoured by the early Christians and Byzantines, and con-
1 in use for a long period. We are inclined to think that
truth lies somewhere between the two opinions; that the
'.-•ituls are ancient, that is, either Roman or early Christian, and
'
the abaci are very much later.

We found four out of f'^'f' '^f these little capitals ur^^'' ^r'^^h the
i above to decorate t of the square hall o ot
th» fifth has been tnmed upside down and ,
are
'k of stone 9ear the altar,, and is now described as
. .... ae. We think there is little doubt that these l..j,...».., ,..^

early Christian, that they oii^lHi,lf^^lbod on granite shafts and

belonged .4@«<ie^y^Qfe<^jfb tilftiWtt^c^<^e!(i^^tiiQ*,i)jftthe Sara-
or by earthquakes in tl^^^^^^^^^entury . In the restoration
.i..Je in Norman tim^^^i^ ^^i^^^ik^.^^were appropriated to
serve their present purpose, and the granite pillars were used as
old materials to makeup the walls.
The
abaci deserve more particular notice, and it will be con-
venient to take them in the following order, premising that they
tand about nine feet from the ground, and that as they are
-inbedded in the angles of the crypt nave only two sides of
1 are visible.

< he Lion is at the angle marked (a) on the plan ;

quite close
are pieces of a granite pillar that originally supported this
We found that the diameter of this pillar and of the
;. !0w called S. Marcian's throne corresponded exactly.
"
. .-;ription on the sinister side is from S. AT;irk'«5 no^Dol
. 5, Ebs follows :

^ ^rrv^BYM MARCVM. ET EGREDIEBATVR AD

IVDEAE REGIO ET lEROSOLVMITE (sic)S
VNIVER81 KT BAPTIZABANTVR AB EO IN lORDANIS
FLVMINE CONFITENTES PECCATA SVA.
S^ '»"%s^<V ^'iSN\ o\
 SYRACUSE 63

The side of the abacus is decorated with double cornucopia,

a pine cone, vine, and two conventional peacocks pecking at
bunches of grapes ; the side of the capital is seen underneath, and

a little below it on the right-hand side is the granite shaft already-

referred to.
The Angel faces the lion on the opposite side of the crypt at
(b) on the dexter side
; is the following inscription from S.
Matthew's Gospel, c. iii. v. 1. :

SECVNDVM MATTHAEVM VENIT lOHANNIS BAP- •

TIST A PREDION AS IN DESERTO IVDE

(sic) (praedicans)
(sic) (judaeae) DICENS PENITENTIA (sic) AGITE ADPRO-

PINQVAVIT REGNVM CELOROM.

The side of this abacus is similar in general design to that of

the lion on the other side, but doves take the place of peacocks
and face outwards ; the double cornucopia also figures again.
The Bull is at (c). On the dexter side is the following
inscription from S. Luke's Gospel, c. i. v. 26 :

MISSVS EST ANGELVS GABRIHEL A DEO IN CIVI-

TATE (sic) GALILEAE CVI NOMEN NAZARET AD
VIRGINE (sic) DESPONSATA (sic) VIRO CVI NOMEN
ERAT lOSEPH DE DOMO DAVID ET NOMEN VIR
(GINIS).

The side of this abacus resembles the last but is more roughly
executed.
The Eagle is at (d). On the sinister side is the following
inscription from S. John's Gospel, c. i.

^ SECVNDVM lOHANNEM. IN PRINCIPIO ERAT

VERBVM ET VERBVM ERAT APVT DM ET D8 (sic)

ERAT VERBVM HOC ERAT IN PRINCIPIO APVT (sic)

DM OMNIA PER IPSVM FACTA SVNT ET SINE IPSO
FACTVM EST NIHIL. QVOD FACTVM EST IN IPSO
VITA EST.

This inscription is noteworthy, first for the variety of characters

used, for example, three different forms of A occur ; and secondly.
64 SICILY

for the insertion of a little leaf-shaped rubric where a vacant space

occurs in the lettering.
We consider Barreca's opinion as to the age of the capitals proper
to be right. We should feel disposed to agree with him as to the
age of the abaci also if the question depended only upon the use of
Latin in the inscriptions, for Latin, and Latin only, was used by
the Christians from first to last in North Africa. We hold that from
the middle of the fifth to the end of the seventh century there was
considerable and continuous intercourse between Syracuse and the
Latin church and more especially after the Christian
of Africa,
communities in Africa were finally broken up by the Arab con-
quest of Carthage it was mainly in South-eastern Sicily that
;

many then sought refuge. We find some indirect confirmation of

our view from the fact that things Latin were favoured in Sicily
for longer than might have been expected ; so for instance
at an early date the Sicilian bishops protested against Greek
innovations introduced by the Pontiff Gregory the Great, and
again at a later date the Emperor Leo III. thought it necessary to
forbid all communication between the bishops in Sicily and the
Eoman Curia.
But we find two difficulties in accepting Barreca's view as to
these abaci. The first, it is true, depends upon the date of two
Evangelist emblems, the Eagle and the Lion, preserved over the
main door in the church of S. Maria in Cosmedin at Eome.
These are generally supposed to belong to the twelfth-century
restoration of that church. The position they now occupy,
however, may not be the original one, and it is not one we
should expect to find them in ; we are therefore prepared to hear
from further research that in company with many other frag-
ments discarded in the twelfth century, they belong to the restor-
ation undertaken in the Pontificate of Hadrian L (772-795). At
any rate they are facsimiles of the examples in S. Marcian's chapel
and both belong to the same date.
The second and more serious difficulty arises in the style of
characters or lettering of the inscriptions. It is quite true that

the Httle leaf-shaped rubric seen in the eagle inscription is

frequently found in early Christian inscriptions in Africa and in

Eome. But, that apart, we know of no characters in the Christian
inscriptions in North Africa, ranging from the beginning of the
 21

nI
CAPITALS.
In the Crypt of S. Marcian's Chapel at Syracuse.
EMBLEMS
of S. Matthew and S. Mark; and an early ivall painting.

To face page 64
ic 64 SiClL\

for the insertion of a little leaf-shaped rubric where a vacant space

occurs in the lettering.
We consider Barreca's opinion as to the age of the capitals proper
to be right. We should feel disposed to agree with him as to the
age of the abaci also if the question depended only upon the use of
Latin in the inscriptions, for Latin, and Latin only, was used by
the < hristians from first to last in North Africa. We hold that from
Use middle of the fifth to the end of the seventh century there was
(
' >!isiderable and continuous intercourse between Syracuse and the
I .atin church of Africa, and more especially after the Christian
communities in Africa were finally broken up by the Arab con-
quest of Carthage it was mainly in South-eastern Sicily that
;

many then sought refuge. We find some indirect confirmation of

our view from the fact that things Latin were favoured in Sicily
for longer than might have been expected so for instance ;

at an early date the Sicilian bishops protested against Greek

innovations introduced by the Pontifif Gregory the Gr^k>
again at a later date the i^nw>f tOtJU^o HI- thought it necessary to
forbid all communication between the bishops in Sicily and the
^"^ ^^^"^^^ i'«v.n^^U .^ ^e
KomanCiina?''^^^ \<^h^0 ^^ «\

But we
two difficul^M>?^^M%ting Barreca's view as t<^
find
these ^^^^^.'^^^T^if^fil^l^lt^^ tee^^lS^^Wefe ikf^n'^T&Msaiit^. a*^ two
Evangelist emblems, the Eagle and the Lion, preserved over the
main door in the church of S. Maria in Cosmedin at Kome.
These are generally supposed to belong to the twelfth-century
restoration of that church. The positioh they now occupy,
however, may not be the original one, and it is not one we
should expect to find them in ; we are therefore prepared to hear
from further research that in company with many other frag-

ments discarded in the twelfth century, they belong to the restoi

ation undertaken in the Pontificate of Hadrian I. (772-795). At
any rate they are facsimiles of the examples in S. Marcian's chapel

\nd both belong to the same date.

'^' (^ second and more serious difficulty arises in the style of

. voters or lettering of the inscriptions. It is quite true that

the little leaf-shaped rubric seen in the eagle inscription is

frequently found in early Christian inscriptions in Africa and in

'
? that apart, we know of no characters in the Christian
:-....,.. ! Xorth Africa, ranging from the beginning of th(
^^^
 SYEACUSE 65

fourth century to the end of the seventh, or indeed elsewhere of

that date, that bear any resemblance whatever to these in S.
Marcian's chapel. The latter seem to us to be too well executed
and they appear to resemble
for the sixth century or the seventh,
more closely the characters used from the tenth century on till
the Norman conquest. But we think that the abaci are anterior to
the Norman conquest, probably by at least half a century or
perhaps even more.
From the texts themselves no evidence can be derived. The
mistakes in spelling count of course for nothing, and the
sequence of words follows the Vulgate.

The Basilica hij S. Marciaii's Chapel

The capitals in the crypt are not the only archaeological

puzzles in the precincts of S. Marcian's chapel. It has been
usually supposed that two Doric pillars in the nave of the
mediaeval church of S. Lorenzo belonged to a pagan temple.
The church of S. Lorenzo, modern French chapel at
like the

El Kef, occupies the narthex of a much older church that for

convenience I will call the basilica. As the plan shows, the axes
of the basilica and the church were consequently at right angles
to one another, and the west front of the basilica decorated with
very rough carvings now forms the west side of the church. It
was eventually determined to excavate the site of the basilica,
and the discoveries then made leave no room for doubt that these
so-called temple pillars are in reality Norman imitations. This
is clearly shown from the heads that decorated the corners of
some of the '
Doric ' capitals found in the debris, and from a»

tongue pattern on the base of the pillars. It was found, moreover,

that the capitals were made not in round drums, but in segments
of circles. The site has not been fully explored, but in the
meantime the apse has been uncovered and the arrangement of
the dais or floor show that there was an earlier church. There
may be some difficulty in fixing the date of this earlier church as
well as the Norman restoration on account of two great earth-
quakes in 1140 and 1169 but it seems likely that the Norman
;

church was destroyed in one of them, and that the site was then
abandoned for some years till the later church of S. Lorenzo was
66 SICILY

built up in the narthex. The south front and the graceful

cloister porch of S. Lorenzo are familiar objects to every traveller
who visits the catacombs, and too well-known to need description
here. The archaic figures over the old west door of the Norman
basihca deserve notice, and should be compared with similar
figures on the early church at Aregno in Corsica.
 SOUTH ITALY
S. Giuseppe at Gaeta

S. Costanzo at Capri

S. Maria delle cinque torri at Monte Cassino

1 HAVE mentioned these three churches in the notes on the

Cattolica at Stilo and S. Mark at Kossano in Calabria, because in

a sense they are all built on the same plan, and the architects
of the first two obviously intended to secure a cruciform effect
inside with a dome for the centre of the cross. But the
absence of the triple apse * distinguishes them from the
Sicilian churches of the Norman period like the Cappella
Palatina and the Martorana, and shows that they were not
built to suit the requirements of the Greek liturgy. The term
Byzantine is commonly applied to all of them, but with the
exception of the two Calabrian churches and Castiglione it is

altogether misleading, as well from the architectural as from

the liturgical point of view.

GAETA
S. Giuseppe

or

S. Giovanni al Mare

The history of mediaeval Gaeta is well known from the early

charters and records published at Monte Cassino. f Constantino
* Schulz shows three apses at S. Maria, but I think he is wrong.
t Codex Diplomaticus Caetanus in Tabularium Cassinense. Monte Cassino,
2 vols., 1889-91. For the general history, Memorie Storiche delta Citta di Gaeta,
by Gaetani d'Aragona, 1879 Chalandon, Histoire des Normands, vol. i. p. 4.
;
68 SOUTH ITALY
Porphyrogennetos reckons it among the cities dependent on the

theme of Sicily,* and hke Naples, Amalfi, and the seaport towns
in Sardinia, belonged in theory to the Emperor at Constanti-
it

nople ; but in practice the city was left in a great measure to

manage its own commercial affairs and develop local self-govern-
ment under a magistrate called hypatos, or consul, who occa-
sionally bore an imperial title, and whose office eventually
became hereditary.! "When the relations with the Empire were
more than usually close the magistrate adopted the years from
the Emperor's accession for dating his official acts.

Duke John, the supposed founder of this church, was the

successor of a certain Count Anatolius, sent to Gaeta as
*
consul by the Pontiff Gregory II. at a moment when the
'

city had rebelled against an unusually heavy burden of Imperial

taxes. The precise character of Anatolius' mission seems to be
uncertain ;
possibly Gregory II. did not intend to do more than
protect the large estates of the Church in the neighbourhood,
but this mission was the first step towards the Patrimony near

by passing under the control of the Dukes of Gaeta, and so the

origin and ground for the claim made by John XII. to temporal
authority over the city in place of the Byzantine Emperor.
Count Anatolius came upon the scene in the reign of the
Emperor Leo the Isaurian, about ten years after a Council of the
Church held at Eome had condemned Iconoclasm, and con-
sequently at the beginning of the great change in the political
and ecclesiastical relations between Eome and Constantinople
that ensued. He was still '
consul ' during the creation of the
Pontifical dominion, when Gaeta though nominally dependent
upon but virtually abandoned by the Byzantines, became hemmed
in between the Lombard States and the newly created Roman
territories. From these powerful neighbours the little commercial
community maintained its freedom, sometimes with the help of
Naples, at other times by an alliance with the Saracens, and
occasionally by resuming the position of subject to the Emperor
at Constantinople.
There is evidence that Naples and Gaeta had already joined
together while Anatolius held office. In 757, the Pontiff Paul
* Gaeta nella Storia, Raimondo Vento, 1911.
t The same thing happened in the provinces of Sardinia. See vol i. p. 52.
 GAETA 69

wrote a King Pepin, calling upon him to constrain the

letter to
men of Naples and Gaeta to restore the Patrimonies of S. Peter
situated at Naples, and to allow their bishops to come to Eome
for consecration.* The two complaints made in this letter
respecting the temporalities and the spiritual prerogative are the
same that were made in regard to Sicily and Calabria when the
Emperor Leo III. confiscated the Patrimony. At that time the
revenues there were diverted into the Imperial exchequer, and
the bishops were put under the Patriarch of Constantinople and
forbidden to communicate with Rome.
The Patrimony in the vicinity of Gaeta remained in fact under
the control of the Dukes of Gaeta for more than a century later
and the retention was, as already said, one of the grounds for the
claim made by the Pontiff John XII. to temporal authority over
the city.f In practice these Patrimonies scattered about Italy,
Sicily, Africa, and elsewhere, gave the Pontiff extensive power
and influence as landlord,and the rectors who managed them
took a leading part in the ecclesiastical administration of their
respective districts.
We are not told what side the Gaetans took in the
iconoclastic controversy. The authorities consider that in
Italy the clergy were as a rule opposed to iconoclasm,
and laity

and that Emperor Leo and his successors

for political reasons the
did not press their religious views upon their Sicilian and
Calabrian subjects. The local historians, writing from the
Italian point of view, claim that the original secession of

the citizens from the Empire arose from their opposition to

the Iconoclasts, t Their allies, the Neapolitans, on the other
hand, seem to have taken a different side in the controversy,
for they refused to receive a bishop named Paul, a well-known
enemy of the Iconoclasts, sent to them in 761 by the Pontiff
Paul. §
seems
It to me likely that the refusal of the Neapolitans
and Gaetans to recognise the spiritual prerogative and allow
their bishops to go to Rome for consecration arose more out
of questions of language, nationality, and finance than of

* Hodgkin, Italy and Her Invaders, vol. ii. p. 263.

t Gay, L'ltalie Meridionale et VEmjyire Byzantin, vol i. p. 292.
X
Gaeta nella Storia, p. 13. § Chalandon, vol. i. p. 10.
 ;

70 SOUTH ITALY
faith or image- worship. In importance, at any rate, the
Greek element certainly prevailed over the Latin in Naples
and Gaeta at this time. For example, we know from a letter
written by the Pontiff Hadrian to the Emperor Charlemagne
about the Patrimonies in these parts, that the Viceroy of Sicily
had come to reside at Gaeta in 778.* Later, in 812, the Gaetan
ships were placed under the order of another Sicilian Viceroy,
and helped the admiral of a Byzantine fleet.! Again, later, in
830, the acts of the city are dated by the years of the reign
of the Emperor Theophilus. I

During the ensuing century the principal event of importance

to Gaeta as a dependency of the Byzantine Empire is the con-
quest of Sicily by the Saracens. By the capture of Palermo
the Arabs obtained the command of the Tyrrhenian sea, and
after the fall of Syracuse the Byzantine seat of government
was moved first to Calabria and afterwards to Apulia. The
Gaetans and their neighbours at Naples and Amalfi were then
left to shift for themselves and hold their own as best they

could.
At this time Southern Italy was divided up into the following
territories. Calabria and the province of Otranto belonged in
part to the Saracens but mainly to the Byzantines. Between
these districts and the Eoman State the Lombard principality
of Beneventum occupied the eastern side of the Appennines
on the western side were the duchies of Salerno and Capua, and
on the seashore the three Greek republics. After the fall of
Palermo and the withdrawal of the Byzantine fleet, the coast
of Italy from Civitavecchia to Messina was left exposed to the
mercy of the Saracens. It is chiefly in connection with their
exploits that we hear of Gaeta, and they became in turn
besiegers, alHes, and finally
city. In 846
tributaries of the
they were defeated in a battle near Ostia, and an unsuccessful
siege of Gaeta, that lasted for two years, was raised by the
assistance of a NeapoHtan fleet. But it is beyond my purpose
to trace the varying fortunes of these raids or of the feudal
wars between the Lombard princes that made combined
rival
action against the Mahometans for a time impossible.
• Hodgkin, vol. viii. p. 63. f Gmj, vol. i. p. 22.
I Chalandon, vol. i. p. 8.
 GAETA 71

The next events of importance in the general history of the

period that affected Gaeta were the reconquest of Bari by the
Greeks and the accession of John VIII. to the Pontificate.
Upon this great prince-bishop devolved the duty of championing
the cause of Latin Christendom in South Italy, and during the
ten years of his reign he laboured strenuously and unceasingly to
reconcile the conflicting interests of his neighbours and bring
about an alliance against the Mahometans. His efforts were
only partly successful at the time, because of the hostility of the
Lombards, and the three republics, who had recently come to
terms with the Saracens, refused to join it. The upshot of these
negotiations, so far as the Gaetans are concerned, seems to have
been the cession of the territories of Fondi and Trajecta to the
hypatos of Gaeta and the removal of the Saracens to the River
Garigliano, where we find them first as vassals and later on as
allies of the Gaetans in a battle against the Neapolitans and the

Lombards. But by skilful diplomacy John VIII. induced the

Byzantine Emperor to send the Imperial fleet back to
the Tyrrhenian sea, and this important event marks a turning-
point in local history.* It fell to the lot of a successor and
namesake, John X., to accomplish the task, and the joint action
of all the Christian States at the battle near the Garigliano drove
the Saracens out of Western Italy altogether. The Gaetans were
rewarded prominent share in this campaign by a con-
for their
firmation of the grant of Fondi and Trajecta and the hypatos,
Duke John III. received the title of Imperial Patrician from
the Emperor.
The Christian aUiance was, however, soon dissolved, and
we next hear of Gaeta in connection with the doings of
three leading characters in the history of the tenth century,
the Pontiff John XII., and the German Emperors, Otto II.,

and his son. Otto III.

John XII. claimed the suzerainty over Gaeta in virtue
of the cession of the territories of the Patrimony made to
the city by his predecessors John VIII. and John X., in
* Gay, vol. i. pp. 123 and 124. The Byzantines had captured Bari in 876. This
was a most important event in the history of Southern Italy, and more than com-
pensated the Byzantines for the loss of Syracuse two years later. The Byzantines
sent two naval expeditions to the Gaeta Naples coast in 879 and 880, and won a
victory over the Arabs near Messina (id. p. 112).
 72 SOUTH ITALY
the circumstances already narrated. As he was on friendly

terms with the Byzantine Court we may, I suppose, infer

that the Emperor had by then ceased to claim any authority
over theand in point of fact the successor of the
city,

Duke John had dropped the title of Imperial Patrician,

III.

and the acts or charters were dated either according to

the Pontifical reign or that of the Duke. The claim did
not, however, avail to protect Gaeta from falling into the
hands of the Lombards a few years later.
In the meantime Gaeta was visited by the German first

Emperor Otto II., andby his son.

shortly afterwards
Otto III. The former came * with his wife, the Byzantine
Princess Theophano, and was received by the Duke Marino.
The latter f was received by the Duke John and his wife,
the Duchess Emilia, and on that occasion the principality of
Pontecorvo was added to the Duke's dominions.
And that brings me to S. Giuseppe, or more correctly
S. Giovanni al Mare. The local historians attribute the
foundation of the church to this Duke and his consort at
the close of the tenth or beginning of the eleventh century,
and I must be content to take their word for it, for I can
find no mention of a church of S. Giuseppe in the Codex
Dlplomaticus Caetanus. The earliest reference to the parish
of S. John *
al Mare ' occurs in a deed of conveyance of

some private land dated in 1277. , At least three other

churches dedicated to S. John are mentioned in the charters
of the ninth and tenth centuries. A note by the editor of
the Codex connects one of them with the Duchess Emilia,
but it was apparently situated outside the town. Another
was situated in the village of Formia, about five miles out
on the road to Naples. And lastly, the recitals in a document
relating to the third church of S. John, which was in the
city, are insufficient to identify it with our church. The

* Probably 981, when the Emperor went to Naples (Gay, vol. il. p. 332.) This
Emperor was married in Rome on April 14, 972 (p. 319), and died in December, 983.
He was then twenty-eight years old (p. 341). His son, Otto III., was not crowned
till996 at the age of thirteen (p. 371).
t In 999 Otto III. had been on pilgrimage to Mte. Gargano. It was on this
occasion that he was received by the famous monk, S. Nil (Gay, vol. ii.
pp. 372, 381).
 GAETA 73

plan, elevation, and general style are not inconsistent with

the date assigned by the local historians, and •
that is all

that can be safely said.

The church SE. and NW. between the sea and the
lies

foot of the rock crowned by the modern citadel the sanctuary :

is consequently at the north-west end, and the main

door faces the seashore. The ground-plan is that of a
little basilica with a single apse, and as the ground slopes
slightly from the door the floor is raised by steps placed
at intervals up to the sanctuary. The accompanying sketch
of the outside gives an idea of all that is visible from the
street, the chancel and transepts being shut in by the adjoin-
ing houses. The view is taken from the south side, and shows

the modern west front, the wall of the south aisle, and the
wall of the nave above, with two clerestory windows now
blocked up. The little circular tower with a round top
contains the cupola or dome of the usual high pitch found
in Byzantine and Norman buildings of late date. The bell-cot

and the west front appear to be modern additions.

Passing now through the west door we get the general
view of the interior shown in the next photograph. The
church is divided into nave and aisles, separated by slender
columns made of granite. To secure a cruciform effect the
architect adopted the usual plan of varying the roof levels.

Thus the nave and the central bays of both aisles are raised

to the full height of the church and covered with a barrel-

vault, while the other bays of the aisles are covered with
cross vaults at a lower level. This break in the aisle vault

produces the effect of transepts, and the intersection of the

latter with the nave is covered with the little dome. The
third picture is taken looking upwards, to show that the
dome is supported on squinches in the angles of the square.
This important architectural detail of Arab origin identifies
S. Giuseppe with the churches in Palermo, and made me
think that it was not built, at any rate in its present form,
till after the Norman conquest, and much later than the
date assigned to it. Upon this question the plan and
architecture of the church and the decorative details now
visible throw no light. The single apse points to the archi-
74 SOUTH ITALY
tect being a Lombard or an Italian, for the Greek architect
would probably have built three apses, as his compatriots did
in Sicily. But the two methods of building a sanctuary
according to the service to be performed were used con-
currently over a long period and are no help to fixing a
date. The decorative details are now covered up by plaster
and barroque work of the eighteenth century, but where a
small piece has been removed two layers of wall paintings
one above the other have been found underneath it the :

amount at present uncovered is, however, too small to be

of any practical assistance. Neither do the granite pillars

and their capitals help, for they were obviously taken from
a classical building. The capitals are made of stone, and
much damaged, and appear to be late Roman work. One of
them is used as a base for the last pillar on the north side.

The only other ancient object in the church is a carved stone

slab used for an on the north side of the
altar front in a chapel
church. Schulz gives a drawing of it in his book but he does
not mention it in connection with the church, and the numbering
of the plates in his letterpress has been confused. It is a

remarkable composition, and a comparison of the work on the

cross and the two supporting griffins suggests that it is not all of
the same date. The cross and the little ornaments are certainly
designed by a Byzantine artist, and as they are similar to the
work on carved screens in the churches of Sta. Sabina and
Sta. Maria in Cosmedin at Eome, probably belong to the eighth
century.* An artist of the tenth century would hardly have
produced two beasts so well executed. I believe they are Roman,
and that the cross is a later substitution for some pagan device
escutcheon or emblem to which the griffins acted as supporters.
Nothing is known locally about this slab.
Schulz, to whose picture we have already referred, visited
Gaeta, and gives a ground-plan and elevation but no historical
information about this church. He points out, as the fact is, that
the old cathedral at Capri and the churches of S. Andrew at
Trani, and S. Nicholas and Cataldo at Lecce are like it. The

* S. Maria in Cosmedin was restored and redecorated in the Pontificate of

Hadrian I., 772-795. See similar beasts as supporters on a sarcophagus in the Aries
Museum.
 Gaeta.
" S. Giuseppe.

Capri.

S. Costanzo.

To face page y^
 71

teci . iOmbarJ Italian, for the Greek arci

wouid probably have built three apses, as his compatriots did
m t the two methods of building a sanctuary
ace the service to be performed were used con-
cnn ver a long period and are no help to fixing a
datt tiecorative details are now covered up by plaster
.0 work of .tiwk^Bighteenth centiiiy, " - -pre a
'
i^! bee%«^^§ia*Oe^ two layers of v.
•---

other bavei-vbeen found undern*

present is, however, too sma
uncovered „ is,
il assistance, ither do
Neit the granite piiiais

i!.%ufefiitlO^QK ^^\*^ere obviously taken from

i<iinvf. T^^iiiii^^^riu-e made of stone, and
to I. KiOinjr

ba;^ |r I:

nent o bjecL in tj

^ ^n
^^~]iilHiiiii^
bul Idoes
it in connection witliThe church, and the num [ling
•s in his letterpress has been confused. lis a
.;oi@osition,®nd a ©mparison of the work the
; two supporting griffins sjigggjgts that it is noi il..f
le. The cross and the little^^aments are cei unly
^ ^ f~iyzantin^j^rtist,rfkpdj^^a|ey are similar the
wive"^ screens in the clmA!l$6irof Sta. Sabii and
Miiti* m Cosmedin at Kome, probably belong to the hth
Xuipartist ofpihe tet

e x eo^
^^^^^^ '-'^-^b IS a late [or some pagan u
'
inblem to wElch-'tTe gri IS acted as supporters.
^L ^^ I
'An locally ibout this
^^* ^^ T Unose pi^^re we -
n ave
s a ground-plan and ei

lutorination about this church. He poin; It;

l iath'tdifii ftt Capri and -

ot h. Aaidrew at
">
^ \icliolas and Cataldo at are like it. ^^ -

in Cosm ll and redecorated in the Fontifi«ate of

1-7913. Si- as supporters on a sarcophagus in the Ailes
Mu»cvuii.

V\ ^"^«i\ ^^ft\ oT
 CAPKI 75

date of the last, built by Tancred Count of Lecce and afterwards

King of Sicily, is known to be 1180. A conjecture that the
church at Trani and this church at Gaeta were also built by
Tancred, or under his auspices, presents itself temptingly, for these
three cities, Lecce, Trani, and Gaeta were all in turn honoured
by Taucred's special favour. So Lecce apparently remained part
of Tancred's royal domain, the citizens of Trani received com-
pensation for damage sustained during the war, and an important
charter was granted to Gaeta, conferring privileges and remitting
certain obligations to furnish men for the galleys.* But there is

no evidence to support it, and though, prima facie, S. Giovanni

appears to be a Norman building of the eleventh or twelfth
century, there is nothing in the style of architecture inconsistent
with the traditional foundation, or more likely restoration, of the
church by the Duke John about the year 1000.
I may add in conclusion that the Duchess Emilia survived her
husband and became regent to her grandson during his minority.
An alliancebetween Gaeta and Naples made at this time against
the Lombards brought about the downfall of the Ducal family,
and the city passed first under the dominion of Pandolf, Prince of
Capua, and shortly afterwards under that of the Normans. The
Ducal title then passed to the Hauteville family, and my wife's kins-
man, Geoffrey de Riddell, was appointed by Count Eoger as the
first Norman Governor, with the title of Consul, and ruled over
Gaeta from September, 1072, to April, 1077.

CAPBI
S. Costanzo

This little church is situated on high ground at the north end

of the Marina Grande in a district that is full of Roman remains.
In an adjoining garden we were shown a beautiful shaft of
Egyptian onyx about nine and two large blocks of
feet long,
uncut green serpentine that had just been unearthed.These and
a number of other pieces of marble found in the same spot were
perhaps the stock of a Roman marble mason.
The present edifice consists of two parts, the original church
• Chalandon, vol. ii. pp. 62, i48, and 449.
76 SOUTH ITALY
and the annexed buildings that were added in the twelfth century
or later. In the accompanying plan the former is indicated by
black and the latter by red lines. It will be seen from this plan
that the axis of the original church is almost due north to south.
It was a rectangular building consisting of a nave divided into
nine compartments, a single apse for the sanctuary and altar at
the north end, and a double narthex at the south end. In the
reconstruction of the twelfth century the axis of the church was,
so to speak, turned about, a large square hall to contain the altar
was built out on the west side, a door was cut in the east wall to
make the main entrance, and the original apse and the doors lead-
ing into the old narthex on the south side were walled up. The
alterations then made subsist to the present time and the church
is arranged, so far as the altar and sanctuary are concerned, as it

was in the twelfth century.

The reader who has studied the plans of the Cattolica at Stilo,
of S. Mark's church at Eossano, and S. Giovanni al Mare, other-
wise S. Giuseppe at Gaeta, will be familiar with what may be
called the nine-compartment division, and notice that the ground-
plan and roof arrangement of S. Costanzo and of the last-named
church are almost exactly the same. The obvious intention of
the architects was to secure a cruciform effect within, and for
this purpose the central compartment was covered by a cupola,
the four-angle compartments were covered with voutes d'aretes at
a low level, and the remaining compartments with barrel vaults
at a much higher one. As at Gaeta, so in this church, the cupola
is a high pepper-pot dome supported on pendentives. All the
roofing is supported on two square pilasters of masonry* and
fourteen pillars of various coloured marbles, grey granite,
green cippollino, and jallo antico from Numidia. Presumably no
ancient capitals were available, and plain stone slabs were used
instead.
From this short survey the student will obtain a general idea
of the church. The original narthex at the south end is now used
as a wine-cellar, and consists of two parallel chambers covered by

Replacing two shafts of Numidian marble that were carried of! by the Bourbons
*

to decorate the Palace chapel at Caserta. All these pillars were obtained from a
Koman building. The domes are of the same shape, but this one is suspended on
pendentives while that at Gaeta is on squinches.
 CAPKI 77

barrel vaults supported on two square pilasters. The south end

seems to have been walled up to form a cistern, and three holes
were cut in the vault to drain the water from the terrace above,
and from the roof of the church. The entrance to the church
was by three round-headed doors, corresponding to the nave and
aisles and the space between the pilasters of the narthex. Light
was obtained by three vents on the south side. Some additions
have been made to this narthex, and the doors into the church
have been blocked up, but otherwise it is substantially in its
original condition.
Passing out into the little fore-court or piazza we enter the
church by the door cut through the south wall in the twelfth
century. This leads into a narthex of three bays, covered by
cross vaults, that support the priests' apartments above. The
henitier near the door stands on the fragment of a cippoUino pillar
shaft, originally cut in baluster form. The companion of it will
be seen in the nave. The nave into nine compart-
division of the
ments has already been explained, and with the aid of the plan the
accompanying photographs will give an idea of the original church
taken from two different points. The first of these is taken from
the modern choir looking east. The second is taken from the
door looking in the opposite direction, and the choir is seen in
the distance, through the pillars of the original church. The
choir beyond is a plain rectangular room covered by a ribbed cross
vault, resting on four corbels of Norman character, two grotesques,

a well-carved head, and an ornamental design that could not be

distinguished.
The original apse of the earlier church has been cut in two to
make a passage. We could find no indications of a screen or
other altar furniture, but in the garden my wife found a post with
a cross carved on it that belonged to a chancel screen. In the
modern room adjoining the apse is the fragment of a marble
console decorated with the acanthus leaf, and beneath it the
remains of a mediseval tombstone of doubtful date.

