Monastic Life Art and Technology-All - Opt - Opt

Monastic Life, Art, and Technology
in the 11th – 16th Centuries
Edited by
Ileana Burnichioiu
Mega Publishing House
2015
ANNALES UNIVERSITATIS APULENSIS. SERIES HISTORICA
SPECIAL ISSUE
EDITORIAL BOARD
Radu Ardevan Eva Mârza
(Babeş-Bolyai University (“1 Decembrie 1918” University
of Cluj-Napoca) of Alba Iulia)
Barbara Deppert-Lippitz Bogdan Murgescu
(German Archaeological Institute (University of Bucharest)
in Frankfurt on Main) Alexandru-Florin Platon
Alex Rubel (Alexandru Ioan Cuza University
(Archaeological Institute of Jassy)
of Jassy) Ernst Christoph Suttner
Michael Vickers (University of Vienna)
(Jesus College, University Acad. Alexandru Zub
of Oxford) (A. D. Xenopol History Institute
Keith Hitchins of Jassy)
(University of Illinois
at Urbana-Champaign)
EDITORIAL COMMITTEE
Daniel Dumitran (Editor-in-Chief)
Sorin Arhire (Secretary)
Ileana Burnichioiu, Mihai Gligor, Valer Moga
Cosmin Popa-Gorjanu, Marius Rotar
English proofreading by
Karen Stark, Christopher Mielke
Cover: Sebastian Ispas
Copyright © 2015, “1 Decembrie 1918” University of Alba Iulia

Alba Iulia, Unirii Street, no. 15–17
Tel.: +40-258-811412; Fax: +40-258-806260
E-mail: aua_historia@uab.ro
Web: http://diam.uab.ro/index.php?s=2&p=4
ISSN 1453-9306
This work was supported by a grant of the Romanian National Authority for Scientific Research,
CNCS – UEFISCDI, project number PN-II-RU-TE-2012-3-0477.
www.edituramega.ro
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Pál LŐVEI, Bizere abbey and the International Conference “Monastic Life, Art, and
Technology in the 11th–16th Centuries” – An introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Ileana BURNICHIOIU, The Project “Monastic Life, Art, and Technology at Bizere
Monastery” (2013–2016) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
MONASTIC LANDSCAPE
Oana TODA, Das Kloster auf der Flussinsel: Fernverbindungen und lokale
Abgeschiedenheit im Fall der Abtei Bizere? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Ünige BENCZE, Reconstructing a monastic landscape: the example of the Cistercian

abbey Cârţa (Kerc, Kerz) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Andrej JANEŠ, Shaping a monastic landscape in medieval Slavonia. The case of the
Benedictine abbey of St. Margaret in Bijela . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
SPATIAL ORGANIZATION OF MONASTIC COMPLEXES
Eric FERNIE, Monastic buildings: Questions of function and design from an Anglo-
French perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
Béla Zsolt SZAKÁCS, The early phase of cloister architecture in Central Europe . . . . . . . . 77
Adrian Andrei RUSU, Spatial organization and monastic life in Bizere abbey . . . . . . . . . . 91
Tajana PLEŠE, Comparative ground-plan analysis of Pauline monasteries in late medieval

Slavonia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
Valérie SERDON-PROVOST, Architectural design and the cult of Holy Relics in Saint-
Vanne abbey (Verdun) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131
ARTISTIC PATRONAGE AND SOURCES OF MONASTIC WEALTH
Beatrix F. ROMHÁNYI, Church and salt. Monasteries and salt in the medieval Kingdom
of Hungary (11th–13th centuries) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
Péter LEVENTE SZŐCS, Monasteries under private patronage within the social and
economic topography: Centers, residences, estates. Several case studies from medieval
Hungary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161
BIZERE ABBEY AND THE INTERNATIONAL ruined buildings, at the least the site of the totally
CONFERENCE “MONASTIC LIFE, ART, AND unknown church could have been localized in
TECHNOLOGY IN THE 11TH – 16TH 1981. Some architectural fragments, pieces carved
CENTURIES” – AN INTRODUCTION of marble and other stones from multicolored
pavements, have come from the site to the Arad
Museum. In the great survey of Benedictine
PÁL LŐVEI monasticism in medieval Hungary, the catalogue
of an exhibition organized in Pannonhalma in
The Benedictine monastery of Bizere dedicated to 2001, only a short summary of the former results
the Virgin Mary (monasterium de Bisra, 1183; were published.2
ecclesia Beate Virginis de Byscere, 1321; The extensive archaeological research of
monasterium Sancte Marie de Bizere ordinis Sancti the building complex started in the same year as
Benedicti, 1423), located on a former island of the the Pannonhalma exhibition. The excavations
river Mureş/Maros in Arad County, existed already were led by archaeologist Adrian Andrei Rusu and
in the 12th century. It certainly seems to have been revealed remains of great significance. The mortar
a significant institution of the medieval Hungarian imprint of a medieval ship, used later secondarily
Kingdom, as in 1235 it was populated by 32 monks. as a lime- or mortar-pit, is a unique find in the
The monastery’s most important privilege was Carpathian Basin. It clearly demonstrates the
represented by its cargo ships for the transport of shipping practices of the monastery, as mentioned
salt along the river Maros/Mureş. The monks were above. In 2003 colored mosaic pavements of
allowed to purchase salt in any mine, which could geometric, floral, and figural ornaments were
be found upstream in Transylvania, and transport discovered in the monastery church. Among their
the salt free of duty three times a year. In later stones, which were of many different colors
charters similar privileges were referenced, for (reddish, bluish grey, black, white, light blue,
example for the bishop of Nyitra/Nitra (1183) and yellow, and dark green), both red and green
for the Benedictine monastery of Pannonhalma porphyry could be found.3 Prior to the excavation
(1211). The abbot of Bizere was mentioned at the the use of porphyry in the Carpathian Basin during
latest in 1522. The monastery was totally destroyed the Middle Ages had not been detected at all.
during the Ottoman period, but its ruins were These stones were likely reused in Bizere; the
shown on historic maps, and the site around them imperial porphyry and marble pieces probably
was named Monostoru.1 Now it can be found in the originated in the interior of Transylvania, from the
outskirts of the village Frumuşeni (Hungarian: ruins of settlements in what had once been the
Szépfalu) in Romania. Roman province of Dacia. Shipping the special
The limited archaeological research and material – stones, marbles, and Roman tegulae also
field walks in the 19th and 20th centuries could used for the floors – would not have given the
not lead to the identification of the functions of the monks much trouble. With their motifs and
 Institute for Art History Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 3Ileana Burnichioiu and Adrian Andrei Rusu, Mozaicurile
Budapest; lovei.pal@btk.mta.hu. medievale de la Bizere. The Medieval Mosaics from Bizere.
1 György Györffy, Az Árpád-kori Magyarország történeti Die mittelalterliche Mosaiken von Bizere (Cluj-Napoca: Mega
földrajza, 3rd ed. [The Historical Geography of Hungary in the Publishing House, 2006); Adrian Andrei Rusu and Ileana
Árpád Age] (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1987), 173–174; Burnichioiu, eds., Mănăstirea Bizere [Bizere Monastery], vol.
Levente Hervay F., “Bizere,” in Paradisum plantavit. Bencés I (Cluj-Napoca: Mega Publishing House, 2011); Ileana
monostorok a középkori Magyarországon. Benedictine Burnichioiu and Adrian Andrei Rusu, “Medieval Floor
Monasteries in Medieval Hungary. Exhibition at the Mosaics at Bizere Monastery. A Brief Survey,” Trans R XX, no.
Benedictine Archabbey of Pannonhalma 21 March – 11 2 (2011): 3–13; Ileana Burnichioiu, “The decorative heritage of
November 2001, ed. Imre Takács (Pannonhalma: Bizere monastery. Fragments of opus sectile,” in this volume:
Pannonhalmi Bencés Főapátság, 2001), 484–485. 249–264.
2 Zsuzsa Heitelné Moré, “Monostorok a Maros mentén.
Adatok” [Monasteries along the Maros River. Data], in

