The Book of The Elders Sayings of The Desert Fathers
The Book of The Elders Sayings of The Desert Fathers
The Book of The Elders Sayings of The Desert Fathers
Translated by
John Wortley
Foreword by
Bernard Flusin
Cistercian Publications
www.cistercianpublications.org
LITURGICAL PRESS
Collegeville, Minnesota
www.litpress.org
A Cistercian Publications title published by Liturgical Press
Cistercian Publications
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Trappist, Kentucky 40051
www.cistercianpublications.org
All the quotations from Scripture in this book are presented in translation exactly
as they are found in the Greek text of The Book of the Elders. Quotations from
Psalms are identified by reference to the Septuagint numbering.
The punctuation used throughout this book is the publisher’s, not the translator’s.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
The Book of the Elders : sayings of the Desert Fathers : the systematic
collection / translated by John Wortley ; introduction by Bernard Flusin.
p. cm. — (Cistercian studies series ; no. 240)
Includes index.
ISBN 978-0-87907-201-8 — ISBN 978-0-87907-770-9 (e-book)
1. Desert Fathers—Quotations. 2. Spiritual life—Christianity—
Quotations, maxims, etc. 3. Monastic and religious
life—Quotations, maxims, etc. I. Wortley, John.
BR60.A62B66 2012
271.009'015—dc23 2011051559
gratam in memoriam
Joseph Paramelle, s.j., 1925–2011
Contents
Foreword ix
Bernard Flusin
Introduction xiii
Acknowledgments xxiii
Glossary xxvii
vii
Foreword
Writing in the 850s, the future patriarch Photios took note in his
celebrated Bibliotheca of a collection of apophthegms very similar
to the one John Wortley has translated here: “This is a book espe-
cially useful to those who organise their lives with a view to their
heavenly legacy. There is clarity in its style and moreover it is what
a book ought to be that is in tune with people who are not thinking
of exercising their talent but who have devoted all their effort and
zeal to the doing of good works.”1 Thus are specified both the nature
of the collection (this is ascetic literature) and that which above all
makes it attractive to the eyes of the modern reader: its clarity and
the absence of rhetoric.
The Sayings of the Fathers is first and foremost an ascetic work
assembled by monks primarily for their own use. It brings together the
sayings of “the fathers,” meaning the great monks (the “elders”) who
were responsible for training disciples living in the semianchoretic
communities of Egypt in the fourth and fifth centuries of this era. So
these very short texts, presented in large collections, are firmly rooted
in a very precise milieu, and they ought to be read in the way they
were originally intended to be received: each one as the charismatic
utterance of a spiritual father, addressed to his familiar disciples or,
on occasion, to visitors who came asking for a saying that would help
them in their quest for salvation.
This is why the apophthegms make such an impression on us. The
reader is directly confronted by the person of Antony or of Poem∑n with
nobody in between, and the elder speaks to him as to a disciple, guid-
ing him along the steep and narrow path of asceticism. And yet this is
not the teaching of only one father or mother: numerous monks speak
with many voices. The editors of the collection gathered up what they
could find of the sayings of the fathers and mothers of old time and in
1
Photius, Bibliothèque, cod. 198, vol. 3, ed. and trans. René Henry (Paris: Société
d’Éditions Les Belles Lettres, 1962), 95.
ix
x The Book of the Elders
this way tried to show that while in one way the elders proclaimed a
single message, each person could doubtless find what was appropriate
(even intended) for him in the diversity of the advice that was given.
The apophthegms are nothing other than what the elders said or
the brief, edifying tales they told. It is in their simplicity that the say-
ings convey a sense of freshness and immediacy: it is Antony himself
or Arsenius who is speaking to us or of whose life we catch a brief
glimpse. Yet it is important not to lose sight of the fact that we are
dealing with a literary work. A considerable space of time separates
the monks of the apophthegms and the text that we read now. After the
age of the great anchorites who inspired them to do so, more than a
century went by before the refugee monks from Scete assembled their
collections of sayings—in the Gaza region or elsewhere in Palestine.