A good view of the exterior of the church could not be obtained

owing to the surrounding garden, but the rough sketch will suffice
to show that the dome is almost exactly the same as that of
S. Giovanni at Gaeta. The outline of the original church is
difficult to distinguish owing to the additions of priests' rooms,
 78 SOUTH ITALY
over the modern narthex, and the two angle compartments on
the east side. The approach to these rooms is by a staircase at
the end of the passage cut across the original apse.
In considering the date of the original part of the church we
are again confronted with the usual difficulty that there is no
contemporary documentary evidence, and the general history of

Capri is and confused that little help can be derived

so involved
from it. The foundation of S. Giovanni at Gaeta is locally
attributed to the Duke John in 999 but we found no reference
;

in the Codex Cassinensis respecting it till the thirteenth century,

and this important source of information is silent as to S. Costanzo
at Capri. The two churches are, however, so much alike, save in

one detail,* that it seems reasonable to suppose that in the main

they were built about the same time. We hazard a conjecture
that the present edifices are not the original ones ; that the date
of the foundation of the preceding churches, though not necessarily
the first to occupy the site, is to be sought between the middle of
the eighth century and the middle of the ninth ; and we do so
because of the altar front at Gaeta and the little screen post we
found in the garden near S. Costanzo. We consider that these
are of the eighth century, and that if it be the fact that the Duke
John had any hand in building S. Govanni it was as a restorer of
an earlier church to which this altar belonged, and not as the
original founder. We would venture to go farther and say that
it seems likely that the originals of the three churches f were built
under the auspices of the monastery of Monte Cassino. There
is a tradition that Capri was given by the Byzantine Emperor to
the monks of Monte Cassino. There is a sufficient resemblance
in plan in these churches to justify the assumption that they
were copied from one another upon a common plan that happened
to be fashionable at the moment. The practical difficulty of

assigning so early a date to the churches at Gaeta and Capri is

that all these coasts were infested by the Saracens in the ninth
and tenth centuries, but the complaint of the Latins against
Naples, Gaeta, and the other maritime republics shows that the

* The dome at Gaeta is supported on squinches, and the dome at S. Costanzo on

pendentives but the two systems were used concurrently, and too much importance
;

should not be attributed to the difference.

t S. Maria delle cinque torri is the third.
 CAPKI 79

latter were able to hold their own, and either by treaty or by force
to keep their territory free from the Mahometans.
The local historians of Capri supply us with four pieces of
information respecting the early Church history of the island.
As the first two relate to events in the sixth century that hap-
pened long before S. Costanzo was built they need no more than
a passing reference. The third event arose out of the political
history of Southern Italy. The fourth is in a measure connected
with the third and relates to the creation of the bishopric of Capri
of which S. Costanzo became the cathedral church. The third
and fourth may therefore conveniently be taken together, though
they were separated by nearly a century.
There is a tradition, and I will call it no more for the present
though it is quite likely to be founded on fact, even if the persons
said to have been principally concerned had no hand in the trans-
action, that the Emperor Louis II. took Capri away from the
Duchy of Naples and gave it to the Amalfitans in consideration
for services rendered by the latter in fighting the Saracens.*

* I quote the following from pp. 93-4 of Fabio Giordano's Relation of Capri,
edited anonymously and printed at Naples in July, 1906 :
'
It is said that the
Emperor Ludwig took Capri from the Neapolitans and gave it to Amalfi as a
reward for Athanasius incident.
services rendered in the I cannot trace the
original authority for this donation. Modern writers copy the usual account of
it from Mangoni who quotes Pansa to this effect who quotes, or says he quotes,
; ;

from Marino Freccia. Even Freccia, with all his learning, would be no authority ;

besides, I have been able to discover no passage in his imposing De Subfeudis

which speaks of such a donation. Both Camera (Istoria di Amalfi, p. 100)
and Anastasio (Lucuhrationes in Surrentiiwrum, etc., vol. i. p. 110) name Freccia
in this connection, although he merely states that after the Roman period Capri
became subject to Amalfi. Anastasio's learning on this subject is mostly derived
from Chioccarelli he goes so far as to copy that writer's wrong reference to
;

the tenth volume of Baronius. Among other older writers, Chioccarelli {Antisitum,
etc., p. 88) and Baronius {Ann. EccL, vol. 14 p. 264) both give accounts of the

incident which is supposed to have led to this donation, but without mentioning
Capri at all. The chroniclers I have consulted are equally silent. Leo Ostiensis
(Peter Diaconus), Paul Diaconus, Giovanni Diaconus, Erchempertus, the Chronicum
Amalfitanum, the Chronicum Anonymi Salernitani, the Chronicum archiepiscoporum
Amalfitanorum, most of whom touch upon this episode, do not speak of Capri as the
supposed reward of the Amalfitans. Nor is there any mention of it in the documents
concerning St. Athanasius published by Muratori, nor in Paolo Regio's life of that
saint. At the same time, there is no doubt that, whatever its ecclesiastical status
may have been, Capri was colonized during this long period from Amalfi, and not
from Sorrento. Thus Edrisi, in an important passage, writes: " L'isola di Caprie
abitata da uomini d' Amalfi che vi tengono loro greggi ." (L' Italia descritta nel
. .

libro delReRuggiero, M. Amari e E. Schiaparelli, Roma, 1883, p. 18). The existence

of a large number of Amalfitan names of families and places on Capri testifies to this
long domination.'
80 SOUTH ITALY
It is also said that in 987, that is a little more than a century-
later, the Archbishop of Amalfi was commissioned by the Pontiff
John XV. to consecrate a certain John as the first Bishop of
Capri. The date 987 corresponds closely with that usually given
for the construction of S. Giovanni at Gaeta, and as S. Costanzo
is almost exactly like the Gaeta church there seems to be good
ground for thinking that theywere erected as we now see them
at same time, S. Costanzo being built as the cathedral
the
church for the newly created see.
The tradition respecting the grant of Capri to the Amalfitans
mast be relatively late, for the early authorities do not mention it.
The student who is acquainted with the history of Southern Italy
in the middle and close of the ninth century, and the relations
between the Greek maritime republics or communities and the
Saracens on the one hand, and the Franks, the Lombards, and
the newly created Pontifical States on the other, will probably
see no reason to doubt that such a grant was made for much the
same reasons that Fondi and Trajecta were given to Gaeta by
the Pontiff John VIII. And in that connection an inquiry into
the financial relations between these Republics and John VIII.
would be interesting. As the country round Eome was either
completely wrecked or in the hands of the Saracens, one would
like to know where John VIII. obtained the money to carry on

the almost incessant campaigns with the Saracens he was engaged

in during the eight years of his reign after the Emperor Louis II.
was dead. Did these Eepublics find the funds and were these
grants of territory the price paid for them?
The creation of a bishopric at Capri is usually attributed to
the revival that took place in the Latin Church in Southern Italy
towards the end of the tenth century. This revival was the
answer of the Latins to propaganda of the Emperor Nicephoros
Phocas for Hellenizing Calabria and Apulia through the medium
of the Greek Church and the Patriarchate of Constantinople.* To
follow the sequence of events that led up to this movement in the
Latin Church it will be necessary to refer back to the confiscation
of the Patrimony of the Eoman Church and the establishment of
the Patriarchal jurisdiction in Italy and Sicily by the Emperor
Leo III. in the beginning of the eighth century. Against the
confiscation of the Patrimony protests were made from time to
• Gay, vol. ii. pp. 358, 359.
 OAPEI 81

time, for instance by Hadrian I. in the eighth century and by

Nicholas I. Their successor, John VIII., main-
in the ninth.
tained friendly relations with the Byzantine Court and the Greek
Church under the Patriarch Photius, a policy that stood the
Christians in South Italy in good stead, and was in contrast
to that of his predecessors but his letters show that he too
;

did not forget to assert the claims of the Roman Church to

spiritual allegiance or reprove the Princes of Sardinia, then
nominally at any rate dependents of the Emperor at Constan-
tinople, for failing in obedience.
We may account for these claims to the patrimonies and the
patriarchal jurisdiction not being pressed in the hundred years
that elapsed between the murder of John VIII. and the Pontifi-
cate of John XV. on at least two grounds. First, that no less
than thirty-two bishops occupied the Roman see during that time,
and, secondly, that as in Rome so in the other Latin cities of
Southern Italy, the patronage of the greater bishoprics passed into
the hands of the local nobility.
John XV. was a protege of the Crescentius family, and he
appears on the scene at the time when the prestige of the Roman
see was at the lowest ebb. We know little about him beyond the
fact that after a short interval he succeeded his predecessor
John XIV. (sometime Bishop of Pavia), who had been murdered
shortly after the death of his friend and patron, the Emperor
Otto II. At about this time certain of the Southern Latin
sees, including Salerno and Amalfi, were raised to the rank of
archbishoprics. This had already been done with Capua at the
instance of the reigning family, and the twofold object of
these steps seems to have been to gratify the local magnates,
and to act as a set-off to the Byzantine Metropolitans in Calabria
and Apulia, then recently created by Nicephoros Phocas.* The
promotion of the see of Amalfi and the creation of one at Capri
are usually attributed to this revival.

• The student who is interested in this period will find a review of it in the
second volume of Gay's LHtalie Meridionale et I'Evipire Byzantin.
€2 SOUTH ITALY

MONTE CASSINO
Sta Maria clelle cinque torri at S. Germano

The historians of Monte Cassino attribute the erection of this

church to Abbot Teodemaro* in the last quarter of the eighth
century. The monastery recently destroyed by Goths and
abandoned for just over a century, had then been rebuilt about
seventy years. The plan of a square church divided into nine
compartments, with small domes to cover the angle compart-
ments and a larger dome to cover the central one, is common
enough in Byzantine churches of the tw^elfth and thirteenth
centuries. The south of Italy possesses two examples of it in
the churches known as the Cattolica at Stilo and in S. Mark
at Kossano, both of them in Calabria, f But in those two
churches and in the many other examples of the use of this
plan in the Levant, the domes are cylindrical of the high pitch
and pepper-pot shape afterwards adopted by the Normans in
building their Sicilian churches. I am not aware of any other
church in Southern Europe, of this date at all events, where square
lanterns take the place of domes. There is a church | built on
this plan in Lower Nubia, at a village called Addendan, twenty
miles north of Wady Haifa, and other examples have been found
in Upper Nubia and Abyssinia, where the Ethiopian ritual
requires the altar to be placed in the centre of the church with
an ambulatory round it.

With the exception of the pillars and their caps and portions
of the walls, it is impossible to tell how much of Teodemaro's
fabric now remains. We have not been able to find either an
accurate description or any satisfactory account of the founda-
tion of this church ; and if any records on the subject exist in the
annals of the monastery they have not, so far as I know, been
published. Schulz describes the church and gives a ground-plan

* Storia della Badia di Monte Cassino Luigi Tosti, 1842. Also Monte Cassino,
Descrizione. By F. della Marra, 1775.
t Vol. i. p. 95.
I
It was excavated by Messrs. Mileham and Maciver
in the Eckley B. Coxe, jun.,
expedition to Nubia. See their account in the publication of the University of
Pennsylvania, Churches in Loiuer Nubia, published at Philadelphia in 1910. I am
indebted to Mr. J. Crowfoot for the reference to Abyssinia.
 ^3

S. Maria.
Cinque torn'. vf

Looking diagonally across the nave

Piait.

1 1
----•

1
(|) Ji^/.
7 '

J^vt^J-Cil

I
I

-Q (:>::::<j-

Q t(
aUn/nXc^L/y^

0: O
I

I
(

I
I

-:p:: ::Gr:~/Qi"_:jCt;

*^
viSMM^ /.
I
I

tO/tit

To face page 82
 SOUTH ITALY
e«
MONTE CASSINO
Sta Maria delle cinque torri at S. Germano

The historians of Monte Cassino attribute the erection of this

church to Abbot Teodemaro* in the last quarter of the eighth
century. The monastei^'^^^^ly destroyed by Goths and
abandoned for just over.'a-^oteoiii^K^Ohad then been rebuilt about
seventy years ^.sj.'^'h^^pi^^^.gf^^sS^^'S divided int<> nine ^m^
compartments, with siuail domes to cover the angle couipart-
iDcrtta and a larger dome ^ttJ^^ver the central one, is common
I
aottgh in Byzantine church e s of ithe twelfth and thirteenth
,

• t>nturie8. 'I?iT5~gmithf''o|''rfiiI^p<%3;^88es two examples of it in

the. churches kiukiySyps [i 1—i-H' ,t Stilo and in S. Mark
ai Rossano, | both of i\) l>iit in those two
(liurcTi cs and in ^he majuy ^Trtmer ipvunpi,.^ .

plan n the LevanJ;, Jthe domes are cyli^dirical of tiiti high pitch
and p<:pper-p^t s^{|,pe afterwards ado^t^d vfej^Jthe Normans in
buildup their Si dilian churches. I am ijiot aware Df any other
I'hurc h in-Sout5ei-6r..KHH"eB»yf>f-tl>i»^l^ vt ere square
lante :n 5" fake th'e place "ofaomei. "Th"el'ells a church 1 built on
this )h,u m Lower 'Nubia, at a village {ciUed Addei id m, twenty
miles north of W|«k^ Haifa, and other ^f|,mples havypeeu found
m Up])er Nubia' anad Aiwl&iitt^ whef*e.' the EthiDpian ritual
requires the altar ijto be placed in the centre of the [cljurch with
?*^
»n aipqulatory round it

V ''it h the exception of the pillars anjd Itheir caps [ir d portions
>f th J l^iodemaro's
fabrid Jiow remai4s' We have not be^nJ able to )ii< It her an
Tits d6s«j^ti6a or any satisfactory ^ ^s*^ i lie I'ounda-
if ;his church ; [
and if any records (Ji
;
e xist in the
s l >f the muilAiJLeiy ihay ItiivT' now, been
lied. Schulz describes the church and give;^ a ground-plan

* tiiaria della Badia di Monte Cassino Luigi Tosti, 1^42.. A'-^o* Monte Cassino,
Desci ..'"«/• By F. della Marra, 1775. "^^^^
I N I
fv 95.

;
'
'vated by Messrs. Mileham and Maciver in the Eckley B. Coxe, jun.,
cxpci]' :!iia. See. their account in the publication of the University of
I .s in Loioer Nubia, published at Philadelphia in 1910. I am
.vvfoot for the reference to Abyssinia.

S.*?) ^%»«\ s;>vi\^ o\

 MONTE CASSINO 83

and section, but the latter appears tohave been copied from an
older workand we suspect that Schulz was never inside the
*

church but took the information he gives from Leo d'Ostia and
Tosti. In the first place the plan is wrong, for there is only one
apse and no indication that the side apses shown in it ever
existed. Schulz observes that Leo d'Ostia does not mention
three apses, and though not impossible it is extremely unlikely
that a Latin church of this date and in this locality would have
more than one apse. In the next place, the section represents all

the pillars as fluted. Schulz correctly states that two of the

twelve pillars are made and the others of granite,
of cippollino
but only one, the second on the north side, is fluted, and the
others are quite plain.
The accompanying plan does not profess to be more than a
rough sketch intended to show the shape of the church and the
place where the picture was taken from. The photograph is
from A looking towards B. The view of the exterior, taken
from the roof of a house, is not very satisfactory, but it

shows the odd arrangement of the lanterns and roof that dis-

tinguish this church. This roof made of

is tiles supported on
and rafters exposed to
joists view inside. The intervening spaces
have ceilings of plaster in the form of elongated cross vaults.

Beside the round-headed windows in the side walls the church is

lighted by squarewindows in each face of the central lantern and

by round-headed windows in the outer sides of each of the side

lanterns. The tower on the south-east side is a modern

addition.
There are three entrances to the church, on the north, south,
and west sides, and four steps lead from the ground outside down
to the floor. The general appearance inside is very pleasing,
owing to the handsome pillars and the effective play of light on
them from the windows above. The shafts are monoliths, and
as Tosti observes, the caps were obviously taken from a Koman
building. They are so well preserved that at first I took them to
be mediaeval copies, but a closer inspection shows that they are

* Seroux d'Agincourt. Histoire de I'art par les monuments, 1823. Plate XXV.
43 and 44. And for text, vol. iii. p. 13. See also the illustration of an Armenian
church, Plate XXVII. 28. Also three churches two miles from Erivan. Voyage en
Perse, Chard pub. at Amsterdam in 1735, vol. i. p. 214.
;
84 SOUTH ITALY
Eoman and that they were all made There are
at the same time.
no Christian emblems upon them, but a small device in a rosette,
probably intended to represent a flower.*
The present apse is a square room covered by a dome, both
apparently later additions, that have been smeared, like the rest of
the church, with plaster and whitewash. Nothing is now visible
of the wall paintings or texts mentioned by Tosti, but no doubt
they still exist under the plaster.
One may, perhaps, be permitted to conjecture that the plan of
this church is merely a variation of the common Levantine plan
of dividing a nave into nine squares and covering the central
and angle squares with domes. It must be remembered that
Monte Cassino was the resort of pilgrims and travellers from all
over the Christian world, and consequently just the kind of place
where one might expect to find a peculiar design imported from
abroad.

* Cf. some of the capitals in the Christian basilicas at Rome. The Christian
copies of classical originals are sometimes good enough to deceive the very elect.
 ;

NORTH AFRICA

The history of the Church in North Africa after the proclama-

tion of Christianity may be divided into three periods. The first,

or Roman period, commencing

and ending with the con-
in 314
quest of Carthage by Genseric in 437 the second, or Vandal ;

period, ending with the capture of GeHmer by Behsarius in 534

and the third, or Byzantine period, ending after Carthage was
taken by the Arabs, when the Christians were given the option
of becoming Mahometans or leaving the country. From that
time Christianity disappeared from North Africa, and by degrees
the country, like Morocco of to-day, lapsed into a condition, of
anarchy and desolation.
It is probable that the Christians did build some churches
before the '
Peace ' of the Church in 314, but archaeological
research has so far failed to identify any particular church with
this early period in North Africa. From the writings of the
African Fathers it is certain that soon after 314 many churches
were built, and as the ruins show, usually in the suburbs of the
cities. This was done, it is said, not to offend the pagans, but
the more probable object was to be near the Christian cemeteries.
It is also certain that directly after the Arab conquests in the
end of the seventh century when the Christian clergy were dis-
persed and exiled, the native Berber population in a body became
Mahometans, and church building came to an abrupt end.
If the proclamation of Christianity affords a convenient ter-

minus a quo for the study and dating of Christian architecture

in North Africa, the Arab conquest with the proscription of
Christianity and the dispersal of the Christians that ensued,
supplies a correspondingly convenient terminus ad quem.
 ;

86 NOETH AFEICA
To fix the date of any particular church within this period
is a very difficult matter, as the architecture, the basilican plan,
the timber and tile roofing, the position of the altar, the choir

or tribunes, the semi-circular apse with clergy seats in tiers,

and the bishop's throne in the centre, were the same throughout
the whole period. And in this part of North Africa nothing,
as a rule, is left of the old churches above the footings, so that
the archaeologist must be content with the ground plan, the
mosaic pavement, or such stray fragments of the fabric, capitals,

carved stones and other pieces of decorative detail, as may have

had the good fortune to escape the destructive hands of the
Arabs.
It is hardly less difficult to determine whether a church was
built in the Eoman, the Vandal, or the Byzantine period and
by the orthodox, the Donatist or the Arian communities. But
it may be assumed that the great majority in Tunis were built

by the orthodox, either in the Eoman or the Byzantine period,

that some were built by the Donatists, and few or none by the
Arians, The latter at any rate had no need to build, for the
churches, the sees and the revenues of the orthodox were con-
by the Vandals and handed over to the Arian clergy.
fiscated
And in that connection the names Vandal and Arian may be
used synonymously and applied to what in fact became a
garrison Church, that lasted so long as the successors of
Genseric were masters of this part of Africa and came to an
end when they were conquered.
In Tunisia I have not come across any indication, such for
example as the symbol 'Deo Laudes,' that would identify a
church with the Donatists * or other schismatics some no doubt ;

existed, and S. Optat complains of the number of churches

built by them ; but these were chiefly in Numidia where the
sect prevailed. We may account for the absence of evidence
of the Arian or Donatist occupation of the Latin churches by
supposing, and I think with reason, that when the Orthodox
came into their own again in Justinian's reign all traces of it

were obliterated.
* On
the Donatists Milman's, History of Christianity, vol. ii. p. 229 Mason's
: ;

Persecutions of Diocletian, p. 154 Broglie, vol. i. p. 254 Foakes Jackson, p. 286

; ;

Duchesne, Early History of the Church Diehl, L'Afrique Byzantine

; Gsell, ;

L'Algirie dans VAntiquiti.

 3»4

:airo.
Anba Schenouda.
Screen and altar rail in Alexandria mnseiuu.

To face page 86
 86 NORTH
^t no date f^articular church within this period
is a very difficult m- the architecture, the basihcan plan,
the :, the position of the altar, the choir
n lilar apse with clergy seats in tiers,

iQ the centre, were the same throughout

the wh \nd in this part of North Africa nothmg,
as a he old churches above the footinjjg, so that
ih tuust be content with the ground plan, the
] , or such stray fragments of the fabric, capitals,
car hi other pieces of decorative detail, as may have
J fortune to escape the destructive hands of the
A..
determine whether a church was
ly less difficult to
'
Uoman, the Vandal, or the Byzantine period and
;. the Donatist or the ^V

; od that the great majoiiiv ju j-.u;. ,

1 ., either in the Roman or the Byzantine periou,

1 ':re by the Donatists, and few or none by the
built
rhe latter at any rate had no need to build, for the
'he sees and the rg^n^i^gj of the orthodox were con-
',he Vandals
.^^JoM^^fi^j^^^ ^^ *^e ^"^^ clergy.
And connection the namas Vandal, and Arian may be
laously and applied to what m fact became a
• iUrch, that lasted so long as the successors of
were masters of this part of Africa and came to an
•t they were conquered.
ia I have nolJ come across any indication, such for
^ho symbol 'Deo Laudes,' that wi^-' -'^.' - ' * •-

Donatists * or other schismatics^

Optat complains of the n
but these were ch: the
We may account foi i iJence
Donatist occupation ol iches by
'
think with reason, that when the Orthodox
>vv'n again in Justinian's reign all traces of it

'^. History of Christianity, vol. ii. p. 229; Mason's

., vol. i. p. 254 Foakes Jackson, p. 280 ;

;

:; Diehl, L'Afrique Byzantine; Gscll,

. .tnttqwttf

^?) ^"^ft^ "i^viX 0\

 INTRODUCTION 87

The student of mediaeval ecclesiology who is famiHar with

the fundamental difference between the structure of a twelfth
century Latin and Greek church in the position of the altar,

the concealment of the sanctuary by a screen, and the presence

of the chapel of the prothesis and the diaconicon, might perhaps
suppose that there would be no difficulty in determining whether
a Tunisian church belonged to the Eoman or the Byzantine
period, whether it had been built by the early missionaries from
Rome or by the Greeks who followed the conquest of Belisarius.
Unfortunately it is not so, and the obvious explanation seems
to be first, that minor differences of use apart, the holy mysteries
were celebrated in early times substantially in the same simple
way throughout Christendom, and secondly that Christianity
in this part of North Africa did not last sufficiently long after
the Byzantine conquest for the great change introduced in the
Byzantine liturg}?- by the Greek ecclesiastics after Justinian's
time to have, affected church building in these distant provinces.
The most evident architectural changes necessitated by the
altered ritual was the addition of the prothesis and the dia-
conicon on either side of the central apse containing the altar,

and the shifting of the altar itself 'from the nave close up to
the central apse.
At S. Eirene, for example, the altar must have stood well
out in the nave of the church and not in the semi-circular
apse, for the latter is provided with seats for the clergy arranged
in tiers round the wall as we find them in the Tunisian and
Nubian churches. The altar, therefore, probably stood in a place
where it could be seen by all the congregation, and there was
certainly no high screen in front of it as there is in the Greek and
Coptic churches of to-day.*
It does not, however, follow that the congregations of that
early date witnessed the celebration of the holy mysteries at
the altar as in the English and Latin Churches of to-day any
more than they do in the Armenian Church, where the altar,
habitually exposed to view, is concealed by a movable curtain

drawn in front of it at the celebration.

* Cf.The screen in the church of Anba Shanudah in Dair Abu-s-Sifain in Old

Cairo, and the tribunes with the altar in front in the church at Faras, Lower Nubia ;

both illustrated here.

88 NORTH AFRICA
This curtain arrangement must be of very early date, for
there is a marble in 8. Sofia representing the sanctuary of
a church provided with curtains partly drawn aside to show
the Holy Table with a cross on it. The curtains appear to
have been attached to a canopy or baldacchino of the kind com-
monly found in the Coptic churches of Old Cairo, and many
pavements of the larger Tunisian churches have traces of the
foundation of some such erection over the altar. There is in
the Bardo Museum at Tunis a mosaic representing the interior
of a church.* The drawing is conventional and out of perspective,

but the artist obviously intended to represent a basilican church

and the altar stands exposed to view in the middle of the nave
towards the sanctuary. What object three upright lines are
intended to represent, whether the pillars of a canopy over the
altar, curtains, or even altar lights is not clear, but there is cer-
tainly no indication of a closed screen here or in any of the ruined
churches in Tunisia. It is likely, however, that these African
churches may have sometimes possessed open screens like the
*pergula' in S. Maria in Cosmedm at Rome, and the upright lines
may be intended to indicate an open screen of that kind.
Again the triapsidal arrangement occurs in the earliest as well

as the latest buildings. In the basilica at Tebessa, for example,

there are the prothesis and diaconicon, though the church was
built long before the reign of Justinian, when the Byzantine
liturgy was elaborated. In Constantinople this triapsidal ar-
rangement affords an unfailing test of the age of a church,
because the three apses were provided to suit an elaborate ritual,
introduced after Justinian's period and still practised in the
Greek Church of to-day.

A conjecture that this later and more elaborate Byzantine

ritual I have alluded to was copied from a use of the African
'
'

Church presents itself temptingly, but there is no evidence to

justify it, or indeed an assumption that these side chapels in
the early African churches, whether basilican or trefoil, had any
ritual significance. There is a strong probability that they had,
and that is all that can safely be said. In one case, for example,
where the church has been burned, broken fragments of the
* From Tabarka, illustrated here. See also the reference below under Sidi
Abich and Bir bou Rekba.
 35

Coptic screens and font.

f S Michael^
Kamula.

Nakadeh^
Egypt.

To face page 88
 NOETIT ATPT^icA

ihis curtain arrangement must be of very early date, for

S^ there is a marble in 6. Sofia representing the sanctuary
of
a church provided with curtains partly drawn aside to show
the Holy Table with a cross on it. The curtains appear to
have iched to a canopy or baldacchino of the kind com-
I.

monly ..... m the Coptic churches of Old Cairo, and many

pavements of the larger Tunisian churches have traces of the
foundation of some such erection over the altar. There is in
the Bardo Must-um at Tunis a mosaic representing the interior
of a church." The drawing is conventional and out of perspective,
but the artist obviously intended to represent a basilican church
and the altar stands exposed to view in the middle of the nave
tov> '

'le sanctuary. What object three upright lines are

ini — .') represent, whether the pillars of a canopy over the
altar, curtains, or even altar lights is not clear, but there ia cer-
tainly no indication of a closed screen here or in any of the ruin<^
churches in Tunisia. It is likely, however, that these African
churches may have sometimes possessed open screens like the
*pergula' in S. Maria iiiv(^steMdf»^t^iK(5!i*^4nd the upright lines
may be intended to indicate an oDen screen of that kind.
the tnapsidal arrangement^ccurs m the earliest as well
as .
_:st buildings. In th'e basihca at Tebessa, for example,
there are the prothesis and ^gtedluysi^u, though the church was
built long before the reign of\^ii|^nian, when the Byzantine
liturgy was elaboi'ated. In Constantinople this triapsidal ar-
rangement affords an unfailing test of the age of a church,
because the three apses were provided to suit an elaborate ritual,
introduced after Justinian's period and still practised in the
Greek Church of to-day.
A conjecture that this later and more . ,

ritual I hiive alluded to was copied from a *

i
an
Church presents itself temptingly, but thert ^ idcnce to
jufetify it, or indeed an assumption t1 ' ,
chapels in
the early African churches, whether b;: .. .rcfoil, had any
ritual significance. There is a strong probability that they had,
and that is all that can safely be said. In one case, for example,
where the church has been burned, broken fragments of the
• From Tabarka, illustrated here. See also the reference below under Sidi
Aoich and Bir bou Rekba.

?>?> ^-^ft^ ^:)a\ oT

 INTEODUCTION 89

glass Communion vessels were found on the floor of the side

apse. From this it has been surmised that these side chapels
were used as vestries and for the offerings of the faithful ; and
if that be so, then they may be regarded in a way as the pre-
decessors of Byzantine prothesis and diaconicon.
the Their
presence in an early church like the basilica at Tebessa came
to me as a surprise, and shows that this architectural peculiarity
cannot be used, as in Constantinople, to fix the date of a church,
for it occurs also in a later church like El Kef, which was
certainly built long after the Byzantine conquest.
The difference between the Byzantine triple apse chancel
and the chancel arrangement found in the earlier African
churches, like Announa or Tebessa, must be distinguished. In
the latter the altar stood, as it does in the Western Church,
out in the open, and the apse, copied from a secular Boman
basilica, was fitted as a kind of theatre with a bishop's throne
in the centre and seats for the clergy on either side of it. This
plan is made by the basilican churches in Eome,
familiar to us
like S. Clemente, or the church at Torcello, Parenzo Cathedral
in Istria, or S. Eirene at Constantinople. But in the Byzantine
arrangement the small central apse was put to enable the
celebrant to walk round the altar at the celebration, and the
altar itself stood concealed from the view of the congregation

by the screen or iconostasis.

The use of Boman materials taken by the Christians from
temples and other public edifices for church building affords a
surer indication of date, but the test is not always reliable.
The no more than recognize the right
edict of Constantine did
and worship openly.
of the Christians to practice their religion
They certainly availed themselves of the new law to push
forward an active propaganda and the conversions proceeded
rapidly. No organized steps were taken by the Government
to suppress paganism till the reign of Theodosius, and some
temples continued, up to that time, to be used for the heathen
ceremonies. It is true that in Egypt, for example, the temples
were destroyed as part of the Christian propaganda, and some-
thing of the sort may well have occurred in this part of North
Africa. But as several temples were appropriated by the
Christians and used as churches, it would seem that the sup-
90 NORTH AFRICA
pression of paganism did not of necessity involve the destruc-
tion of the temples, and in some provinces the law actually
forbade it.*

The Roman theatres, forts, courts, market places, triumphal

arches and the like stand, as secular buildings, on a different
footing to the temples. In Constantine's reign these, too, were
comparatively new, for they had been built during the period
of great prosperity in the reigns of the African Emperors
Septimius Severus and Caracalla. It is difficult to believe that
the solid and substantial masonry used by the Romans for
these buildings had in little more than a century and a half
so far perished and fallen into decay as to be fit qnlj for
breaking up and providing material for newer edifices. It is

known that Genseric destroyed the forts for strategic reasons

and the Vandals have consequently been credited with the
wanton destruction of all Roman monuments. This assump-
tion is altogether unwarranted, for the Vandals, like their
neighbours the Goths in Italy, aspired to replace the Romans
and carry on their method of government and civilization. It
is more probable that the native Berbers are to blame for the
wholesale destruction of these Roman monuments.
However that ma,y be the use of Roman materials in
quantities in either forts or churches may generally be taken
to indicate that those buildings were put up after the Byzantine
conquest, for in the military treatise of Justinian's period,
called the Nea Taktika, the engineers were expressly advised
to use materials from ancient buildings in constructing their
forts, and to select some site near an ancient town where
such materials could be readily obtained.
There is ample evidence that this advice was almost invariably
adopted. The task that Justinian set himself in reclaiming
North Africa for the later Roman Empire involved much more
than the overthrow of Kingdom. The country
the Vandal
devastated during the century of Vandal dominion had to be
re-settled and defended against the Berber tribes and clans,

At Dougga the temples of Jvipiter and Minerva, andCcelestis (No. 6 in Gu^rin's

*

ii. p. 131) were appropriated by the Christians.

list, vol. The foundations of the
semicircular apse added to the cella of the latter, when it was converted in a
church, still remain. See also Gsell, vol. ii. p. 122.
 a6

i^'IU

'f^^l

osaicjr'om Tabarca representing an ancient hasthca.

To face page go
 i>ression of paganism did not of necessity involve t
ds:
tion of the temples* and in some provinces the law
forbade it.*
'

The Roman theatres, forts, courts, market places, triumphal

arches and the like stand, as secular buildings, on a different
footing to the temples. In Constantine's reign these, too, were
comparatively new, for they had been built durmg the period
of great prosperity in the reigns of the African Emperors
Septimius Severus and Caracalla. It is difficult to hat
the solid and substantial masonry used by the Komans for
these buildings had in little more than a century and a half
so far perished and fallen into decay as to be fit qnly for
breaking up and providing material for newer edifices. It is
known that Genserir d<

and the Vandals have cl j... .... .,

wanton destruction of all Ptornrtn inonnments.

tion is altogether unwarra; 'andals, lik

neighbours the Goths in Italy, aspired Lo replace the Komans

and carry on their method of government and civilization. It
is more probable that the native Berbers are to blame for the
wholesale destruction of theso I\oman monuments.

quantities in either forts or churches may generally be taken

to indicate that those -buildings were pat up after the Byzantine
conquest, for in the raihtary treatise of Justinian's period,
called the Nea Taktika, the engineers were expressly advised
to use materials from ancient buildings in constructing their
forts, and to select some site near an ancient town wht re

such materials could be readily obtained.

There is ample evidence that this advice w
adopted. The task that Justinian set 'ti ^
North Africa for the later Roman Empi !i more
than the overthrow of the Vandal K > ountry
(I 1 during the century of Vandal nad to be
r jiiid f1(>l"(MML-fl :i,f/airist, fho. P,or\i*^v ',ind clans.

* At Dougga the temples of Jupiler and Minerva, and Coelestis (No. 6 in Gu^rin's
li?;t ]. H. iSl) were appropriated by the Christians.
1. The foundations of tin
added to the cella of the latter, when it was ponvei
.;ri Kr.P nl,r. Prvipll. vr>l ii ii 122.

OQ ^"^s^^ "^'^tiX o'X

 INTBODUCTION 91

whose subjection neither the Eomans nor the Vandals had

succeeded in accomplishing. Unfortunately for Justinian, one
of Genseric's first acts when he conquered Africa was to destroy

the Koman So soon, therefore, as GeHmer had

fortifications.

been taken prisoner and the Vandal forces were broken up, the
Byzantines set to work to build forts and block houses all over
the country to keep order and protect the colonists. A great
number of these forts still exist in a more or less complete con-
dition, some few, indeed, are almost as perfect as the day they
were put up. They are all built with stones of large size taken
from Roman buildings, obviously roughly and hurriedly put
together, and they show that the advice in the Nea Taktika was
almost invariably adopted.
In the ruined towns of Central Tunis it will be noticed that

as a rule the churches were built, like the forts, with Eoman
materials. At Sbeitla andUppena, churches had been rebuilt
at

in part at least, with Roman materials on the sites and over the
debris of earlier churches. The Byzantine basilicas at El Kef, at
Announa in Algiers, and the recently discovered church in the
outskirts of Dougga, all contain Roman materials. So also do
the garrison chapels built in the Byzantine forts at Haidra and
Sbeitla. And to this short list many more examples might be
added.
The choice of dates then will rest between the Roman and
the Byzantine periods.
Of these ruined Christian churches by far the most interesting
and important example for the study of Roman and Byzantine
archaeology is at Uppena, where two large basilicas were built on
the same site. The earlier basilica built before the Vandal occupa-
tion, probably in the end of the fourth or beginning of the fifth
century, contained a mosaic tomb with an inscription recording
the names of a number of Christian martyrs of the early persecu-
tions, and the later basilica, built after the Byzantine conquest,
contained a mosaic inscription in which the earlier inscription
was repeated and decorated with an ornamental border and cross
in a common Byzantine pattern.
In this church, and at Sidi Abich near by, the tombs of several
bishops were found, and might be supposed that there would
it

be no difficulty in identifying them by their names with the

92 NOKTH AFRICA
bishops who commemorated by the early fathers as having
are
attending Councils. But unfortunately this is not so, and the
number of cases where an identification of this kind can be made
may be reckoned on the fingers of one hand. It is very odd that
the year is never given on these tombs though the age of the
deceased, the month, day, and even hour of death are often
recorded. The ornamental border round the inscription of the
martyrs at Uppena, illustrates what has been said respecting the
use of decorative detail as a guide to date. The pattern on
this particular border is frequently met with * and from the
example at Uppena, it may be safely taken to indicate that the
work belongs to the Byzantine and not to the Roman period.
A few churches in seaport towns on the East coast of Tunis
were apparently decorated with capitals, consoles, and other
carvings designed from Constantinople patterns of the Justinian
period. But in the Interior the churches were decorated either
with poor copies of Roman models or native designs derived from
them, and they afford no evidence of date.
I speak with less certainty concerning the fonts and the
baptisteries containing them probably they will afford some
;

evidence of date when more is known of the ceremony they were

built to suit, and whether they were intended for the Sacrament
of baptism or, like the Coptic Epiphany tanks, for some periodical
and commemorative service of ablution. The distinction will at
once be appreciated by those who are familiar with the arrange-
ments of the Copts of Egypt, where every church is provided
with a ceremonial tank as well as a sacramental font. These
tanks, usually 2 to 3 metres square, and about three-quarters of
a metre deep, are sunk in the floor of the church near the main
entrance. They are generally covered up with boards and only
used at certain times of the year, such as Maundy Thursday, for
a service that is certainly nothing but a commemorative act of
ablution. The font proper for baptisms is usually a large earthen
jarsunk in a niche or hole in the wall about 1 metre from the
ground. This niche, converted into a sort of cupboard with a
door to it, is generally tucked away in some obscure corner of
the church.
No branch of the Christian Church has been more thoroughly
* Sousse Museum ; small basilica on North-west side of the city of Sbeitla.
 ^

S. Michael Ka inula, ^g^'pl^ ^^^^^^ ^^^^^ ahich Enfida, Tunis.

•^V" Sta.

To face page Q2
 92 NOKTH AFRICA
bishops who are commeraoraitjd by the early fathers as having
attending Councils. liut unfortimately this is not so, and the
' '
number of ation of this kind can be made
may be rec „ . _i one hand. It is very odd that
the year is never given on these tombs though the age of the
~'3d, the month, day, and even hour of death are often
'al border round the inscription of the
iij rates what has been said respecting the
list detail as a guide to date. The pattern on
this y r is frequently met with * and from the
'
may be safely taken to indicate that the
Byzantine and not to the Koman period.
^ towns on the East coast of Tunis
in seaport
lecorated with capitals, consoles, and other
from Constantinople patterns of tl; ian '

pc iie Interior the churches were decora aer

with }
eg of Roman models or native designs derived from
theiu itford no evidence of date.
less certainty concerning the fonts and the
lining them ;
probably they will afford some
f <late whenttai(S%e ^i^'^ft[^^ of the ceremony they were

^^^%v(\<\ ,v^\^\vm.''i-M^^^b&y \y^y,\^J(^ i^ftStdM ibR^\US«crament

of the Coptic Epiphany tanks, for some periodical
'

ail ive service of ablution. The distinction will at

OQoe } •iated by those who are familiar with the arrange-
n.' 18 of Egypt, where every church is provided
d tank as well as a sacramental font. These
tanks, US I. > 3 metres square, and about three-quarters of
a metre dcM\) are sunk in the floor of the church near the main
entrance, ire generally covered up with boards and only
'""'
used at cv..\<l . ..lues of the year, such as Mair- ' - ^ for
a service that js certainly nothing but a couj of
ablution. The foi^ proper for baptisms is usually a large earthen
jar sunk in a niche or hole in the wall about 1metre from the
ground. This niche, converted into a sort of cupboard with a
door to it, is generally tucked away in some obscure corner of
the chinrcli.