Paradisum plantavit, 268.
5
PÁL LŐVEI
material richness these pavements in Bizere are Toda (University “1 Decembrie 1918" of Alba
unique among the Romanesque relics of medieval Iulia), and their work was assisted by a Scientific
Hungary, but remains of marble floors are known Committee consisting of Romanian and Hungarian
from other buildings too. In the provostal church archaeologists and art historians.
of Székesfehérvár, the medieval cathedral of Eger, The conference with the title of “Monastic
and a not yet identified building in Kutaspuszta Life, Art, and Technology in 11th – 16th
(Székkutas) in the Great Hungarian Plain Centuries” took place on October 16th–18th, 2014.
rhombuses, triangles, semicircular slabs, and The elegant, freshly restored historic buildings of
medallion-type low reliefs of different colored the University of Alba Iulia gave the event an
material refer to the destroyed originals.4 excellent atmosphere. These buildings of the
The research work at the Bizere site was fortified town center can be found in the vicinity
supported by a grant of the Romanian National of both cathedrals, the Roman excavations’ site,
Authority for Scientific Research, which made it and the famous Batthyaneum Library. Guided
possible to organize an international conference at tours in the medieval Roman Catholic Cathedral
Alba Iulia’s University “1 Decembrie 1918,” and in the Batthyaneum were important and
together with a special exhibition presenting the popular parts of the conference program.
finds of the excavations. After the opening with the keynote
The Organizing Committee of the lectures by Eric Fernie and Xavier Barral i Altet
conference was formed by Ileana Burnichioiu more than twenty papers were read in three
(University “1 Decembrie 1918” of Alba Iulia), sections: “Monastic landscape; spatial organization
Peter Hügel (Arad Museum Complex), and Oana
4 For the latest summary about decorative stones in medieval közepén“ / Archaeological, art historical, and historical
Hungary see: Pál Lővei, “Uralkodói kőanyagok. A király és az researches ‘in the middle of the kingdom,’ eds. Elek Benkő and
elit díszítőkő-használata a középkori Magyarországon” [Stone Krisztina Orosz (Budapest: Magyar Tudományos Akadémia
for Rulers. The Use of Decorative Stone by Kings and Bölcsészettudományi Kutatóközpont Régészeti Intézet, 2015),
Magnates in Medieval Hungary], in In medio regni Hungariae. 79–109.
Régészeti, művészettörténeti és történeti kutatások „az ország
6
Bizere abbey and the International Conference Monastic Life
of monastic complexes,” “Monastic wealth

sources,” and “Monastery as production centre;
usage of art in the monastic milieu; artistic
connections.” The participants represented several
countries of Europe: they came from Great Britain,
Catalonia, France, Italy, Croatia, Slovakia, Poland,
the Czech Republic, and of course from Romania
and Hungary. Not only the leaders and the
participants of the Bizere excavations presented
their results, but with several lectures the
interpretation of their finds has been started on an
international level too. This was one of the main
goals of the organizers. Other papers were devoted
to different topics concerning Benedictine,
Cistercian, and Praemonstratensian monasticism
in Central, South, and Western Europe. There
were lectures dealing with the problems of art,
architecture, material culture, the economic life of
the Mendicant Orders, and in addition to the
Dominicans and Franciscans the Pauline Order,
founded in Hungary, was also addressed.
An international conference about
monasticism with such a broad perspective had
never been organized in the region before. Still,
before the political changes around 1990 there was
an important conference, dedicated to medieval
mendicant architecture organized in Szeged
(Hungary) by the scientific department of the
former National Office for the Protection of
Historic Monuments in Budapest, with some topics
and participants from Transylvania, Slovakia, and
Croatia.5 The series of conferences “Medieval
Ecclesiastical Architecture in Transylvania” now
number at eight, with several contributions on
monastic problems. Based in the County Museum
Satu Mare (Romania) their participants were
fundamentally from Romania and Hungary; one
could meet several of them among the organizers,
lecturers, and audience at the Alba Iulia
conference too.6
5 The volume of the 1988 conference was published only six 6 The papers of the first seven conferences have been
years later: Andrea Haris, ed., Koldulórendi építészet a published in five volumes: Péter Levente Szőcs et al., eds.,
középkori Magyarországon – tanulmányok [Architecture of Arhitectura religioasă medievală din Transilvania. Középkori
the Mendicant Orders in Medieval Hungary], (Budapest: egyházi építészet Erdélyben. Medieval Ecclesiastical
Országos Műemlékvédelmi Hivatal, 1994). Architecture in Transylvania I-V (Satu Mare: Editura
Muzeului Sătmărean, 1999-2012).
7
PÁL LŐVEI
The exhibition of the Bizere finds took mosaic stones, marble slabs, and tegulae moduls
place in the cellars of the “Apor Palace” built in the found not in situ at the site, a great selection of
15th–18th centuries, and used for the solemn different patterns were reconstructed.
central office of the University. It was a brilliant There was a huge glass case full with a rich
idea to use the exhibition as a focal point of the collection of finds of iron and metal. Huge pieces
conference, giving a lot of chances for the of greyish Transylvanian rock-salt referred to the
participants to observe and discuss the exhibits. economic organization of Bizere abbey.
There was a rather spectacular attempt at The organizers had planned for the
reconstructing a section of a building unit publication of the conference papers from the very
consisting of dwarf columns with ornamented beginning of their work. The result of their efforts
pedestals and capitals of different types. From the is this volume.
8
THE PROJECT “MONASTIC LIFE, ART material remains have vanished, some of them
AND TECHNOLOGY AT BIZERE starting as early as the thirteenth century.
MONASTERY” (2013–2016) Consequently, gathering information and sources,
as well as finding answers to the research questions
raised in monastic studies depends very much on
ILEANA BURNICHIOIU the progress of archaeology and the association of
its results with those of other disciplines. This also
The project entitled “Monastic Life, Art and entails the thorough publication of all the
Technology at Bizere Monastery” benefits from a archaeological data at hand, jointly analysed with
research grant obtained following a national the re-evaluated written evidence.
competition organized by the Romanian National An expansion of this kind of knowledge
Authority for Scientific Research (UEFISCDI). The and a new interrogation of the sources in an
research is currently undergoing at the “1 adequate, up-to-date approach of monasteriology
Decembrie 1918” University of Alba Iulia is now possible in the case of the disappeared
(Department of History, Archaeology and Benedictine monastery from Bizere. This
Museology) and its closure is due by the second monastery certainly belonged to the Benedictines;
half of 2016. As stated in the title, the project is it was an abbey and functioned, with numerous
envisaging the former Bizere monastery, the disruptions, at least from the twelfth century until
archaeological remains of which are located 15 km the sixteenth. There are some unknowns
away from the town of Arad (Arad County, concerning it, such as the exact moment of its
Romania) near the village of Frumuşeni, on a foundation, the provenance of the monks that
former island of the River Mureş. came to populate it, which were the first buildings
Bizere merely represents one of a vast erected, the area occupied by the complex etc.
series of deserted and completely ruined medieval Between 1183 and 1522, there are approximately
monasteries of this territory. During the Middle 40 documentary mentions of this monastery. It
Ages, the Mureș Valley was an important salt route was probably completely abandoned during the
heading from Transylvania towards the West, Ottoman invasion of Banat (1520-1530) and
North and South through the
Kingdom of Hungary. One of
the specificities of the region
accounts for the high density
of monastic sites that appeared
along this route. Supposedly,
these foundations were of
either Latin, or of Greek rite.
However, many of them are
still controversial in this
respect, since their rite or
order, hierarchical sub-
ordination, mission, and
patrons are not mentioned in
the written records. Some of
these, nominated only
accidentally in the edited
written sources, are still
unidentified in the field. Their
 Department of History, Archaeology and Museology,