And there was a difference of language. Most of the Desert Fathers
spoke Coptic, while the collections were written in Greek. Literary
elaboration has played its part too; extracts from written works (e.g.,
of Evagrius or of Doulas) might be included under cover of a small
collection of sayings. It is also possible to detect some variation
in spiritual sensibilities lurking behind the apparent consensus of
teaching when certain dossiers are subject to intense scrutiny. The
apophthegms were essentially conceived to give the impression of
direct contact between a disciple and his spiritual master. They are
nothing other then the transformation of that contact into writing,
and their greatest success (due to the exclusion of all rhetoric) is
their ability to recapture the irreplaceable element in the saying that
is heard and in the example that is seen.
The apophthegms are addressed, as Photios says, “to those who
organise their lives with a view to their heavenly legacy”; hence, this
is a literature of an essentially ascetic nature; or, to use the categories
popularized by Evagrius at the end of the fourth century, it restricts
itself to the praktika. So nothing is to be found in it of the theoria: no
theology, no teaching on the difficulties arising from Scripture. Even
though the apophthegmatic collections (in their original form) were
put together at a time when the Eastern churches were being disturbed
by serious christological dissensions, they are silent on this subject.
This characteristic assured them of a wide distribution. First edited
in Greek (the alphabetic/anonymous collection perhaps at the end
Foreword xi
2
home.cc.umanitoba.ca/~wortley/; Scripta & E-scripta 8/9 (2010): 93–306, with
introductory essay by John Wortley.
3
The Spiritually Beneficial Tales of Paul, Bishop of Monembasia, and of Other
Authors, intro., trans., and commentary John Wortley, CS159 (Kalamazoo, MI: Cis-
tercian, 1996).
4
John Moschos, The Spiritual Meadow, trans. John Wortley, CS 139 (Kalamazoo,
MI: Cistercian, 1992).
translation into simple English of Jean-Claude Guy’s edition of the
systematic collection.
Bernard Flusin
(translated by John Wortley)
Introduction
The early part of the fourth century of our era was a time of
many changes. It saw the Roman Empire itself gradually transformed
from a loose federation of provinces administered from Rome on the
Tiber into a tightly controlled monarchy ruled (after 329) from the
new capital on the Bosporus, Constantinople. It experienced the first
shock waves from the movements of the so-called barbarian peoples
who would eventually dominate a large part (and overshadow even
more) of that Empire. It saw a new religion scarcely three centuries
old gain the ascendancy over the many old religions that Rome had
cheerfully tolerated, eventually to exclude them. It was in this context
that certain devotees of the new religion, many men and some women,
began to withdraw from “the world” (as they called society as we
know it) to retreat into the desert, there to practice their new religion
more seriously. They may have felt that its recent legalisation and the
subsequent influx of people who merely liked to be on the winning
side threatened its purity. Or they may have feared that the Hellenism
of urban society was too strong for the new, largely Semitic faith to
challenge without being compromised. They may simply have been
trying to escape the increasing demands, fiscal and other, that the
centralization of government was placing on all levels of society with
increasing vehemence. But, whatever the reasons, out into the desert
they went; and they did so in ever-increasing numbers.