No branch ol the Christian Church has been more thoroughly

• Seuaie MuHsum ; small basilica on North-west side of the city of Sbeitla.

^Q '^^Si\ -S-JViV oT
 INTKODUCTION 93

conservative in points of ceremony than the Coptic community.

There seems Httle reason, therefore, to doubt that these tanks
represent the earliest kind of font used for adults for the adminis-
tration of the Sacrament, and that v^hen the fashion of christen-
ing by immersion changed and small fonts for children were
habitually provided, the Epiphany tanks were retained for
occasional commemorative services. This dual arrangement
does not usually exist in North African churches.
An example of this dual arrangement will be found in the
octagonal baptistery at Albenga in Liguria. The general view
of the interior of the baptistery shows the original cuvette in
the centre of the The font proper now
floor. stands in one
of the bays. The former is made of stone, the latter of white
marble, painted at a later date. Judging by some fragments of
Byzantine carving and the style and colouring of the mosaic in
the bay used for the altar one may be permitted to conjecture
that the baptistery is not later than the middle of the eighth
century and probably a good deal earlier. Many fragments of
the same kind and date will be seen in the walls of the adjoining
cathedral. I expect the same dual arrangement of font also
existed in the baptistery of the cathedral of Frejus. This chapel
is built on the same octagonal plan and is of about the same
size as the baptistery at Albenga, but it has suffered at the hands
of the restorer, and the floor has been repaved and a small font
erected where the original cuvette should be.
One of the oldest fonts in Tunisia is a plain rectangular tank
sunk in the floor of the first church at Uppena, and exactly like

the Coptic Epiphany tanks. When the upper and later church
was built with Roman materials over the first and at a higher
floor level, the old tank was left and a font was built beside it

at the new floor level. This font, sunk in the new floor, has a
circular cuvette decorated with eight semi-circular lobes scooped
out of the sides according to a fashion that was generally adopted
in all these provinces. It occurs in the so-called basilica of
Justinian at Carthage,* and in a large basilica at Sidi Abich, built

This is the large church situated in the plain to the south-east of the chapel
*

of S. Louis and the station of the tramway. I call it Justinian's basilica to dis-
tinguish it from the greater church of the Damns el Karita, not that Justinian had
any hand in building it but it seems likely that it was built after the conquest of
;

Carthage in his reign. The fabric is practically razed to the ground, but the
 94 NOETH AFKICA
of Roman materials, and in these cases the fonts are coeval with
the churches and not later additions. The lobed fonts in the
monastery of Tebessa and in the Damns el Karita at Carthage, on
the other hand, are found in conditions that indicate that they were
added after the main building had been erected. I call this lobed
style of font Byzantine, not that it has any particular connection
with Constantinople,* but because it seems to belong to the period

of Justinian's conquest or of the Church revival that ensued.

One peculiarity that occurs, not in every lobed tank, but
frequently enough to make it common, indicates that this style
was copied from some earlier model. The sequence may be
conveniently illustrated from the fonts in the Bardo Museum
and in the ancient basilica at Bir bou Eekba, that seem to belong
to the early period and are of different shape but have the same
peculiarity. They are small circular tanks sunk in the floor
provided with two flights of steps facing one another and leading
down from the floor level into the cuvette. At Bir bou Rekba
the steps are of full size and obviously intended for the descent
of an adult into the water on one side and the ascent on the
other after the administration of the Sacrament.
The was an octagonal structure at the
baptistery in this case
east end of the churchand must have been a handsome building
covered with marbles and mosaics. In the church at Sidi Abich
near Uppena a lobed font was put in the same position behind
the altar, t
The Byzantine lobed fonts are also commonly provided with
these little steps placed at right angles but never opposite one
another ; and it seems likely from their very small size that they
were either ornamental or emblematic and were not intended for
use, at any rate by adults. The presence of these steps, however,
clearly indicates the kind of ceremony that was contemplated in
theory, and when the practical forms it took at different periods
are known, these fonts may afford some evidence of the period

they belong to.

pavement, ground plan, and baptistery are well preserved and give a good idea of the
arrangement of an African church.
* But there is a trilobed font in the courtyard of the Hodga Mustafa Pasha

Djami, in the Balata quarter, formerly a Byzantine church.

t I wonder whether the round patch in the apse of the church figured in the
Bardo mosaic was intended to represent a font. See the frontispiece.
 28

Clergy seats,

Faras, Nubia and Aiinouiza Algeria,

Lamp at Faras,

To face page g^
 1

2^0KTH Ai'iaCA

gj.
ais, and in these cases the fonts are coeval with
u,^ '»t later additions. The lobed fonts in the
moiu. ... . , . . — . and in the Damns el Karita at Carthage, on
.a

the other baud, art' found in conditions that indicate that they were
added after the mam building had been erected. I call this lobed
'fie, not that it has any particular connection
V. ..>. , > ,* but because it seems to belong to the period
of J ^ conquest or of the Church revival that ensued,
iH'culittrity that occurs, not in every lobed tank, but
h to make it common, indicates that this style
. :a some earlier model. The sequence may be
coiutaieutly illustrated from the fonts in the Bardo Museum
and in the ancient bou Kekba, that seem to belong
basilica at Bir
f ' id and are of different shape but have the same
-..ey are small circular tanks s\v^'^ i'^ t)-,.. fl..nr

vvith two flights of steps facing one ano;

iji the floor level into the cuvette. At Bir bou Kekba
and obviously intended for the descent
of full size
.- into the water on one side and the ascent on the
'
r the administr^ittac \^-t^il^ Sacrament.
:i^<t^ii\^te(fiftl^^?^a^^^^iJ^#\structure at the
i
he church an^^u^Jt h|^-e been a handsome building
ii marbles and mosaics. In the church at Sidi Abich
»'na a lobed font was put in the same position behind

iitme lobed fonts are also commonly provided with

Leps placed at right angles but never opposite one
HI ;ind it seems likely from their very small size that they
•
were tiibwwmamental or emblematic and were not intended for
'
liy adults. The presence of 1 .er,

the kind of ceremony that \'

-.^.„i„d in
V hen the practical forms it t ent periods
fonts may afford some evidence of the period

istery are well preserved and give a good idea of the

, .h.
ft font in the courtyard of the Hodga Mustafa Pasha
I f miierly a Byzantine church.
+ s
.tch in the apse of the church figured in the
Bardc' it,a fruit,. See the frontisiniiipp.

VQ ^^'^^ ^"^^X 0^
 INTKODUCTION 95

It is vain, I am sure, to try to fix a date from the shape of the

crosses found in decorative detail, on tombs, or as dedication
emblems. The Latin cross, for instance, occurs in buildings of
both the Roman and the Byzantine periods, and is as common
in the East as the so-called Greek cross is in the West. It
will Ked Monastery, on several tombs
be found at Sohag, in the
in the Alexandria Museum, on the tomb of a bishop of the late
fifth century in the baptistery of the large basilica of Sbeitla,
and on the Byzantine pillar in the French church at Sfax. The
five pointed cross or star occurs at Sbeitla, in Armenia and in
Norman buildings as, for instance, the chapel at Guildford
Castle. The Coptic cross w^ith a loop at the top, is, perhaps, an
exception, for it is found only in the Nile Valley and Delta.
Every writer on early Christian archaeology has endeavoured
to show that some evidence of date can be deduced from the form
of the sacred monogram on the cross with the XP and Au or aw
in the field.'
'
The most satisfactory account of these emblems
will be found in M. Gsell's book on the antiquities of Algeria.
The only conclusion I have arrived at is that XP with aw seems
to be earlier than the +P with the AU or aw perhaps, too, the ;

form of the letters may be of some assistance. The plain +

with the AU seems to be very rare. M. Gsell mentions one case
where it occurs, but I have never met with an example of it.
In considering the characters used in inscriptions we stand
on firmer ground. There is, for example, no mistaking a Pagan
inscription of the second and third centuries when the characters
are always correctly and sometimes beautifully rendered. They
rapidly deteriorate in the Christian inscriptions, and in the sixth and
seventh centuries Greek letters are introduced, notably D, N and A,
while occasionally B and P (for R, not Q) are turned the wrong
way round, and would seem that the later the inscription the
it

more marked these peculiarities become.* As my small collection

of Christian inscriptions may be useful for purposes of comparison
I give photographs oftwo Christian tombstones, one in the
museum at Tebessa and the other in the public garden at
Guelma. In the latter there are some very curious examples of

* Examples of Roman and Byzantine inscriptions are given in the Instructions

aux Corresyondants chi Ministcre de V Instructicm Publique. Recherche des Antiqtcit^s,

Paris, Leroux, 1890.
96 NOETH AFRICA
tombstones with Christian inscriptions and representations of
dishes and pots usually found on pagan tombs. Some of the
little colophons or rubrics are also worthy of notice ; they gene-
rally indicate an early date, and were copied from pagan
inscriptions of the second and third centuries.
It will not escape the student's notice that while as a rule
the inscriptions found in Egypt are usually in Greek those in
Algiers and Tunis are invariably in Latin.

II

The following churches are described or referred to in these

notes. At Carthage, the Damns el Karita and the so-called
basilica of Justinian ; churches at Bir bou Rekba, near Hamma-
met Uppena and Sidi Abich, near Enfidaville the trefoil chapel
; ;

of El Gebioui in the centre of the plain of Kairouan the great ;

basilica and two other churches with a baptistery and a garrison

chapel at Sbeitla ; churches at Kasserine and Thelepta ; a chapel
at Haouch Khima, to the south of Kasserine ; a church at Dougga,
the trefoil chapel at Maatria. the church at Tibarthe church ;

called the Dar el Kus

El Kef the basilica and two small
at ;

churches, the garrison chapel and part of a monastery at

Haidra the basilica at Tebessa, and the churches at Announa
;

and Timgad.
The list I am able to present here is a very short one, but
taken in conjunction with that given by M. Gsell in his second
volume on the antiquities of Algeria a good idea can be obtained
of the general character of the churches in these two provinces.
They seem to have been built upon the same general lines in

design, decoration, and internal arrangements.

I will deal with orientation first and then consider the
position of the baptisteries in relation to the churches themselves,
the entrance by the atrium or narthex, the arrangement of the
nave, the position of the altar, the seats for the clergy in the
sanctuary, the general style of architecture, the decorative detail
and the use of marble.
There was obviously no hard and fast rule about the orienta-
tion of the sanctuary in either of the periods. That the position of
the sanctuary at the east end was not considered essential may be
 INTKODUCTION 97

shown from the churches at Bir bou Kekba and Sidi Abich in the
earher or Koman period, and the basihcas at El Kef and Haidra
in the later or Byzantine period. The sites chosen for these
churches would have admitted of the sanctuary being built either
at the east or west, but, while at El Kef and Bir bou Rekba it is

at the east, at Sidi Abich and Haidra it is at the west. The north-
west position of the sanctuaries at Doagga and at Announa may
be accounted for by the geography of the sites, but these are
'exceptional cases.
We are so accustomed to see a font inside the church that it

may seem odd to find it outside, but a separate baptistery in these

churches was the mvariable practice, and I know of no exception to
the contrary in North Africa. The baptisteries vary in size and pat-
tern,and there does not seem to have been any rule as to the position
they were to occupy in relation to the church. I have seen only
one case* where the baptistery is built at the west end or near the
narthex, and in the place where one might reasonably have expec-
ted to find
it. In the churches of the Roman period, at Sidi
Abich and Bir bou Rekba, they are placed behind the apse of the
Sanctuary. I need go no farther than Carthage for examples to
illustrate what I have just said. At the Damus El Karita, for
instance, the baptistery is on the south side near the sanctuary,
while in Justinian's basilica it occupies a diametrically opposite
position on the north side near the narthex. The baptisteries, as
a general rule, seem to have been little cloister courts with a font
in the centre covered by a baldequin raised on four pillars. This
common type may be seen at Sbeitla, in the small church at
Timgad, and at Justinian's church at Carthage. To this general

rule the examples at Bir bou Rekba and Sidi Abich are exceptions.
The former deserves careful notice, for it is likely that the church
and baptistery there are as old as any Christian edifice in this part
of North Africa and may represent a common primitive arrange-
ment. The baptistery at Bir bou Rekba was an octagonal struc-
ture almost as large as the church itself. The two buildings were
joined by a passage opening in the middle of the apse of the
church behind the altar and leading directly to the font, which
was sunk in the floor and provided with steps to accommodate the
celebration of the Sacrament by immersion.
* The large basilica at Timgacl.
98 NOETH AFEICA
Examples of a covered porch or narthex for the catechumens
are quite common. The atrium or forecourt, on the other hand, is
rare. The basiHca at Tebessa and the Uttle church in the northern
quarter of Timgad are two of the few examples where these
forecourts or atria occur. An example of a covered narthex
will be found in the basilica at El Kef, now converted into the
modern French chapel.
The pavements, as a rule, give a good idea of how the nave
was divided up by low screens or balustrades. These were either
solid slabs carved with crosses or other emblems, or pierced like
the example in the Alexandria Museum, or inlaid with marble
mosaic as in the Cappella Palatina at Palermo.
The plan of Justinian's basilica at Carthage may be taken
to illustrate the kind of arrangement that is made familiar to us
in the ancient basilicas at Eome, and notably S. Agnese, and
S. Maria in Cosmedin. The names and purpose of these various
divisions are too well known from the examples just given and
from ancient and modern writers on ecclesiastical archaeology
to need repetition here. The choir enclosure was called the
schola cantorum, and M. Gsell found an inscription in an Algerian
church showing that a part screened off for women was called the

cancellus virginium.* In the Greek and Coptic churches of to-

day the women's quarters are also screened off, but they are
usually placed in the kind of gallery or triforium that is only occa-
sionally met with in some of the African churches, as for instance
in the basilica at Tebessa.
Whether these ancient churches in North Africa had more than
one altar or not is an open question, but the ruins I have seen
certainly testify that the multiplicity of altars commonly found in
the Coptic and Latin churches of to-day was quite unknown. I
have already mentioned certain churches that are provided with
lateral apsed chapels in the form of a single transept, and these,
certainly, had a single altar apiece for minor or occasional services
in addition to the high altar in the nave. But, as a general rule, it

seems that the churches had but a single altar, and this was invari-
ably placed in the second or third bay of the nave, counting from the
sanctuary or chief apse. It was not raised up on steps according
to the modern Western fashion but stood on the floor level and was
* Les AntiquiUs de VAlgiric, vol. ii. p. 148.
•Miii;^2£4^S-

ace page Qi
 NOBTH AFi

iixaii ,
ered porch or narthex for the catechumens
toe quite con; I'heatrium or forecourt, on the other hand, is
I litTebessa and the little church in the northern
. .^;ad are two of the few examples where these
f( atria occur. An example of a covered narthex
in the basilica at El Kef, now converted into the
ich chapel.
ments, as a rule, give a good idea of how the nave
icd up by low screens or balustrades. These were either
i's carved with crosses or other emblems, or pierced hke

iple in the Alexandria Museum, or inlaid with marble

ds in the Cappella Palatina at Palermo.

The plan of Justinian's basilica at Carthage may be taken
ji illastrate the kind of arrangement that is made familiar to us
••
he ancient basilicas at Rome, and notably S. A >'^^1

'.iria in Cosmedin. The names and purpose of t!

ions are too well .teBBO^^Q the examples just given and
! ancient and modern writers on ecclesiastical archasology
Meed was called the
repetition herjH^^^fife' choir enclosure
>ia c,^^i^^and M.ins^^i^on in an Algerian Gsell found an
church showing that a part screened off for women was called the
;incellus.^*g?nium.*»»f»^l*M»^^reek and-^O^ptt^hurches of to-
,
^
the women's quartSS^^^ also screened off, but they are
. >

11 Y placed in the kind of gtJlery or triforium tliat is only occa-

'
alK iiicl.with m some of tlie African chuivlu^ as tor mstance
m the basilica at Tebessa.
Whether these ancient churches in North Africa ha
!>ne altar or not is an open question, but the ruins
rtainly testify that the multiplicity of altars cor i wi

I
I' Coptic and Latin churches of to-day
'eady mentioned certain chuiT^ « with
q>sed chapels in the form of a d these,

had a single altar apiece for minor or

.
fvccai^ional services

on to the high altar in the nave. But, an a general rule, it

'
the churches had but a single altar, and this was invari-

bay of the nave, counting from the

M the second or third
ciiief apse.' It was not raised up on steps according
to iiitt luudem Western fashion but stood on the floor level and was
• Lfjt Anliquiiis de lAlgMe, vol. ii. p. 148.

%Q ^"%»\ %^\\ oT
 INTRODUCTION 99

apparently either like a Coptic altar, a mass of solid masonry, or,

as with ns, a Communion table of wood or stone with legs and

top. It was usual for the table slab to contain relics of saints,

and the top of a stone table, showing the kind of receptacle where
these were placed will be found among the illustrations of the
Sbeitla churches. These early altars were I expect furnished
in much the same simple way as those of the Copts are at the
present time. The mosaic representation of an altar in the
west wall of S. Sofia at Constantinople has already been
referred to.
In the larger churches the clergy were accommodated in the
central apse and sat facing the congregation. The seats were
either arranged in tiers, as at Announa, S. Eirene at Constanti-
nople, and Torcello, or more commonly in a single row with
the bishop's seat in the middle, as in the basilican churches of
Rome and the Coptic churches of old Cairo, and the Nubian
churches at Faras and Debereh. This space allotted to the clergy
was invariably raised as a dais above the floor of the nave and
approached either by a central flight of steps or a flight on each
side of it.

There remains the space between the apse and the altar to be
accounted for, and this was probably occupied by the pergula or
open screen used for hanging lamps. This kind of screen will be
found at Leprignano in Italy or S. Maria in Cosmedin at Rome.
In some cases this seems to have been a place of interment for
the saint or martyr by whom, or in whose honour, the church had
been founded. At Dougga a sanctuary of this kind was placed
in the crypt under the chancel. At Bir bou Rekba it seems that
a memoria was actually under the altar, and that was, I believe,
the more common practice.
There were two systems of providing shrines for the remains
of saints or distinguished persons venerated in connection with a
church. First, what I may call the crypt system, as at Dougga,
and familiar to us in the arrangement at S. Miniato and other
European examples, where the shrine is placed under a raised
chancel and secondly, the overground system where the interred
;

were placed in a chapel. The most interesting examples of

the latter were built apsewise at the extremity of the church
opposite the high altar. This arrangement is not uncommon in
100 NOETH AFEICA
Germany but unusual elsewhere.* The examples here, at Sbeitla,
and at Uppena, must be among the earliest in existence.

The destruction of these churches has been so complete that

practically nothing remains in the way of architecture. We may,
however, get a very good idea of what the churches looked like

from the basilicas of Eome, and from other well known buildings
such as S. Apollinare at Kavenna, or S. Gavino at Portotorres.
The church El Kef, of at which more remains than of others in
Algiers and Tunis, shows that the aisles were covered with cross
vaults, the voute d'aretes, and the nave with timbers and tile
roofs. The most interesting feature in roof and arch building
was the use of small tubes of pottery f made to fit into one
another in the manner described in the preceding volume in the
notes on El Gebioui. This ingenious device, of Eoman origin, is

still resorted to by the natives of Southern Tunis, in the districts

of Gafsa and Tozeur. The basilica at Tebessa had a triforium
or gallery, and must have resembled S. Agnese at Eome. These
galleries are occasionally met with in Africa, but they appear to
have been the exception rather than the rule, and occur only in
the larger churches. They are, however, common to the Coptic
churches in Cairo and are reserved for the women.
The churches in general are built of lime or other stone
quarried locally ; some of it in the district of Feriana is poor
stuff and weathers badly. Marble was only used sparingly for
decorative details such as capitals, pillars, fonts, or for veneering.
Most of it seems to have been imported from abroad. The
pink marble seen in the font at Sbeitla and elsewhere was no
doubt obtained from near Ghardimaou, in Northern Tunis,
where other and shades of this marble are also found.
varieties
But the which frequently occurs in large blocks,
cippolino,
certainly came from Europe. I have found here and there,

a few pieces of red and green porphyry from Egypt notably at

Bir bou Eekba. Glass mosaic seems to have been fairly common
for covering the roofs of domes, or semi-domes, and for decorative
panels, as for example the Tebessa jewel.' '

* Mainz Cathedral for example. Also S. Gavino at Portotorres in Sardinia ;

illustrated in vol. i.

t Illustrated in vol. i. Plate 70.

 INTEODUCTION 101

As the earliest Christian settlements beyond the sea-coast

were in the plains of central Tunis, behind Sousse, I may
begin with those churches that are situated on the Sbeitla
railway, taking the latter city as a centre and starting point.
Owing to the season of the year I was unable to proceed from
Feriana to Tebessa across country, but the distance is not great,
and as all the towns described in the Sbeitla group were on the
Koman roads leading up to Tebessa, where the legion was
quartered, Tebessa with Announa and Timgad, in Algeria, form
the second group. The towns on the road from Tebessa towards
Carthage, Haidra, El Kef, Dougga, and Tibar form a third group,
and the sea coast towns, Uppena, Sidi Abich, and Carthage,
a fourth group. The two churches at Uppena, on the whole,
are the most important for the study of early Christian archae-
ology, because of the wonderful collection of mosaic tombs
they contained.
 ;

CENTRAL TUNIS
SBEITLA

The ruins of Roman Sufetula, now known as Sbeitla, have

been frequently described and illustrated by travellers, and it is

beyond my purpose to do so here.* It seems strange, but

apparently the fact that nothing is known about the city at the
time of its greatest prosperity in the reigns of the African
Emperors, Septimius Severus and Caracalla but the triumphal ;

arches, the triple temple, and numerous ruins in the neighbour-

hood show that under the Roman rule it must have been a
flourishing provincial town in the centre of a rich agricultural
district. During the later Empire we hear of Sbeitla as the
capital of the Patrician Gregory who had revolted against the
grandson of the Emperor Heraclius, and the defeat he suffered at
the hands of the Saracens was the first of a series of disasters
that led to the ultimate loss of the North African provinces to
Christianity and civilization for nearly twelve hundred years.
The principal churches in Sbeitla are a large basilica with a
cloister and baptistery rebuilt during the Byzantine period
another and larger basilica with a baptistery and a chapel
attached to it, probably dating from the early Christian period ;

a small basilica on the north-west corner of the city, and the

chapel in the court of the triple temple that was converted into a
fort by Justinian's generals after the conquest of the Vandals.

Church of Bellator

The Byzantine basilica, of which much more is left above

ground than of the other churches, lies to the north-east of the
* Since these notes were made the Sbeitla churches and their dependent

buildings have been described by M. Merlin in the publication of the Department of

Antiquities at Tunis. Notes et Documents publies par la Direction des Antiquites
et Arts 1912. Forum et Eglises de Sufetula, par A. Merlin, pub. Leroux, Paris.
 SBEITLA 103

triple temple. M. Merlin identifies this building as the church

of the bishop Bellator, from a mutilated inscription found
in the western aspe, and probably belonging to one of the
sarcophagi. The name Bellator has not hitherto figured in
the list of bishops of Sufetula, and his date is not known.
This church can be recognized by the south wall that
still remains intact from plinth to eaves. This wall is made,
like the fort, of large stones taken from Koman buildings.
The ruins show that there were two churches, and the greater
part that remains, the walls, the sanctuary, and the choir,
belonged to the second or Byzantine edifice. In these notes it is

the second church that I am more particularly referring to. In

fact the two churches occupied the same site and were of the
same width but the later church was, as the inner apse shows,
rather shorter than the earlier church ; also the floor of the earlier
church seems to have been at a uniform level throughout, while

the sanctuary of the later church was raised on a platform or

dais, and the place of the altar shifted further east. The body of
the church was divided into a nave 24| metres long and 16^
metres wide, single aisles on each side of it 4| metres wide, one
large semicircular apse for the sanctuary at the east end, and a
similar but smaller apse used as a funerary chapel at the west end.
The latter was enclosed in a square outer wall and had a chamber
on each side ofit. The choir, occupying the last two bays of the
nave and raised 60 centimetres above the nave floor, is a later
addition. The principal entrance was by a door in the west end
of the south wall ; it had a porch in front of it, and the bases of
columns and a piece of a pavement along the outside of the wall
seem to indicate that there was a kind of cloister court on the
south side of the church. Two narrow doors on the north side
give access to a more important cloister containing a baptistery.

The view of the inside is taken from the south-west corner of

the church showing that the nave was separated from the aisles
by pillars of marble in pairs ; these supported a roof made of
timber and tiles. The
was covered with mosaic pavement
floor

and here and there stone footings mark the gangways that
divided the tribunes, choir, and the part allotted to women.
This division is found with little variety in all the earlier
churches I have seen in North Africa. In the middle of the
104 CENTKAL TUNIS
nave, in front of the two steps leading to the raised choir, there is

a square enclosure to mark the place where the altar of the

original church stood, for, as the floor shows, the raised choir or
chancel beyond is a later addition. Proceeding up the centre of
the nave we come
two steps leading to the raised floor of the
to
chancel. About a metrebeyond them a line of stones laid across
the chancel marks the screen that surrounded the later altar;
the latter stood in the middle of the chancel. In the chapel of
the prothesis I noticed a piece of a fluted pillar made of white
marble that may have been one of the legs belonging to an
altar slab lying close by. The places for the four legs to fit in

are seen in the four corners, and the larger horseshoe-shaped

recess in the centre was made to hold relics.
Beyond the altar of the second church there are the founda-
tions of an apse made of rough rubble. This was the end of the
second or later church which was therefore a good deal shorter
than the earlier one. The original apse made of stones lies a

little beyond it to the eastward, and it is made of large dressed

stones and contains the foundations of the seats of the clergy

arranged in a semicircle within it according to the usual plan.
The original aisles terminated in square walls, and there is no
sign that they were pierced with doors to lead to the two
chambers usually found in North African churches. M. Merlin's
plan shows the central apse projecting from the rest of the
building and not contained in an outer square wall. This
arrangement is so very unusual that there may be some doubt as
to the correctness of his plan. It would seem that the raised
floor in the north aisle of the chancel that belonged to the second
church indicates the chapel of the prothesis. The floor on the
south aisle is not raised to correspond with it, and there is there-
fore no indication of the diaconicon. It was, however, not unusual
to have one chapel only.
Eeturning now to the west end, the apse which is rather
smaller than that in the chancel had been excavated and con-
tained two or three coffins of stone, one of them nearly 2^ metres
long. These probably belonged to the Saints or Bishops for
whom the apse had been built. M. Merlin records the dis-
covery of as tone with the following inscription engraved
on it : BELLATOR EPCS vixi(t)inp(ace). . . . This probably be-
 SBEITLA 105

longed to one of the sarcophagi. Above the inscription was a

cross in a circle. The approach to this apse from the nave was
by a flight of three broad steps flanked by two pieces of cornices,
from a Roman building.
A small door on the north side of the church leads out into
the cloister of the baptistery. In a corner of the cloister on the
floor is a large sarcophagus with the cover lying by it. The
cover has a Latin cross in an oval medallion, and an inscription in
well cut capital letters giving the name of a bishop in the
beginning of the fifth century. The only letters I could read
were HIC, and below them EPSC, but M. Merhn was able
to decipher the legend and renders it thus :

HIC INVENTA EST DP SCI JVCVNDI

Erse PER INQVISITIONE AMACI EPSCPI

Near by is a console carved with a crude representation of

peacocks drinking from a chalice,* and another stone carved with
a vine pattern.
The ground plan will give some idea of the general appear-
ance of this baptistery and cloister. The font enclosed in a
balustrade, and apparently covered by a canopy on pillars, was
of the usual hexagonal variety with two sets of small steps lead-
ing from the floor level down to the basin. At the south side
the balustrade projected into a small apse. The limestone
columns and their capitals are of the late Eoman type and
apparently were newly made for the building.!

Church of Servus

About a hundred and fifty yards south of this basilica there is

another group of Christian buildings consisting of a still larger

basilica lying north and south, and a baptistery and chapel
adjoining it all built at different dates. The basilica is identified
by M. Merlin as the church of the priest Servus. Of the former
* Illustrated as No. 35 on Plate 71, to vol. i.

f Merlin : Notes et Documents, Forum et Eglises de Sufetula, p. 42.

106 CENTKAL TUNIS
nothing but the pavement and the foundations of an apse
containing empty stone sarcophagi remain. Two or three
inscriptions were found here, and among them the following
dedication on the lintel of a door in the words, hic domus
ORATiONis. The epitaphs to Servus, who was a priest and one
Natalika, are in the usual phraseology. The complete destruc-
tion of this church makes it impossible to form any idea of the
general plan or of the internal arrangements, but it must have
been a very large building and probably had a nave and double
aisles on each side.

The Baptistery

The adjoining baptistery was built in a large square Roman

edifice of which only the angles remain, and as the photograph
shows it looks like the remains of the cella of a Boman temple
and similar to one at Ain Tounga. This was closed on three
sides and open on the west side facing the basilica. In the
centre stood the font enclosed in a little area with a low wall
screen round it. The was divided into three parts
font ; the first

or upper part is hexagonal, and on two sides are little flights of

steps leading to the second or middle part made in the form of a

cross with four lobes each containing three steps leading down
into the cuvette. The whole was covered by a canopy supported
on pillars that have now disappeared, though their bases can be
seen in the angles of the screen. This floor as well as the screen
was lined with a veneer of pink marble, while the cuvette was
lined with white marble. Lying about among the various
fragments of decorative carving is a block of stone with a
dedication cross carved on it.*

Near the baptistery were several tombs and one with an

inscription to Viola with a peculiar form of G made like a J.
Adjoining the baptistery on the south side is a small church
divided into nave and raised chancel terminating in a single

* Examples of this kind of cross will be found all over the Christian world.
There are three in the chapel of Guildford Castle, Surrey. See No. 49 on Plate 73
of vol. i.
 SBEITLA 107

semicircular apse enclosed in a square wall. In the floor of the

latter I noticed the stumps of the feet of the altar ; these were
fluted pillars of white marble set in the mosaic floor. The nave
and aisles were separated by a marble screen supported by
grooved posts with pear-shaped tops, and some of these are
still lying about on the ground.

There is some doubt whether the building with three apses

on the north-west side of the city was a church. M. Saladin
so describes it and judging by the ground plan, the general
appearance of the ruins that clearly belong to a building of
relatively late date, and some ornamental carving that is cer-

tainly Christian he would appear to be right.

The central building consists of a nave terminating at the
west end in one large and two small semicircular apses made
of brick. The nave is about eight metres square and as the
footings show there was a narthex or porch at the east end
with a square forecourt in front of it containing a colonnade
or cloister. This central building was closed in on the north,
east and south sides by rooms and halls of different sizes. On
the south side there are two long rectangular halls with semi-
circular ends like the so-called bath at Ain Tounga. Among
the out chambers on the north side I noticed several mangers
or troughs of the kind found in the so called stables of the
monastery at Tebessa and at Haidra.
The only parts of this building that remain more than four
feetabove ground are the brick pilasters of the chancel arch

and portions of the main apse. It would seem from what is

still left of the walls that the latter was decorated with niches
and windows placed alternately, the niches being like those
in the chancel of the church at Tibar. On the wall of the little

north apse are some well-preserved mosaics with a flowing vine

pattern the two little shafts to hold a screen in front of the apse
;

are still in situ.

The floors of the nave and apses are covered with mosaics
Only fragments are distinguishable, but I noted several figures,
a boy riding on a dolphin, a child walking with an adult, and
108 CENTRAL TUNIS
the head of a woman, perhaps the Blessed Virgin, and the angel
of the Annunciation. There is also a border pattern like that
in the apse in the tomb of the martyrs in the basilica at Uppena
now in the modern church at Enfidaville and on a piece of
pavement on the walls of the museum at Sousse. I could not
find the signs of the zodiac that are said to be there and
have been taken to indicate that this building was not a church.
In the church a number of Corinthian capitals are lying
about and in one of the chambers on the south side the carved
stones figured in the preceding volume on plate 71. Among the
objects represented are a cross in foliage, a chalice and fish and,
a pretty design of scrolls with whorls and rosettes.

The Fort

After the defeat of the Vandals, Justinian's generals con-

verted the forum, containing the triumphal arch and the triple
teinple into a fort. This arch and temple are too well known
to need description here. The north-west corner was made
into a chapel and a little apse built out in the curtain wall.
The general arrangement of the chapel can still be distin-
guished from the masonry and the footings, and among the
fragments lying about is a stone capital of the Byzantine period
with eagles at the four corners, illustrated as No. 25 on plate 69
in vol. i.

BEYOND SBEITLA
Since the opening of the railway from Sousse to Sfax there
is a continuous line round the great plain of Central Tunis by
Metlaui and Gafsa. Across the circle so formed a high road
is being constructed from Sfax to Sbeitla in a north-westerly
direction along the line of the modern aqueduct this road will ;

eventually open up a district full of Roman remains that has

hardly been explored by archaeologists.
After leaving the little rest house at Sbeitla the traveller

who ventures further into the Interior must be prepared to

rough it in the full sense of the word for there are no civilized
 Second 0y sktti. 30

f'^T^BMKr',-

iil^i^. -X:.-

S*^
SBEITLA. u "^i-
A mosaic pavement^ from the West church ; p. 108. J^
Altar slab showing the reliqp.ary in the centre and
holes for supports^ p. 104 ; and oil presses at Hcnchir
Chond el Rattal betivcen Kassciiuc and P^riana.

To face page 108

 .

108 CENTEAL TUNIS

**^ the head of a woman, perhaps the Blessed Virgin, and ^^^ ai.j^^i
of the Annunciation. There is also a border pattern like that
I'' ''" he tomb of the martyrs in the basilica at Uppena
ri<»w in me j ' ' .h at Enfidaville and on a piece of
piivemtMit oi ,
. : the musemn at Sousse. I could not
find ti tbe zodiac that are said to be there and
have I
-.ndicate that this building was not a church.
In a number of Corinthian capitals are lying
about )f the chambers on the south side the carved
stonch fie preceding volume on plate 71. Among the
^^*: '
are a cross in foliage, a chalice and fish and,
'!>
i'"^ -crolls with whorls and rosettes.

The Fort

lefeat of the Vandals, Justinian's gen

im, containii^:itt\'afiamphal arch and the triple

."661 .\'{^l5^xw^Tte^^<^k\M¥\\t^WJRl§v^«4^e^-^lj«<^s#'%IJ known

\iWVN S^\i<U'-^i^^^Jw\n»iPJi\S-^i^ftt^:vW^»stk?. USiiVjie^'sA\%^s made

{w\^>tv^WfJWWi44\% >fl^<v4*^^^ <^*o\t^\iHe\ QJiVdAin wall.

^«*;W'>'«l'ilWJgesi6»feicift. ti^vjsdiaiidk^wan \«tk.i\o^ distiu-
'
the masonry and the fo(jtings, and among the
iig about is a stone capital of the Byzantine period
^ at the four comers, illustrated as No. 25 on plate 69

BEYOND SBEITLA
opening of the railway from Sousgu^ to Sfax there
s line round the great plain of
^»j '"a. Across the circle so fo '

i^ 'd from Sfax to Sbeitla iii i ly

: line of the modern aqueduct ul will

n a district full of Komiin remains that has

by archaeologists.
little rest house at Sbeitla the traveller
who venttires farther into the Interior must be prepared to
rough it in the full sense of the word for there are no civilized

?)0\ ^"^a^ ^-)v\ oT

 Second fly sheet. 30

"^-S.

To face page to8

 O}
0£ Aa^i "^ViiWi^?,

%oi ^S^^ -itiiX oi

 KASSERINE 109

and food and drinking water have to be brought up

resources,
from Sousse by the daily train for the railway staff and the
few European colonists. The country, however, is inhabited by
nomad Arabs who live in tents and wander about with their
flocksfrom one pasture ground to another, and there is a large
and prosperous native population all along the line. By day
the monotonous landscape seems to be quite lifeless and deserted,
and the passing traveller would hardly
credit that there was a
living soul about, but sundown the whole country-side is
at
illuminated with countless camp fires dotted about as far as
the eye can reach.
From Sbeitla the line continues to rise very gradually for
about twenty miles as far as Kasserine, another important
Roman town commanding the Southern approach to Thala,
Tebessa, and Northern Tunis.
The choice of position for Kasserine and many other Roman
example Thelepta, Henchir Gebeul, Haidra and
cities, like for

indeed Sbeitla itself, is to be accounted for by the configuration

of this country. The land lies in a series of plateaux or plains
varying of course in size, but as a general rule from twenty
to thirty miles long and ten to twelve broad. These plateaux
commencing at the high level of Tebessa descend gradually
like a series of steps to the plains of Kairouan at sea-level.
In the upper plateaux there is a considerable rainfall and the
rivers formed by it pass from one plateau to the other, from
the higher level to the lower through small cafions or gorges,
eventually losing themselves in the chotts or marshes about
Kairouan and central Tunis ; few if any of them reach the
sea. As a rule the roads followed the river beds, and near the
cafions, where the water could be easily dammed into reservoirs,
the cities and larger towns were built. These cities formed
a series of fortified out-posts linked up with the head-quarters
of the Roman legion stationed at Tebessa, Timgad and Lambessa.