University “1 Decembrie 1918” of Alba Iulia, PI of the project;
ileanaburnichioiu@yahoo.com.
9
ILEANA BURNICHIOIU
gradually fell into ruin. During the nineteenth archaeological reports, a short monograph and an
century, scholars began to make first attempts at article about the pavement mosaics1 and a first
locating the lost monastery. After a number of collective volume of studies strictly limited to
prospections and confusions, a first archaeological some of the architectural components and
survey in 1981 (led by Mircea Rusu from the installations which benefited from complete
Institute of History in Cluj-Napoca) showed that datasets: the water tower, the funerary chapel, a
its place can be located. Excavations on the Bizere bread oven and the boat imprint. In the same
site started again in 2001 and, during nine volume, first hand documents regarding the
consecutive campaigns, parts of the building monastery were presented, together with the first
foundations that belonged to the monastery were analyses of building materials.2
uncovered: significant remains of the rectangular The preparation of publications before
cloister with a refectory and ground floor traces of 2011 has clearly shown the need to restart and
two Romanesque churches (abbatial church and a supplement through new research the data
chapel), a palace and a water tower were all retrieved in 1981 and between 2001-2009.
identified, along with other buildings with yet Therefore, a new multidisciplinary project
unknown functions. Within the main church involving a larger team of specialists, according to
foundation (a three-nave basilica) two decorated a new well-defined research plan was developed.
surfaces of polychrome pavement mosaics were One of the objectives of the new project is
found in situ (measuring 4.50 x 1.50 and 1.60 x 1.50 to restore a good part of the ground plan of the
meters, respectively), together with a few hundred monastic complex and to establish the relation
various isolated pieces of floor mosaic. between the built complex and its placement – a
Furthermore, the archaeological excavations former island of the Mureş River, 15 km away from
brought to light hundreds of sculptures and carved the town of Arad.
fragments of miscellaneous stones (now hosted by Other major objectives aim to determine
the Arad Museum Complex, Arad County), as well the connections between the monastic complex
as different categories of artefacts. and its medieval namesake village which
This archaeological research was for the disappeared during the sixteenth century, as well
most part financed annually by the Arad County as to identify the possible remains or traces of
Council, which hoped to develop a touristic area at annexes that belonged to the monastery and were
the site of the monastery and in its surroundings located on the former territory of its possessions.
and even include it in a durable development Documenting the data collected in the field and
project. However, in 2009, due to lack of funding, recording and cataloguing the earlier data and
the research was stopped. The documentation and materials stored in the repository of the Arad
publication of the rich material unearthed during Museum (retrieved by previous excavations – 1981
these nine campaigns was interrupted before the and 2001-2009) also constitutes another objective
reconstruction of a coherent plan of the monastic of this project. This would enable straightforward
complex and determining the functions of all the access for future studies and allow other
researched buildings or gathering all the relevant researchers to handle data with ease. For the same
data from the field for an adequate contextualized purpose, a digital database was created.3
publication of the artefacts. This is why the The third objective sets the framework for
archaeological team could only publish concise the analysis and publication of artefacts, which is
1 Ileana Burnichioiu and Adrian Andrei Rusu, Mozaicurile 3 The documentation and compilation of the artefact database
medievale de la Bizere. The Medieval Mosaics from Bizere. started in 2014 and can be referred to as it is listed on the
Die mittelalterliche Mosaiken von Bizere (Cluj-Napoca: Mega project web page, http://diam.uab.ro/index.php?s=10&p=56
Publishing House, 2006); Ileana Burnichioiu and Adrian (Bizere Database). The same site is hosting the synthesized
Andrei Rusu, “Medieval Floor Mosaics at Bizere Monastery. A annual reports containing a brief outline of activities and
Brief Survey,” Trans R XX, no. 2 (2011): 3–13. publications that represent the project deliverables resulted so
2 Adrian Andrei Rusu and Ileana Burnichioiu, eds., Mănăstirea far.
Bizere [Bizere Monastery], vol. I (Cluj-Napoca: Mega, 2011).
10
The project “Monastic Life, Art and Technology at Bizere Monastery” (2013–2016)
Bizere? Where did the masters come from? With

what means and materials did they work on the
island? What was the provenance of the building
materials?
The organization of an international in
2013 (Old and new research at Bizere monastery
Arad, 16-17th October 2013), along with the
international conference Monastic Life, Art and
Technology (16-18th October 2014), proceeded by
the present volume, listed and debated some of the
aimed questions in a wider scientific context and
disseminated the answers based on the
interpretation of the data acquired by fulfilling the
project objectives. The two events were
accompanied by temporary exhibitions set up both
in Arad and Alba Iulia.
essential to comparative studies on different topics

(from monastic studies to medieval life). The last
objective is the analysis of all the previous sources
and investigations, together with the new data
acquired through this project, in order to answer
the following questions during the next years:
-How old is the establishment of the
monastic site? What was the primary planimetric
configuration? When was it built and in what
form? What was the spatial organization of the
complex?
-What were the economic and
technological means that facilitated the foundation
of the monastery, sustained its existence
throughout the centuries and the everyday life of
the monastic community inside the convent?
What were the artefacts used in everyday life in a
monastic environment? How did monastic life
function between norm and practice? What
relationship did the monastery have with the
“outside world”, central and local lay authorities,
the papal seat, the bishopric from Csanád (Cenad),
the provostship of Arad, its villages, with the
nobility that possessed land in the monastery’s
vicinity and others? Can the patrons –
unaccounted for by written sources – be identified
through other means?
-What was the decorative heritage of the
monastery’s different spaces? What form and what
meaning did these have? Can parts of a visual
message be reconstructed based on the contents of
the mosaics and the sculpted fragments from
11
ILEANA BURNICHIOIU
colleagues from the Department of Medieval