These “withdrawers” (anchorites) were the first Christian monks;
their luminaries were the so-called Desert Fathers. It was in what is
now called Egypt that this great withdrawal first occurred. Most of
the land there is desert, relieved only by the fertile valley of the Nile
and its great estuary where sits that jewel of the Mediterranean, Al-
exandria. The earliest monks, however, were not from the Hellenized,
urbanized delta; they were simple Coptic-speaking peasants (fellahin)
from the smaller towns and villages of the Nile valley. We cannot say
with certainty when their withdrawal first began, but we can say what
xiii
xiv The Book of the Elders
was the immediate cause of many taking the desert road. According
to Athanasius, the contemporary and the biographer of Antony the
Great (ca. 250–356), when Antony was still a very young man, he
was reflecting on
Now there was at that time an elder in the adjacent village who fol-
lowed the ascetic, solitary life from his youth. When Antony saw
him, he imitated him well and truly. At first he began himself living
in the area outside the village. Then if he heard of anyone seriously
[doing likewise] he would go and search him out like a wise bee
and would not return to his own place until he had seen him and
received from him provisions (as it were) for the road to virtue.6
We may never know who first embraced the desert “road to virtue,”
but it is clear from this passage that one who would do so had first to
learn from another. The word “monk” does indeed mean “a loner,”
but the person who aspired to “renounce the world” must first find
an “elder” (gerøn)—meaning a person advanced not necessarily in
5
Athanasius, Vita Antonii, ed. and trans. G. J. M. Bartelink, Athanase d’Alexandrie,
Vie d’Antoine, SCh 40 (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1994), 2.2–3. Hereafter VA.
6
VA 3.3.
Introduction xv
1 1 1 1
7
John Wortley, “How the Desert Fathers ‘Meditated,’” Greek, Roman, and Byz-
antine Studies 46 (2006): 315–28.
xvi The Book of the Elders
8
It is alleged that even Poemen, to whom an enormous number of sayings is at-
tributed, did not speak Greek: “Abba John who was exiled by [the Emperor] Marcian
[450–57] used to say: ‘Coming from Syria, we once visited Abba Poemen and we
wanted to ask him about hardness of heart. The elder did not speak Greek and there
was no interpreter to hand. Perceiving our dismay, the elder began speaking in the
Greek tongue, saying . . .’” Poemen 183, APsys [see n13 in this introduction] 18.21.
Introduction xvii
9
Frédéric Nau, “Histoires de solitaires égyptiens,” Revue de l’Orient Chrétien
12 (1907) to 18 (1913).
10
Ed. and trans. John Wortley, Cambridge University Press.
xviii The Book of the Elders
1 1 1 1
11
Isaiah was a Monophysite monk who died at Gaza in 488. See Abba Isaiah of
Scetis: Ascetic Discourses, trans. John Chryssavgis and Pachomios Penkett, CS 150
(Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications, 2002).
12
Chap. 21 exceptionally has no selections from APalph and only three pieces from
Isaiah of Scete. Nearly all the rest of the contents are from APanon.
Introduction xix
1 1 1 1
13
Paul Euergetinos, A Collection [Synagøg∑] of the inspired sayings of the godly and
holy fathers [ . . . ] (Venice: 1783; sixth edition, 4 vols., Athens: 1980).
xx The Book of the Elders
When was APsys created? Clearly later than the two parts of the
former collection, since it draws heavily on both: hence (roughly)
after AD 500. A terminus ante quem is established in the third quarter
of the sixth century by the existence of a Latin translation of the text
made by the deacon Pelagius and the subdeacon John (P&J),14 each
of whom subsequently became pope of Rome (556–61 and 561–74,
respectively). However, whereas the modern critical edition of APsys
contains about 1,200 items, there are only 737 in P&J. Examination
of the extant Greek manuscripts of APsys suggests that P&J is the
earliest surviving evidence of a text in a state of evolution, two further
stages of which are discernible. As there are no extracts from Isaiah
of Scete in P&J, this would appear to represent the most primitive
extant version of the text. A second version is characterized by the
incorporation of a little material by Isaiah of Scete, while a third one
not only includes a large amount of Isaiah but also presents evidence
of the other contents having been somewhat rearranged to accom-
modate it.15
It is this third version that is translated in this volume. A terminus
ante quem is established by the oldest extant manuscript of the text,
Athos Lavra B 37, copied in AD 970. One might suspect that the
process of the evolution of the text had more or less come to an end
some considerable time before that date, but it might nevertheless
have been a long process. It should be noted in passing that APalph
may well have also undergone a similar process of evolution, for it
now contains material that the editors of APsys appear not to have
known. But these are thorny problems; there appears to have been
hardly anything fixed about the apophthegmatic texts, with the excep-
tion, that is, of the alphabetic system in one case and the twenty-one
heads in another. “The philological problem of the Apophthegmata
Patrum is one of the most complex problems posed by the editing of
patristic texts,” wrote Père Guy, citing Wilhelm Bousset, who wrote,
Patrum VI and VII, Anvers 1615 and 1623, repr. in PL 73:851–1022; The Desert
Fathers: Sayings of the Early Christian Monks, trans. Benedicta Ward (New York:
Penguin, 2003).