Kasserine

Nothing is known of the history of Kasserine as a Roman

colony, but the name and rank are preserved to us from an
inscription on the front of the principal gateway or triumphal
110 CENTEAL TUNIS
arch on the east side of the city. The other important remains
are a barrage, a water tower, an early church and some tombs.
Among the latter is the well-known monument to members
of the family of Flavins Secundus. On this tomb there is the
sententious and portentously long inscription in Latin hexameter
verse reproduced by M. Guerin in his book.
The church was built of Eoman materials and nothing
remains of it but the west fagade with two doors and the
footings of the nave, chancel, and single apse. In front of
the doors at the west end was a porch, and close to it are a
monolith tympanum very roughly carved with and a
birds
vase or chalice. The interior has not been excavated. There
were no side chapels, and the sanctuary is at the w^est end.
Kasserine station is about two miles east of the town and
near it are the remains of several oil presses showing that in
Roman times olive-trees were grown in this district. After
leaving Kasserine station the line ascends on to the escarpment
of the upper plateau and then continues for twenty miles on
fairly level ground to Thelepta. The north side is bounded by
the mountain range called the Chambi, and on the south by
downs that separate the plateau from a large valley at a much
lower level. From the maison cantonniere, about the eighth
kilom. on the line, a path leads across the plateau in a southerly
direction to the Dernaia Pass through these downs and so into
the valley I have just mentioned. The path ends at a place
called Haouch Khima Mta Darrouia, where there is an
interesting early church discovered by M. Saladin.

HAOUCH KHIMA MTA DABBOUIA

This is the name given to the site of a buried Eoman city

about 20 kilometres due south of Kasserine. It is situated in

longitude 7' 5" E. and latitude 38' 85" N. The best way
to visit it seems to be to sleep at a maison cantonniere on the
railway half-way between the stations of Kasserine and Thelepta.
It should be about four hours' ride from there across the moun-
tains bounding the Kasserine-Thelepta plain on the south side.
It is a small but substantial building of large dressed stones.
 * FfDM and apse.
'"' '*

Photnirraplis taken by the department of .Intiqiiities ^

Moiis: Merlin.
p
Moils: Saladeiis sketch of reconstructed chapel.

To face page I jo
 no CENTRAL TUNIS
arch on the east side of the city. The other important remains
!' ' barrage, a water tower, an early church and some tombs.
A he latter is the well-known monument to members
"' illy of Flavius Secundus. On this tomb there is the
and portentously long inscription in Latin hexameter
is»

verse reproduced by M. Guerin in his book.

The church was built of Romati materials and nothing
remains of it but the west facade with two doors and the
footinp:^ of the nave, chancel, and single apse. In front of
tho di the west end was a porch, and close to it are a
in ipanum very roughly carved with and a birds
...t.e. The.tilsKie^lCit fel^\5c©^tteen excavated. There
-ide chapels, al^<3^il^^i^'i^(t||^ry is at the west end.
Ka i!it= station is about .two. imlesjieasttaf the W)wn and
. tlfe rem^ms Q|^^s^erajl^^^^ presses si iti

Mies olive-trees were grown in this 11,0^^^,^. ,k;it;r

'

.^'^Wii^itsliR^fixcfe^ ^^:,W^H'^mk.to ,l^\fescarpment

upper plateau and then continues for twenty miles on
! ground to Tlieleptjjt The north side is bounded by
. . -utain ran^Je inbi, and on the south by
that sep -a, Mrge valley at a much
'

level. F ,. abotftr the eighth

on the lili i-^au in a southerly
•n to the j^^ns and so into
illey I h.iy> ends at a place
Haouch/ he^^^there is an
ing early'''6}jafc adin.

MTA DAIiliOUU
the name given to the site of a buried 1 , ^_,
kilometres due south* of Kasserine. If iied in
5" E. and latitude 38' 85' " best way
u iO be to sleep at a ii niuere on the
rai Dotween the stations l ^^ ^luj and Thelepta.
It should be ab'.iit four hours' ride from there across the moun-
tams bounding the Kaeserine-Thelepta plain on the south side.
^
small but substantial building of large dressed stones.

0\\ ^"^R^ ^:iv\ o\

 "

««*^*Jta ^ta
^^^^^^^^^H^ '

ni ^^^^KL -'* tw.

\
Hi
K.
r^gMI

\-S^^^.^^-^ A4 .1

^^:
^

^HlS^
 HAOUCH KHIMA 111

The construction is altogether superior to that of any of the

buildings I have been describing, except Tebessa. It consisted
of a square nave covered by a cross vault, and a single semi-
circular apse covered by a semi-dome, and a shallow narthex or
porch with columns in front of it. The general appearance of
the building can be best understood from M. Saladin's essai de
reconstruction. It bears a strong resemblance on a larger scale
to the upper part of the mausoleum at Haouch Taacha I have
already referred to. It is obviously copied from a Roman
building and, from the style of masonry and the resemblance
to some of the chapels at Bin Bir Kilessi in Asia Minor, is

probably one of the earliest Christian churches built in the

North of Africa.
About three miles from the maison cantonniere along this
path, and about half-way to the Dernaia Pass are the remains
of a large agricultural establishment.* These remains consist
of nine sets of upright stones, 2| metres high, arranged in pairs
with a stone laid across the top of each pair. They originally
occupied the centre of a large stone building of which the
debris are lying about on the ground. In front of each pair
on the south side is a little circular platform with a groove or
gutter leading to a tank or reservoir. The purpose these stones
were intended to serve can be best explained by reference to
the accompanying rough sketch suggested by M. Saladin's
drawing from which I have purposely omitted the minor
details. There seems to be some doubt whether these presses
were used for oil or wine, but the natives of to-day adopt
much the same kind of plant for pressing oil, substituting a
screw-jack worked by a long beam for the vertical pressure
operated by means of ropes and pulleys. The strength of the
plant suggest that oil, and not wine, was the produce treated.
The purpose of these stones is, of course, obvious enough when
the method of using them is explained, but it must be said,
in defence of an eminent antiquary, that when seen at a distance
an isolated pair does look remarkably like a prehistoric dolmen.
Students of North African archasology may recollect that in 1897,
a traveller set out to prove that some upright stones of this
* This seems to be the place visited by M. Saladin
and described in his report
under the name Henchir Clioud el Battal.
112 CENTKAL TUNIS
kind were the horns of altars to which the '
sacrifice was bound,
'

the circular basin in front was the altar itself, and the gutter
or groove was to carry away the sacrificial blood into the tank
below.*
At present the neighbouring plateau is used for pasturage,
and a little wheat is grown in places, but there would seem

to be no great difficulty in replanting and maintaining olive-

trees, for there is sufficient moisture to make
marsh and a
justify, as my guide explained, the name Garaat Krechem el
Kelb f being applied to a small lake which is always wet.

Tlielepta

The station at Thelepta is the only habitation on the site

of one of the largest Koman cities in this part of Tunisia
now represented by the modern village of Feriana about a
mile further west on the southern escarpment of the plateau.
The principal ruins of Thelepta are the Eoman baths
containing two trefoil chambers made of brick, a group of four
pillars with their consoles and the fragments of a large church
in the citadel. There has been little or no excavation here,
and the site offers one of the most promising fields for

research.
The most important Koman remains here are those of the
thermae, a large brick edifice situated on the bank of the river and
just above a small canon where it has forced its way through the
escarpment and so past Feriana into the valley below. These
baths, of which I give a plan taken from M. Saladin's notes,
and a photograph, are now in ruins. There are two details of
interest in them. First, the trefoil apartments, and secondly

the vaults which have been built on little tubes of pottery X

fixed in the cement. In one corner there is the spring of a
cross vault built in this way and almost exactly like that of
the chapel at El Gebioui. The size of these thermae show
that the city must have been large and important. At the

* The Hill
of the Graces ; a record of investigation among the trilithons
and Megalithic sites of Tripoli. Published by Methuen, 1897.
t By interpretation the lake of the dog's nose.'
'

I
A photograph of one of these tubes will be found oh Plate 64 in vol. i.
 3a

AIN TO UN G A.
Castle and view of inside of a bastion showing method of consti'nctinn.

HEN CHIR GEBEUL.

Details of a Roman building- probably a hath^

with canopied niches.

 112 CENTRAL TUNIS
kind were the horns of altars to which the *
sacrifice .,

^^ the circular basin in front was the altar itself, and ti

or groovo was to carry away the sacrificial blood into the tank
below.*
At present the neighbouring plateau is used for pasturage,
and a little wheat is grown in places, but there would seem
to be no great difficulty in replanting and maintaining olive-
trees, for there is sufficient moisture to make '
and
jiwrifv as. my guide explained, the name Garaai .. " '^I

l>eing applied to a small lake which is always .

Thele/pta

The station at Thelepta is the only habit

of one of the largest Roman cities in this

now represented by the modern village of Feriana ab<

mile further w^est on the southern escarpment of the plateau.

The principal ruins or j.iiejepTa are the Roman baths

pillars with their consoles and the fragments of a large church

in the ciiadel. There has been little or no excavation here,
i'^- <'^'•
and the site offers one of the most promisir" >"•

research.
The»*te§sf^ i%6?l^to^^!^Mii»f^ft'!^ifts^giS^^ll% those of the
thermae, a large bric^^^^'^^mM^'^^ the bank of the river and
just above a small canon where it has forced its way through the
escarpment and so past Feriana into the valley below. These
baths', of which I give a plan taken from M. Saladin's notes,

and a photograph, are now in ruins. There are t if

interest in them. First, the trefoil ap'^^" •"•*- 'y

tlie vaults which have been built or-

fixed in the cement. In one con spring

cross vault built way and
in this aii v like that ol

the chapel at El Gebioui. The size v thermae show

that the city must have been large and important. At the

the a record of investigation among the trilithons

Graces ;

and Mef.' s of Published by Methuen, 1897.

Tripoli.

t By II ^1 lion the lake of the dog's nose.'

'

J
A photograph of one of these tubes will be found oh Plate 64 in vol. i.

S\\ %-^»\ ^:jvj\ o\

 THELEPTA 1I3

top of a little glen above them stands the citadel, a square

enclosure of about six acres. At the west end stood the forum
or chief public buildings, and at the east end the church.
The site of the church is undisturbed, and the shafts of the
pillars still stand aslant at various angles in the debris of
the roof, showing that the building was not demolished but
merely abandoned and left to perish away. It was a basilica
with a single apse facing east and a nave with aisles separated
by a row of pillars with corinthian caps. The
large number
of mosaic tesserae lying about came probably from the roof
of the apse. Beside this, no doubt, the principal church in the
city, I found the footings of another and much smaller church
with a single apse on the south side of the citadel.
Another interesting spot in the site of Thelepta are the
stone quarries where the materials for constructing the city were
obtained. These are situated just above the thermae and near
the river cafion I have just mentioned. The process of stone
cutting can be seen in all its stages; finished and unfinished blocks
are lying about ; others still undetached have the wedge holes
ready drilled for splitting them off the rock. This process was
effected by boring holes and inserting dry wooden wedges that
were afterwards made to expand by being soaked with water
and so split the stone from the rock the face of the quarries ;

is covered with the marks of the workmen's tools.

Feriana is a little oasis village. In the public square a

number of carved fragments were collected and put together by
the officers stationed here while the line was in construction.
The examples on Plate 71 of Volume I show that the native
artists developed a style of their own in which the objects
they represent are more naturally and less conventionally
rendered than in the pagan models. The carving, of course,
is not executed with the same mechanical precision but the

result is a great improvement upon the stiff and lifeless work

of the preceding period.

Henchir Gebeul

Henchir Gebeul is the Arab name for the site of an abandoned

and ruined Eoman city situated about twelve miles west of
 114 CENTEAL TUNIS
Feriana. I gratefully record the kindness and hospitality of Dr.
and Mme. Boricaud, of Feriana, who received us into their house,
made us welcome, and enabled us to see Henchir Gebeul. We
visited the place in company of the brigadier of gendarmes, a
genial Corsican, who drove us across the steppe in a high two-
wheeled dogcart. Archaeology apart, the chief items of interest
on our adventurous drive were supplied by the brigadier's grey
charger, who made a first appearance in harness on this occasion.
The Koman name of this place is not known, nor are the
circumstances or date of the foundation and ultimate destruction.
The position shows that the city was built to guard one of the
approaches leading from the desert up to Tebessa, and judging
by the size of the public buildings, and the unusual care and
skill bestowed on some of the capitals, consoles, and other carved
fragments lying about, it must have been a place of no little

importance. It is now a weird and ghostly place, and the stately

ruins in this remote and forgotten spot are
more impressive than
any I have seen in the region. The dead silence was broken by
pleasant shouts of welcome from a company of nomad Arabs who
have taken possession of the ruins.
The principal building stands at right angles to the river-bed
on the west bank. It consists now of two parallel walls of fine
masonry that apparently represent the sides of a hall or nave.
The lower parts of these walls are hidden in debris of the roof
that has fallen in and covered the floor, but sufficient of the upper
parts of them is left to show that they were decorated with a
row of eight niches on each side. All that remains of the upper
stage of the building are the piers, or pilasters, on each wall, and
a close inspection of them shows that the nave roof was a
barrel vault. On the outer sides of both walls and these
pilasters there are indications that the nave was flanked by
and that they too were covered by barrel vaults.
lateral aisles,
And that, I am afraid, is all that can be said about this odd
building until the debris have been removed and the site exca-
vated ; the approximate dimensions will be seen by the little plan
taken from M. Saladin's account of it.

M. Saladin was the first archaeologist to visit this site, and

he describes the ruins in his report to the Minister of Public
Instruction made in 1882. He draws some comparison between
 HENCHIR GEBEUL 115

this '
hall ' and the so-called stables at Haidra and Tebessa ;

but it seems more probable that the hall here was either a
temple, a court of justice, or even a public bath. About 20
metres west of it are Roman Corinthian capitals and
several
some consoles of unusually good workmanship, executed in local
stone ; these probably belonged to a group of public buildings
that we might expect to find in a forum or citadel.
The city covers a small area, but the importance of it should
rather be judged by the excellence of the carved fragments
lying about. No attempt has been made to excavate, and as
there no modern city for many miles around the materials
is

have not been disturbed, but lie just where they fell as it
would seem in some great earthquake.
The country to the north of this place and in the direction
of Tebessa is full of Roman and Christian remains. But the
district is so inaccessible, it is so hot in summer and so bitterly

cold in winter, that it has remained almost entirely unexplored,

and but for the police and government officials whose duty
obliges them to visit it, the existence of these remains would
be unknown.
 EASTERN ALGERIA
TEBESSA

In describing some of the smaller unknown churches in North

Africa and Egypt, I have frequently referred to the monastery at
Tebessa, especially to the basilican church and the trefoil chapel
attached to it, because the approximate date of their construc-
tion known, and being comparatively well preserved, so far as
is

foundations and ground plan are concerned, they give some idea
of the internal arrangements of a Christian church and memorial
chapel in the Roman period of Church history between the
reign of Constantine and the Vandal conquest of North Africa.
The monastery, however, has been so often and so well
described by French archaeologists that I shall not attempt to
give a detailed survey of it here, or more than sufficient to enable
the student, with the accompanying photographs and plans, to
identify the various points referred to in the notes on the
smaller churches and chapels elsewhere.
I may remind him that Tebessa was one of the chief
first

military stations and centres of Eoman civilization in North

Africa, and that all the great roads from Carthage and North and
South Tunis to Timgad, Lambessa, and the Algerian plateau
passed through it. It is evident from the age and importance
of this monastery and the great basilican church that at a very
early date Tebessa also became an important centre of

Christianity.
It is an open question whether the material of the ruined
fabric of the basilica as we now see it belongs to some pagan
building, be it a court of justice, a temple, or other public edifice
erected before the reign of Constantine. M. Gsell reckons it

among the edifices du culte Chretien, and it is difficult to under-

 TEBESSA 117

stand how any one acquainted with the usual arrangements of

an African church coul^ suppose that it was intended for any-
thing but Christian worship. The original purpose the trefoil

chapel was built to serve, be it secular or Christian, is not quite

so clear, but it is certain that at an early date, and before the
Vandal conquest, it was used for Christian burial.
The monastery stands a short distance from Tebessa and near
the high road leading to Haidra and El Kef. This road leaves
the city by the East gate and passes under a Boman triumphal
arch dedicated to Septimius Severus, Caracalla, and Julia Domna
in the third century. It was restored during the Byzantine
occupation, and contains an early example of a squinch made
of small stones built at that time to support the roof.*
The buildings and surrounding grounds of the monastery
were enclosed in a high curtain wall strengthened at intervals by
square bastions on the inner side ; according to some archaeo-
logists this peculiarity indicates that the wall was built before the
Byzantine conquest.
The basilica stands in the centre of this enclosure. On the
west or front side of it there is a great square court with indica-
tions of a paved cloister round it. On the south side of the
basilica are the trefoil chapel, a baptistery, and small church of the
Byzantine period. The so-called stables stand in the north-west
corner of the enclosure and bound the great square court on
the north side. Bound the walls of the basilica on the north,
east, and part of the south sides, are a number of rooms built of

large blocks of stone supposed to be cells of the monastery and

built subsequently to the basilica itself.
Passing from the El Kef road through the main entrance of
the curtain wall, a fine gate of which only the arch remains,
we enter the court by a paved avenue.
Standing in the middle of the court and facing east, we
obtain the first view of the basilica, taken by my father.
This faces directly on to the west front of the basilica,

showing the steps in front and the nave and the central apse

*See Gsell, vol. i. p. 183. A.ccording to M. Gsell this squinch supported a dome
and the same date as the arch itself. Examples of domed gates occur at
is of

Tripoli and Latakkia in Syria. I venture to differ as to the age of the squinch, and
attribute it to the Byzantine restoration in Justinian's reign.
118 EASTEEN ALGEEIA
in the distance. The massive vaulted roof in the distance on the
right side of the basilica belongs to the trefoil chapel.
Before v^^alking up the steps into the church, the visitor will
notice a row of stone posts with grooved sides shown in the fore-
ground of the pictures, and also two structural peculiarities in
the construction of the church.
These posts mark the border of the court and a broad paved
avenue that led from the entrance gate along the front of the
basilica. They were joined by panels fitted into the side
grooves, and so formed a continuous balustrade. The same kind
of post to support the altar screen will be seen inside the basilica,
and was commonly used for that purpose in North African
churches. These posts were often provided with fircone or
acorn-shaped tops, and some in use may be seen in the choir
of the Cappella Palatina at Palermo.
The first structural peculiarity I have referred to can be seen
in the photograph. It will be noticed that the floor of the
basilica is raised some three metres above the ground level. This
substructure appears, from excavations made in search of tombs
and treasure, to be quite solid, and must have involved an
immense amount of labour and material. This device of raising
a building on a platform was commonly adopted by pagan
architects, but it is not usually found in North African churches.
All the other buildings of the monastery including, oddly
enough, the trefoil chapel, are built on the ground level.

The second peculiarity is not seen in the photograph, and is

not noticeable on the spot, but the measured plan shows that the
front of the basilica and the balustered front of the forecourt are
not in alignment. It has been argued from this that the court
and the basilica were built at different times.
We now pass from the court into the church by fourteen
steps about 20 metres broad,and arranged in three flights. The
row of rough stones at the top marks the foundation of a porch
or narthex flanked by two towers that formed the west fa9ade.
Nothing of this now remains but the bases of a few pillars
and some of the Roman Corinthian capitals.
Passing through the porch we enter the square atrium or
forecourt with a water stoup in the middle of it, and Roman
pillars taken from some older building.
 33

BASILICA OF TEBESSA.
l''i,re Court and steps : and Atnnv' and font.

Pla7i (M. Duprat)

To face page Ij8

 118 EASTERN ALGERIA
^^ < vttuued roof in the ui

olongs to the trefoil chiw

nji up the steps into the church, the visitor will
;e posts with grooved aides shown in the fore-
peculiarities in
':^.*^^^^ ^f9 ^TS^^Ji^^^^^
I of the church.
narij the border or the court and a broad paved
I
led from the entoiB^e gate along the
They were joined by panels fitted iui.-

and so formed a continuous balustrade. The Sii

le altar screen will be seen inside the basilica,

h African
fircone or
the choir

be
oor oi ijii^.

level. This
h of tombs
nvolved an
e of rn''^" "

fcy i

n churches,
ding, oddly
level.

raph, and is

ws that the
brecourt are
lat fi^^ '^'^'Tt

fourteen
hts. The
u stones at the top marks the foundation of a porch
ilanked b^fcw*^\C\?wWKd) thfi^formed the west facade.
this now remains but the bases of a few pillars
jii; ' -^
Roman Corinthian capitals.
1 <.w., M'h the porch we enter the square atrium or
forecourt w >ater stoup in the middle of it, and Roman
pillars taken from ttoTne older building.

?)\\ ^-^vi^ ^:ivi\ o\

 TEBESSA 119

The stoup stood in the centre or open part of the court, and
was covered by a canopy resting on four pillars ; these have dis-
appeared, but their bases still remain in the bevelled recesses at
the four outer corners of the stoup. The basin inside was
scooped out into four lobes, giving it a cross shape. These atria
are common enough in Christian churches, and there is nothing
unusual or remarkable in this one, but it has been suggested that
as the adjoining baptistery appears to be of much later date,
possibly not older than the Byzantine occupation, this
stoup may have been used as a font for much the same cere-
mony as the Coptic Epiphany tanks were originally built to
accommodate.
A door leads from the atrium into the baptistery, and it was
made after the wall was built showing that the baptistery is an
addition. Three steps lead down from the floor of the atrium
into the baptistery, so that the latter is considerably higher than
the ground level, and consequently of the floor of the trefoil
chapel. The baptistery is divided into two parts, an outer hall or
narthex, and the baptistery proper with a round font sunk in the
middle of the floor. The latter was covered by a canopy
supported on pillars resting on stones taken from a classical
building. The font itself consists of a shallow circular pit, built
in three stages of equal depth and decreasing diameter, so as to
form steps from the floor into the cuvette. The same pattern
will befound in the font of a small church at Timgad, and in the
great basilica at Timgad an octagonal font is built much in
the same way ; but the pattern was not very common.
From the atrium three doors lead into the church, the main
door into the nave and the side doors from the peristyle of the
court into the aisles. The next picture (my father's) is taken
looking east from the main door along the nave and into the
apse. The church is divided as usual into three parts, the nave,
the two side aisles, and the sanctuary represented by a semi-
circular apse and a prothesis and diaconicon on the north and
south sides.
The masonry is composed uniformly of large well cut blocks
of local stone. The interesting point to notice in it are the
numerous and varied mason's marks ; they occur chiefly in the
church, but some will also be found in the trefoil chapel and
 ;

120 EASTEEN ALGEKIA

in the avenue at the west front. I have not come across similar
marks in Tunis or even at Haidra near by, but probably they
exist, and they are certainly well worth careful study. Some of
them, at any rate, appear to be Berber characters.* Numerous
capitals of the Roman Corinthian variety are lying about, and
on the north wall there are several carved brackets that appear
to have supported the gallery in the aisles among them is a ;

pretty design with dolphins that I did not see elsewhere in this
district or in Tunis.

The floor of the nave was covered with mosaic, and the
eastern part of it was shut off by a screen to enclose the altar.
The view shows a piece of the apse, the steps leading up to
it,and the door of the chapel of the prothesis. The French
engineers have restored a piece of the north colonnade of the
nave, including the bases of the upper row of pillars in front
of the gallery or triforium. The style is purely Eoman.
In the foreground is one of the grooved posts to hold the
screen I have already referred to. These screens were probably
made of stone or marble open work,f and fitted into the grooves
of the posts and also into the bases of the pillars between the
nave and aisles. There is alsosome indication that part of
the south aisle was shut off from the nave in the same way.
The altar stood in the centre of the nave halfway between the
little post and the apse, but only the foundations can now be
seen.
According to the usual practice of North African church
architects the semi-circular apse and adjacent chambers or
chapels were all enclosed in a square wall, so that the apse does
not project and is not visible from the exterior. The occurrence
of side chapels to the apse, the predecessors of the Byzantine
prothesis and diaconicon, came as a surprise to me in a building
of this early date. These side chapels are frequently found in
North Africa. Sometimes there is one, and sometimes two
some communicate directly with the central apse, and some
do not. No general deductions can be made from these

*
Publications of the Archaeological Society of Constantine, vol. ix. 3rd. series
(vol. and vol. i. 3rd series (vol. xxii. of the collection),
XXX. of the collection), 1897 ;

1888. See also my drawings in the preceding volume on the fiysheet to Plate 56.
t As in a panel in the Alexandria Museum.
 34

BASILICA OF TEBESSA.
Nave^ lookins^ tnto the chancel

To face page 120

 120 KASTEKN MiGEKIA

^f.
in the avenuf ai lik; wcm iiuui. I have not cuaic at

marks in Tunis or even at Haidra near by, but pi'

(ixist,and they »re certainly well worth careful study. Some of
them, at ar-^y rate, appear to be Berber characters.* Nimierous
capitn' 'e Roman Corinthian variety are lying about, and
'

on tli' wall there are several carved brackets that appear

to hav' supported the gallery in the aisles ; among them is a
-ign with dolphins that I did not see elsewhere in this
! or in Tunis,
e floor of the nave was covered with mosaic, and the
va part of it was shut off by a screen to enclose the altar.

The view shows a piece of the apse, the steps leading up to

it, and the door of the chapel of the pro thesis. The French
engineers have restored a piece of the north colonnade of the
luve, including the bases of the upper row of pillars in front
v«f the gallery or triforium. The style is purely Romai
In the foreground is one of the grooved posts to liwm u.^

wjieen I have already referred to. These screens were probably

made of stone or marble open work,! and fitted into the grooves
oi the posts and also into the bases of the pillars between the
nave and aisles. -^"^^^^"^aT^ sbi^^"^^lfc§tion that part of
th*^ south aisle wd»:>«is&it ^M elroii^utlNs>\n,a'VQVin the same way.

The altar stood in the centre of the nave halfway between the
post and the apse, but only the foundations can now be
^< '11.

According to the usual practice of North African church

architects the semi-circular apse and adjacent chambers or
ipels were all enclosed in a square wall, so that the apse does
'
project and is not visible from the exterior. The occurrence
-le chapels to the apse, the predecessors of the Byzantine
i< sis and diaconicon, came as a surprise to me in a building

s early date. These side chapels are ly found in

'^^ica. Sometimes there is one, auv. umes two; -. .

itmicate directly with the central apse, and some

d No general deductions can be made from these

.f the Archaeological Society of Constantine, vol. ix. 3rd series

(v<.; : \. 1897 and vol. i. 3rd series (vol. xxii. of the collection),
;

1 >5.HX. the preceding volume on the flysheet to Plato 56.

igs in
. a Alexandria Museum.

0^\ ^^v»\ ^:>»\ o\

 TEBESSA 121

peculiarities as to the service or purpose they were intended to

accommodate. The substantial and important fact from the
ritual point of view is that they should be found in this early
building. It does not necessarily follow that they were intended
or used for any ritual purpose, or for anything more than practical
convenience ; but it seems reasonable to suppose that they are
the predecessors of the side chapels that became essential for the
due performance of a part of the later Byzantine Communion
Service,and I hazard the conjecture that that part was founded
upon some early and common practice in these African churches.
The floor of the apse is raised about half of a metre above the
floor of the nave, while the floors of the chapels are level with
it. This elevation was negotiated by four flights of two steps,
one flight in each chapel and one flight on each side of the
apse. An arrangement uncommon, and
of steps like this is not
several examples will be found, as for instance, at Dougga and
in the so-called basilica of Justinian at Carthage, to name two
of many examples. The student of Church architecture will be
reminded of the same sort of arrangement in the great screens
in S. Paul's and at Winchester Cathedral, and the purpose
they were intended to serve at the consecration of a bishop
according to the Sarum use.
In the middle of the apse floor, and against the wall, are the
foundations of what was probably the bishop's throne, but this
and the seats for the clergy have disappeared. The arrange-
ment of seats for the clergy round the wall of the apse was
common in these provinces, in Egypt, and in Nubia. It
is also found in Eome, at Torcello, and in S. Eirene at
Constantinople.
It has often occurred to me to wonder whether the open
space between the altar and the steps leading up to the apse
was screened off by an open screen like that in S. Maria in
Cosmedin at Kome, or in S. Mark's at Venice. The remains
of the Tunis churches I have seen afford no evidence upon
this point.
To reach the trefoil chapel we have to return into the nave,
and then into the south aisle of the church. A wide opening
in the south wall opposite to the second and third bays from
the west end of the nave leads to a broad flight of twelve steps.
122 EASTERN ALGERIA

By these steps we descend three metres from the floor level of

the basilica to that of the trefoil chapel.

The reader should now refer to the illustrations and plans on

Plates 54, 55, and 56 of the preceding volume.
The pictures of the chapel at El Gebioui and the similar
chapel at Maatria show how the central square chamber was
roofed by a cross vault and the apses with semi-domes ; these
were no doubt made of brick in the usual way, and traces of the
mosaic they were covered with were found by M. Clarinval.
The two cippolino pillars at the entrance of each of the apses
were intended to support the arch of the apse in the same way
that those at Haidra supported the chancel arch. The masonry
of the chapel throughout is of large blocks of local stone, carefully
cut and fitted in the same long and short work as those in the
basilica itself.
The floor deserves more careful notice, and here I must refer
to the reports of MM. Seriziat and Clarinval, by whom it was
excavated. The former, describing his exploration in 1868, says *
that the work of clearing away the rubbish from the trefoil was
not sufflciently far advanced for him to report more than the
discovery of a large sarcophagus that he had transported to
Tebessa. Two years later M. Commandant Clarinval, describing
his work, says : t
*
Two years ago M. Seriziat commenced to clear
away the rubbish that filled the trefoil, and found near the
staircase a large white marble sarcophagus.' I need not describe
this object. It is a Christian work of early date, and roughly
executed. M. Clarinval employed a soldier artist to draw it,
and it is reproduced in the proceedings of the Constantine
Archaeological Society with his notes.
'
In continuing the clearing we uncovered a staircase of
twelve steps and the mutilated remains of the sarcophagus hidden
in the debris. We found the floor was decorated with mosaics
that have disappeared except in the east apse. Eight columns
of green marble stood in pairs at the entrance of each apse, and

*Publication of the Archaeological Society of Constantine, vol. ii. 2nd series

the collection), 1868.
(vol. xii. of

t Id., vol. iv. 2nd series (vol. xiv. of the collection), 1870.
 TEBESSA 128

the walls were veneered with marble. Towards the bottom of

the debris were layers of charred wood mixed up with tiles and
mosaics from the roof, showing that the building had been
destroyed by fire.'

Then follows his description of the discovery of the boy's

tomb that I have already described and illustrated in the
preceding volume. In the course of excavating this tomb I
'

discovered an ancient floor covered with mosaic at 1 m. 20 c.

below the present floor level. In the middle of the chapel two
seemed to indicate the presence of an altar, and as the
large slabs
ground sounded hollow I had an excavation made at this spot.
A square hole was found beneath filled with rubbish, and at
1 m. 20 c. the ancient floor covered with mosaic was again
found immediately below it in some cinder rubbish was a
;

tombal stone covering two funeral urns, a lamp, and a little

pot. Two sides of the hole were made of blocks similar to those
used in building the basilica, while the side (on the plan) is made
of small stones. . . . The excavations at the foot of the stair-

case showed that the steps rested on no foundations, and again

brought to light the ancient mosaic 1 m. 20 c. below the present
level.'

The rest of the report relates to the excavations of the

adjoining chambers, and these are referred to presently.
M. Duprat's account * of the trefoil chapel and the digging
is taken from these reports, and includes the discovery of the
mosaic and jewelled panel. This was first taken to the modern
French church at Tebessa, subsequently moved to the museum,
and eventually stolen from there.
M. Gsell's account supplies some further particulars. After
recapitulating what has been said above he proceeds The :
*

floor of the central apse was covered with mosaic representing

intertwined vine branches issuing from chalices the mosaic ;

floor of the left hand apse had round and lozenge patterns and
the gamma cross the right hand apse had a design of birds
'
' ;

with a stag in the centre. The roof was covered with mosaic
cubes made of glass that were found in the rubbish. Four little
pillars carved with vines, fish, &c., that probably belonged to an
altar, were also found near by.'

* Id., vol. ix. 3rd series (vol. xxx. of the collection), 1897.
124 EASTEKN ALGEEIA
In the right and left apses, doors led to the adjoining chambers
in the four angles of the square. They, too, had mosaic floors.

Those on the south side had massive barrel vaults, one of which
can be seen in the pictures ; those on either side of the stairs had
an upper story supported on a cross vault, of which fragments
made of a soft stone are still visible in the angles of the walls.
There is a conflict of evidence concerning the construction of the
two last-mentioned chambers. M. Gsell says that the outer
walls were detached from the wall of the basilica, whereas those
next the stairs were built into it, and he argues from this that the
chapel and the basilica are of the same date. I hesitate to differ
from him on a question of fact, but my observation agrees with
that of M. Clarinval, and to me it seemed that all these walls
were applied and not built into the wall of the basilica.
There remain the rectangular chambers at the west side of
the trefoil chapel, and the access to these was by a door cut in
the centre of the western apse. The first and smaller chamber
was apparently only a vestibule leading to a larger and more
important square hall beyond. M. Duprat identifies this as the
treasury of the monastery. Whether that is so or not, the
excavations made in 1869 and 1870 by M. Seriziat show that
it was used for burial. Four mosaic tombs were found they ;

were of Bishop Palladius, probably the prelate of that name

who suffered in the reign of Hunneric the Vandal king, Petro-
nius, Quodvultdeus, and Marcella, a little girl three years old.
The remains of the bishop were found resting on a bed of
laurel leaves, and also those of the little girl, whose hair was
fair. As in the trefoil chapel itself, so here, the original lioman
floor was found at 1 m. '20 c. below the surface of these mosaic

tombs.
The little on the south side of the trefoil
basilican church
chapel is a building of much later date, and probably belongs
to the period of the Byzantine occupation when the great church
had been destroyed. It is made of old materials, and the altar
stood out in the middle of the church.

According to M. Duprat both the basilica and the trefoil

chapel were secular Boman buildings, the former a court of

 TEBESSA 125

justice, and the latter a bath. There is a good deal to be said

in favour of this opinion so far as the trefoil is concerned.
M. Seriziat's excavation shows that there was an original
building on the present site, with a mosaic floor in the common
Roman which, so far as I know, nothing
style of decoration, in
distinctively Christian was found it may also be said that the
;

eight cippolino columns were imported by the Romans before

the Christian period, and they were apparently made to fit this
building. I have also pointed out in the introduction that this
trefoil plan was certainly in common use for the laconica of
public baths.* But, on the other hand, it must be said that the
adaptation by the Christians of a plan suitable for a bath to a
baptistery would be reasonable and probable enough, and it is

also certain that from very early times this trefoil plan was used
for the sanctuary of a church or the cella memoria or funerary
chapel, f M. Ballu is of opinion that the trefoil was a funerary
chapel, but the tombs found there, which, as I have shown, are
of later date, are the least strong evidence in support of it, for,

as the floor level shows, they are certainly more recent than the
rest of the fabric.
The conclusion that I have come to is that this trefoil plan
was used as well for a church as for a tombal chapel or a bap-
tistery, and that the Christians derived it from some building at

Jerusalem then existing but now destroyed, that was traditionally

associated with our Lord's ministry, much in the same way that
in building the round churches | the Crusaders conceived they
were copying the church of the Holy Sepulchre.
With the exception of the so-called stables, the other buildings
in the enclosure of the monastery, though of interest in them-
selves, and as associated with this site, afford no useful material
for comparison with buildings elsewhere.
The stables are one of the archaeological puzzles of Algeria,
and as another similar building exists at Haidra I have described
the two together in a short account of the principal Christian
remains of that city.