Studies of the Central European University, the
Institute for Art History, the Institute for
Geological and Geochemical Research of the
Hungarian Academy of Sciences, and the
Department of Geophysics and Space Science of
the Eötvös Loránd University.
A part of the collaboration was designed to
produce and disseminate individual results
through articles published in journals and papers
presented at conferences which are connected to
the subjects of the project: monastic studies,
Romanesque art, medieval technology, medieval
archaeology, landscape archaeology.4
This new approach seeks to integrate the
topic in the wider European research milieu. In the
process, the archaeological sources stored by the
local museum will finally become better known
and more accessible to researchers worldwide
dealing with monasticism, art history and
medieval technology.
Through the collected and disseminated
data, using different methods and means from
The exhibitions showcased artefacts various disciplines, the project will offer an
retrieved during the old archaeological campaigns essential dataset for a future conservation plan
along with some pieces unearthed when the field related to aspects pertaining to medieval material
research was resumed, in 2014. Nonetheless, part culture and for a project essential to the protection
of the archaeological material that also underwent of the in situ mosaic pavement, followed by a
conservation interventions between 2013 and prospective museum development. Moreover, it
2015 at the University “1 Decembrie 1918” of Alba will underpin the intentions already stated in the
Iulia, were integrated in a small permanent years 2003-2009 by the Arad County Council and
exhibition at the Arad Museum Complex that Arad Museum Complex to devise a conservation
opened in May 2015. project for the Bizere site as part of a regional
Some project activities already benefited development plan.
from the implication of the Arad Museum
Complex, along with the support offered by
4 Ileana Burnichioiu, “Fragments from Bizere monastery discovered at Bizere between 2001 and 2009 (I)], AUA hist.
(Frumuşeni, Arad county): the lavabo of cloister,” EJST 9, no. 17, no. 2 (2013): 223–226; Adrian Andrei Rusu et al.,
6 (2013): 211–219; Adrian Andrei Rusu, “On a possible “Frumușeni, jud. Arad. Mănăstirea Bizere” [Frumușeni, Arad
abbatial crosier from Bizere Monastery (Frumuşeni, Arad county. Bizere Monastery], CCA. Campania 2014 (2015): 71–
County),” EJST 9, no. 6 (2013): 221–232; Ileana Burnichioiu, 73; Adrian Andrei Rusu and Oana Toda, “Archaeological
“Lavatorium-ul abației Bizere – de la arheologie la Evidence for Historical Navigation the Mureş (Maros) River.
reconstituire” [The lavatorium of Bizere abbey – from Enquiries Based on a Medieval Boat Imprint from Bizere
archaeology to reconstruction], AUA hist. 17, no. 2 (2013): Abbey (Romania),” AAASH 65, no. 1 (2014): 139–154; Adrian
101–121; Adrian Andrei Rusu, “Religios şi non-religios în Andrei Rusu, “Manifestations of Violence in the Benedictine
cultura materială a mănăstirii Bizere (Frumuşeni, jud. Arad) Abbey in Bizere (Frumuşeni, Dép. Arad),” eClassica 2:
(I)” [Religious and non-religious in material culture of Bizere Violência no mundoantigo e medieval (in print); Adrian
abbey (Frumuşeni, Arad county) (I)], AUA hist. 17, no. 2 Andrei Rusu, “Medieval stili from Romania,” Marisia XXXIV-
(2013): 123–154; Erika Nemes Feketics, Ileana Burnichioiu, XXXV (2014-2015): 107–116. See also several studies in this
“Analize ale fragmentelor de frescă descoperite la Bizere în volume.
anii 2001-2009 (I)” [Analysis of the fresco fragments
12
Monastic Landscape
DAS KLOSTER AUF DER FLUSSINSEL: Frumușeni (dt. Schöndorf) auf einer ehemaligen
FERNVERBINDUNGEN UND LOKALE Flussinsel.
ABGESCHIEDENHEIT IM FALL DER ABTEI Das Wissen um diesen besonderen
BIZERE? Standort ist hauptsächlich durch das
Kartenmaterial des 18. und 19. Jahrhunderts
erhalten geblieben. Heute ist das Gebiet eine
OANA TODA größtenteils trockene Landschaft im Über-
schwemmungsgebiet des Flusses. Erkenntnisse aus
Die Klosterlandschaft am Unterlauf des archäologischen Grabungen führten zu dem
Flusses Mureș wurde stark durch das Gelände und Schluss, dass der Standort der Abtei während des
besonders durch den Flussverlauf beeinflusst. Dies späten Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit
erklärt die geografische Lage dieser Orte, die wiederholt Überschwemmungen ausgesetzt war,
ausschließlich in der Nähe des Mureș zu finden die von den verschiedenen Armen des Flusses und
sind. Bis ins 13. Jahrhundert wurden in diesem Teil dem allgemeinen Steigen des Wasserstandes
des Flusslaufes zahlreiche Klöster gegründet, die herrührten.
ihre Einkünfte aus dem Salzhandel bezogen. Das Eine Untersuchung der Ortsnamen auf
Recht dazu war ihnen von der Krone historischen Karten zeigt, dass sich die
zugesprochen worden. Während der Dynastie der Bezeichnung Bizere auch nach dem Untergang der
Árpáden (1000-1301) erlangten einige der ältesten Abtei für den Ort gehalten hat. Die älteste Karte
Klöster (unter anderem die des Benediktiner- für diese Region stammt aus dem 16. Jahrhundert
ordens) eine führende Rolle in diesem Bereich.1 und wurde von Lazarus zusammengetragen. Auf
Die Organisation des Salzabbaus und -handels dieser wird die Abtei als südlich des Flusses und
innerhalb des Königreiches wurde den Klöstern östlich von Zeudi angegeben, dem Gut der Familie
und geistlichen Institutionen überlassen, die im Pósa. An diesem Ort befanden sich im späten
Gegenzug hohe Abgaben an die Krone zahlten.2 Mittelalter eine Kastellburg und ein Marktplatz.4
In diesem Rahmen entfaltete sich das Mehrere kleine Karten aus der der zweiten Hälfte
Benediktinerkloster Bizere zwischen dem 12. und des 16. bis zum dem Ende des 17.
16. Jahrhundert.3 Die Überreste der Gebäude Jahrhundert.verwendeten die Ortsbezeichnung
befinden sich heute im Westen Rumäniens, 15 km Bizere. Es fehlt jedoch an umfangreicherem
von der Stadt Arad entfernt, in der Nähe des Dorfes Kartenmaterial aus dieser Zeit, um die Abtei zu
lokalisieren.5