15
Such is the conclusion of Guy, Recherches sur la tradition grecque des Apoph-
thegmata Patrum, SH 36 (Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 1962), 182–84.
Introduction xxi
John Wortley
Winnipeg, mmxi
16
Jean-Claude Guy, 7: “Die Überllieferung der Apophthegmata-Literatur ist eine
erstaunlich verwickelte, und das in Betracht kommende Quellenmaterial ungemein
weitschichtig”; Wilhelm Bousset, Apophthegmata; Studien zur Geschichte des ältesten
Mönchstums (Tubingen: Mohr, 1923) 1.
17
Jean-Claude Guy, Les Apophtegmes des Pères: collection systématique, SCh
387 (1993), 474 (2003), and 498 (2005). Hereafter APsys.
Acknowledgments
The translator wishes most gratefully to signal and acknowledge
the unstinting aid and encouragement he has received throughout the
preparation of this volume from his colleague and friend Dr. Robert
Jordan of Belfast. Without his eagle eye and wise scholarship, more
than a few infelicities would have slipped through in this translation.
It is thanks entirely to his diligent reading of the manuscript that this
treasury of early monastic wisdom can now be presented to the public
with a degree of confidence that it fairly represents what the Desert
Fathers bequeathed to posterity.
The translator and his publisher both wish to warmly thank
Sources Chrétiennes for the generous permission to translate the
text of Guy’s edition (cited in note 13 above) of the collection systé-
matique of apophthegms and to publish it.
Jw
xxiii
Abbreviations
Items found in other collections are identified either by a name and
a number (e.g., Arsenios 14) or by N and a number (e.g., N 253). In
the former case the reference is to Apophthegmata patrum, collec-
tion alphabetica [APalph], ed. Jean-Baptiste Cotelier, in Monumenta
Ecclesiae Graecae, vol. 1 (Paris: 1647), re-ed. Jacques-Paul Migne,
PG 65:71–440, English translation by B. Ward, The Sayings of the
Desert Fathers (Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications, 1975).
In the latter case the reference is to the appendix of the above, the
so-called anonymous collection of apophthegmata (APanon), first
partially edited by Frédéric Nau (hence “N”), “Histoires de solitaires
égyptiens,” Revue de l’Orient Chrétien 12 (1907) through 18 (1913).
The first complete edition and translation (by John Wortley) is about
to be published by Cambridge University Press.
xxv
xxvi The Book of the Elders
LXX Septuagint
N (Nau) = APanon
PG Patrologia Graeca
PL Patrologia Latina
PO Patrologia Orientalis
abba. Father, a senior monk but not necessarily an old one; see 15.57.
accidie (ak∑dia). “Sloth, torpor, especially as a condition leading to
listlessness and want of interest in life” (OED), probably akin to
depression.
agap∑. Literally “love,” used to designate a common meal shared by
monks on special occasions (hence “love feast”), possibly originally
made possible by some freewill offering.
amma. Mother.
apatheia. Literally “unfeeling”; indifference to physical conditions; a
term found rarely in the Apophthegmata but common in later mo-
nastic writing.
ask∑sis. Literally “a formation,” usually meaning the practice of asceti-
cism; the discipline associated with the monastic way of life.
ask∑t∑s. One who practices ask∑sis.