As at Lambessa and Thelepta.

*

As in the churches at Sohag and in the cemetery of S. Callixtus at Rome.

t
I I
refer to the London Temple church, Northampton, Cambridge, and Little
Maplestead in Essex.
 ;

126 EASTERN ALGERIA

There are many other archaeological remains of great interest
in and about Tebessa itself and, foremost among them, the walls
;

of the modern town. These were built by Justinian's generals,

and are still almost as perfect as the day they were erected.
The little museum was a Roman temple also in very fair
preservation, and it contains a number of classical and Byzantine
fragments collected in the neighbourhood.*

TIMGAD
The little church illustrated on the plate opposite is situated
in the northern quarter of the city and, as the foundations extend
across one of the Roman streets, it was presumably built either
during the Vandal occupation or after the Byzantine conquest.
The church lies east and west and is of the usual simple plan
there is first a little porch at the west end leading to an atrium
or forecourt ; from this atrium three doors lead into the church
beyond. The plan is basilican, with nave, side aisles, a semi-
circular central apse at the east end, and a chamber on each side

of it corresponding to the prothesis and diaconicon ; as usual in

African churches these were contained in a square outer wall.
The outer walls are made of large upright stones, probably taken
from a Roman building. They are placed at intervals of eight to
ten feet, the intervening space being filled with rubble and smaller
stones. A square court on the north of the atrium contains the
baptistery. The pillars in the nave have monolith shafts of stone
and stone capitals carved in the usual early Roman Corinthian
pattern ; these also probably came from a Roman building.
The two points of interest in this church are, first, the double wall
of the apse ; this either represents an ambulatory, a place for
burial, or perhaps an arrangement for the seats of the clergy,
similar to that seen in the apse at Announa and secondly, the
;

circular font built almost exactly like the example in the basilica
at Tebessa. The baptistery was a covered cloister of the same
kind as that adjoining the so-called basilica of Justinian at

Carthage and the basiHca at Sbeitla- M. Gsell describes and

gives a plan of this church, but apparently it had not been com-
pletely excavated when he saw it.

* A tombstone from here is illustrated with others from Guelma on p. 130.

 ANNOUNA 127

The great basilica of Timgad stood outside the west wall

of the city, but it has been completely razed to the ground, and
allthat remains of it are the floor, small pieces of the walls,
and a few shafts and capitals of pillars. At the north end stood the
baptistery, now completely gutted, but containing the very beau-
tiful mosaic font that has fortunately been preserved. The only
two architectural details in this basilica that need mention are,
first, the absence of chapels of the prothesis and diaconicon on
each side of the main apse ; secondly, the rectangular chapel
terminating in a semicircular apse placed at right angles to the
nave on the north-east side corresponding to the cella trichora at

Tebessa. The same kind of large chapel, for that is what it no

doubt was, also occurs in the so-called basilica of Justinian at
Carthage and in the other large basilica on the north side of
Timgad. There is no indication in any of these buildings of the
liturgical purpose this chapel was intended to serve, but it

probably had some importance,* for the same kind of apsed

chamber at right angles to a nave will be found m the majority
of Tunisian churches and in some of the Christian tombs in the
cemetery of Khargeh in Egypt.
There are one or two other churches in or near Timgad, and
a reputed chapel in the Byzantine fort on the south side of the
city, but they present no features of particular interest for

purposes of comparison with churches elsewhere.

ANNOUNA
The city of Announa, the ancient Thibilis, is situated in the

hills about six miles south-west of the famous hot springs of

Hammam Meskoutine. It was close to the high road leading
from Bone to Lambessa and other cities on the Algerian plateau,
and from the extent of the remains was obviously a place of
considerable importance both in the Roman and Byzantine
periods.
The one of the few churches in Algeria and Tunis
basilica is
of which a considerable part remains above ground. It is situated
at the end of a main street, in a prominent position at the foot of

* Les Ruines de Timgad, A. Ballu, 1911, p. 38. I had"not seen thi.s book when
these notes were written.
128 EASTEKN ALGEEIA
a little hill that may have been occupied by a pagan temple.
The old materials taken from a Roman building and the form of
a cross over the main door + P combined with A and o depending
from the arms show that it was built by the Byzantines. There is
some indication from the appearance of the debris, and shafts of
pillars and caps that are lying about, that the city was destroyed

in an earthquake.
The is almost perfect.
fa9ade, as the picture shows, It was
pierced by the main door and a square window on each side. A
single stone over the door was relieved by a discharging arch
above. On the latter is a large Greek cross with A and u depend-
ing from the arms. The general view is taken from above the
apse, seen in the foreground, and the nave and the inside of tlie
fa9ade are in the distance beyond. The side and front views of
the apse are taken from the nave. The latter shows a block of
stone in the centre that formed the foundation of the bishop's
throne, and the bases of two detached pillars to support the apse
arch. The arrangement of the seats for the clergy, built in tiers
in the apse, may explain the peculiar construction of the apses
seen in the small church at Timgad, in the large basilica at
Sbeitla, andDougga. The front seats are ranged in a quarter
at
circle, while those behind are in a semicircle. This is one of
the few African churches where there are no side chapels for
prothesis and diaconicon, and the aisles terminate in square walls
abutting on to the hill side.

These pictures also show the style of building walls with

large upright stones and rubble of smaller stones, so commonly
found in all the Byzantine buildings in these countries. The
inside walls were covered with cement, and either painted or, in

the richer churches, veneered with marble.

Passing now to the nave, the font and several capitals of white
marble of the usual late Roman and Corinthian variety are seen
lying about ; the carving on some of the pillars is unfinished. On
the pilasters in the east wall are two square caps in the same
style that appear to have been taken from some Roman building.
The general view of the interior taken from above the apse shows
the common division of was divided from the aisles by
the nave. It

pillars on each side supporting a timber and tile roof. The aisles
and the spaces between the pillars were paved with flagstones and
 GUELMA 129

the nave proper with mosaic. This mosaic was usually arranged
in two patterns a more elaborate design being reserved for the
;

sanctuary and a simpler one for the gangways and adjacent

spaces. In this church a line of stones across the first bay of the
nave marks the break in the pavement, and the altar, of which
there is no trace, stood just beyond it, leaving, as usual, a consider-
able space between the clergy seats in the apse and the altar.
There is no indication that this space was used for any particular
purpose, but it formed an open gangway and permitted of a
perambulation of the altar and a passage from one aisle to the
other. This arrangement is usual in African churches.
The ruins of this city are very interesting for, like those at
Timgad, they show just how the Roman town was laid out and
how the Byzantines rebuilt the city and the houses over the
Koman streets. Among the earlier ruins are the remains of a
triumphal arch and some large edifice, probably the forum ; there
is also the ruin of a little chapel with a single apse.

GUELMA
The site of the Roman city at Guelma is now occupied by
a busy and thriving French colonial market town ; consequently
nearly all the ancient buildings have vanished. There are, how-
ever, a fine theatre and the thermae ; the latter are now enclosed
in the French barrack square.
Some tombstones preserved in the little public garden of the
French quarter of the town deserve more than a passing notice.
The first was made presumably for a pagan, as the following
legend is in the usual Roman form, and there is no cross or
sacred monogram about it.

D.M.S, I
JVLIVS . FAVS TVS |
. PIVS . VISIT |

ANIS . LXV . SE I
D VIXSIT.
. BEN | E |
H.E.S.

This legend is cut in poor shaped and irregular characters sur-

rounded by a single circle line ; the small diagonal cuts on this
circle show that intended to represent a wreath of foliage.
it is

Two saucer-shaped depressions on the dexter side and a third on

the sinister represent the utensils or receptacles to contain food
130 EASTEKN ALGEEIA
provided for the use of the departed in the nether world ;
* the
object on the sinister side is apparently intended to represent a
kind of saucepan with a handle to it. The rest of the surface
of the stone is incised with rude representations of leaves and
flowers,and perhaps two cornucopia. The stone above it, of
which only the lower half is visible in the photograph, is also a
pagan tombstone ; in the lower corners are rude carvings of
drinking cups.
2.The inscription on the next stone is unfortunately too much
damaged to be legible in my photograph it begins with the ;

p AM, showing that the person interred was a Christian, and the
same kind of saucer incisions occur in two of the corners. On
the other sides are a sprig of foliage and a jug ; the small sketch
book at the side shows the size of the slab.

3. The next inscriptions are on stones that have now been

placed one above the other. On the upper stone the legend is

D.M.S. ^ JVLMECCENT |
IN PACE FIDELIS |
VIXIT ANNIS LXXII |

HSE. This inscription is contained in a ring or conventional

wreath and in the '
field '
are a number of small rubrics inclu-
ding a star cross in a circle ; the same kind of saucer-like
depressions are cut in the surface of the stone at the sides.
4. The inscription on the stone below reads :
— J^^ flavivs.
AVEN 1
TIVS 1
FIDELIS IN PACE |
VIXIT ANNIS |
. . . HSE.
This legend is in a plain incised ring, and at the side of it are
the usual saucer-like depressions.
The effigies of utensils on the tombstones suggest to me that
the Christians in the earliest times, and whilst the old faith sur-
vived, purchased the ready-made slabs stocked for pagan use.
The case bears, perhaps, some analogy to that of the silver *
pot-
house '
tankards so frequently found in collections of Church
Communion plate. These ready-made tankards were purchased
by the parishes after the Keformation in compliance with the
injunctions of King James I ordering the churchwardens to
procure '
stoups ' of metal to hold the communion wine. The
parishes then went to the '
trade ' and purchased the most
suitable ready-made article with the whistle in the tail of the
handle. This whistle was used to call the pot-boy with when
the flagon was empty and needed refilling.

• Of. a slab in the narthex at Sta Sabina in Rome.

 35

Early christian tombstones at Gnehna

(Nos. 2 and 4 on p. IJO)

and at Tebessa mnseum^ p. IJI,

 EASTEEN ALGEBIA
^^ provided for the use of the departed in the nether world * the ;

object on the sinister side is apparently intended to represent a

kind of saucepan with a handle to it. The rest of the surface
of the stone is incised with rude representations of leaves and
flowers, and perhaps two cornucopia. The stone above it, of

which only the lower half is visible in the photograph, is also a

pagan tombstone; in the lower corners are rude carvings of
drinking cups.
2. Thr^ inscription on the next stone is unfortunately too much
damaged to be legible in my photogi-aph it begins with the ;

p All, showing that the person interred was a Christian, and the
samf kind of saucer incisions occur in two of the corners. On
u, .fher sides are a sprig of foliage and a jug the small sketch ;

at the side shows the size of the slab.

:l The next on stones that have now been

inscriptions are
1 one above the other. the upper stone the legend is On
P JVLMECCENT IN PACE FIDELIS VIXIT ANNIS LXXII |
| |

This inscription is contained in a ring or conventional

vvroatb and in the *
field ' ai:e a number of small rubrics inclu-

;i star %f^!^8'^A»f>^icitt4l«(^ tk^ie«toi6^\-4{jad of saucer-like

.. ;. tensions are cu^^cJJX ^ei^<§»V'^*<<^ §f.^>^*one at the sides.

4. The inscri^^n^o^,|ii^^t^§^^^b^l(^w ^ca^ds :- Ji^ flavivs.

VKN 1 TIVS FIDELIS IN PACE |

VIXIT ANNIS |
. . . HSE.
I

end is in a plain incised ring, and at the side of it are

.
'
saucer-like depressions.
on the tombstones suggest to me that
thgies of utensils
'
tiristians in the earliest times, and whilst the old faith sur-
'
purchased the ready-made slabs stocked for pagan use.
'
bears, perhaps, some analogy to that of the silver *pot-

1 mkards so frequently found in collections of Church

Comii! union plate. These ready-made tankards were purchased
by t^ lies after the Reformation in r with the
injuiK... >)f King James I ordering the dens to
procure sioups' of metal to hold the communion wine. The
parishes Mi-n went to the 'trade' and purchased the most
suitable !
"
article with the whistle in the tail of the
handle. ^. . . . lie was used to call the pot-boy with when
the flagon was empty and needed refilling.

• Cf. a slab in the narthex at Sta Sabina in Rome.

0^\ -i^v^^^ <^:iv%A oT

 GUELMA 131

The next inscription is on a tombstone preserved in the

Museum at Tebessa. The legends are: in the field, dexter side,
SCI I
Bi I
N I
CE I
N I
Ti MAR I
|
TiRis ;
partly obHterated
above i^, ori |
a |
. On the top and sinister side + arcan-
GELV I
S MIKA |
EL ET [
GAB |
RIE [
L \
SCE |
.CRI |
SPI | NE |

MAR I
TiRi I
s. In the ring round the „^„, + posita ad mo
PATRE FAVSTINO EPISCOPO VRBIS TEBESTINAE SUB DIE V |

ID vs AB INC CNT XIII ; on the base of the tablet memoria

SANCT^ MAXIM |
ATILL^ ET SEGVND^
 WESTERN TUNIS
HA IDEA

The Eoman name of this great city was Ammadsera, and the
ruins, that owe their wonderful preservation to the isolated
position, are among the best preserved and the most important
in Tunis. I say Tunis, but in point of fact, the custom house
for the frontier between Tunis and Algeria actually stands in the
centre of the city. The ruins are well worth visiting, but
unfortunately, as difficult of access by the phosphate railway
from Tunis to Kalaa Djerda, as by an apology for a road from
Tebessa.
The Eoman city was first ruined either by the Vandals or
more probably by the native Berbers, and when the Byzantines
came upon the scene they made use of the old materials to build
a large fort enclosed in a curtain wall, and a number of churches.
By far the most important of the Byzantine remains is this fort
which commanded the high road from Carthage to Tebessa.
Beside this military structure the great gate or triumphal arch of
the Boman city, erected in honour of the Emperor Septimius
Severus, was walled up with Roman masonry and converted
into a block house.
The three buildings described in these notes are the Byzantine
chapel in the fort, a large basilican church of the early Christian
period lying to the north-west of the fort, and a group of
buildings said to be a monastery that contains a large hall
described by some antiquaries as a church, and by others as a
stable. A similar edifice will be found in the enclosure of the
great basilica at Tebessa. saw three other small churches, one
I
close to the south-west angle of the fort and the other two near
the block house I have just mentioned. These little churches
 HAIDEA 133

were plain basilicas with single apses, and the best preserved *

had a porch in front of the main west door and was built up on
a plinth in which I noticed some hexagonal Roman tombstones
or funeral stelae.

The Church

The great basilican church situated about two hundred yards

north-west of the fort was a large building consisting of a nave
separated from lateral aisles by a row of granite pillars about
4 met : 16 c. long with stone caps in the Corinthian style. The
sanctuary at the west end has a semi-circular apse and at least
one adjacent chamber. At the east end there was a narthex and
a fa9ade flanked by two towers.
As usual, the sanctuary is the interesting part of this church.
The walls of the semi-circular apse and of the prothesis marked
A on the plan, still stand about two metres above ground, and
are made of well-cut stones taken from an older building. The
diaconicon on the north side has disappeared, if indeed it ever
existed. It is probable that the sanctuary of the church was
enclosed in a square outer wall as usual in Africa and that
there was an ambulatory between the outside wall, of which
the base only remains, and the apse itself. This arrangement
is as unusual in Africa as that of an apse projecting in a semi-
circle beyond the outside wall.
The picture shows the apse taken from the south-west corner,
standing on the plinth or base of the square outer wall that
enclosed it. The space between the corner in the foreground and
the apse was occupied by the chapel of the prothesis ; this little
apartment communicated with the sanctuary by a door (on the
left) seen in the break of the masonry, and by another door (on

the right) into the south aisle. The bolt catch on the pilaster
of the door leading to the south aisle can be seen in the picture.

Chapel in the Fort

The garrison chapel at Haidra abuts on the middle of the

west wall of the Byzantine fort. This great enclosure of about
ten acres is surrounded by a high wall with bastions at the
* A plan will be found on the fly-sheet.
134 WESTERN TUNIS
corners and at intervals along the sides. The chapel stands at
right angles to the wall, and the chancel is built up against one
of the bastions. It seems to have been a little basilica with nave
and aisles and a single apse. The site has not been excavated
and the debris lie where they fell. The base of a tower at the
angle, a portion of a pilaster, and the spring of one of the nave
arches all on the north side, alone remain. The lower part of the
apse, built against the bastion, has been preserved up to the
spring of the semi-dome that covered it. The chancel arch was
supported by two cippolino columns, one on either side. A few
stones of the arch remain resting on the abacus of the pillar.
The abacus, if I may for convenience use the term, was decorated,
as the photograph shows, with conventional sunflowers or perhaps
daisies. The corresponding pillar, also of cippolino, has fallen out
of its place and is standing inclined at an angle half buried in the
ground. The semi-dome and of the
apse, full of the debris of the
chancel arch, built and decorated on the same principle aS El Kef,
is the interesting feature in this church. On a broken corbel
stone lying in the apse I noticed portions of a Greek epitaph.
The views of this part of the church will be found illustrated in
the preceding volume on Plate 67.

The Monastery

I now come to the so-called monastery and the central edifice

in it should be compared with the interior of a similar building
in the precincts of the basilica of Tebessa. The latter is much
the larger building of the two and the construction is not quite
the same, but the distinctive peculiarity, the arrangement of
troughs and arched apertures over them built into the walls
dividing the nave from the aisles, occurs in both.
The picture of this edifice at Haidra is taken from the point
A on the plan, and the spectator is standing in the nave or hall
looking in an easterly direction towards the wall dividing it

from the south aisle at the point B. The reverse side of this
wall is shown in the next picture. An examination of the
masonry shows that the front or finished side of the wall faced
the nave and was made of stones carefully dressed and laid;
 !;f«
30

HAIDRA.
So-called stables with mangers

O
n d
I'
7 TP n

To face page 134

 i

WESTERN TUNIS-
de
comers and at intervals along the sides. The chapel stands at
right angles to the wall, and the chancel is built up against one
of thp ' " *^''
^s. It seems to have been a little basilica with nave
and a; a single apse. The site has not been excavated
and ti ; lie where they fell. The base of a tower at the
angle, 'a t^
ter, ab5V<K^fei]ftnng of one of the nave
arches a) '^one remain. The lower part of the
''
apse, ii .^;Ml>*feH^a-^ved up to the
sprin^f of dome that covered it. The chancel arch was
i'')lino columns, one on either side.— A te^
main g&ajjiug oja^the abadus of the pillar.
-

term, was decorated:

^fl^wers or perhaps
o, has fallen oui

J inclined at ai
of the debris of the se

ft", ti id decorated on the same ptiJQ iple as El h

^ 4ii'ture in this church. On broken cor 3( 1

ipse I noticed portions Greek epita^l

lit of tlie church will b ,1 ii d illustratec i|ti

I'lliiie on Plate 67.

e so-called monastery and ,i|e central edifice

Ired with the interior dO ^ {sim ilar bulk i ig

le basilica of Tebessa. Urn? lot te d is mu ;h

g of the two aM the construction is not c©t.e
p— distinctive peculiarity, the arrangemen
'Tf-* apertures over them 1 ni^ ilk^ fl'f' ^Hf
m the aisles, occurs in b jtii

Jib edifice at Haidra is t vljeu iroii tl: 10 nt

'ctator is st- Ijall

--] ''"Mpfirm

!rom the south the point B.

f.n^

The reverse
^
side of this
it

m»' ftt

vail is s^ M'Xt picture. An examination of the

masonry sau-Ab ; nt or finished side of the wall faced
th»^ nave and w tones carefully dressed and laid;

V^A n»^ ^tift\ o\

 HAIDKA 135

on the top of this wall are a row of eight round-headed arches

supported on little monolith pilasters, and above the arches
there is a course of stones laid along the top. The under-side
of these stones has evidently been cut away to relieve the
pressure on the arch below. It will be understood that the
wall on the opposite side was same way.
built in exactly the
At the points a a in the angles of the nave, are the bases of
small pillars that were presumably introduced for decorative
purposes. These pillars have disappeared and any part of the
roof they may have supported is also gone. Of the roof nothing
remains, but at each end of the hall is an arch of substantial
masonry that probably supported a timber and tile roof. It is
conceivable, but very unlikely, that the nave was covered through-
out with a stone barrel vault. The south end of the nave was
finished off by a semi-circular apse made of small stones and
covered by a semi-circular semi-dome that abutted on to the
stone arch I have just described. The floor of the apse was
slightly raised above that of the nave and marked off by a row
of flag stones. The aisles or gangways on each side of the nave
led respectively to a small chamber on each side of the apse at
the east end. The arrangement of the building at the west
end is more confused, but I think the plan represents it fairly

accurately. The entrances b and c led to a gangway

and d,

from it there was access to several apartments at the west end

of the nave. On the south side there seems to have been a
large courtyard.
The interesting features in this edifice are the little rectangular

troughs cut in the top of the wall between each pilaster to a

depth of about 45 centimetres.
A comparison of this building at Haidra with that at

Tebessa, shows that the situation of the troughs was the

same in both, but at Tebessa in place of the arches the
apertures over them were square. The latter is a much
larger building than the and needed square
one at Haidra,
piers placed at intervals in the nave to support the very wide
span of the roof.

Both at Haidra and Tebessa some of the troughs and the

pilasters adjoining them are pierced with small holes of a kind
frequently found cut in Roman ruins in North Africa, as
136 WESTERN TUNIS
forexample, in the steps of the principal temple of Dougga ;

and the Arabs of to-day cut much the same kind of holes in
walls to tether their cattle by.
It has been argued from the occurrence of these holes that
these troughs were for horses or cattle, and that the buildings
were either stables or markets. On the other hand, it is argued
that the form of the building at Haidra, especially the apse and
adjoining chambers, show that it was a church.
I may observe that it is difficult to believe that the building
ait Tebessa was a church. First there is no evidence of it

in the plan or details themselves, and secondly it is improbable

that with the great basilica near by a second church of this
odd shape should have been built in the same enclosure. The
objection to applying the stable theory to the building at Haidra
is a practical one. I calculated that the aisles were too narrow
for horses, that eight aside could be accommodated in the nave,
making sixteen animals altogether, and that they would be
obliged to remain in a standing position. This practical difficulty

and the improbability that so large and costly a building should

have been erected for so small a number of animals seems to
dispose of the stable theory in the case of Haidra unless we
are to suppose, as M. Saladin does, that it was a fonduk or
khan for temporary accommodation only.
Having said that much, however, I do not doubt that the
Arabs used the hall at Tebessa to stable their horses, or that
the early Christians converted the nave at Haidra into a church,
but these were not the original purposes either building was
intended to serve, and whatever that purpose may have been, it

was the same for both.

It is easy to dispose of these conjectures and difficult to
suggest even a plausible theory, let alone a satisfactory explan-
ation concerning these troughs. As an alternative to M. Saladin 's
proposal, I suggest that they were intended for the treatment of
some mineral or agricultural product, excluding oil and wine, for
we know what the presses commonly used for these commodities
were like. Not the least curious thing about these troughs is
that they occur so rarely,* and that the only known examples
should be situated so close together.
* There is some indication of the same kind of building at Sbeitla.
 37

3 |b—"^ j^::^
r"

^iear fe^lLcn. fn.

j

7b /wcg p(ig^ 13^

 —
Wiii^irji^iN

^t Tor example, in the steps of the principal temple of Doagga;

at ' ' ; of to-day cut much the same kind of holes in
w r their cattle by.
\t hoh been ai^ued from the occurrence of these holes that
the.He were for horses or cattle, and that the buildings
-
u, '
'-^.o.rQOrOtJje other hand, it is argued
rl ^ at^Haidra, especially the apse and
a<j, I'ow that it was a church.
i II it is diffiB^lP^o believe that the building
""h. First there is no evidence of it

i -inselvfe^^^uhd secondly it is improbable

it basilica near by a s^ond church of this
beei built iryJthe same (Sir
nel6sUP6 The
e stable tneory
ihe buiM
tneorv to the buifr'''"" "' -f^^rlra

1 calculjated that the aisles w- ,

.<>\\

aside jcould be accommodated in the nave,

jiimals al |P^0^ > ^^^ ^1^^^ Id be

a stand!!gg=»SB«ion. This piltfe fficulty
. . •
I

:v' that so^larg4 aod^oBtl^ a htiilfli^ig| should

for so ^ma H a number of animalssaems to

;. theorf {(j)j the case of Haidr8J(unie8S we

M. Sal^adin does, tlflW-ijt was a foiq[duk or

i-y accom|pofV,tion onl|e=il rT'^l

tat much'tJaflwever, I do not doi|UlJ|jbat tht
till at Tqbessa to stable their W)rses, 'or that

he aavp ,at H church,

es ei 1 06 w/iit

hJBse. conjectures id d . ifl ] cult to

j\ £^one a s toi y Bxpla n-
rroug Kaiira^terna
It they wferjs inreQ^edZTo
itural pr> uct, exclu3iiv
.i'A comi]|i dnlv used for
ij i... .. tfc.t arimaa thing ftbuut thoaaitraugl18
curi i

l .Si

and that the cWy known examples

•
'i^'i^ther.

•• sumt' kind of building at Sboitla.

?i'^l s.-^Si<\ ^:ivi\ oT

 DOUGGA 137

EL KEF
The principal place of importance between Teboursouk and
the Algerian frontier at Haidra is still known by this
the town
Arab name. The Roman city was called Sicca Veneria, and
must have been a place of considerable military importance. It
stands at an altitude of 700 metres above the sea-level, and
on the occasion of my visit was covered with snow and bitterly
cold. The church is described and illustrated in the preceding
volume on Plate 66.

DOUGGA
This miserable collection of Arab hovels occupies the site of

the once flourishing Roman town known as the Civitas Thug-

gensis, first a municipium in the reign of Septimius Severus, and
on a colony known as Colonia Licinia Septimia Alexandriana
later
Thugga. The chief object of interest at Dougga is the Punic
tomb erected for a local prince and dating from the second century
before our Lord. This celebrated structure and the Roman
remains are too well known to need more than a passing
reference. Owing to the isolated position in the hills, about
5 kilom. south-west of Teboursouk, the more important ruins
have escaped destruction in a wonderful degree ; the theatre in
particular is perhaps the best preserved monument of its kind in
existence.
At the entrance of the town, and a few yards north of the
road to Tebbursouk, are the remains of a little church built,

like the Byzantine fort near by, of Roman materials. It was

discovered in 1907, and has recently been excavated and explored.
The small letters on the accompanying ground plan indicate the
places the pictures were taken from.
It is a little basilica with a square nave, side aisles, a
sanctuary with a single semi-circular apse at the north end,
a narthex, a crypt under the chancel, and some tombs and a
chapel on the south-west side. There were three doors in the
south front leading to the nave and the aisles respectively.
Entering by the main door, we pass into the narthex, and thence
into the nave. This was separated from the aisles by ten pillars,

five on each side, the first two nearest the door being in pairs
138 WESTERN TUNIS
to mark the narthex. The Hme-stone shafts and caps obtained
from a Roman building have nearly all been taken away b}^ the
Arabs. The walls were made on the usual Byzantine principle,
as in the fort at Ain Tounga, of large vertical stones, braced here
and there with horizontal ones, and the interstices filled in with
small cut stones or rough rubble, according to the care bestowed
on the construction. I am not at all sure that the nave of this
church was covered in by a roof at all, and should not be more
correctly described as an open atrium or forecourt the aisles ;

would then form a kind of cloister, and this arrangement would

account for the square drain-hole in the centre of the floor being
provided to carry off the rain-water. The entrance to the chancel
is by two small flights of three steps. It will be seen from my
sketch that part of the floor of the chancel has fallen into the
crypt below.
The sanctuary was arranged with seats for the clergy on the
usual semi-circular plan set in the square end of the church.
There is no trace of the altar that, according to precedent, should
have stood in the nave at a little distance from the steps ; it may
have stood on the piece of the floor that has now fallen in,
or between the steps themselves. In that case there would have
been a window under it with perhaps a grille in front to light the
crypt underneath. The little square hole in the middle of the
floor of the nave is too small to have been the base of the altar.
Access to the crypt is by two flights of steps, one in each
chancel aisle. The ground plan of the crypt shows that was
it

arranged to accommodate several tombs. Of these, the most

important was at the east end apse, where I noticed the cover
of a stone coffin inscribed victoria sancti moniale (?)
IN PACE. In the south side of the crypt are a number of other
stone coffins, all desecrated and rifled. Passing across the crypt,
and ascending the stairs on the west side, there is a door in
the wall of the church immediately opposite the top of the steps
leading into two little chambers shown in the photograph. The
first is certainly a tomb. The other has an apse, and probably
had a little chapel in it.
There is hardly anything left of the decorative detail of the
church. I noticed one shaft of coloured pink African marble
lying in the aisle, a large limestone capital of the Roman period
 9S

nOUGGA.
Chancel and crypt.

To face page ij8

 1H8 W\bM.J>iv^ iuMr.

^ to mark the narthex. The lime-stone shafts and caps obtained

from, a Koman building have nearly all been taken away by the
Ai«bs. The walls were made on the usual Byzantine principle,
as in the fort at Ain Tounga, of large vertical stones, braced here
and there with horizontal ones, and the interstices filled in with
smn" or rough rubble, according to the care bestowed
on ti-- lion. I am not at all sure that the nave of this
church wad covered in by a roof at all, and should not be more
correctly described as an open atrium or forecourt the aisles ;

\
' '
a kind of cloister,
'
and
'
this arrangement
I would
square drain-hole in the centre of the floor being
pro\ arry off the rain-water. The entrance to the chancel
is by two small flights of three steps. It will be seen from my
'
'
^ part of the floor of the chancel has fallen into the
'
'

_ A'.

sanctuary was arranged with seats for the clergy on the

•mi-circular plan set in the square end of the church.
trace of the altar that, according to precedent, should
n the nave at a little distance from the steps ; it may
on the piece of the floor that has now fallen in,

I lie steps thems^^^^Q^that case there would have

)W under it\<^ii ^eKli\if»«^'^rille in front to Hght the
meath. The little square hole in the middle of the
I he nave is too small to have been the base of the altar.
\-coss to the crypt is by two flights of steps, one in each
?e. The ground plan of the crypt shows that it was
tjaccommodate several tombs. Of these, the most
inip<»ttant was at the east end apse, where I noticed the cover

tone coffin inscribed victoria sancti moniale (?)

m In the south side of the crypt are a number of other

sto) >;, all desecrated and rifled. Passing across the crypt,
and ing the stairs on the west side, there is a door in
the he church immediately opposite the top of the steps
1. o little chambers shown in the photograph. The
I
a tomb. The other has an apse, and probably
hft«i 'ol in it.

re IB harfii', anything left of the decorative detail of the

cn;ircii. I ' •
e shaft of coloured pink African marble
lymg in the >
limestone capital of the Roman period
 AIN TOUNGA 139

with the cauHcole design hke the example in the monastery

garden at Tibar, and a smaller one also of the same period. On
an upright tombstone standing near the chancel steps is an
inscription d. m. s. modia felicitas.

The photographs show how roughly the nave was paved, and
the irregularity of the plan and the general appearance of the
work indicate that it was put together from materials obtained
from the Koman city. When I first visited this church there
was a piece of the cornice of the theatre with a Latin inscrip-
tion on it lying in the nave, but I was unable to find it on
my second visit. There can be little doubt that this church was
rebuilt after the Byzantine conquest of the Vandals, in the later
part of the sixth century, or the first part of the seventh.*

The modern village of Teboursouk represents a Eoman and

Byzantine fortress at the junction of the high road between
Carthage and Tebessa with the cross-road from Beja and Pont
Near by
de Trajan to central Tunis by the district of Gaffour.
were the two Ain Tounga and Dougga, with ruins of the
cities

same period containing many Roman and some early Christian

buildings. Among these were the trefoil chapel at Henchir
Maatria described in vol. 1, and another chapel like it near a
place called El Aroussa, a station east of Gaffour on the Tunis
—El Kef railway. After a long ride from Teboursouk through
a mountain pass covered with trees, scrub and maquis and com-
manding extensive views over the surrounding country I found
the chapel at El Aroussa had been reduced to a shapeless heap
of ruins.

AIN TOUNGA
The principal ruin at Ain Tounga on the road to Tunis is a
well-preserved Byzantine fort built after the conquest of the
Vandals from Eoman materials of the earlier city. The view
shows how the Byzantines utilized the
of the inside of the fort
old masonry by the insertion of rubble into a framework of

* Beside this church the Christians used the Roman temples of Jupiter
little

and Minerva and These were no doubt appro-

Ccelestis for Christian worship.
priated after the suppression of paganism in the reign of the Emperor Theodosius.
140 WESTERN TUNIS
horizontal and vertical stones of large size taken from cornices,
lintels, architraves, and the like. M. Guerin reproduces a long
inscription from a Roman cornice now imbedded in the north

wall of the fort.

The long building with the apses at the extremities is said
to be a bath but as there is some doubt about it I use the term
;

here for convenience until the real purpose it was built to serve

has been determined by excavation. It is a rectangular hall

divided by two screens into three compartments communicating
with one another by double doors in each screen. The two outer
compartments of the hall are rounded off in the shape of semi-
circular apses the former were covered with timber and tile
;

roofs, and the latter by semi-domes.*

The next two photographs can only be explained by reference
to the plan on the fly-sheet the first is ; and thetaken from a,

second from b. I cannot help thinking that the idea of using

engaged or detached pillars, so frequently found in early Christian
buildings, to decorate the entrance to an apse was derived from
some common Roman model of which this particular edifice
supplies an example.
The other buildings of interest are an odd little triumphal arch
and the ruin of a building that bears a striking resemblance to
the detached baptistery in the church of Servus at Sbeitla. The
four pilasters at the angles of the square building, that was prob-
ably the cella of a temple, are made of dressed and well-cut
stones and certainly Roman.

TIBAB
About two miles west of the monastery of S. Joseph are
some remains of a Roman country town. On the side of a hill

stand the ruins of the sanctuary of a church interesting chiefly

as affording an example of the favourite African plan of building
a church apse with niches. Another example of this kind will be
seen in the fragment of the apse in the building on the north-east
corner of Sbeitla. The church was comparatively small; the
principal apse is at the west end, and a porch or narthex at
the east end. Beneath the nave is a crypt.
* I am indebted to M. Merlin for the plan.
 TIBAE 141

From Tibar to Teboursouk there is a fine drive over the

mountains by a zigzag road, and on the pass near the summit
are the remains of another small town that had two triumphal
arches of small size and plain design, and a church or chapel
with an apse like that at Tibar. I saw no indications of Byzan-
tine fortifications or other buildings either here or at Tibar, and
infer that the remains belong to the early Christian period.
In the monastery garden at Tibar there is a fine collection of
Punic tombs, and some capitals of various dates. The monastery
is, of course, quite modern. I gratefully record the hospitality
shown to me by the White Fathers here under the presidency
of my friend the Rev. Alexis Lemaitre, now Bishop of Setif
and Vicar Apostohc of the Sudan, by Pere Cass, the mother
superior and the staff of the little hostelry of the Sainte Famille
where we lodged.
 EASTERN TUNIS
UPPENA
The ruined basilica at Uppena is one of the most important
Christian monmnents in North Africa, for the original church,
though not a large one, was destroyed at an early date, and a
second and rather larger church was built over it. In the follow-
ing account they will be called the first and second churches
respectively.
The ruins of the town of Uppena stand about two miles from
the seashore of the Gulf of Hammamet, and quite close to the
railway and the route nationale between Sousse and Tunis. The
spot is now
Henchir Chegarnia, and about two miles north
called
of Enfidaville, and six miles south-west of the large Roman
fortress town Aphrodisium, now known as Henchir el Fradis.*
After the Byzantine conquest Uppena was provided with a small
fort made of materials taken from the ancient city to guard the
road from the south to Carthage. This road was followed by
Justinian's army after the successful landing at Caput Vada, the
Ras Capoudia of to-day. From the materials used, it is evident
that the second church was rebuilt about the same time as the
fort. Nothing is known of the date or circumstances of the
building, or of the destruction of the first church, or of the condi-
tion the Greeks found it in when they came, but judging by the
mosaics it could not have been altogether destroyed, and the old

tombs were not disturbed, but the pavement of the second church
was built at varying heights above the original floor.
The first church was built to lie east and west, with the
sanctuary at the west end. There was a nave with aisles on each
* Possibly a corruption of the Roman name. It is also known as Ain Hallouf,
the '
well of the boar,' and has been identified as one of the Vandal strongholds
mentioned by Procopius.
 V>'v'^> 'Vi \^^^(^•^>^?. Q£

OJ,

vt^iiifne^ (

AHM3SSU O 3MM3ITJHM3 3UPMt8A8 AJ 30 HAJ^

^^"^ '^^''^'^ ^'^^ '^"^

39

UPPENA.
Mosaics in the apse of two periods.