Dr., Lehrstuhl für Geschichte, Archäologie und Museums- Jahrhundert], Ziridava XII (1980): 194-195; Petru Iambor,
wissenschaften, Universität „1 Decembrie 1918” aus Alba „Drumuri şi vămi ale sării din Transilvania în perioada
Iulia; oanatoda@yahoo.com. feudalismului timpuriu” [Salzstraßen und Zollstationen in
1 Zu den Klöstern am Unterlauf des Flusses Mureș siehe z.B: Transsilvanien während der frühen Feudalzeit], AMN 19
Suzana Móré Heitel, Începuturile artei medievale în bazinul (1982): 75-85; Gheorghe Anghel und Viorica Suciu, „Mărturii
inferior al Mureșului [Die Anfänge mittelalterlicher Kunst am ale practicării plutăritului în Transilvania din antichitate, evul
Unterlauf des Flusses Mureș] (Timișoara: Excelsior Art, 2010), mediu şi perioada modernă. Rolul oraşului Alba Iulia în istoria
passim; siehe auch Suzana Móré Heitel, „Monostorok a Maros plutăritului” [Zeugnisse zur transsilvanischen Flößerei
Mentén. Adatok” [Klöster entlang des Flusses Mureș. Daten], während der Antike, des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit. Die
in Paradisum plantavit. Bencés monostorok a középkori Rolle von Alba Iulia in der Geschichte der Flößerei], Apulum
Magyarországon. Benedictine Monasteries in Medieval 40 (2004): 367-386.
Hungary. Exhibition at the Benedictine Archabbey of 3 Für Details siehe: Adrian A. Rusu und Ileana Burnichioiu,
Pannonhalma 21 March – 11 November 2001, Hrsg. Imre Hgg., Mănăstirea Bizere [Das Kloster Bizere], I (Cluj-Napoca:
Takács (Pannonhalma: Pannonhalmi Bencés Főapátság, 2001): Mega Verlag, 2011).
267-274. 4 Hans Meschendörfer und Otto Mittelstraß, Siebenbürgen auf
2 Für weitere wissenschaftliche Beiträge zur Rolle der Klöster alten Karten: Lazarus - Tannstetter 1528, Johannes Honterus
auf diesem Gebiet und ihrer engen Verbindung zur 1532, Wolfgang Lazius 1552/56 (Gundelsheim: Arbeitskreis
Binnenschiffahrt zwischen Transsilvanien und dem Theiß für Siebenbürgische Landeskunde Heidelberg, 1996), Land-
und Donau Gebiet, siehe: Géza Kovach, „Date cu privire la karte Microfiche.
transportul sării pe Mureş în secolele X-XIII” [Daten zum 5 Wie z.B. die Karte des Giacomo Gastaldi aus dem Jahre 1546
Salztransport auf dem Fluss Mureș zwischen dem 10. und 13. (La vera descrittione di tutta la Vngheria, Transiluania,
15
OANA TODA
Erst in der zweiten Hälfte des 18. identifizieren. Dem bereits erwähnten
Jahrhunderts wurden von den Habsburgern Kartenmaterial zufolge floss der Hauptarm
mehrere Landvermessungen zu militärischen nördlich an der Insel vorbei, während der südliche
Zwecken in Auftrag gegeben, welche auch für die Lauf nur ein Nebenarm war. Daher verwies die
Begradigungsarbeiten an Flüssen verwendet Karte der Franziszeischen Landesaufnahme auf ein
wurden. Während dieser Arbeiten wurde die trockenes Flussbett im Süden,10 das in der zweiten
Gewässerstruktur und das Klima des Unterlaufs Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts die einstige Insel von
des Mureş massiv beeinflusst und durchlief die drei Seiten her umschloss (Abb. 2). Zu diesem
größten klimatischen und hydromorphologischen Zeitpunkt war der Name des Ortes bereits in
Veränderungen der östlichen ungarischen Vergessenheit geraten oder wurde einfach
Tiefebene. Aus diesem Grund wurde die ausgelassen.
Markierung für ein Kloster auf einer Flussinsel Beim Vergleich der historischen Daten mit
südlich der Ortschaften Cicir und Mândruloc dem derzeitigen Landschaftsbild ist besonders die
eingetragen, die sich nord-östlich von Frumușeni Franziszeische Landesaufnahme von großem
befinden. Auf einer Karte aus den Jahren 1764- Nutzen, da sie durch Verortung den Abgleich mit
1765 findet man an diesem Ort nur den Begriff aktuellen Karten ermöglicht. Durch das digitale
Monostor.6 Der sogenannte Ideale Plan von der Zusammenfügen des historischen und aktuellen
Situation der Marosch bey Monderlak,7 der Flussverlaufes zeigt sich, dass die Abtei Bizere im
vermutlich 1776 entstand, bezeichnet den Ort als Vergleich zum umliegenden Überschwemmungs-
Ins. Monostor. Erst 1785 wird der Standort der gebiet an einem erhöhten Ort lag. Weiterhin
Ruinen korrigiert. Diese werden nun im Nord- zeigen die Veränderungen der Gewässerstruktur,
Osten von Zeudi, innerhalb einer Flussbiegung dass der Mureș in den vergangenen Jahrhunderten
wiedergegeben und Rudera Monostor genannt.8 näher an der Stätte vorbeifloss, als sich aus seinem
Auf einer Karte von 1786 erscheint für die Abtei derzeitigen Lauf schließen lässt. Diese Erkenntnis
die Abkürzung Ins. et Pr. Monostor (Abb. 1).9 Auf wird von der königlichen Urkunde aus dem Jahr
dieser Karte wird die Größe der Flussinsel im 1183 unterstützt, die dem Bischofssitz von Nitra
Vergleich zur Abteianlage besser dargestellt. die gleichen Salzprivilegien wie Bizere gewährte11
Eine Untersuchung des historischen und damit die Rolle der Abtei im Salztransport und
Kartenmaterials ist auch dabei behilflich, die der Binnenschifffahrt verdeutlicht.
Haupt- und Nebenarme der Mureș zu
Valachia..., Venezia, Taf. II, 52 x 35 cm), oder die Karte aus zwischen diesen geteilt wurde. Infolgedessen gibt die
dem Jahre 1686, herausgegeben von Giacomo Cantelli da nördliche Karte den Nordteil der Insel wieder, während die
Vignola (La Transilvania Divisa su l Esemplare delle Carte südliche den Rest der Insel und das Überschwemmungs-
Migliori, 56.2 x 42.0 cm). gebiet in diesem Bereich komplett auslässt. Trotz dieser
6Plan von Maros Flus in wie weit solcher Anno 1764 et von Schwierigkeiten wurde der kleine Bereich der Insel, der
Lippa bis Makko Gemessen woeden, 74 x 35 cm, MOL- dargestellt wurde, als Teil des ehemaligen Klosterbesitzes
Térképtár, Kennung: S 11 Nr. 0301, Zugriff am 21.09.2014, betrachtet.
http://mol.arcanum.hu/terkep. 8 György Györffy, Az Árpád-kori Magyarország történeti
7 43 x 27 cm, MOL-Térképtár, Kennung: S 11 Nr. 1104, Zugriff földrajza [Historische Geografie Ungarns in der Arpadenzeit],
am 21.09.2014, http://mol.arcanum.hu/terkep (siehe auch: S Bd. I (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1966), 173-174.
11 Nr. 1107). Der gleiche Ortsname erscheint auf einer 9 Delineatio Dominii Regio Cameralis Aradiensis , 73 x 54 cm,
detaillierteren Karte aus dem darauffolgenden Jahr MOL-Térképtár, Kennung: S 11 Nr. 1729, Zugriff am
(Geometrisch aufgenommener Plan von dem Rinnfal/l/der 2.10.2014, http://mol.arcanum.hu/terkep.
Marosch und dessen Durch-schnitt, wie auch vor dem 10 Ungef. Koord: 21.47817 E, 46.11267 N; Zugriff am
Monderlaker Dam neu zulegenden, Sporn, 45 x 42.5 cm, 10.04.2015, http://mapire.eu/en/map/secondsurvey.