coenobion, adj. coenobitic. Here transliterates koinobion, “common
life,” meaning wherever persons live together in community (a con-
vent) under the supervision of a koinobiarch, here translated “supe-
rior” or rendered higoumen, q.v. A place or a community in which
monks live together with shared worship, meals, and responsibilities.
dynamis. The healing “power” believed to be given off by holy persons
and their relics and effects, as in Mark 5:30.
higoumen (h∑goumenos). The head of a monastic community.
h∑sychia (h∑suchia). Not merely (or necessarily) silence [siøp∑; see 2.4
and 2.12] but an interior silence characterized by a tranquil acqui-
escence in the will of God, producing a “profound calm and great
peace within” (2.22).
xxvii
xxviii The Book of the Elders
leviton. (That is, “Levite’s.”) The monk’s garment for prayer, usually
white.
logismos, pl. logismoi. A word of many meanings. It can simply mean
one’s thinking process, but it can also mean everything that goes on
in that process—good, bad, and indifferent—from a mere whim to a
serious temptation.
porneia. Any illicit sexual movement of body, mind, or spirit.
synaxis, pl. synaxes. Literally “a congregating”; it means an act of wor-
ship, either of one or a few monks (the “little synaxis,” also called
“liturgy”) or of an entire community (e.g., at weekends and festivals)
at a central location. The Holy Eucharist (“Offering”) is also called
synaxis.
1 1 1 1
Where words are found in square brackets in the text, these are words that
are not found in the Greek but are desirable to make the meaning clear.
The Book of the Elders
Prologue to
The Book of the Elders
Called Paradise
1. In this book the virtuous asceticism, the wondrous
way of life, and the sayings of holy and blessed fathers
are recorded to school those who are desirous of suc-
cessfully pursuing the heavenly way of life and willing
to travel the road to the kingdom of heaven by emulating
and imitating them.
2. Now it has to be known that the holy fathers who
became emulators and teachers of this blessed monastic
life, once they were enflamed with divine and heavenly
love and had concluded that all that is good and hon-
orable among people was worth nothing, made a great
effort above all to do nothing for show. They traveled the
way prescribed by Christ while concealing the greater
part of their good deeds through extreme humility.
3. So nobody has been able precisely to describe their
virtuous life for us. Those who labored most painstak-
ingly at the task have bequeathed to us in writing a few
examples of [the elders’] achievements in word and
deed, not in order to flatter [the elders] but to rouse
those who came after to emulation. At different times
they set down these very many of the elders’ sayings and
good deeds in narrative form, in simple and uncontrived
language, with only this one object in view: to benefit
many people.
4. But since the relating of many of the things was
confused and disordered—their meaning haphazardly
3
4 The Book of the Elders
11. A brother asked Abba Isaiah about the phrase of the Disc. 26;
CS 15:214
prayer in the Gospel: “What is this ‘Hallowed be thy
name’?” “This is for the perfect,” he answered, “for the
name of God cannot be hallowed in us who are domi-
nated by a passion.”
14. Abba Joseph the Theban said there are three things Joseph the
Theban
that are precious in the sight of the Lord. When a person
is sick and temptations come upon him, he accepts them
gratefully. The second is when someone renders all his
deeds pure in the sight of the Lord, with no human ele-
ment in them. The third is when someone is living in
10 The Book of the Elders
1
“This person has an extraordinary crown; but I would prefer
sickness,” adds APalph.
1. An Exhortation 11
17. Abba Mark said, “The law of freedom teaches all Mark
the Hermit,
truth. Most people read [this law] in the light of what Opuscula
they know, but a few think of it as an analogy for the 1.28–29
fulfilling of the commandments. Do not look for its
perfection in human virtues, for nobody is found to be
perfect in them; its perfection is encrypted in the cross
of Christ.”
18. A brother asked an elder, “What good activity is Nisteros
there, that I could practice and live in it?” The elder the Great 2
2
Here Mato∑s 11 (but not N 330) adds, “more than a little.”
14 The Book of the Elders