Mosaic tombs at Enfida church.

To face page 14J

 UPPENA 143

side, a semicircular apse at the west end, and another and smaller
semicircular apse at the east end with a door on either side of it.

On the north side there was a transept with a semicircular apse,

and some square chambers adjoined it including a square tank or
font. The nave was divided from the aisles by single pillars of
brown sandstone with very plain caps to match there were ;

six on each side, and also two detached pillars placed at the
entrance of the chancel apse as in the garrison chapel at Haidra.
The accompanying plan shows that while the centre of the
second church was shifted a little some of the walls
to the north,
and doors built for the first were also used for the newer building ;

so the same south wall served for both, but the north wall of the
first became the division of the nave from the north aisle in the

second. In consequence of the increased width of the second

church the arc of the sanctuary apse and its position were en-
larged and altered, and the small eastern apsewas changed into a
square one with a porch in front of it. The old chambers on the
north side were also retained, and a new lobed basin was annexed
to the square tank that did duty for font in the first church.
The levels of the two churches can be best seen in the
sanctuary and at the tank and font where the difference varies
between a half and a quarter of a metre. The intervening space
in the nave was filled up with the rubble and debris of the first
church, including portions of the old stone columns, their bases,
and capitals. The latter were used as substructures for the
white marble pillars of the second church taken from a Eoman
building that had been destroyed.
I give two views of the sanctuary apse, one showing the old
and the new apse walls, and the other the old pavement and a
little fragment of the edging and the common vine pattern found

in Roman mosaic work. The first view is taken from the point
A on the plan looking into the two apses. The first apse is on
the left and the second on the right. The second view is taken
from the point B on the plan looking across the two apses.
The second apse is in the foreground, and the white wall of the
first apse is beyond it. There are no indication of bishop's throne
or clergy seats in either of them, but the ground has been dis-
turbed too much to distinguish the internal arrangements with
any certainty.
 144 EASTERN TUNIS
A general view of a ruin of this kind is never satisfactory or
of much practical use owing to the inevitable confusion of detail
in the picture ; but with the assistance of the plan some of the
features can be distinguished. The first view of the church is
taken from the point C on the plan looking towards A, that is to
say from the narthex to the sanctuary, showing the two apses in
the distance. The more conspicuous objects, the white marble
bases of the pillars on the left, a capital standing by itself on a
block of stone in the middle of the picture, and the wall across
the right side,mark the divisions of the old and new churches.
The white bases belong to the pillars between the nave and the
south aisle of the second church. The little capital marks the
division of the nave and the north aisle of the first church, and
the wall marks the north side of the second church. The second
view is taken in the opposite direction from the point D
looking towards C. On the right side is the south wall that was
common to both churches. On the left are the same row of
white marble pillar bases seen in the preceding view, but viewed
in the opposite direction. Between them and the wall on the
right some square stones in a row one behind the other mark the
division of the nave and the south aisle of the old church.
The next pictures are of a capital made of sandstone from the
first church and the marble capital of a pillar of the second church.
As there is no white marble in this part of Africa the latter

were imported and perhaps obtained from a Roman building.

But I have some doubt as to the provenance of these capitals,

for it will be noticed that the acanthus foliage is cut in very low
relief in distinction to the high relief of the earlier style. And
for that reason it is quite likely that the capitals were not obtained
from a Roman building but made new.* The next object of
interest is the font, consisting of two parts ; f a square tank made
for the first church in the old floor level, and above it the font
of the second church, made in the usual lobed shape, associated
with churches rebuilt during the Byzantine occupation. This lobed
design appears to be derived from a pattern sometimes found in
Roman thermae.

* Compare this style of low relief with that of the Roman capital at Tibar and
that of a late capital from Ephesus now in our church at Lower Kingswood in
Surrey. t This is illustrated on Plate 57, vol. i.
 I now conio t .
BQL
were provide.!
This part of t/ii

vi>?ion of the ecci

^ any rehcs iiiai

*Viat the iu;it"ytw'\:i ^-Js&K Vs?.\Z \o nooV\

Ajr of th(; i,A«ov^S\. uowsi'^ ^

)riginal inscripi

ition of the vl

ted on the ti

Th

National e.
i
Mgr. Toulotte. /
de la basiliqite d' Iqyp'-!'

I
Prods Verbaux .

there on the Plate to tn

7\t\ '^^'i^\ "i^^X oX

39a

Floor of Sim Ahfch church.

(Canon Raoul^i ^•,, , >..

%Jtiinb in the church at Enfida- from uppena.

Tomb of the nuirlvrs.

To face page 145

 UPPENA 145

I now come to the apses at the east end of the basilica that
were provided in both churches for the so-called martyrs tomb.
This part of the church was carefully excavated under the super-
vision of the ecclesiastical authorities for the purpose of pre-
serving any relics that might be found. In the first place it was
noticed that the mosaic pavement with an inscription (a) found
on the floor of the square apse of the second church was a replica
of the original inscription (6) in the semicircular apse of the first
church, but the latter was too much mutilated for preservation.
I do not hesitate to reproduce the photograph of (a) given in
the publication of the '
Mission Scientiflques.' * This mosaic is

now deposited on the floor of the chancel of the modern church

at Enfidaville. The inscription is sufiiciently legible on the
photograph to make a transcript of it unnecessary.! The first

names, of the Apostles Peter and Paul, were probably inserted

honoris causa. It has been suggested that the other persons
whose names appear may be identified as follows. The two
Saturninus were father and son who suffered martyrdom in 304.
Vindemius was perhaps Althiburus who was condemned to exile
with Honorius in 484 Donatus, a martyr in the persecution
;

under the Emperor Decius Jacler and Cecilius, colleagues of S.

;

Cyprian and Lucilla the Saint whose name appears in the

;

Carthage Calendar under date February 14th.

In the earlier inscription (b) the words from Gloria to * '

'Omnibus' were omitted. All that remains of it is the following

fragment,
A T V R
T V R N I N
G V D V D A
ORTVNIADER
EIIIINONAVG
VEMBRIVM
and on the front of the step,

TATIS SVAE BEATISSIMIS MARTVRIBVS t

• Nouvelles Archives des Missions Scientiflques, Tome XV. Fascicule 4. Paris

Imprimerie Nationale, 1907.
t Mgr. Toulotte. Proces verbaux d'une double Mission Archeologique aux ruir.cs
de la basilique d'Uppena. Pub. Tunis, 1906.
I Proces Verbaux;
a photograph of the last part of this inscription is given
there on the Plate to face p. 22.
146 EASTEEN TUNIS
No relics that could be identified with the persons com-
memorated in the inscription were found. Under the earlier

apse there was a jar and under the later one two children's
tombs, parts of two tombs that had been made for the first

church, a jar, and a small box containing some ashes.

Before describing the tombal mosaics found on the floors of
these two churches, I may conveniently mention here another
small church at a spot called Sidi Abich between Uppena and
Enfidaville. This basilica had a semicircular apse at the west
end, and beyond it a baptistery. It is ascribed to the Byzantine
period, and probably rightly, as the font that obviously formed
part of the original design of the church is of the lobed variety

usually associated with that period. The floor of this church

was also covered with a fine set of mosaics including several
tombal epitaphs that have now been moved into the new French
church at Enfidaville and mixed up with those from Uppena.
The floor was so wrecked in the process of moving these tombs
that the interior arrangements are not now distinguishable, but

a sketch made before this happened is of sufficient interest to

be worth reproducing here, because with a strong glass the

names and places of the mosaic tombs can be identified with
those on my photographs.*
The smaller tombal mosaics that were moved from these two
churches are now on the walls of the new church at Enfidaville.
The first three found on the south side of the chancel at Sidi
Abich are very roughly executed and were fitted into the earlier
mosaic pavement. They belong respectively to Vitalis Famulus,
a hermit called Eenobatus, and Faustinus. The fourth to Bellator
came also from Sidi Abich and was found on the north side of
the Baptistery.
The next three from Uppena belong to Pascasius Keparatus
and Julius Honorius a flamen. The next three, also from Uppena,
belong to Lucilianus Vernacla and to Crescentius a deacon and
Brutannicus his son.
The pascal lamb in the wreath is one of a series found on
either side of the nave at Sidi Abich. The tomb to Faustina

* The original watercolour picture of this floor was made by M. Demont, and

the Rev. Canon Raoul photographed it for reproduction in the Proces Verbaux, p. 6,
where it will be found.
ch at Enfida Turn's.

To face page 146

 146 EASTERN TUNI8
^^ So rolies that could be identified with the person** ooin-
I Under the
in the inscription were found.
:ip- 111. le
' was a jar and under the later one two chiiuM -.

tonil>8, paits of two tombs that had been made for the fir-t

churct jar, and a small box containing some ashes.

, .

Be{.>D^ describing the tombal mosaics found on the floors of

th- ^" . churches, I may conveniently mention here another

rch at a spot called Sidi Abich between Uppena and
This basilica had a semicircular apse at the we
. and beyond it a baptistery. It is ascribed to the By;-
i>d,

penod, and probably rightly, as the font that obviously lumn -

jmrt of the original design of the church is of the lobed variety

uHually associated with that period. The floor of this church
was also covered with a fine set of mosaics including several
tombal epitaphs that have now been moved into the new F-'^v

church and mixed up with those from I ^

at Enfidaville

The was so wrecked in the process of moving these torn

floor

that the interior arrangements are not now distinguishable, b-

a sketch made before this happened is of sufiicient interest ' <

be worth reproducing here, because with a strong glass tli

names and places .•6f»^lt^V»?v^<^iV«^ t^«»T«^a d^Vi ^(A^i^ed wri'

those on my photographs.*
The smaller tombal mo8ai«.> Lu.vt were moved from tbcn<. ..v

churches are now on the walls of the new church at Enfidavillf.

The first three found on the south side of the chancel at Sidi
Abich are very roughly executed and were fitted into the earlier
mosaic pavement. They belong respectively to Vitalis Famulus,
a hermit called Renobatus, and Faustinus. The fourth to Bellator
came also from Sidi Abich and was found on the north side of
the Baptistery.
The next Uppena belong to Pascasius Rtv
three from '^'••"

aiid Julius Houorius a flamen. The next three, also from i

Ixiiong to Lucilianus Vernacla and to Crescentius a deacon and

: annicus his son.
he pascal lamb in the wreath is one of a series found on

«5ide of the nave at Sidi Abich. The tomb to Faustina

;;.M!ial watercolour picture of this floor was made by M. DemiMt. *t.d

the K' i photographed it for reproduction in the Precis Vtri
 :

UPPENA 147

and the child spenden (spes in Deo) conies from Uppena.*

I must not omit to draw attention first to the similarity
In passing
between the cross in the corner of Faustina's tomb and those on
the altar slab in the church of S. Giovanni at Gaeta, and in
S. Maria in Cosmedin and S. Sabina at Kome ; secondly to the
Byzantine border pattern that so frequently occurs in this part of
North Africa.
Beside the large Byzantine mosaic of the saints the
following mosaic inscriptions t on bishops' tombs also from
the basilica at Uppena are now on the floor of the chancel
in the church of Enfidaville : Baleriolus Episcopus vixit annis
LXXXII depositus die Gil kal Octobres. Above : +P in
monogram in a wreath of foliage. On another tomb
Honorius episcopus vixit annis XC depositus sub die Gil Idus
Augustus. Above : +P in monogram with a w depending from
the arms of the cross.
It will be noticed that the crosses at the heads of the
examples from Sidi Abich differ from one another and from the
others. The crosses over the tombs in the second group
are substantially with A and t5 suspended from the
alike
arms Those on the next three have A and jj
of the cross.
in the field with the combined XP that is usually called
the Constantinian monogram. I doubt the value of these various
forms of cross for fixing dates, and have something to say upon
this question later on.
There is, of course, no doubt as to the date of the By-
zantine mosaic of the martyrs, but the two problems that
have so far not been solved are, what was the date of the
earlier mosaic, and did the persons commemorated suffer martyr-
dom as Christians during pagan persecutions, or as
the
Catholics in the times of the Vandal occupation, more particu-
larly in the reign of Hunneric. The information at present
available is altogether insufficient to answer them.
Included in this series t is the mosaic found on a priest's
tomb at Thinna, the important predecessor of the modern city
of Sfax. It is now in the municipal museum with a large
collection of sacred or secular objects found in the neighbour-

* Illustrated in vol. i. on Plate 72.

t Photographs of these will be found in Nouvelles Archives quoted above.
148 EASTEKN TUNIS
hood. Among them is a cedar- wood coffin, probably of a Eoman
officer, which contained his body and a bronze sword lying by
his side.

Bir bou Bekba

Near this station on the Tunis-Sousse railway, where a

branch line runs to Hammamet, are the ruins of a Eoman
town and of an early basilican church. The latter is built
on an unusual plan, is correctly orientated, and belongs, I
think, to the early Christian period. The fabric has been
completely razed to the ground, and all that remains are
some fragments of pavement, the foundations of the altar
that stood in the semicircular apse, and a small part of the
outer walls on the south side. The numerous fragments of
mosaic and variety of coloured marbles show that the church
must have been richly, decorated. The plan seems to in-
dicate that, contrary to the usual practice, the apse extended
to the whole width of the church so that the aisles were
carried round in the form of an ambulatory. A door in the
centre of the outer wall of the apse led to a large octagonal
baptistery.*
In the centre of this stood the font of the same early type
as the example now in the Bardo Museum, made of white
marble, with two flights of three steps leading down into a
circular cuvette sunk into the floor. This is probably an example
of the earliest type of font for immersion that preceded the
lobed variety found in churches belonging to the Restoration
period after the Byzantine conquest. I was unable to take any
pictures or any measurements, in consequence of the proximity
of the French fort, but during our visit we were kindly received
by the officers who took us into the barrack square and showed
us some stelae and one or two capitals of the Roman period.
The more important Roman remains, consisting of a large
group of farm buildings and a nymphaeum, testify to the
importance of this place, and it was probably then, as now,
a military station.
From Bir bou Rekba the turnpike road follows the

* I give a plan of this on the fly-sheet opposite.

 CAETHAGE 149

railway into low ground, and approaching the seashore passes

by a large cylindrical tomb made of stone not unlike that of
Cecilia Metella on the Appian way. The first village in the
direction of Sousse is Bou Ficha an important agricultural
centre belonging to the Enfida Domain. On the wall of the
house inhabited by the agent or factor of this agricultural
company some crosses* and one or two capitals from the
are
site of the ancient city of Aphrodisium the modern Henchir

Fradis in the foot hills near by.f There are no signs of a

Christian church in Henchir Fradis, but several Roman ruins,
including a handsome little triumphal arch and a barrage at
the modern well, known as Ain el Hallouf. The Arabs of this
place were very friendly, and the headman insisted on presenting
me with a well-preserved coin of Constantine I. The site of

thisRoman city has been very imperfectly explored, and this

and several other towns in the neighbourhood seem to offer a
promising field for future research.

CABTHAGE
The three principal churches in Carthage appear to have been
the great Christian basilica known as the Damns el Karita, the
church in the amphitheatre dedicated to the martyrs S. Perpetua
and her companions, and the large basilica on the south-east of

the chapel of S. Louis, known as the Byzantine church. |

The last is the only one of the three where the original plan
can now be easily distinguished and compared with other churches
in North Africa. Nothing remains of the church of S. Perpetua,
and the site of the Damns el Karita has been so completely
destroyed in the search for relics and epitaphs that it is almost
impossible to make out what belongs to the original church or
were later additions and restorations, or indeed to distinguish

what the ground plan was. It is clear, however, that there were
two churches built at different dates on the same site. I shall
• Illustrated in vol. i. Plate 73.
t Two and one capital are illustrated in vol. i. on Plates 68 and 73.
crosses
I In these
notes this church is called for convenience the basilica of Justinian,
upon the assumption that it was built after the Byzantine conquest. It is quite as
large as the Damus el Karita, though I have also called it the smaller basilica,
'
'

teferring more to archaeological importance than to size.

150 EASTEEN TUNIS
begin therefore with the so-called Byzantine basilica, premising
that it was apparently built at one date and not piecemeal,
nor as the restoration of an earlier church.

The Byzantine Basilica

This great basilican church has a nave with double aisles, a

semi-circular apse at the south-east end, and a baptistery at the
north-west corner. must have been a fine church, and judging
It

by the carvings on some of the fragments lying about, the font and
the pattern of the mosaic floor, was built after the Byzantine con-
quest. It is designed in the form and with the internal arrange-

ments of the ordinary Latin basilica of Eome, where the altar

stood out in the open, and not as in the later development of
Byzantine architecture, behind a screen and concealed from the
view of the congregation.
The character of the church can be easily understood from
the photographs and the plan opposite. The general view is

taken from high ground at the north end looking up the nave
towards the apse. The nave was divided off from the inner aisles
by rows of marble pillars in pairs, and the inner aisles in their

turn are separated from the outer aisles by rows of single pillars.
From the floor,which was covered with mosaics in various
patterns, we get perhaps a better idea than from almost any
African church of the division of a nave into choir, altar space, and
compartments to accommodate the women and different ranks of
the worshippers. Nearly all the nave was occupied by these
enclosures commencing with a narrow gangway in the middle
that gradually broadened out till it reached the altar space where
it was carried round the sanctuary enclosure.

The arrangement can be easily understood from the plan,

and the different divisions can also be recognized in the photo-
graph. The narrow or west part of this gangway marked A
on the plan, appearing in the foreground of my view, was
enclosed on each side with white marble balusters, and the floor
also seems to have been slightly raised above the rest of the
floor of the church and either paved with marble or mosaic.
The floor of the nave on either side of the gangway was also
paved with mosaic. The screen then broadened out for two
 4«

.1 Q

'u
o o o o

^ol &i3 o
o o o o

JL___Q !o^L

—v~v*r—"T-^

7b /(S'c^ /^ji?'^ 150

 150 EASTERN TUNIS
i^
begin therefore with the so-called Byzantine basilica, premising
that it was apparently.'3j£ltiic^.'S6'ifen]fe date and not piecemeal,
nor as the re8totw(»»^^6f "^$in^^^ii«e (djisfecii^

Th^. My ran tin e.Bas

This great BflJBJit' ?an church has a n[i^ ith double aisles, a
semi-circulajr a^se and a baptistery at the
north-west con ler, le c hurch, and judging
by the carvings on » nng about, the font and
the pattern of 1 he m^ buillfc after the Byzantine con-
quest. It is de signed i th^form/dndywith tho internal arrange-
ments of the crdinary btin basiliga of Ron;e, where the altar

stood out in tlje open, and not as in t he laljer development of

Byzantine arcl re, behind a screen d»rn>cbncealed from the
view of the for iti on. [V^i
The characior of the church can be easily understood from
the photographs and 't he plan op posite. The general view is

taken from high grouiidr^t*fh'e north end looking up the nave

towards the apse, o^^u rui^ was divided off from the inner aisles
by rows of -jnarMei pillara iKpaica^ and the inner aisles in their
turn are separated trom Thq f)uter aisles by rows of single
thqf)i l pillars.

Fro ttji iVg floBRB wjiinh 3vor(^^—vvith mosaics in various

pati ^rns, we get [perhaps better idea ;han from almost any
Afr: oan ^arcfe^ rthc-dirifii a n^e irvt 3 choir, altar space, and
conl^artments to Acc omm odate the womec and different ranks of

the ;or0hippSS lEfiie lOve Imsls occupied by these

enc )sures coram finding: -Avilth a narrow gangway in the middle
tha fera^all3^ld«tfine(
; itSS it Inched the altar space where
it \ris carried rounc th4 sanctuary enclbjsure.
fhe ^rrac^^iaen" ; ca q b^^asiljP und ( rstood from the plan,
the different di^ifHis can also be rppognized in the photo-
^heffirow we^-%art ^f thl^z^Sjugwai^ims^ked A
« :

he plan, appei^jinlg^. in the foreground^ (^ giv vi n, was i

)sed on eiron side with wmte marbleOaalgstgr^ ?^d ; le floor

also,seems toJiave been slightly raised ab^v^,^e ^res of the ;

riocD of the cKurch and eitner paved with^n^r^l^ or mosaic.

Th(t iflo»f of
j
^bh^ nave on eij^r sicj^
-
of{ )bhe gangway /i as also
pav'e^ with mosaic. The scrfeen th6n broadened uirt or two

0?^\ ^-^^vi^ ^:)a\^ oT

 CAKTHAGE 151

bays till it reached the sanctuary enclosure where it was carried

round the altar.

The altar itself was a and has, of course,

large square erection,
disappeared. The foundation
cement that stands up above the
of
floor level can still be distinguished, and was apparently hollow
in the centre the space beyond it was open and covered with
;

mosaic of the same pattern as the rest of the gangway. At

this point the arrangement of the baluster screens is not clear,
but it seems as if there were an open space at B between the
end of the altar enclosure and the entrance to the apse. Lying
close to the altar are two blocks of white marble, either capitals
or portions of the bases of pillars, with crosses carved on them.
These either belonged to the screen or to a canopy over the
altar.Beside the screens round the altar there are indications
on the bases of some of the nave pillars that screens shut off
part of the aisles from the rest of the church. But as some of
these bases have been replaced in the restoration I cannot be
sure that they are in their original positions. It is, however,
clear that there were screens round the altar fitted into the nave
pillars as well as on little posts as at Tebessa.
Only a few courses of the semi-circular structure of the apse
at the south-east end remain. This part of the church seems to
have been either lighted by windows, or decorated with niches
like those at Tibar, and in the small churches at Sbeitla and
elsewhere." The was raised like a dais above
floor of the apse

that of the nave and approached by two flights of steps, one

on each side of the front of the apse. The space between
them is now empty, but probably was decorated with an open
screen, as in Sta. Maria in Cosmedin at Rome. There is some
indication on the floor of the apse that seats for clergy were
provided according to the usual practice.
Passing down the nave to the north end of the church we
come to the baptistery. This was a square chamber, or perhaps
an open court or cloister with sixteen pillars supporting the roof.
In the centre stood a canopy supported on four small pillars fixed

* Saladin mentions another church with an apse like this one. See illustration
in his report, p. 52, Archives des Missions Scientifiques, Tome xiii., B^me serie. The
place is now called Henchir el Baroud, and is situated in Central Tunis in the Oued
Djilma, near Hadjeb el Aioun.
152 EASTEKN TUNIS
in the corners of the font beneath. The font * itself was of the
usual variety so commonly found in Africa. The top is hexagonal,
and from two two little flights of steps lead down into the
sides
circular cuvette which was lined with marble. In this case, as
also in the baptistery of the large church at Sbeitla, the bases
of the outer row of pillars were provided with grooves to hold
low screens.
One would like to know exactly how the ceremony was
performed in practice. In the fonts at the Damus el Karita,
at Bir Bou Kekba, and in the Bardo museum, the steps lead
down to the cuvette, and the cuvettes themselves are large
enough to admit of an adult walking down and standing in
the font, but in this and many other smaller fonts made with
lobes, the cuvette is hardly larger in diameter than an average
size hand-basin, and the little steps look as if they were
intended for ornament rather than use. In any case it must
have been difficult for an adult to use them, or indeed to stand
in the water at all, and submersion in the cuvette was cer-
tainly impossible. Beyond the baptistery is a chapel with an
apse, and some other buildings that communicated with the
basilica. They are of no particular interest and are destroyed
almost beyond recognition.
The material of the outer walls is rubble made of old materials,
supported at intervals by large upright stones. This was the
usual Byzantine method of construction seen in the fort at Ain
Tounga and the church at Dougga. The main entrance and
porch are on the south side of the church, but nothing of
them remains.
The church which must have been a very handsome one, and
among the largest in the country, was no doubt destroyed in the
beginning of the eighth century, after the defeat of the Byzantine
fleet and the capture of Carthage by the Saracens.

The Damus el Karita

The accompanying photograph of the Damus el Karita will give

some idea of the complete condition of ruin that even the floor of
this great basilica has been reduced to by the repeated excavations
* Illustrated on Plate 57 in vol. i.
 CARTHAGE 153

in searcli of epitaphs and the remains of early Christian saints

and martyrs. The ruin is so complete that it is difficult to

identify the diiferent parts of the church, even with the assistance
of Pere Delattre's plan. The view is taken from the west end of
the church looking towards the main apse. The larger blocks of
masonry on each side are the piers of the nave which extended to
the spot where the distant figure is standing in a portion of the
semicircular apse the latter is also shown in another view. The
;

original church, which must have been a very large one, with
double if not triple aisles, was built upon the ruins of a Roman
building, and is reputed to be the earliest church built in North
Africa in the reign of Constantine. At a later date, probably
after the Vandal conquest, when the original church had perished,
a second and smaller church was built over the site. It was
much shorter, as portions of the semicircular apse belonging to it

have been found in the middle of the earlier nave. The little

trefoil building at the extremity of a large semicircular atrium or

court on the south-east side of the church, and a large font on
the south-west side are the chief points of interest for my present
purpose. The font is a large circular tank with a flight of steps
leading down into the saucer-shaped cuvette, and was apparently
in an outbuilding or baptistery adjoining the church. In the
picture, which is unfortunately taken in a bad light, my servant
will be seen standing on the steps, while some debris below mark
the bottom of the cuvette. The trefoil chapel at the end of the
atrium, or nymphaeum, now completely gutted, is described in the
preceding volume.
The traveller who goes to Carthage will of course visit the
museum in the monastery of the White Fathers where Pere
Delattre has collected together numerous fragments from the
ancient city. These include a large array of lamps, numerous
coins, a terra cotta model of an organ, and lead sheets inscribed
with prayers and imprecations used in chariot and horse-
racing.
 '

EGYPT
SMALL COUNTRY CHURCHES
Before proceeding to describe one or two small churches in
Upper Egypt and Lower Nubia I must trouble the reader to
revert to the notes on the White monastery at Sohag. It will be
observed that within the '
curtain ' or outer wall of the monas-
tery there are the remains of no less than three churches of
different dates : first the basilica of the early Christian foundation
with the trefoil sanctuary ; secondly the present Coptic church,
built in the ancient sanctuary ; and thirdly a small church belong-
ing to an intermediate period, built in the outer corridor on the
south side of the basilica. The difference in the '
ritual

arrangement and position of the altar* between the first and

third edifices on the one hand and the second on the other will

be at once apparent ; in the latter the altar is concealed behind

the iconostasis or screen according to the Eastern practice, while
in the former it stood out in the open according to the Western
practice ; the apse of the little church in the narthex was also
fitted with seats for the clergy and a throne in the centre for the
bishop as at Announa + and elsewhere in North Africa.
Some of the churches now to be described fall into one of
these two categories and some in the other. The two basilican
churches in Nubia, the north church at Addendan and the south
church at Faras have apses with tribunes and the altar stands in
the open ; the use of pillars to support the chancel arch is another
makes them almost exact counterparts of the church
feature that
at Announa in Algeria. The altar arrangement of the three
domed churches at East Serreh and the east church at Adden-
* In fact there are three altars in the present Coptic church.
t The arrangement at Announa is ahnost exactly the same.
 EGYPT 155

dan, also a domed building, are more doubtful the chancel arches
;

of the former are much too small to admit of an iconostasis, and

if the altar was screened at all a curtain must have been used.
The churches in Egypt at Medinet Habu, and Nakadeh, and the
little chapel at Abd el Kader near Abu Seir are built on the com-
partment system and they have altar screens made of stone or
brick.
The church of S. Simeon at Assouan is also included for the
sake of a piece of vaulting in the entrance porch that happens to
be well preserved and conveniently illustrates the Coptic method
of cross vault building ; but the student who wishes to know how
the Copts built their barrel vaults should consult two recent
publications on Christian architecture in Egypt and Nubia.*
The churches on the Nile below Wady Haifa were excavated
by the Eckley Coxe expedition and have been described by
Messrs. Mileham and Maciver. They were found at the villages
of Serreh and Addendan on the east bank and at Debereh and
Faras on the west bank. To these must now be added another
church at Faras, discovered by Mr. Griffith and Mr. Woolley,
and in some respects it is perhaps the most interesting of the
series, for it contains a number of well preserved wall paintings

that throw some light upon the date and origin of those at
Abu Seir.

• Churches in Lower Nubia, by Mileham and Maciver, for the Eckley B. Goxe,

Junior, Expedition to Nubia. Published by the University Museum, Philadelphia,

1910. Christian Antiquities in tlie Nile Valley, by Somers Clarke, 1912.
 — ;

LOWER NUBIA
ADDENDAN
North Church

The churches described by Messrs. Mileham and Maciver fall

into two categories. First, the common plain basilica with a

semi-circular apse, seats in the chancel, chancel arch pillars, altar
in the apse, and in one case a pulpit ; and secondly, square
churches covered with domes. An unusual
plan was found in
one of the churches at Addendan, that must have resembled
S. Maria delle cinque torri, Monte Cassino, with a central hall and

little towers covered by cupolas at the four angles. I give two

pictures of this church.
The North church at Addendan is a basilica, with nave, aisles,
narthex, and a semicircular apse with square sacristies on each
side of it all enclosed in a square outer wall. The apse is pro-
vided as at Announa with seats for the clergy arranged in tiers
small doors communicate with the adjoining sacristies, and the
altar stands out in the open between the pilasters of the chancel
arch ; each pilaster is recessed on the nave side to take a granite
pillarsurmounted by a stone cap these no doubt supported the
;

chancel arch. Upon this arrangement Messrs. Mileham and

Maciver say as follows :

'
The tribune occupies the greater part of the sanctuary, with
the result that the altar has been placed more to the west than is

usual. It is doubtful if this was the original arrangement, for

the doors to the sacristies are almost meaningless at the present
time as they are blocked up for nearly half their height by the
brickwork of the tribune. The altar, which was built of crude
 4a

ADDEND AN NUBIA.
North church.

General view with the Nile and interior looking West

(with my guide); and East with pillar of chancel arch.

To face page 156

 — ;

t».

LOWER NUBIA
ADDENDAN
North Church

The churches described by Messrs. Mileham and Maciver fall

into two categories. First, the common plain basilica with a

semi-circular apse, seat&in the chancel, chancel arch pillars, altar
in the apse, and in one case a pulpit ; and secondly, square
churches 1 A^^'W^^I^Yl'^^cSR"^^^^ P^^^ ^^^ found in
one of the ...,._. ;l- al AdaLiidan, that must have resembled

S. Maria
delle cinque torn, Afontp uassino, with a central hall and
htlJ§^3\«^o^V.W:*>>w» V^;a^VV ?>i^ .^^^i(SnrsaVig49»^ I give two
pic^Bs^^^fe^<fc?f^^^^»^ ^iJ^"^ ^w» v(,^Vim^ ^w M>«i>
The North church at Addendan is a basilica, with nave, aisles,
narthex, and a semicircular apse with square sacristies on each
side of it all enclosed in a square outer wall. The apse is pro-
vided as at Announa with seats for the clergy arranged in tiers
small doors communicate with the adjoining sacristies, and the
altar stands out in the open between the pilasters of the chancel
arch ; each pilaster is recessed on the nave side to take a granite
surmounted by a stone cap these no doubt supported the
pillar ;

chancel arch. Upon this arrangement IVT.^ssrs AFileham and

Maciver say as follows:
'
The tribune occupies the greater part of the sanctuary, with
the result that the altar has been placed more to the west than is

usual. It is doubtful if this was the original arrangement, for

the doors to the sacristies are almost meaningless at the present
time as they are blocked up for nearly half their height by the
brickwork of the tribune. The altar, which was built of crude

^^\ ^-^v^^ ^:i»\ oT

 LOWEE NUBIA 157

brick (not of burnt brick as in the other examples), stands

between the piers of the Arch of Triumph.* This position would
not allow of a screen between the columns, yet that a screen
existed at some period is almost certain, for there is a rough
seating for a beam cut in each column a little below the
necking.'
They do not date this church, but to a church near Debereh
a few miles distant they assign the tenth century, and as the
chancel arch capitals in both are almost exactly alike we may, I
suppose, infer that the two churches were built about the same
time.
It will be seen that the general and internal arrangements of
this church resemble those of the churches in Algeria and Tunis,
and so far as construction is concerned an earlier date than that
given by the American expedition might be assigned to them.
The evidence of an alteration in the ritual arrangement is even
more apparent in the church at Debereh, where a portion of an
iconostasis remains that did not form part of the original
design.

FABAS
The plan of the South church at Faras is almost exactly
the same, but the altar stands a little nearer into the apse.
Besides the same seats for the clergy arranged in tiers, this apse is

also provided with three niches in the walls. The suggestion t

that this triple niche arrangement is symbolic of the Trinity is

quite likely to be well founded. The purpose these niches were

intended to serve is indicated by the lamp stand in one of them,
and the photograph shows that the oil stain is still visible.
For the interesting collection of objects found the reader is
referred to the Eckley Coxe publication. The characters on a
fragment of parchment found in this church are attributed to the
sixth century or the seventh, and the similarity to the North
African churches justifies a preference for that period.

* The chancel arch.

f Churches in Lower Nubia, by Mileham and Maciver. The arrangement of
three niches will be found in the Rocelletta in Calabria and something of the
same kind occurs in the apses of the church at Tibar and in the smaller basilica
at Carthage in Tunis.
 158 LOWER NUBIA

EAST SEBBEH
This ruined town stands on the east bank of the Nile about
12 miles north of the Wady Haifa. It contains three small
churches that are interesting chiefly from the architectural point
of view for they show that the squinch and pendentive were
used concurrently to support a dome built over a square sub-

structure. From the liturgical arrangement they do not differ

substantially from the early African church model. There was
but a single altar in a sanctuary at the east end, and a small
chapel of the prothesis and the diaconicon communicating with
it on each side. These chapels contain recesses in the wall that
were no doubt used to keep the sacred vessels, books, and other
church furniture.
The plans are reproduced from Messrs. Mileham and Maciver's
book, and as they have given a detailed survey of the churches I
need do no more here than illustrate the method of supporting
the domes and reproduce my photograph to give a general idea of
the appearance of these little buildings.
The first and smallest church stands just outside the town
wall on the north side. It is made of sun-dried bricks, and seen
at a distance looks like a box with a small cupola rising from
about the middle of it. The first view is taken from the south-
east corner and shows the south side, the door of the narthex,
and the cupola above. Entering the church by this door we
come into the narthex or corridor that occupies the whole of the
western end of the church, and was provided with another corre-
sponding door at the north end. The next view is taken from
the narthex looking along the small nave and showing the
chancel arch now blocked up and all that remains of the crown-
less dome that covered the eastern bay of the nave the sanctuary ;

is beyond the central arch, and the two arches on the right and

left give access to the north and south aisles of the nave respec-

tively. With the exception of the dome all the rest of the roof
has a barrel-vault, built in the usual Egyptian way.
The squinch can clearly be distinguished in the view of the
dome that was made, like the rest of the church, of sun-dried
bricks.
 43

EAST SERREH NUBIA.

North church.

Dome over chancel.

-ace page /5<?

 158 LOWEK NUBIA

EAST SERBEH
This ruined town stands on the east bank of the Nile about
12 miles north of the Wady Haifa. It contains three small
churches that are interesting chiefly from the architectural point
of view for they show that the squinch and pendentive were
used concurrently to support a dome built over a square sub-
structure. From the liturgical arrangement they do not differ
substantially from the early African church model. There was
but a single altar in a sanctuary a,t the east end, and a small
chapel of the prothesis and the diaconicon communicating with
it on each side. I'hese chapels contain recesses in the wall that
were no doubt us*'<l t.) kfpn the sacred vessels, books, and other
church furnitun-
The plans are reproduced from Messrs. Mileham and Maciver's
book, and as they have given a detailed survey of the churches I
need do no more here than illustrate the method of supporting
the domes and rejff^<^^^^'^i^'^&^^fcig3£.fetjagive a general idea of
the appearance of these lJSii»A«.i^^<JdV^s.