MOL-Térképtár, Kennung: S 11 Nr. 1111, Zugriff am 11 ÁÚO, XI, 47-48: „Preterea tres naues saliferas ea libertate,
12.09.2014, http://mol.arcanum.hu/terkep) wie auch auf der quam habent naues Monasterij de Bisra in emendo et
Josephinischen Landesaufnahme, 1:28800 (coll. XXIV, sectio deferendo sale, siue Orodini, siue in Ciggedin seruari
XXXII, Zugriff am 10.04.2015, http://mapire.eu/en/map/first placuerit, Nitriensi Ecclesie concessi, et ad preces Episcopi, si
survey). Letztere birgt jedoch einige Probleme, da der Mureș potuerit naues habere sufficientes, quod tribus vijs deduci
nahe der Grenze zwischen Ungarn und dem Banat auf zwei debet, ut una via deducatur, ex Regia liberalitate adieci.”
verschiedenen Karten dargestellt wurde und die Klosterinsel
16
Das Kloster auf der Flussinsel
Abb. 1. Standort der Abtei Bizere auf einer Landkarte aus

dem Jahr 1786 (MOL-Térképtár, Kennung: S 11 No 1729).
Abb. 2. Ehemaliges Flussbett und alte Nebenarme des Mureș

im Umland der Abtei Bizere auf historischen Karten.
17
OANA TODA
Die geografische Umgebung, in der sich die Abtei Zusammen mit den historischen Karten
befand, lässt die Frage aufkommen, ob diese durch wäre die Untersuchung der in mittelalterlichen
den Flusslauf isoliert oder doch mit dem Umland Urkunden festgehaltenen Grenzen einzelner
auf der anderen Seite des Flusses gut vernetzt war. Besitzungen und Landschaftsmerkmalen in der
Die Nähe zum Fluss selber lässt durchaus auch den Region von großer Hilfe. Leider ist dies für Bizere
Schluss zu, dass Bizere durch seine Lage an der nicht möglich, da die erhaltenen mittelalterlichen
regionalen Hauptverkehrsader der Binnen- Dokumente für die Region die Besitztümer nur
schifffahrt weitreichende Beziehungen pflegte. lückenhaft und vage beschreiben.12
Abb. 3. Magnetogram der archäologischen Stätte Bizere
mit geologischen Merkmalen und den Schnitten der
Bodenwiederstandsmessung (László Lenkey).
12 Einige dieser Urkunden beziehen sich auf Besitztümer, die Ileana Burnichioiu, „Mănăstirea Bizere în izvoare scrise.
sich in unmittelbarer Nähe der Abtei befanden, oder auf Secolele XII-XVI. Privilegii, posesiuni, venituri” [Das Kloster
angrenzenden Ländereien, von denen die meisten zum Bizere in schriftlichen Quellen. 12. – 16. Jahrhundert.
Kapitel von Arad (Orod) oder zu den Besitztümern der Privilegien, Besitztümer und Einnahmen], in Rusu und
Adelsfamilie Pósa von Szer gehörten. Zu letzteren gibt es Burnichioiu, Mănăstirea Bizere, I, 25-36.
leider keine genauen Abgrenzungen; für eine Übersicht siehe
18
Abb. 4. Schnitte der Bodenwiederstandsmessung aus dem

nordwestlichen Bereich Grabungsstätte Bizere (László
Lenkey).
Abb 5. Durch Wassererosion verursachte Schäden an der