The and smallest church stands just outside the town

'first

wall on the north side* ^^^i^ ]2^\5e^W^un-dried bricks, and seen

at a distance looks like a box with a small cupola rising from
about the middle of it. The first view is taken from the south-
east corner and shows the south side, the door of the narthex,
and the cupola above. Entering the church by this door we
come into the narthex or corridor that occupies the whole of the
western end of the church, and was provided with another corre-
sponding door at the north end. The next view is taken from
the narthex looking along the small nave and showing the
chancel arch now blocked up and all that remains of the crown-
less dome that covered the eastern bay of the nave the sanctuary ;

is beyond the central arch, and the two arches on the right and
left give access to the north and south aisles of the nave respec-

tively. With the exception of the dome all the rest of the roof
has a barrel-vault, built in the usual Egyptian wa}
The squinch can clearly be distinguished in the view oi tue
dome that was made, like the rest of the church, of sun-dried
biicks.
 LOWEK NUBIA 159

The second church is situated in the centre of the town, and

Hke the last was made entirely of sun-dried bricks and covered
inside with whitewash. It is also built on substantially the
same plan, was roofed with barrel vaults, and has a high pitch
cupola over the eastern bay of the nave.
This church is rather larger than the first, and there was a
triforium over the transepts or aisles adjoining the cupola. The
view of the latter looking upwards shows that the crown is gone,
and in place of the squinches seen in the angles of the first

church there are in this one small pendentives, so slight indeed

that they are only distinguishable at the point where the angles
of the square substructure end and the dome begins.
The third church is like the first, and stands just outside the
town gate on the south side. It is more ruined than the other
two, and only the outer walls on the north, east, and south sides
remain. The wall dividing the nave from the south aisle is also
still standing, and my guide is leaning against it ; the corre-
sponding wall on the north side of the nave is gone. The view
shows the chancel arch, and sufficient is left of the base of the

cupola to include the pendentive that supported it.

ADDENDAN EAST CHURCH

This church stands about half a kilometre from the Nile, and
in design and detail of construction is a much more ambitious
building than any of the others in the neighbourhood. Messrs.
Maciver and Mileham's essai de reconstruction gives a good
idea of the general appearance of the church when it was
perfect. There is, I believe, a resemblance between this church
and some in Abyssinia, but the only building I have seen like
it is S. Maria delle cinque torri at Monte Cassino. I have in-
cluded this Nubian church here for that reason, and because S.
Maria is described and illustrated elsewhere in these notes. The
idea was no doubt obtained from one of the Greek churches of
the Levant. The towers at the angles were covered with little

domes, and these rested on the square substructure on slabs of

stone let into the angles. This was the primitive way of sup-
porting a vault where the span was small.
160 EGYPT

UPPER EGYPT
The churches at Nakadeh and Medinet Habu illustrate the
common Coptic arrangement where the altar is built in a square
sanctuary (haikal) covered with a dome, and screened by an
iconostasis. Sometimes three altars are put in the same haikal,
but more usually, as here, in separate apartments. The student
who is familiar with Mr. Butler's book will know why more than
one altar was necessary or usual, and in these churches there are
three or four haikals in a row, each provided with an altar. The
earlier screens are usually made of plain stone and the later ones
of wood ; some examples of the latter in the churches of old
Cairo are beautifully inlaid with ivory. These screens are always
provided with either two doors and a squint or guichet in the
centre, or with a door in the centre and guichets on each side.

The guichet was provided for the priest to hand the communion
to the communicant without leaving the sanctuary but it would ;

seem that in modern and town churches, where the congregation

is more sophisticated, this practice is discontinued ; the guichets
continue, however, to be introduced even into quite modern
screens, as for example in the new church at Sohag, built by the
late Basta Bey and maintained by my friends Suwaris and his
brothers.

NAKADEH
The monastery dedicated to S. Michael* illustrated here stands
about two miles south-west of this town on the borders of the
desert. It is built of sun-dried bricks, and at a distance looks like

a small fort.The first view is taken from a spot in the desert about
two hundred yards to the north-east. As a khamesin happened to
be blowing on the day this was taken, the surrounding country
is blotted out in the picture.
I must now refer to the accompanying plan of the south-east
side of the monastery. The corner apse with broken roof in the
foreground of the edifice was a store-room or ante-chamber. The
next two semi-circular projections on the left of it are the apses of
a subsidiary chapel, and again to the left the next three pro-

I think this must be the building described by Mr. Somers Clarke

*
(p. 121) as
Der el Malak Mikhail, Kamula.

/
 KAMULA, EGYPT.
S Michael.
Nave and f^enerc

< toh

^0 face page i6o

 160 EGYPT
I'*'
UPPER EGYPT
i Nakadeh and Medinet Habu illustrait^ mr
i
Ht^i^jg^n^^^j^^e altar is built in a square

sanctuary (haikal) covuiiad.-with a dome, and screened by an

ICO? Sometimes three altars are put in the same haikal,
but lu '!y, as nere,"i^ s^^a^fe ^apartments.
; The student
who i^ r with Mr. Butler's book will know why more than

one altar was necessary c«'oi5Saal, and in these churches there are
with an altar. The
usually luiaiav wn^laia stotie^and the later ones
churches of old
reens are always
guichet in the
,s on each side.

the communion
y ; but it would
e llie congregation
u( d ; the guichets
> quite modern
'^fi^^^^l^^y ^he
kiwaris and his

tipted here stands

borders of the
i stance looks like
the desert about
ftr^ sin happened to
"unding country

f thf south-east
r{)ken roof in the
chamber. The
are the apses of
a M i tisuturj i rliwpe l, and ag ai next three pro-
* I thiuk thi« must be the building described by Mr. Somers Clarke (p. 121) as
Dc^r I'i M.Vlak M'khail Kamula.

o^\ ^^v^\ ^-it^'X 0^

 EGYPT 161

jections are the chancel apse in the centre, and the apses of
the prothesis and the diaconicon of the principal church. The
little domed building on the left is detached from the main group
seen in the picture. The entrance of the monastery is round the
corner where the donkeys are standing, and just beyond the
detached building. The next view is taken from the courtyard
on the west side, and shows the entrance to the narthex.
It will be noticed from the plan that the church consists of a
number of small squares. This plan was adopted as no wood
was available, and the architect had to construct his building in
such a way that it could be covered by brick domes. In the
circular chancels, or haikals, the domes are merely built up over
the substructure like beehives, but in the rest of the church, the
nave, narthex, and outer apartments, they are supported by
squinches resting on the angles of the square substructure.
The church is divided into a narthex of three squares, a nave
of six, a chancel of three, and three haikals or sanctuaries. The
general view is taken from near the font looking towards the
Epiphany tank, which was covered by boards, and at the time
of my visit contained about 18 inches of water; it was used
once a year. The view of the chancel, taken from square 9,
shows on the right hand side the screens in front of the central
apse and of the prothesis. Another picture shows the screen in
front of the central apse, in this case a circular domed room, and
a corner of the altar behind. The latter is as usual a mass of
stone masonry, about one metre square, with a slab on the top of
it. In the wall of the apses there are one or two recesses or
niches intended to hold lights, to receive the sacred vessels,
or a lavabo for the celebrant. The altar farniture consists of a
little wooden box or tabernacle on the altar, a chalice, paten,
handcross, a candlestick or two, and a number of little ceremonial
serviettes which play an important part in the service in this hot
country. The student will of course consult Mr. Butler's work,
and he will find illustrations of these and other altar furniture,

their significance and object.

The other view of this church, looking down a passage into

the adjoining chapel, shows a recess or niche cut in the wall
containing the kind of jar that usually does duty for font in
Coptic churches.
162 LOWEK NUBIA

MEDINET HABTJ
S. Theodore

This church is situated in the desert about three hundred

yards south of the mausoleum of Rameses and close to the valley
containing the tombs of the Queens. In general appearance it is
not unlike Nakadeh, but it is smaller, and being better preserved
is still used for worship.
The church is divided into squares covered with domes as at
Nakadeh, making sanctuary, chancel, nave, and baptistery with a
narthex. These are all numbered on the plan. 1 to 4 are the
haikals for as many altars, of which the principal is 3.* 5 is
the baptistery with the Epiphany tank, and 10 the narthex in
front of it. 6 to 9 are the chancel, and 11 to 18 the nave.
The apartments for the women 11 and 15. The annexes 19 to

21 are used apparently for the same purpose.

The general view of the nave is taken from A on the plan.
The screen facing the spectator at the end of the church is the
women's portion. The thick wall with the pointed arch in it,
seen in the middle of the picture, is the screen between the
chancel and the nave. The only decoration on it is a panel with
three dedication crosses on it that should be compared with
examples at Beyond the chancel stands the screen of
Sbeitla.
the haikal concealing the main altar this screen is hung with
:

pictures like a Greek iconostasis. The pictures include S. George,

and are poor and obviously modern.
The domes in this building are made of brick supported on
squinches, of the same construction as at Nakadeh, and they are
pierced with circular holes to admit the light and air.

* The only way and other churches

of distinguishing the principal altar in this
where there are several seems to be by the trappings.' In the
altars in a row, '

older churches only one altar seemed to be furnished, but in the modern church
at Nakadeh all three were provided with cloths, serviettes, tabernacles and candles.
The vessels, made of glass or base metal, were tied up in a cloth and laid on the
altar.
 45

MEDINET HABU, EGYPT.

S Theodore.

Exterior and stone with crosses; and plan.

ASSOUAN.
S. Simeon.

Detail of vault.

To face page 162

 1(32 LOWER NUBIA
z^

MEDINET HABU
S. Theodore

This church is situated in the desert about three hundred

viu<)^ -(.xirh of the mausoleum of Rameses and close to the valley
coi: '
tombs of the Queens. In general appearance it is
noi. _ .LKadeh, but it is smaller, and 'being better preserved
is still used for worship.
is divided into squares covered with domes as at
church
making sanctuary, chancel, nave, and baptistery with a
h,

. . K. These are all numbered on the plan.- 1 to 4 are the

.

haikals for as many altars, of which the principal is 3.*

the baptistery with the Epiphany tank, and 10 the narthex in
of it. 6 to 9 are the chancel, and 11 to IB the nave,
piirtments for the women 11 and 15. The annexes 19 to

'il are used

The
.^^^^g^tl^'^^^
general view of the nave
WmW is taken from A .
on the plan.
,

reen facing the'^s^ec^ator at the end of the church is the

ir^?^^^bm^'^«PW? ^!«i^WiSl^^fl^fto^^"^inted arch in it,

seen in the middle of the picture, is the screen between, the

hancel and the nave'. TTir on^ decoration on it is a panel with
'
hwe dedication crosa^S^I?' \^ that should be compared with
xamples at SbeitlgSi\MsB^SfDfiA\*lie chancel stands the screen of
the haikal conceaUng the main altar : this screen is hung with
s like a Greek iconostasis. The pictures include S. Greorge,
I' poor and obviously modem.
' domes in this building are made of brick supported on
Mfuiuches, of the same construction as at Nakadeh, and they aiv
''

with circular holes to admit the light and air.

only way and other churclii

of distinguishing the principal altar in this
wi, ir« several altars in a row, seems to be by the 'trappings.' In tho
oldv 3 only one altar seemed to be furnished, but in the modem church
at N ree were provided with cloths, serviettes, tabernacles and candles.
'

The .
glass or base metal, were tied up in a cloih and laid on the
f

aitar.

s.?S\ ^-^ssA, v^vi\^ o\

 i\ i-N I 1 )1^\ 1<>8

^
WADY HAIFA

aaqaeniiy viBtieil by liiuiupeans, as the

It stands ahout three hundred yards

^"S^^'K^Vl''^^'^^'^^^^^'' ^^ ^^ north of the

*iiiLhalf a mile further north
.

r, whence the
A\'n«^'^ ..7.
-.e by.
.\\:A '.^\ \u> i^^\v;u^s^^>vv^>^>nn>^\\e«?n^^m^'^!ofeV\^^%''J^
Wady Haifa I chartered a felucca to
Tho steward of the government
>|^'-'"r'rr!ssion to v"^'''»npany me,
-u i>'4- M^ tliat
""TiT

1^ [had l>e«'| anif

raeiof hft stl

o Wady 1^ ^'
T?^ rf
jrnd !•

)i'

mcasurii
involved i

:he north w

.ui IS most ;
^^^;t4j^>4F\ iu

tl V leave no"^?^^ •>'*'»*^^^ : . . ^ry,

uave, D and E two ai^ ^nd G two outer aisles

added at a later dat6. The r<> ^ed of \\

vaulting, with thr

'
dome 1)1 ci^jss \,i

• The pUu

^\ ^^\ ^^li\ oT
46

MEDINE T HABU.
S Theodore.
JVave^ looking across the church.

The chancel screens on the right and women's pews on the left.

jr

liX i^\ '/;l ^Z^

U)

5=. rl ^^--^1 fe^jfe=t%

i..-'

' » '

Ill . ly • It

^'

7b yi?c^ /'''^^ '^'^J

 LOWEK NUBiA 163

WADY HALFA
Chapel at Ahd el Kader, near Abu Seir

This chapel has been frequently visited by Europeans, as the

walls unfortunately testify. It stands about three hundred yards
from the west bank of the Nile and three miles or so north of the
second cataract at Abu Seir. On a hill half a mile further north
stands an Arab turbe dedicated to Abd el Kader, whence the
name of the hamlet on the banks of the stream close by.
The illustrations and plans were made in the following cir-
cumstances. On reaching Wady Haifa I chartered a felucca to
visit the rock and cataract. The steward of the government
steamer, an Austrian, asked my permission to accompany me,
and on the way he pointed out this little building and said that
it contained some curious wall paintings. In returning we visited
it, and I then made some sketches of the interior, including a
fresco of a Nubian king. I showed these drawings to my host,
Mr. Griffith, who was then working at Faras, and judging that
the chapel was worth more careful survey than I had been able
to give to it, he proposed that Mr. Woolley and some of his staff
including two native photographers should return to Wady Haifa
with me, and that we should copy the paintings and make a
plan.*
We returned accordingly to Wady Haifa, where an agreeable
week was spent with Mr. Woolley measuring the chapel and draw-
ing the wall paintings. This involved a daily sail to Abd el
Kader, and on one occasion the north wind blew so violently
and the river became so rough that two of our native passengers
in the felucca were seasick, and Mr. Woolley and I came also
within measurable distance of what Americans call courting
Neptune.
The plan *most peculiar, but the two little ritual squints in
is

the wall A leave no room for doubt that B was the sanctuary,
C the nave, D and E two aisles, and F and G two outer aisles
added at a later date. The roof is entirely composed of waggon
vaulting, with the exception of a small square space covered by a
dome or cross vault that has crumbled away. The materials
• The plan is by Mr. Woolley.
 :

164
^
EGYPT
throughout are of sun-dried bricks. It is obvious that this
miniature church was not intended for congregational worship,
and the term votive chapel probably describes more correctly
its real character.
I give three views of the exterior. The third is taken on the
roof to show that this consisted of a series of vaults made of
bricks placed slantwise in the usual Coptic way, and a little

square hole originally covered by a dome or vault. The fourth

view is taken in the north door looking across the chapel from
G to H, and the figure will give some idea of the diminutive
proportions. There is nothing specially remarkable in the
architecture to any one familiar with Coptic methods. The
interest centres in a large and wonderfully preserved collection
of paintings that cover almost all the available wall space inside.
The subjects were first drawn in black outline and
then painted in colours, chiefly red and yellow. The picture
deserving particular notice is of a Nubian king with a peculiar
crown on his head. There are four figures in this group
(1) God the Father, (2) our Lord on the extreme left presenting
(3) the king, who appears to be either seated or kneeling. On
his left hand is another figure (4) perhaps intended to represent
the patron saint. Beside the peculiar crown with the two horns,
notice the king's dress decorated with scroll work and what
appear to be representations of the double-headed eagle. In his
left hand he holds some object that I took to be a book of the
Gospels, but, as Mr. Woolley points out, is more probably a
model of the church.
Another remarkable group represents Shadrach, Meshach,
and Abednego in the fiery furnace, with the Spirit of God above
protecting them from the surrounding flames. Compare their
dress with that given in the Bible narrative and notice the check
pattern trousers and the large cloaks. There are several eques-
trian Magi and three archangels. The
figures, including the
photograph of one of the whose identity we have not
latter,

established, shows a horseman seated on a white horse holding a

lance in his right hand with which he is spearing a scorpion.
Notice the crown with three crosses on his head, his cloak flying
out in the wind, his hessian boots, and the trappings of the horse.
The details of some of the costumes, the trappings and the
 47

Chapel
Abu Setr.

Wall paintings^
S T/ieodore on horseback.

^reseiifatviu of the church by a King with turban

and cresent ornament o;/ ?'/, Shadrnch^ Mesach
and Abedncgo in the fiery furnace.

y^-^¥:

To face page 164

 :

IF. 5 . EGYi^T
^^ .iijujs^ui.'ui. are of bun-dned bricks. It lo .jL-yiw...- i,.,. i.no

miniature church was not intended for congregational worship,

and the term votive chapel probably describes more correctly
its real character.
I give three views of the exterior. The third is taken on the
roof to show that this consisted of a series of vaults made of
bncks placed slantwise in the usual Coptic way, and a little

su illy covered bj' a dome or vault. The fourth

vit;., -- ..«.»v .. .,. ;,iie north door looking across the chapel from
G to F, and the figure will give some idea of the diminntive
s nothing specially remarkable i

a,r an) one familiar with Coptic methods. The

iuL; . V -.. ....v-i in a large and wonderfully preserved collection
of paintings that cover almost all the available wall space inside.
The subjects were first drawn in black outline and
'
tb- irs, chiefly red and yellow. The picture
dc ,
^ .;oti^^jjj^f a Nubian king with a peculiar
crown on .1. ^^^r^^^^re four figures in this group
(1) Qod the Father, (2) our Lord on the extreme left presenting
-••':'^--" ^^-^»t
(8) the king, who /-
seated or kneeling. On
his left hand is ^^ .,_:,. j, .uUps intended to represent
thej^irti^*S.«i^*'^*^^^^fiSS^^i';^«iMft^ife^ <^wo horns,
noti^^^i^ kW*^\.^^;^RVtdS^r^te>'i^v^'^# \^§i^i \im^ a,nd what
appear to be^^tjK-jji^. H^i<Mi^ j«f o<^t^\i^¥ibi|^eaded eagle. In his
left hand he hc^id.^ some object that I took to be a book of the
Gk)8pels, but, as Mr. WooUey points out, is more probably a
model of the church.
Another remarkable group represents Shadrach, Meshach,
and Abednego in the fiery furnace, with the Spirit of God above
protecting them from the surrounding flames. Compare their
dress with that given in the Bible narrative and notice the check
patten le large cloaks. There are .several eques-
trian i.^,_„., ._.._,. g the Magi and three archangels. The
photograph of one of the latter, whose identity we have not
established,shows a horseman seated on a white horse holding a
lance in his right hand with which he is spearing a scorpion.
Notice the crown with three crosses on his head, his cloak flying
out in the wind, his hessian boots, and the trappings of the horse.
The details of some of the costumes, the trappings and the
 wi^
^B^/*^-'^''
M ^/^EI'^^^ 11
J^k

%j'

M^^ J
1
^^^^^^^^^^^^^H^T^
m
1 1
 :^-lm- --,

' '

-;' \,..;^^---
'

**a

m^^^^4t
 j '

im
s^

the
iH a
..w and
notice.
moog the . i,nd

one o\ it 18

.... noticir- " '

V)Ut

.S-i^}\ .VI .1.'^ .SVGA'S .7vAt. iek

I lew exot'ptions in
om in Greek
h \ K p
remember

i il ( I :i:>* l>uilding

d the 1 ,<lj"TfT'r^-r^ifttrit*^— e buildings,

silican ( iiif7^""'^Vf ••--iTrrrritftt.i a curtain
iVjce of thtl ^
: r<' is |i igh keep
' roo
'f iu4t>r e church,
and the square po -ch nr pavil ite of the
in the CT rtaii) w; we enter
and it is

the oasis
of Kharg onf't'i' together,
id coverea il_, it buih <I.f>t)tic way.
^ use the term -H, the bi.< >. I It up in
rings or layers if'\ li.sii.tlly are in tl Ite, but at
angles to one an would be in a cross viiu t.' But

in I •- --
makes the roof 1 '^ than a vault. Still, the

je diAgram showing f h »ith«x TAuitw on f».

5)7 of the
Mie Research Fund's i

?.^\ 'i"o,.»\ V)r\^ oT

 ^ I

48

CHAPEL
near Ahd el Kader.

HALFA.
Scale I : ^o.

Mens, et del. C.L.W. igi2.

O, Vi. ki

l.fc \* >•
:

u .J-: V?
\
'..V^M—
r—
r^- -v
D

» > "'

To face page i6s

 ASSOUAN 165

harness and the general appearance of the horses are like

those seen in Persian pictures.

The fourth picture is a conventional representation of the
Cherubim, with wings issuing from a circle ; in the centre was a
representation of our Lord. The drawing of the bull's head and
the human face rendered in a few deft strokes deserve notice.
Among the minor subjects are several dedication crosses, and
near one over the door is the legend Agios Stavros. It ia

worth noticing that though there is nothing Byzantine about

these paintings, the legends of the saints are all written in Greek
characters. The numerous graffiti are with a few exceptions in
the native Nubian language ; but an important one in Greek
begins with the conventional Greek phrase, '
In Thy kingdom,
Lord, remember thy servants . .
.'

ASSOUAN
Monastery of S. Simeon

This fortress monastery is typical of a class of building

common to Egypt and the adjoining countries. The buildings,
including a large basilican church, are surrounded by a curtain
wall, and in the centre of the enclosure there is a high keep
containing the dwelling-rooms, the refectory, and offices.

The principal points of interest in it are the keep, the church,

and the square porch or pavilion that masks the main gate of the
monastery in the curtain wall on the east side. As we enter
by this pavilion, I may conveniently descrihe it first, and it is
one of the best examples of its class I have seen outside the oasis
of Khargeh. It is made of stone rubble, roughly put together,
and covered by a brick vault built in the usual Coptic way.
I use the term vault because the bricks are not built up in
rings or layers as they usually are in the Coptic dome, but at
angles to one another, as they would be in a cross vault.* But
the softness of the material, and the fact that the bricks were put
in place wet, and eventually consolidated into a smooth surface,
makes the roof look more like a dome than a vault. Still, the
* See diagram showing the construction of the narthex vaults on 37 of the
p.
Byzantine Research Fund's publication on S. Eirene at Constantinople
166 EGYPT
principle of construction is that of a vault, and in theory it is that
adopted in building the roofs of the chapels at El Gebioui and
Maatriain Tunis ; but though the principle is the same, the work
was carried out in a different way owing to the difference in the
materials available ; and the comparison is the more interesting,
for the native architects in Egypt and Tunis of to-day retain
the principle and still follow the different practices of their
forefathers.
The keep is built like an Egyptian temple with sloping
walls, the lower half of stone, the upper part of sun-dried bricks,
and a cornice at the top. The numerous rooms inside, in-
cluding a long hall or gallery, cellars and storerooms, are roofed
with barrel vaults made of bricks in the usual Coptic way.
The church, which was a basilica, has been completely gutted,
and all that remains of it are the side walls and the apses at
each end of the nave. The sanctuary is at the east end, and
as usual in these Coptic churches the apse is built within a
square outer wall, the spaces in the angles being occupied by
small rooms that represent the prothesis and the diaconicon
respectively. The apse itself is square and roofed with a semi-
circular semi-dome, supported on squinches.*
The wall paintmgs date from the thirteenth century or later,
and are of no Our Lord seated in glory
particular merit.
occupies the centre of the field His left hand holds a book
;

of the Gospels and the right hand is raised in benediction

according to the Greek way. On each side are the archangels,
and beyond them two other angels.
The altar stood in the usual Coptic way between a screen
and the apse, and a recess in the apse wall was probably intended
for the bishop's chair.
At the west end of the nave is another and smaller semi-
circular apse covered with a semi-dome, apparently a memorial
chapel, and near it, in a cave on the north side, are a num-
ber of wall paintings with diminutive figures of saints. This
cave was presumably the place of interment of the founder or
other notable person connected with the monastery.

* The reader should study Mr. Somers Clarke's account of this church.
 :^)^

*^^ /iei*fe^l
 Kli 107

KHAh ^
Thr •
Khargeh has been
often and an American
archaeolu- iken a systematic
explqratio' tombs. It is well
worth a '
i
y since the con-
straction o! tfi> n line at Farshut
to the village ot .
i;Ted roughly in
three parallel tow ' hill standing
out in the middi- they look like
ji village with t !>anying photo-
graphs taken f
i the cemetery
give a general •

In Roman tini was used as a

place of exile, ar. ee days' march
across the Lil \ce escape was
practically in '-c was a
Christian setti- • i by these
tombs, and judg^^^^^ decoration the
community must ha The tombs
afford no .- -i >-' >• ; the origin
and circuit M colony, or

whether, as some •i the followers

of Nestorius it survived
the Arab con 'ity in this

part of Africa . . \ would be

no difficulty in li between the
beginning of the Vie seventh,
but the circumstai.; le in those
two provmces the ' <d out by
the Arabs, the C- iheir own
and still over, very
difficult •
like* these
in a couir !id methods of
construct! I by succeeding
genera f lys the same
anfl r T})e t^dMial

^^\ ^•^ft<\ ^o»\ o\

49

>1. „

^ifW

KHARGEH.
Oast's.

Ftew of the cemetery and a chapel.

Front and side Ti'rtv.

To face
 KHAKGEH 167

KHARGEH
The Christian cemetery in the oasis of Khargeh has been
often visited and described by travellers, and an American
archaeological expedition has now undertaken a systematic
exploration of the site and excavation of the tombs. It is well
worth a visit, and the journey is now quite easy since the con-
struction of the oasis railway from the main line at Farshut
to the village of Khargeh. The tombs are arranged roughly in
three parallel rows on the spur of a limestone hill standing
out in the middle of the oasis, and at a distance they look like
a village with two main streets. The accompanying photo-
graphs taken from the north and south ends of the cemetery
give a general idea of the locality.
In Roman times, as indeed to-day, the oasis was used as a
place of exile, and since the Nile valley is a three days' march
across the Libyan desert, it formed a prison whence escape was

practically impossible. The tradition that there was a

Christian settlement from early times is confirmed by these
tombs, and judging by their number, size, and decoration the
community must have been large and prosperous. The tombs
afford no evidence in the way of dated inscriptions of the origin
and circumstances of the foundation of the Christian colony, or
whether, as some hold, it was at first composed of the followers
of Nestorius who suffered exile there, or whether it survived
the Arab conquest. Were the history of Christianity in this
part of Africa the same as in Tunis and Algiers there would be
no difficulty in fixing the date of these tombs between the
beginning of the fourth century and the end of the seventh,
but the circumstances here are quite different, for while in those
two provinces the Christians were completely wiped out by
the Arabs, the Copts in Egypt were able to hold their own
and still continue to the present day. It is, moreover, very
difficult to determine the age of primitive buildings like* these
in a country where the same designs, patterns, and methods of
construction were copied over and over again by succeeding
generations, and the materials used were always the same
and remained unaffected by the arid chmate. The general
168 EGYPT
appearance of the tombs, the presence of certain classical details
in construction and ornament, and the absence of certain others
peculiar to the Arabs and eventually adopted by the Copts,
justify a preference for an early date before the Saracen conquest
in the seventh century, and that is all that can be safely said
in the present state of knowledge.
There is so much variety in elevation and ground plan that
hardly two tombs are exactly alike. was surprised to find
I

that this cemetery does not contain a single example of a tomb

built on the trefoil plan. The favourite design, adopted with
many variations, seems to have been an octagonal cell covered
with a vault, and a square hall or porch in front, so that as a
general rule the more important tombs were composed of two
chambers, the inner one serving for the interment of bodies
placed in a small trench or pit in the floor, and the outer on^
as a porch.
The tomb A is illustrated here to represent the usual
combination of a porch in front and cella behind. The first

two views show the south front and the west side, where the
furrows or scars seen in the walls are caused by rain that falls,

I believe, about once in a decade. The next is a picture of the

interior of another octagonal cella, roofed by a vault ; the walls
are ornamented with arch mouldings and small niches of classical
design probably intended for lamps. In this particular tomb
there are no wall paintings, but in some the roofs are decorated
with representations of familiar subjects from the Old and
New Testament. These are roughly drawn and crudely coloured
from the catacombs at Rome.
in the style familiar to us
To this common pattern of tomb there are several exceptions.
The most important situated at the north end of the cemetery
is identified as the cathedral. This was probably a small
monastery, and it contains a church, a hall, and a number of
smaller chambers, of which some were cells and others tombs,
grouped together within a curtain wall. The little plan
copied from a sketch in my notebook must be taken merely to
indicate the relative positions of the southern part of this group
of buildings, and the places the photographs were taken from.
The material used in this and all the other tombs is sun-dried bricks.
The first view is taken on the south side to show the
 so

ilr^:^^tit^.

KHARGEH.
Two circular tombs.

To face page i68

 li]s " '

ti|,p i
. the piesence of certain classical dot
**'S
m c •
! and the absence of certain of
lent,

peci;. tnd eventually adopted by the Cop-

justify A pr**^ 'f an early date before the Saracen conquest
in the s> tutury, and that is all that can be safely said
in th "te of knowledge.
J; : .. h variety in elevation and ground plan that
hardly two tombs are exactly alike. was surprised to find I

that ry does not contain a single example of a tomb

})'' i^iefoil plan. The favourite design, adopted with
! >U8, seems to have been an octagonal cell covered
with and a square hall or porch in front, so that as a
;
the more important tombs were composed of two
ihe inner one serving for the interment of bodies
: a stnall trench or pit in the floor, and the outer one

i i.b A is illustrated here to represent the usual

'• '>
of a porch in front and cella behind. The first

liow the south front and the west side, where the
)r scars seen in the walls are caused by rain that falls,
, about once in (B^<iM^^'^e next is a picture of the
nnothei ' • ' " '
^ *'d by a vault; the walls
..ted witi small niches of classical
,n probably intended for lamps. In this particular tomb
no wall paintings, but in some the roofs are decorated
•
—mentations of familiar subjects from the Old and
tent. These are roughly drawn and crudely coloured
iu t familiar to us from the catacombs at Kome.
•jmmon pattern of tomb there are several exceptions.
Th< tiportant situated at the north end of the cemetery
is ;. .as the cathedral. This was probably a small
monasit«*ry. said it contains a church, a hall, and a number of
smaller s, of which some were cells and otl.ers tombs,
groupcii r within a curtain wall. The httle plan
copied ! <*tch iu my notebook must be taken merely to
indicatt: positions of the southern part of this group
'laces the photographs were taken from.
. . and all the other tombs is sun-dried bricks.
The first view is taken on the south side to show the

?>?i\ ^"?,,'ft\ ^:iv\ d\.

"itri'riiiiii'ir*7"'

Mlifjiy^tl

^••si.-^^.
 UUi

facade of tti- ''•'od colonTi'id*^

supporting ! r au r t

bay there w»^r» ^tuail niches a>ov«

i'.in, and i"n

u! angular oii.

bases and little <

to represent acu
nlinth to r

raised Oivy^ <

two doors was

The door in tltt

-'-r south Wal

through r

hall and adjoinm*^ begin

with the church wiuc-ii wji«i i! 1 and siood
therefore paralle
In length it corresptu
and the square cast wall a'

square east wal r-rithe

body of the chn
according to th
side chamber arjrai t>nsiian
churches 'like T* I
' flAito«}|^ • hf^s of
flAJJ!'

the! :->

no gi-

found ii; i.J '

i l-'aT iih shjows

that th .Miiai ^^ .i\i>Yi.
. tht ni are

cam
froni
the '

la •

not att«>

ing witl
In it A !:«. »

nave by thn
four round ..uitiiyLuh

.sV:itM*0

.iwft\\ Viu\>, ,\^»^ A"^"^\ V?,'i^ .^wo^ \»"\Vi%A^y>;i iX^-^^a^'A

51

Hall. Church.
Khargeh cathedral tomb. West front, Hall, and plans.
To face page i6g
 KHAKGEH 169

facade of the curtain wall decorated with an engaged colonnade

supporting ten round-headed arches. In the first and sixth
bay there were round-headed doors with small niches above
them, and in the others small rectangular apertures above and
triangular ones below for ventilation ; the pillars have square
bases and little caps decorated with what no doubt intended
is

to represent acanthus leaves. This curtain wall stands on a

plinth to correspond with the floor level of the interior
raised above the ground-level outside. The approach to the
two doors was by small flights of steps and little balusters.
The door in the first bay leads to the church by a court
(the south wall of the church is visible in the picture look-
ing through the door), the door in the middle leads to the
hall and adjoining chambers. I may conveniently begin
with the church which was correctly orientated, and stood
therefore parallel with the curtain wall shown in my picture.
In length it corresponded with five bays of the arcading
and the square east wall abutted on to the hall. Within the
square east wall was a semi-circular apse built out into the
body of the church, and flanked by two small side chambers
according to the usual African system. The central apse and
side chamber arrangement is found in the earliest Christian
churches like Tebessa, and in the much later Coptic churches of
the tenth or eleventh centuries in Northern Nubia it is therefore ;

no guide to date. The apse contains three little niches also

found in the Nubian churches. The church at Faras shows
that these niches were used for lamps. Above them are
three loop-headed crosses that arc certainly Egyptian. These
crosses are of very early pattern, but as I have said before
cannot be relied upon to fix a date. As the hall is shut off
from the church, we must go outside again and re-enter
the south front by the middle door.
Passing through the vestibule we enter the hall. I shall
not attempt to describe this peculiar and lopsided build-
ing without referring to the accompanying pictures and plan.
In it A is the nave, B is the north aisle, separated from the
nave by three pillars with square caps and bases supporting
four round arches, C an apsed recess * on the south side
* See page 127.
170 EGYPT
covered by a semi-dome decorated with paintings, J) the aisle
on the south side. The shading on the plan indicates the
barrel vaulting, and the cross shading the little dome or
cross vault. E F
are the two entrances which are not
and
opposite one another, and G is a sepulchral room covered
like the nave partly with a barrel vault and with a small dome
or cross vault. The small letters indicate the places the
pictures are taken from, showing the east and north sides of
the nave and part of the barrel and cross vault. The dimen*
sions are approximately 10 metres long by 7 broad.*
The other notable exceptions to the common plan are two
circular tombs ; they are about the same size and measure about
3 metres in diameter and 2 metres from the ground to the spring
of the dome. There is not much to be said about them beyond
noticing that originally the sides were walled up and light and
air admitted by little triangular apertures. The interment
was effected in a shallow pit in the centre of the floor.
The other photographs sufficiently explain themselves among ;

them are a half-dome built of brick and a tomb with a porch

that might be Roman.

* The cathedral and the smaller building like it deserve more careful study than

I was able to give to them. And I am not sure that my plan is quite correct.
 n-i- \,»i fe«ir:
s

KHARGEH.
Chapel^ totnhs and transept.

Apse in cathedral towh with paintings on the half dovie.

To face page ijo

 170 EGYPT
covered by a serai-dorae decorated with paintings, ]J th*

on the south aide The shading on the plan indicatt

^Murrel vaolting, and the cross shading the little dome jr

it, >j- , Mil It. t''and F are the two entrances which are not
lother, and G sepulchral room covered
Jik •
partly with a barrel vault and with a small
vault. The small letters indicate the places ii<.c

[•iwi'^ii are taken from, 8ho^^^ng the east and north sides of
the a»ve and part of the barrel and cross vault. The dimen-
e approximately 10 metres long by 7 broad.*
'her notable common plan are twu
exceptions to the
libs ; same size and measure about
they are about the
I diameter and 2 metres from the ground to the spring
There is not much to be said about them beyonti
icu originally the sides were walled up and light and

led by little triangular apertures. The interment

'.^ted in a shallow pit in the centre of the floor.

i i;<.^ other photographs sufficiently explain themselves ; among

!';;' are a half-dome built of brick and a tomb with a porch
r»>*r unaht he Koi^-^^^^-^^

• deserve more careful study tiia:.

•^''^^'HHsiV^AK^^C'i'^^W^^M'iS^it
.
tnom. And I am not, crVi tnat
to give tb my plan is qmto correct.