Haupt- und Nordapsis der Basilika von Bizere
(Bild: Florin Mărginean).
19
OANA TODA
Abb. 6. Umriss der Bauwerke aus dem nordöstlichen Jahrhunderten stattfand. Im nördlichen Teil der
Bereich der Abtei Bizere. Messabschnitte 3 und 4 ergab die geoelektrische
Prospektion, dass der hohe Wiederstand fehlt, der
Mithilfe der Erkenntnisse aus 11 durch die Kiesschicht verursacht wird. Dies ist
archäologischen Grabungen können die durch die Existenz eines älteren Flussarms zu
Informationen aus den schriftlichen Quellen zur erklären, der sich später mit Sand und Schlamm
Beschaffenheit der Insel und ihrer Veränderung füllte (Abb. 4).
durch den Fluss zumindest teilweise rekonstruiert Die zeitliche Eingrenzung des
werden.13 Wichtige Informationen wurden auch Erosionsprozesses konnte durch Erkenntnisse aus
durch die geophysikalischen Untersuchungen den archäologischen Grabungen erstellt werden.
erbracht, die auf dem größten Teil der Fläche des Diese zeigen, dass der westliche Teil der
archäologischen Reservats durchgeführt wurden.14 mutmaßlichen Residenz, die Hälfte der Hauptapsis
Durch die geomagnetische und geoelektrische sowie die gesamte Nordapsis der Basilika durch die
Prospektion konnte der Verlauf des alten Wassereinwirkung zerstört wurden (Abb. 5). Der
Flussufers im Südwesten der Stätte und Spuren größte Teil des Schadens trat allerdings erst nach
einer starken Wassererosion im Nordosten des der Aufgabe der Abtei auf, also erst Mitte des 16.
umschlossenen Geländes identifiziert werden Jahrhunderts. Der Prozess fand also in der frühen
(Abb. 3). Man kann davon ausgehen, dass der Lauf Neuzeit statt und endete noch vor dem 19.
des Flussufers für lange Zeit unverändert blieb. Die Jahrhundert, da der südliche Nebenarm zur Zeit
Erosion im Nordosten der Abtei war jedoch ein der Franziszeischen Landesaufnahme kein Wasser
Prozess, der sowohl während der Bewohnung der mehr führte.
Stätte als auch in den darauffolgenden
13Relevante Daten zu diesem Thema wurde in den Jahren 14Die Untersuchungen wurden durchgeführt von Dr. László
2001 – 2009 und 2014 schrittweise während der Lenkey, Lehrstuhl für Geophysik und Geowissenschaften,
Untersuchung der wichtigsten Bereiche gewonnen. Die Eötvös Loránd Universität, Budapest (Report on the
historische Geomorphologie und Hydromorphologie der geophysical measurements at the Bizere monastery in 2013,
Stätte waren nicht Teil der anfänglichen Forschungsarbeit, Ms.).
was den bruchteilhaften Charakter der Daten erklärt.
20
Zusätzlich zu dem Schaden, der durch baldigen Böschungsbruch zur Folge hatte. Bisher
Hochwasser und die Erosion des Flusses während konnte das Westende des Grabens nicht entdeckt
der frühen Neuzeit verursacht wurde, lässt sich werden. Das nördliche Ende geht jedoch in das alte
anhand der archäologischen Funde im nördlichen Flussbett über.
Teil der Grabung feststellen, dass diese Prozesse Der Pfahlbau und der Graben wurden der
bereits früher periodisch in Erscheinung getreten Anlage erst spät hinzugefügt. Das Fundament der
sind. An der hölzernen Wehrbaute, die sich Palisade durchschneidet zwei Kies- und
westlich der vermutlichen Abtresidenz, der Schlammschichten, die von früheren
Kapelle und der Basilika befand und eine Palisade Überschwemmungen herrühren. Das Füllmaterial
gewesen zu sein scheint, konnten die des Fundamentgrabens enthielt auch
Ablagerungen mehrerer Überschwemmungen in Tonscherben, die in das 15. und 16. Jahrhundert
den Erdschichten identifiziert werden. eingeordnet werden können. Diese Behauptungen
Dieser Holzbau wurde während den zur relativen Chronologie werden auch dadurch
Grabungen in den Jahren 2001, 2007-2009 und unterstützt, dass sich das Fundament des Baues
201415 freigelegt und bestand aus einem Gefüge aus oberhalb der Steinsplitterschicht befindet, die sich
Balken und Pfählen. Dies verlief westlich der während der Steinbearbeitung beim Bau der
Hauptgebäude der Abtei auf einer Länge von Hautgebäude, zum Beispiel der Abteikirche,
nachweisbar 40 m im nördlichen Bereich des gebildet hat. Während der Aushebung des
Areals (Abb. 6). Sein Fundament bestand aus zwei Palisadenfundaments und des Grabens wurden
parallelen Gräben, in die starke hölzerne Pfähle auch mehrere Gräber gestört. Die hier entdeckten
eingerammt wurden, deren unterer Teil in den Grabbeigaben konnten in das 12. und 13.
einzelnen Gruben bis heute gut erhalten sind. Die Jahrhundert eingeordnet werden. Die Frage, ob die
beiden Gräben verlaufen 1.8 m voneinander Palisade zum Schutz vor Hochwasser errichtet
entfernt und sind zwischen 0.20 und 0.40 m breit. wurde, kann nur durch weitere Grabungen in
Der Holzbau wurde auf seiner gesamten Länge in diesem Bereich beantwortet werden.
mehrere Abschnitte unterteilt, teils durch Die Anordnung der Gebäude im
eingefügte Querbalken und teils durch eine nordöstlichen Bereich der Abtei bleibt weiterhin
Unterbrechung der beiden Gräben. Zwischen den unbekannt, da die geophysikalische Prospektion
beiden Pfahlreihen wurden auch mehrere diesen noch nicht erschlossen hat. Dem bisherigen
Pfahlgruben entdeckt, die teilweise einen Forschungsstand nach diente die hölzerne Anlage
Durchmesser von 0.50 m aufwiesen und sicher einem ähnlichen Zweck wie die des
eine statische Rolle hatten. dominikanischen Nonnenklosters auf der
Westlich der gesamten Palisade verlief ein Margareteninsel in Budapest. Hier wurde in der
V-förmiger Graben, der durch eine 0.9 m breite ersten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts eine ähnliche
Berme von dieser getrennt war. An der Oberkante hölzerne Befestigung errichtet, um eine türkische
wies der Graben eine Breite von 5 m auf, verjüngte Belagerung abzuwehren. Der anhand von
sich bis zur Grabensohle auf 0.60 m und hatte eine bildlichen Quellen und archäologischen
maximale Tiefe von 1.9 m. Die in der Füllung Grabungen belegte Bau,16 bestehend aus
verzeichneten Sedimente zeigen, dass der Graben Holzpfosten und Flechtwerk, schützte die
wasserführend war. Die östliche Böschung weist Gebäude des Klosters vermutlich auch vor
das steilste Gefälle auf, ohne jedoch verstärkt Hochwasser, nachdem diese bereits verlassen
gewesen zu sein. Dies deutet darauf hin, dass der waren.
gesamte Graben nur kurzzeitig intakt blieb, da er Für Bizere dient der Brunnenturm als
im unteren Bereich Kiesel- und Sandschichten Veranschaulichung für die Gefahr, der die Abtei
durchschnitt und die fehlende Verstärkung einen durch den Fluss ausgesetzt war. Ersterer wurde
15 Diese Arbeit enthält nur eine kurze Beschreibung und 16András Vadas, „Long-Term Perspectives on River Floods.
einige Bemerkungen zu der vermutlichen Palisade, da der Bau The Dominican Nunnery on Margaret Island (Budapest) and
in Zukunft eine eigene eingehende Untersuchung und the Danube River,” IANSA IV, 1 (2013): 79-80, Abb. 3.
Forschungsarbeit erfordert.
21
OANA TODA
errichtet, um das Trinkwasser des zentralen Standorts sinnlos gewesen. Daher muss man für
Brunnens ober- und unterirdisch vor dem den frühen Bestand der Abtei von einer leicht
Hochwasser zu schützen.17 Der massive Bau, unterschiedlichen Einteilung der vorhandenen
bestehend aus Stein, Backstein und sehr Fläche ausgehen, die vor dem Erscheinen
widerstandsfähigem Mörtel, ist bis heute sichtbar. saisonbedingter Hochwasser möglich war.
Die oben aufgeführten Erkenntnisse Wie bereits beschrieben, war die Rolle der
bezüglich der Veränderungen im Wasserstand des Abtei Bizere und anderer Klöster in der
Flusses Mureș stimmen mit den Dokumenten aus Binnenschifffahrt auf dem Mureş und dem
dem Karpatenbecken überein, die die transsilvanischen Salztransport ausschlaggebend
Veränderungen gegen Ende der mittelalterlichen für die Gründung und Entfaltung dieser Orte.
Klimaanomalie und dem Beginn der kleinen Urkunden, die diesen Stätten königliche
Eiszeit wiedergeben.18 Für diesen Zeitraum geht Privilegien zusprachen, sind ein Beweis dafür und
aus einer Urkunde hervor, dass es in lassen vermuten, dass die Abtei weitreichende
Transsilvanien und dem Osten des ungarischen Beziehungen pflegte. Bezüglich der schweren
Königreiches während des Winters zu erheblichen Langstreckentransporte, die zum Beispiel
Überschwemmungen kam. Die betroffenen Baumaterialien betrafen, lassen sich einige
Regionen wurden jedoch nicht aufgezählt. Die aus Schlüsse ziehen. Der Ort für die Lagerung und
dem Jahr 1367 stammende Urkunde vermerkt, dass Bearbeitung der Steinblöcke, die für den Erbau der
der Abt des Zisterzienserklosters aus Igriș, welches Abtei benötigt wurden, war der nordöstliche
sich am Unterlauf des Mureș (heute Landkreis Bereich der Insel. Hier wurden die stärksten
Arad) befand, an seiner Reise zum Kapitel Cluj- Spuren der Wassererosion verzeichnet und die
Mănăștur in Transsilvanien durch das Hochwasser Schicht aus Sand- und Kalksteinsplittern, die sich
gehindert wurde. Zweck der Reise war, während der Bearbeitung der Blöcke bildete,
Dokumente für den Beleg seines Besitzrechtes erreicht eine maximale Stärke von 0.40 m. Man
über zwei Güter im heutigen Landkreis Alba zu kann davon ausgehen, dass die Bearbeitung der
erbringen.19 Obwohl dieses Recht nicht anerkannt Steinblöcke in nächster Nähe der Baustelle
wurde, ist die Tatsache, dass der Prozess bis in den stattfand, welche in diesem Fall die Kirche der
Monat Mai vertagt wurde, ein Zeichen für die Abtei war. Der nordöstliche Bereich der Insel war
Anerkennung des Grundes für sein Verspäten. jedoch auch die einzige Anlegestelle für die
Durch den Herkunftsort und das Reiseziel des Schifffahrt flussabwärts. Dieser Umstand
Abtes lässt sich schlussfolgern, dass die unterstützt die Annahme, dass der Bereich für die
Überschwemmungen den Südwesten Lagerung von Kalk- und Sandsteinen verwendet
Transsilvaniens und den Osten der großen wurde, die aus den Steinbrüchen weiter
ungarischen Tiefebene betrafen.20 flussaufwärts stammten und auf dem Wasserweg
Das alltägliche Leben auf der Insel der
Abtei wurde jedoch nicht ständig vom Fluss
beeinträchtigt. Anders wäre die Wahl des
17 Adrian A. Rusu, „Turnul cu fântână” [Der Brunnenturm], in tenore reviso et continentiis eiusdem plenissime perlectis ipse
Rusu und Burnichioiu, Mănăstirea Bizere, I, 55-56. dominus Alardus abbas retulisset eo modo, quod dictas literas
18 Für weitere Details und Abgrenzung zwischen den beiden, ipsius domini Andreae regis cum aliis literarum munimentis
siehe: Lajos Rácz, „The price of survival: transformations in scilicet copiam seu originale ipsius registri iam exhibiti pro eo
environmental conditions and subsistence systems in Hungary tunc ad praesens exhibere non valuisset, quia propter
in the age of the Ottoman occupation,” HS 24, 1 (Juni, 2010): inundationem aquarum secum ferre ausus non fuisset timens,
24; András Vadas und Lajos Rácz, „Climatic changes in the ne per huiusmodi accidentiam per ipsum factum dictae
Carpathian basin during the Middle Ages: the state of ecclesiae suae in destruendis ipsis instrumentis in successu
research,” Global Environment 12 (2013): 210-225; Andrea temporum periclitaretur, et ad exhibendum eadem
Kiss, „Floods and long-term water-level changes in medieval instrumenta ulteriorem terminum sibi per nos adhuc assignari
Hungary,” (PhD diss. Central European University Budapest, postulasset.”
2011), 14, 62-63. 20 Kiss, „Floods and long-term water-level changes,” 269-270.
19 Ub, Bd. II (1342-1390), 293-297: „Cuius quidem registri
22
zur Abtei transportiert wurden. Eine Analyse der