0\\ ^^ft\ ^^vv\ o\

rFi

^,

y. ".^•^v'''^*>s>

t
 tz

The fc;

by Count i

notes on li
^ «orae difficulty

in identifying i
doubt as to the
locality, and t!
'
r the ruined

church wli'"' ID chapel of

S. N'icolo .'
hnrch i

rebuilt by Abl-
cr the '
Placa

Tibi Ir .r\«.e^%^^:> m i\svsN<.\^ \»^«v.-.V«\:>^K''fvam vigesimam

nun
''
andi templum
! residentiam
(le, ad istius
( terras multas,

'f usque ad Furnari

II gpeluncam,
) et ascendit
et
iieridiei et
crista
et sicut
illin-
luanifesta

oncf "-

I h;

\\\ '^^ft\ ^-jsiy vn\

 53

KHARGEH.
Architectural details in chapels.

To face page lyi

 —

APPENDIX
The following is a transcript of parts of the charter granted
by Count Eoger to the Abbot Chremetes, referred to in the
notes on the church at Castiglione. There is some difficulty
in identifying the parcels, but there seems no doubt as to the
locality, and the church of S. Domenico is either the ruined

church which was replaced by the little Norman chapel of

S. Nicolo near the Castiglione bridge, or the church to be
rebuilt by Abbot Chremetes.
Roger the Count grants to the Abbot Chremetes de Placa
as follows :

Tibi tradidi ad insulam istam talem in parvam vigesimam

*

numerationem hominum Castrileonis, causa sublevandi teraplum

Salvatoris ac ipsam reedificandi et ad monachorum residentiam
ordinandi, velut ac reliquae ad insulam talem, rende, ad istius
Monasterii servitium et consuetudinem divisi terras multas,
nemora, loca deserta et campos sicut incipiunt.'

Then follow the parcels.

'
Ubi ascendit flumen magnum et conjungit usque ad Furnari
fluviculum ac redit flumen ipsum usque ad magnam speluncam,
et illinc usque ad collem magnum dictum Sterio et ascendit
crista ipsius magni collis et Polemum (?) ex parte meridiei et
illinc descendit flumen ipsum usque ad fluviculum et sicut

ascendit monasterii crista et concludit deinde per manifesta

concessione ipsius Monasterii.'

I have not attempted to precise these boundaries, but assum-

 : :

172 APPENDIX
ing that the two rivers are branches of the Alcantara, the terri-

tory referred to seems to be that on the south of Francavilla

and west of Castiglione where this church and the little Norman
chapel I have referred to are situated. The grant proceeds

'
Inde principium confinium egimus per omnia concludentia
in confine isto tali habeat monasterium de Placa absque uUo
impedimento et rixa ; et cum ipso redidi ad ipsius monasterii
servitium Agarenos Tauromenitos (i.e., the Saracens) quatuor
cum eorum uxoribus et filiis .... (then follow the names) ....
tali propter rationem reedificandi ac potentiabiliter sollicitato
.... Similiter affirmo isto tali monasterio insula Sancti
Stephani que est sub Tauromenio, cum omni regimine et

navigabili lignum unum sol quod non sit a Mauris aliquibus

consuetudine impeditum .... Messane hac prima prescripta
Anno mundi sexmille sexcentum addito uno.' 1092.

Compare this grant with the Girgenti charter referred to

in Vol. I. p. 41. These Arabs no doubt were bondsmen.

Garufi, I Dociimenti inediti etc, 1 n, 2, p. 7 and following. M.S. Bib : Com

Palermo Q 9, 49, f. Ill old numeration, 51 modem.

had intended to illustrate here a few examples of marble

I
carved capitals and of a further series of gold coins in our
collection from Leo VI to John Zimisces. But this volume
is already quite long enough, and so I shall keep them for the
third, which I foresee will be required to illustrate some more
cellae trichorae at Querqueville, Spaccaforno (Val d'Ispica), Mon-
majour and elsewhere, and the Byzantine churches of Southern
Calabria, including Pentedattilo and S. Maria di Tridetti near
Brancaleone.
 INDEX.
ABD EL KADER, Chapel, 154, 162. Ain Hallouf, 141, 148.
Abbots Aldebert, Lerins, 26 Aygulph,
: ; Ain Tounga, 106, 107, 137, 139, 151.
Lerins, 25, 26 Chremetes, S. Dome-
; Albenga, 16, 24, 93.
nico, Castiglione, 52, 171 Maxi- ; Alcantara, River, 49, 50, 171, 172.
mus, 9 Roffredo, 30 Teodemero
; ; Aldebert, Abbot of Lerins, 26.
Monte Cassino, 30, 82 ; Theoste- Alexandria, 13. 28, 30, 31, 32, 41, 47,
krites, Agro, 57. 95, 98, 120.
Abu Seir, 22, 154, 162-164. Algeria, 6, 12, 14, 32, 40, 41, 45, 47,
Abu Si Sifain, church at Cairo, 87. 48, 91, 96, 100, 101, 116-130, 156,
Abyssinia, 82, 158. 166.
Addendan, 15, 82, 153, 155. Altars, 14, 15, 19, 22, 28, 39, 40, 88, 89,
Adrian VI of Rome, 25. 98, 99, 107, 129, 137, 147, 150, 153,
155, 156, 157, 160. Coptic altar
furniture, 160, 161, 165. See also
AFRicA,province8 of, 6.
Iconostasis, Baldacehino, and Cur-
Arabs in, 9, 12, 13, 14, 48, 64, 85,
tains.
151, 165.
Altar screens and posts, 8, 14, 78, 88,
Berbers in, 4, 7, 8, 45, 47, 85, 90,
98, 99, 118, 120, 121, 137, 158, 159,
120, 131.
160, 165.
Byzantines in, 6, 8, 9, 13, 85, 86, 87,
Altavilla, 59.
91, 93.
Amalfi, 68, 70, 79, 80, 81.
Romans in, 6, 7, 8,47, 48, 54, 90, 91,
Amari, 79.
109, 110, 113, 114, 115, 117, 127,
Amico, Dictionary of topography,
131, 136, 138, 139, 166.
Sicily, 52.
Vandals in, 7, 8, 9, 20, 47, 48, 85, 86,
Ammadaera, see Haidra.
90, 91, 103, 108, 116,117, 124, 131,
Amr, Mosque of, in Cairo, 41.
138, 141, 146, 152.
Anastasius, author, on Sorrento, 79.
The Church in, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12,
13, 14, 15, 69, 85, 86.
Anatolius, Duke
of Gaeta, 68.
Announa, 15, 35, 89, 91, 97, 99, 101,
Christian architecture in, 8, 30, 31,
126, 127, 153, 155.
32, 85-152.
Antioch, 13.
Secular architecture in, 90.
Aphrodisium, 141, 148.
Agricultural, 111, 112.
Appia, Via, 148.
Baths, q.v.
Apses, Tribunes, and their ritual sig-
Civic (arches), 102, 108, 109, 117,
nificance, 2, 15, 39, 40, 45, 50-54,
129, 131, 139, 140, 148.
56, 57, 58, 61 87, 88, and Vol. I
;
Military, 91, 108, 127, 132, 136,
138, 141.
p. ix. On the triple apse at Con-
stantinople, 99, 121, 126 133, 142,;
Pagan temples, 45, 59, 89, 90, 106,
155, 156.
126, 138.
Apulia, 70, 80.
Stables, 107, 115, 125, 133, 134.

Arabs :

Africa Proconsularis, 6, 85-152. Conquest of Africa, 9, 1^, 13, 14, 31,

Agro, 52, 54-58. 48, 64, 85, 151, 165.
 ;

174 INDEX
Arabs (continued) — XIV, 81; John XV, 80, 81;
in Sicily, 3, 53, 58, 70, 71, 172. Innocent III, 30; Martin, 9, 11;
in Italy and Provence, 25, 26, 68, 70, Nicholas I, 81 Paul, 68, 69.
;

71, 78, 79.

Bishops' seats and thrones. See
Arians, 7, 86.
Apses.
Aries, 20, 24, 25, 26. Bone, 127.
Armenian, 8, 47, 88, 87, 95. Boricaud, Dr., 114.
Asia Minor, 9. Bou Ficha, 148.
Aspromonte, 3. Brancaleone, 172
Assouan, 154, 164, 165, 170. Brick, use of, 50, 54-58 pottery ;

Athanasius, bishop of Naples, 79. tubes, 100, 112, 122; vaulting, 154,
Athos, Mount, 20. 157, 158, 159, 160. See Assouan and
Atria, 98, 137. Kargeh.
Augusta, Sicily, 55.
Aygulph, Abbot of Lerins, 25, 26. British occupation of Sicily, 55.
Brolo, Lancia di. Archbishop of
Monreale, 11.
BADIAZZA, 58. Busaidone, river in Sicily, 19.
Bagnara, 4. Butcher, Mrs., 6.
Balata, 17. Butler, A. J., 6, 159, 160.
Baldacchino, 14, 15, 88, 106. Byzacena, province, 6.
Ballu, 125.
Baptismal rite, 16, 24, 92, 93, 94.
Byzantine Period :

Baptisteries and fonts, 15, 17, 32, 33,

in Africa, 6, 8, 9, 13, 85, 86, 87, 91,
40, 45, 92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 102, 107,
93.
119. 126, 143, 147, 151, 152,160, 161.
in Calabria, 81.
Bardo Museum, 14, 88, 94, 147, 151.
in Italy and Sicily, 29, 68 Navy, ;
Bari, 71.
70, 71.
Baronius, Eccl. Hist., 79.
in Sardinia, 11.
Barreca, Canon, 62, 64.
Capitals, 47, 108.
Basilian Monastic order, 49-59, 52,
Liturgy, 14, 54, 61, 88, 121.
54, 58, 59.
Basta Bey, 159.
Baths, 33; Ain Tounga, 107
32, Churches in :

Hammam Meskoutine, 127; Lam Italy, 2, 54, 67, 76, 82.

bessa, 32, 54 S. Menas, 17, 31, 32
;
SicUy, 2, 27, 49-54, 58.
Thelepta, 31, 32, 54. Constantinople, 15, 17, 38, 89,
Beja, 138. 99, 121.
Belisarius, 85, 87. Jerusalem, 33, 125.
Bellator, bishop of Sbeitla, 103, 102- Salonica, 2, 16, 17, 52.
105.
Beneventum, 70. CAGLIARI, 23.
Berbers, 4, 7, 8, 45, 47, 85, 90, 120, Cairo, 14, 15, 41, 47, 87, 88, 99, 100,
131, 159, 169, 170, 171.
Bethlehem, 17, 33, 46, 47, 54. Caius Durmio Quadratus, 30.
Bir bou Rekba, 88, 94, 97, 99, 100, Calabria, 3, 4, 11, 12, 19, 54, 55, 67,
147, 148, 151. 69, 70, 80, 81, 82, 156, 172.
Calhxtus, Cemetery of, 26-28, 125.
Bishops, 11, 64 —
Baleriolus, Uppena,
: Camera, Historian of Amalfi, 79.
146; Bellator, Sidi Abich, 148; Camerina, 28.
Jucundus, Sheitla, 105 Honorius, ; Cannes in Provence, 1, 20.
Uppena, 146 Palladius, Tebessa,
; Capitals, 2, 128.
124 Shenouda, Sohag, 45, 46, 48
; Cappella Palatina, Palermo, 67, 98,
Zosiixius, Syracuse, 59. 118.
Bishops of Rome Adrian VI, 25 : — Capri, 75-81.
Callixtus II, 25 Eugenius III, 25
; ;
Capua, 70, 75.
Gregory the Great, 64 Gregory II, ; Caput Vada, 2, 141.
68 ; Hadrian I, 64, 74, 81 John ; Caracalla, the Emperor, 90, 102, 117,
VIII, 11, 25, 71, 80, 81 John X, ; 170.
71; Johh XII, 68, 69, 71; John Carthage, 6, 9, 15, 31, 47, 64, 85, 93,
 ;

INDEX 175

94, 97, 98, 101, 121, 126, 127, 131, Codex Cassinensis, 72, 78.
141, 144 ; Basilica of Justinian, Coelestis, 90.
149-151 ; Damus el Karita, 151, Constantine I, the Great, Emperor,
152, 156. 34, 89, 90, 116, 148, 152.
Casa Inglese, Etna, 55. Constans II (Constantine III), 9, 10,
Caserta, 76. 11,69, 61.
Cassino, INIonte, 20, 25, 28, 29, 30, 32, Constantine IV (Pogonatus), 9, 10, 11
78, 82-84, 155, 158. Constantine Porphyrogennetos, 67, 68
Cassiodorus, 19. Constantine, Algeria, 120, 122.
Castelvetrano, 27. Constantinople, 2, 8, 9, 12, 13, 15, 17,
Castiglione, 2, 49-54, 67, 171, 172. 38, 53, 61, 68, 69, 80, 88, 89, 92, 94,
Catania, 2, 49, 121, 169.
Catalani, church of the, 58. Coppanello, 19.
Catanzaro, 19. Coptic art and ornaments, 31, 34, 95.
Cavaignac, General, 55. Coptic Church, 6, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16,
Cecilia, Metella, tomb, 148. 88, 98/99, 100.
Cefalu, 57 Coptic liturgy and ritual, 14, 15
CeUae Trichor*, 1, 2, 17, 19-48. baptism, 16, 40, 45, 91, 93, 153,
Origin of, 32, 33, 54, 125, 172. 159, 160.
Cham and Ilea, 4. Corinthian capitals, 126.
Chambi, 110. Corsica, 55, 66.
Charlemagne, the Eiuperor, 25, 26, Councils of the Church in Africa: at
52, 70. Aries, 20, 24 at Constantinople,
;

Chremes, Abbot, 52. 12; at Rome (the Lateran), 11, 68.

Chiocarelli, 79. Crescentius family, 81.
Crocifisso, chapel of the, at Monte
Church. Cassino, 28.
Crosses and monograms, 23, 39, 40,
Africa, North, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 46, 95, 128, 146, 148, 161, 164.
14, 15, 85-101, Crowfoot, 45, 82.
Anglican, 16, 87. Crusaders, 33 round churches, 125.
;

Arian, 7, 86. Curtains and altar screens, 87, 88, 98,

Armenian. 8, 87. 99.
Cybele, 4.
Donatist, 7, 85, 86. Cyi'ene, 6.

Egypt, 6, 11, 14, 15, 16, 40, 45, 80, 86,

87, 91, 93, 98, 99, 100, 153, 159, 160. DAMUS EL KARITA, Carthage, 47,
93, 94, 97, 148, 151, 152.
Greek ;and the Constantinople Patri- Debereh, 15, 99, 154, 156.
archate, 2, 11, 12, 50, 52, 54, 61, 67, Decius, the Emperor, 144.
69, 81, 86, 87, 121. Delattre, Pere, 152.
Delia, 27, 52, 58.
Italy and Sicily, 10, 11, 15, 52, 53, 61, Deo Laudes, 86.
79, 80, 81. Department of Antiquities, Tunis, 6,
102.
Jacobite, 6, 13. Dernaia Pass, 110.
Diaconica, 50, 54, 56, 61, 87, 88, 89,
Latin Church in North Africa, 6, 9, 119, 120, 121, 126, 128.
10, 11, 12, 86, 87. Dickie, A. C, 33.
Liturgical, 7, 87, 88, 89, 121, 158. Diehl,M. Ch., 6,9.
Dimarzu, Mons, 52.
Melkite. 13.
Domes :

Patrimonies, 7, 68, 69, 70, 71, 80, 81. Beehixe shaped, 29, 158, 160.
Peace of Constantine, 6, 9, 85. On pendentives, 2, 22, 23, 31, 50, 51,
76, 78, 157.
On sijuinches, 31, 37, 41, 44, 57, 58,
Civvita Vecchia, 70. 73, 78, 117, 118, 157, 160; in
Clarinval, 122, 124. clusters, 56.
Clarke, Somers, 6, 154, 159, 165. Donatists, 7, 85, 86.
 176 INDEX
Doric architecture, 59. Theophano, 72.
Dougga, 91, 97, 99, 101, 121, 136, 137, Theophilus, 70.
138, 151.
Duprat, M., 128, 124. William II of Germany, 3.

EARTHQUAKE at Keggio and

Messina (1908), 3, 4, 5, 19; in
Sicily (1140 and 1169), 61, 65.
Enfidaville, 108, 141, 145, 148.
Ecthesis of Heraclius, 10, 13. Ephesus, 143.
Edrisi, 79. Epiphany tanks, 15, 92, 93, 119, 160.
Egypt, 1, 6, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 20, 31, Erivani, 83.
34, 48, 75, 89, 96, 100, 116, 121, 127, Esneh, 171.
151-169. Ethiopia, 82.
El Aroussa, 138. Etna, 50.
El Gebioui, 31, 100, 112, 122, 164. Etruscan, 30, 55.
El Kef, 30, 65, 89, 91, 97, 98, 100, 101, Eudocia, the Empress, 39.
117, 133, 136, Eugenius III, of Rome, 25.
Emilia, Duchess of Gaeta, 72.
FABIO GIORDANO, 79.
Faras, 41, 87, 99, 153, 154, 156
Emperoks and Empresses.
Faro, 4.
Caracalla, 90, 102, 117, 170. Farshut, 166.
Charlemagne, 25, 26, 70. Favara, the Castle, Palermo, 2, 53.
Constans II (Constantine III), 9, 10, Felix, the Governor of Caesarea, 30.
11, 59, 61. Feriana, 101, 112, 114.
Constantine the Great, 34, 89, 90, 116, Flavius Secundus, 110.
148, 152. Frescoes and wall paintings, 39 at ;

Constantine IV (Pogonatus),9, 10, 11. Abu Seir, 162, 163, 164, 165, 167.
Constantine Porphyrogennetos, 67, 68. Fondi, 71, 80.
Fonts. See Baptisteries.
Decius, 144. Formia, 72.
Forts, 132, 136, 140.
Eudocia, 39. Forzia d'Agro, 55.
Francavilla, 49, 52, 172.
Helena, 34. Freccia, author, on Amalfi and Capri,
Heraclius, 79.
8, 10, 13, 102.
Frejus, 16, 24, 93.
French occupation of Africa, 6 of
Isaac Komnenos, 53.
;

Calabria, 55.

Julia Domna, 117.

Justinian, 7, 8, 13, 14, 34, 47, 85, 87,
GAETA, 29, 68-75, 78.
Gaetani d'Aragona, 67.
88, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 97, 102, 108,
Gaflfour, 138.
121, 126, 141, 148.
Gafsa, 31, 100, 108.
Galla Placidia, 28, 29, 32.
Leo III, 12, 52, 64, 68, 69, 80.
Gargano Mte, 72.
Louis II, 79, 80.
Garigliano, River, 71.
Gavino, S., 5, 100.
Mahomet II, 13.
Gebioui, chapel, 31, 100.
Gelimer, 85, 91.
Napoleon, 55. Genoa, 25.
Nicephorus, 80, 81. Genseric 47, 85, 90, 91.
German legion in Sicily, 55.
Otto II, 71, 72, 80. Germany, the Emperor William of,
Otto III, 71, 72. 3.
Ghardimaou, 100
Septimius, Severus, 32, 90, 102, 117, Giammellaro, 55.
131, 136. Giampilieri, 55.
Theodora, 13, 34. Giants of Messina, 3, 4.
Theodosius, 48, 89, 138. Giardini, Taormina, 49.
 INDEX 177

Gog and Magog, 3, 4. Istria, 89.

Grasse, 25. Italy, 68-84.
Gregory the Viceroy at Sbeitla, 9,
102.
JACOBITES, 6, 13.
Gregory I the Great, of Rome, 64. Jerusalem, the Holy Sepulchre, 33,
Gregory II, of Rome, 68.
125.
John, Duke of Gaeta, 68, 71, 72, 75,
Greek Communities : 78.
in Africa, 6, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, John VIII, of Rome, 11, 25, 71, 80,
87, 88. 81.
in Italy and in Sicily, 2, 70, 80, 81. John X, of Rome, 71.
Liturgy, 2, 50, 54, 61, 67, 121. John XII, of Rome, 68, 69, 71.
John XIV, of Rome, 81.
Griffith, Prof., 18, 154, 162.
John XV, of Rome, 80, 81.
Gsell, M., 32, 90, 95, 96, 98, 116,
Julia Domna, 117.
123, 124, 126.
Justinian, the Emperor, 7, 8, 13, 14,
34, 47, 86, 87, 88, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94,
Guelma, 126.
Guerin, 110, 139. 97, 102, 108, 121, 126, 127, 141, 148.
Guildford, 95, 106.
Guiscard, 59, 95. KAIROUAN, 109, 170.
Kalaa Djerda, 131.
HADGEB EL AIOUN, 150. Kamula. See Nakadeh.
Hadrian of Rome, Kasserine, 109, 110.
64, 70, 81.
Haidra, 91, 97, 101, 107, 109, 115, 117, Khargeh, 13, 17, 127, 166-169.

120, 122, 125, 131 to 136.

Haikals. See Apses. Kings, Queens, Princes, Dukes, and
Hammamet, 114, 147. Governors. See also Emperors :

Hamman Meskoutine, 127. Anatolius, of Gaeta, 68.

Hanson, Captain, 55. Elena, H.M., of Italy, 5.
Haouch Khima Mta Darrouia, 110, Emilia, Duchess of Gaeta, 72.
111. Gelimer, 85.
Haouch Taacha, 111. Genseric, 85, 90.
Hauteville family, 75. Gregory of Sbeitla, 9, 102.
Helena, Empress, 34. Guiscard, 59.
Henchir, Chegarnia, 141. Hunneric, 124, 146.
Henchir Choud el Battal, 111. John, of Gaeta, 68, 71, 72, 75, 78.
Henchir el Baroud, 150. Marino, of Gaeta, 72.
Henchir Fradis, 141, 148. Murat, of Naples, 55.
Henchir Gebeul, 30, 109, 113. Pandolph, of Capua, 75.
Henchir Maatria, 31, 122, 138, 164. Pepin, 25, 26, 69.
Herachus, the Emperor, 8, 10, 13, 102. Rameses, 161.
HoUzinger, 26. Riddell, Geoffrey, 75.
Holy Trinity Chapel. See Lerins and Roger the Great Count, of Sicily, 52,
Cellae Trichore. 59, 75, 171.
Hunneric, 124, 146. Tancred, 75.
William, Count of Provence, 26.
ICONOCLASM, 68, 69.
Iconostasis or screen, 14, 15, 16, 40, Kings wood Church, 143.
87, 88, 89, 99, 107, 120, 161.
Innocent III, of Rome, 30. LACONICA, 125.
Lambessa, 32, 54, 109, 116, 125, 127.
Inscriptions :
Latin Church in Africa, 6, 9, 10, 11,
12, 86, 87.
Arabic, 45.
Berber, 120.
Coptic, 39, 44, 45. Latin Language and Inscriptions :

Greek, 57, 95, 96, 133, 134. in Africa, 7, 8, 9, 11, 64, 95, 96.
Latin, 64, 91, 95, 96, 105, 129, 130, in Sicily, 64.
144, 145, 146.
Nubian, 154, 162. Lattakia, 117.
 ; :

178 INDEX
Lecce, 74, 75. Narthex, 42, 55, 56, 76, 160.
Lemaitre, Bishop, 146. Napoleon, the Emperor, 55.
Leo d'Ostia, 83. Nea Taktika, 90, 91.
Leprignano, 99. Nebrodian Hills, 4.
Lerins Islands, 1, 20, 21, 26, 47. Nestorius, 13.
Liturgical, 7, 87, 88, 89, 121, 153. Nicephorus Phocas, 80.
Lombards, 68, 70, 72, 74. Nicolosi, 55.
Nil, S., 72.
MAATRIA HENCHIR, 31, 122, 188. Nile Valley, 12, 14, 15, 20, 31, 34, 95,
Maccari, 27, 31. 151-169.
Mahomet II, the Sultan, 13.
Mahometans. See Arabs. NOBMANS :

Mainz, 100. in Sicily, 2,44, 49, 52, 53, 65, 67.

Malvagna, 31, 49, 54. in South Italy, 2, 67-84.
Mangoni, 79. Architecture, examples of, 2, 51, 52,
Marbles, 100, 147. 57, 58, 59, 61, 62, 65, 67-84, 95, 170.
Marcella, 124. Law and Charters, 52, 53, 171.
Marcellus, Tower of, 55.
Martin, of Rome, 9, 11. Nubia, 12, 15, 22, 27, 41, 82, 87, 99,
Martorana, 67, 170. 121, 153, 154-164.
Masons' marks, 23, 120. Numidia, 6, 7, 76, 86.
Mata and Griffone, 3.
Mauretania, 6. OIL PRESSES, 111.
Maximus, Abbot, 9. Optat, S., 86.
Mazzara, 53. Orientation of churches, 96, 97
Medinet Habu, 154, 159. Orsi, P., 18, 19, 49.
Mehedia, 169. Ostia, 70.
Melkites, 13. Ostia, Leo d', 83.
Merimee, Prosper, 24. Otranto, 70.
Merlin, M., 6, 102, 103, 104, 105, 139. Otto II and Otto III, Emperors, 71,
Messina, 2, 4, 19, 55, 58, 59, 70, 71, 172. 72.
Metlaui, 108. Oued Djilma, 150.
Mileham and Maciver, 12, 154-8.
Mojo, 49. PAGAN
Momnajour, 17, 26, 47, 172.
Monograms, XP. See Crosses. Deities: Cham, 4; Coelestis, 90, 138
Monophysites, 10, 13. Cybele, 4, 138 Jupiter, 90, 138
;

Monothelites, 9, 10, 13. Minerva, 90 Neptune, 3 Rea, 4

; ;

Monreale, 57. See also Brolo. Saturn, 4 Zanclos, 4.;

Moris, Henri, 21, 24, 25. Temples, 48, 59, 89, 90, 106, 126,
Mosaics, 14, 88, 91, 93, 99, 100, 101, 138.
103, 107, 125, 127, 142, 145, 146. Tombs, 136, 148, 161.
Pavements Carthage, 149-151
:

Sbeitla, 103; Uppena, 145, 146. Paintings on walls. See Frescoes.

Tombs Tebessa, 124 Enfidaville,
: ; Palermo, 2, 44, 52, 53, 57, 59, 60, 67,
142, 145, 146. 70, 73, 98, 118.
Mosques Amr at Cairo, 41 Hodja,
: ; Palestine, 33. See also Bethlehem,
Moustapha (Balata) Constantino- Jerusalem.
ple, 17 Toklou Dede at Constanti-
; Pandolph, of Capua, 75.
nople, 253 ; Kairouan, 169. Patriarchate of Constantinople, 11,
Murat, King of Naples, 55. 12, 61, 69, 81.
Muratori, 79. Patrimonies of the Church, 7, 68, 69,
Museums Alexandria, 28, 30, 32, 95,
: 70, 80, 81.
98, 120; Bardo, Tunis, 14, 88, 94, Paul of Rome, 68.
147, 151; Carthage, 152; Kirche- Pavia, 81.
rian, Rome, 24 Sfax, 146 Syra-; ; Peace of the Church, 6, 9, 85.
cuse, 19 Tebessa, 95, 126.
; Pentapolis, the, 9.
Pentedattilo, 172.
NAKADEH, 154, 159, 160, 161. Pepin, King, 26.
Naples, 4, 25, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 75, 78, Photius, Patriarch, of Constantinople,
79. 81.
 INDEX 179

Pisa, 3. Round churches, 33, 52.

Placa, 52, 171, 172. Russia, ships of war at Messina, 4, 5.
Pliny, 30.
Pont de Trajan, 138. SACCARGIA, Sardinia, 1, 23.
Pontecorvo, 72.
Porphyry marble, 100. Saints and Dedications.
Portotorres, 100.
Priolo, 55. Abu-s-Sifain, church at Cairo, 87.
Procopius, 141. Agnese, church at Rome, 98, 100.
Prothesis, chapels of the, 50, 54, 56, Anba Shenouda, church at Cairo, 45.
87, 88, 89, 119, 120, 126, 127, 128. Andrew, church at Trani, 74.
Provence, 26, 47. Annunziata dei Catalani, church at
Pulpits, 41. Messina, 2, 50, 58.
Appollinare, church at Ravenna, 100.
QUAKERS, the, 7.
Quarries, 113. Benedict, rule of, 25.

Querqueville, 172.
Quodvultdeus, 124. Callixtus, cemetery at Rome, 1, 22,
26-28, 125.
Cattolica, church at Stilo, 76, 82.
RANDAZZO, 49, 50. Celsa, church at Ravenna, 29.
Raoul, 145. Clemente, church at Rome, 89.
Ras Capoudia. Costanzo, church at Capri, 75-81.
Ravenna, 28, 29, 32, 100. Croix, chapel at Monmajour Aries, 17,
Rea, 4. 47.
Reggio, 5, 19, 55.
Riddell, Geoffrey de. Governor of Domenico, church at Castiglione in
Gaeta, 75. Sicily, 2, 49-54.
Roccelletta, Calabria, 19, 156.
Roffredo, of Monte Cassino, 30. Eirene, church at Constantinople, 89,
Roger the Count, 59, 75, 171. 99, 121.
Elias, church at Salonica, 2, 16, 17,
Rome 52.
;

I. Classical Period.
Gavino, church at Porto Torres, 100.
In relation to the occupation, and George, at Medinet Habu, 161.
civil and military architecture of
Germano, town of, 28.
North Africa. See Africa. Giovanni al Mare, church at Gaeta,
On deities, sepulchres, and temples. 68-75, 76, 78, 146.
See Pagans. Giovanni degli Eremiti, church at
Palermo, 53.
II. Christian and Mediceval Periods.
Giovanni in Sinis, in Sardinia, 1, 22,
In relation to the Byzantines at Con- 23.
stantinople and the Greek Settle- Giuseppe, church at Gaeta, 72.
ments and Church in Italy and
Sicily, 9, 10, 11, 68, 69, 70, 71, Holy Trinity, chapel at Lerins, 1.
72, 80, 81. Honorat, monastery in Provence, 1,
Churches in, 22, 27, 28, 64, 74, 88, 17, 20, 26, 31, 47.
89, 98, 99, 100, 121, 125, 129, 146,
150. Joseph, monastery at Tibar, 139.
Christianity in Africa, 7, 11, 12, 87.
Language and inscriptions. See Lorenzo, church at Syracuse, 64, 66.
Latins. Louis, chapel at Carthage, 93, 148.
Latin Church. See Latin.
Patrimonies, 7, 68, 69, 70, 80, 81. Marcian, chapel at Syracuse, 62-66.
Pontiffs. See Bishops. Maria, church delle cinque torri at
'
'

Saracens. See Arabs. St. Germano, 78, 82-84, 155, 158.

Sovereigns. See Emperors. Maria in Cosmedin, Rome, 64, 74, 88,
98, 99, 121, 146, 150.
Rometta, 53.
Rossano, 30, 67, 76, 82, Maria la Porta, via in Messina, 5.
180 INDEX
Maria Theotokos, cathedral at Salonica, 2, 51, 52.
Syracuse, 59. Saracens. See Arabs.
Maria, Tridetti, 172. Sardinia, 1, 11, 22, 23, 29, 68, 81, 100.
Marguerite, island at Cannes, 20, 21. Sarum Use, 121.
Mark, church at Rossano, 67, 76, 82. Sassari, 23.
Mark, Venice, 121. Saturn, 4.
Mary, the Blessed Virgin, 3, 19. Sbeitla or Sufetula, 9, 91, 92, 95, 97,
Menas, Monastery of, in Egypt, 17, 100, 101, 102-108, 109, 126, 135, 139,
32, 47. 150, 161.
Michael, Monastery of, at Kamula Schulz, 82, 83.
near Nakadeh, 159. Screens, 14, 15, 16.
Miniato, church at Florence, 99. Septimius Severus, the Emperor, 32,
90, 102, 117, 131, 136.
Nazaire, church at Eavenna, 29. Seriziat, Commandant, 122, 124, 125.
Nicholas and Cataldo, church at Lecce Seroux d'Agincourt, 29.
and Bari, 30, 74. Serreh, 27, 31, 153, 157, 158.
Nicolo, chapel at Castiglione, 171. Sfax, 95, 108, 146.
Nil, of Rossano, 72. Shenouda, 45, 46, 48.
Sicca Veneria. See El Kef, 136.
Optat, 86. SicUy, 2, 11, 12, 19, 20, 27, 31, 49-66,
80.
Pancras, chapel in Sicily, 19. Sidi Abich, 88, 91, 94, 97, 101, 145,
Patrick, 20. 146.
Paul's Cathedral, 121. Silanus, 29.
Perpetua, Martyr, 148. Sinis, 1, 22, 23.
Peter, chapel at St. Germano, 30. Sofio, family, 4, 5.
Peter and Paul, church at Agro, 52, Sohag, 1, 31, 34-48, 54, 95, 125, 159.
54-58. Sorrento, 79.
Sousse, 92. 101, 109, 141, 147.
Sabina, church at Rome, 74, 129, 146. Spain, 2, 21, 23, 30.
Salvatore de Placa, 52, 171. Spaccaforno, 172.
Sarbana, chapel in Sardinia, 29. Squinches, use of, 31.
Saturnino, church at Cagliari, 23. Stables, 133, 134 Haidra, 107, 125
:
;

Sauveur, chapel at Lerins, 20, 24. Sbeitla, 107 Tebessa, 107, 115, 125.
;

Shenouda, church at Cairo and Staletti, 19.

founder of the monasteries at Stilo, 52, 67, 76, 82.
Sohag, 45. Strzygowski, 44.
Simeon, monastery at Assouan, 164, Sufetula. See Sbeitla, 9.
165. Suwaris Basta, 45, 159.
Sofia, at Constantinople, 15, 38, 88, Syracuse, 11, 19, 55, 56, 59, 61, 71.
99. Syria, 1, 13, 17, 30.
Spirito, church at Palermo, 44, 60.
Stephen, island near Taormina, 172,
TABARKA, mosaic in the Bardo
Thecla, church at Constantinople, 2, Museum from, 88, 94.
53. Tancred, 75.
Theodore, church at Medinet Habu, Taormina, 49, 54, 57, 172.
161. Tebessa, 15, 17, 31, 33, 47, 89, 94, 95,
Theresa, chapel near Syracuse, 1, 19, 98, 100, 101, 107, 109, 111, 114, 115,
20, 31. 116, 117, 122, 123, 126, 130, 131,
Theresa la Riva, Sicily, 54. 134, 135.
Trinity, church at Delia. See Delia, Teboursouk, 136, 138, 139.
27, 52, 58. Teodemaro, Abbot of Monte Cassino,
30, 82.
Vincent, of Lerins, 20. Termini, 59.
Terranuova, Sicily, 55.
Thala, 109.
Thelepta, 31, 32, 54, 110, 112, 113,
Saladin, M., 6, 17, 110, 111, 112, 114, 125.
135. Theodora, the Empress, 13, 34.
Salerno, 70, 81. Theodosius, the Emperor, 48, 89, 138,
 INDEX 181

Theophano, the Empress, 72. Tyrrhenian, sea power in the, 70, 71.
Theophilus, the Emperor, 70.
ThibiUs or Announa, 127.
Thinna, 146. UMMIDIA QUADRATILLA, 30.
Tibar, 101, 107, 138, 139, 156. Uppena, 91, 92, 93, 94, 101, 108, 141-
Timgad, 97, 98, 101, 109, 116, 119, 126, 146.
127, 129.
Tombs: Dougga, 136, 137; Haidra, VAL D'ISPICA, 19, 172.
132 Guehiia, 95 Sidi Abich, 145
; ;
;
Vandals, 7, 8, 9, 20, 47, 48, 85, 86, 90,
Tebessa, 95. 91, 103, 108, 116, 117, 124, 131, 138,
Torcello, 89, 99, 121. 141, 146, 152.
Tosti, 83. Vaults, construction of, 50, 54, 59, 60,
Toulotte, Monsgr., 144. 76, 77, 122, 154, 158, 164; with
Tozeur, 31, 100. tubes of pottery, 100.
Trajecta, 71, 80. Vento Raimondo, 68.
Trani, 74, 75. Vinci, Coramendatore, 19.
Tribunes or clergy seats. See Altars VioUet le Due, 21, 23.
and Apses.
Tridetti, 172. WADY HALFA, 31, 82, 154, 157, 162.
Tunis, 6, 9, 12, 14, 17, 31, 40, 41, 47, Watson, Sir Charles, 33.
48, 54, 85-152. See place names, "Woolley, 154, 162, 163.
156, 166.
Turkey, 13, 53. ZANCLOS, 4.
Type, the edict of the Emperor Zisa, 2, 53.
Constans II, 10, 11. Zosimus, Bishop of Syracuse, 59.
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