aus den Baumaterialien entnommenen Gesteins-
proben ergab, dass der beim Bau verwendete
Sandstein, Quarzit und Basalt aus Zărand und den
südlichen Apuseni-Bergen (Drocea-Gebirge)
weiter flussaufwärts stammen könnte.21
Während den archäologischen Grabungen
im Schnitt 85/2008 und 88/2008 wurden die
möglichen Reste eines gemauerten Pfeilers am
Flussufer nördlich der mutmaßlichen Abtresidenz
gefunden (Abb. 7). Dieses Mauerwerk besteht aus
Stein, Backstein und Mörtel und gleicht in der
Bausubstanz dem nahen Gebäude. Die Nähe der
beiden Bauwerke legt nahe, dass die Nutzung des Abb. 7. Der runde Pfeiler im Norden der Abtei
Pfeilers mit dem großen Gebäude in Verbindung (Bild: Csongor Derzsi).
stand. Einen Beweis für diese Annahme gibt es
Der Pfeiler steht am Rande des alten Flussufers, in
jedoch nicht, da die Wassererosion alle Spuren
einem von der Wassererosion beschädigten
eines möglichen mittelalterlichen Bauhorizontes
Bereich, der die nordöstliche Ecke der Abtresidenz
oder Fußbodens südlich des Pfeilers vernichtet
miteinbezieht.22 Wegen seiner Nähe zum Fluss
hat. Von dem Pfeiler selbst blieben nur sechs
kann man auch davon ausgehen, dass er als
Reihen Mauerwerk erhalten, die eine Höhe von
Verankerung für einen hölzernen Landesteg
1.04 m und ein Durchmesser von 1.7 m haben. In
diente.
den unteren fünf Reihen wurden nur Steine
Nach Norden hin fällt das alte Flussufer in
verbaut, während in der obersten Reihe auch
einem Winkel von 40 ab und zeigt (Abb. 8), dass
Backstein verwendet wurde.
Abb. 8. Darstellung des östlichen Profils des

Grabungsschnittes 85 mit Pfeiler und der Schichtabfolge
nördlich der mutmaßlichen Residenz.
21Siehe Bernadett Bajnóczi et al., „Archaeometric analysis of 22Adrian A. Rusu et al., „Frumuşeni, com. Frumuşeni, jud.
mosaic tesserae and a ‘red marble’ decorative stone from the Arad. Mănăstirea Bizere” [Frumuşeni, Gemeinde Frumuşeni,
Bizere monastery (Arad county, Romania),” in diesem Kreis Arad. Das Kloster Bizere], in CCA. Campania 2008
Sammelband. /Valahica XXI-XXII (2009): 112-113.
23
OANA TODA
Nordseite der Trennmauer zwischen den beiden

Bereichen konnten auch wiederverwendete
Quadersteine identifiziert werden.
Das Fundament des Gebäudes wurde auf
eine Sand- und Schlammschicht gelegt. Da der
gesamte Innenbereich jedoch von
Schlammablagerungen bedeckt war, kann man
davon ausgehen, dass der Bau während eines
Hochwassers überschwemmt wurde. Am nahen
Flussufer wurden große, gegen das Ufer gelehnte
Steine gefunden, die zur Festigung des Ufers
dienten und seiner Erosion durch den Fluss
Abb. 9. Uferbefestigung an der östlichen Grenze der
Abteiinsel (Bild: Csongor Derzsi).
vorbeugen sollten (Abb. 9).
Die gleichmäßige Schlammschicht, die
der Pfeiler auch außerhalb der Hochwasserzeiten den gesamten Bereich um diese Steine bedeckt und
in Kontakt mit dem Wasser stand. Dass es sich bei sich unterhalb einer Schuttschicht befindet, zeigt,
dem leichten Hang um ein Flussufer handelt, zeigt dass das Flusswasser auf dieser Fläche still stand.
auch die geoelektrische Prospektion, da der Daher könnte es sich bei dem Gebäude vormals um
elektrische Widerstand in diesem Bereich am eine Anlegestelle gehandelt haben.
niedrigsten ist (Abb. 4). Die einen hohen Schlammablagerungen und der sich ändernde
Widerstand leistenden Kiesschichten und Wasserpegel führten zur Errichtung eines Kais aus
Mauerreste fehlen in diesem hier, da sich das Backstein.25 Dieser stürzte später Richtung Osten
Flussbett irgendwann mit Ablagerungen aus ein und wurde nicht wieder errichtet. Später
feinem Sand und anderem Schwemmmaterial wurde über der Schuttschicht ein Gehweg aus
gefüllt hat.23 Die Nähe zum Fluss und die gestampften Backsteinstücken angelegt und der
Steinsplitterschicht am Ufer deuten darauf hin, Kai verlor seinen ursprünglichen Zweck.
dass hier von Anfang an ein Bauwerk gestanden Anlegestellen in Form von Kais und Piers
haben muss, das mit der Binnenschifffahrt in waren notwendig, damit die Boote und Flöße der
Verbindung stand und das Entladen der Boote Abtei anlegen konnten. Die Urkunden bezüglich
erleichterte. der Binnenschifffahrt im Mureș-Tal sind sehr
Ein eigentümlicher Bau, dessen Zweck ungenau bei den Bezeichnungen für die einzelnen
noch unklar ist,24 schließt die Reihe der bisher Arten von Schiffen. Die Abtei Bizere besaß jedoch
identifizierten Gebäude am Flussufer ab. Kurz im Jahr 1183 mehrere sogenannte naves, welche
gesagt, befindet sich das Gebäude flussabwärts des mehrfach in den Urkunden des 13. Jahrhunderts
Pfeilers, am östlichen Rand des Areals, in der Nähe erwähnt werden.26 Verbindet man diese
des Kreuzganges und hat eine Nord-Süd- Informationen mit anderen Urkunden, so wird
Ausrichtung. Der in zwei Bereiche getrennte Bau klar, dass die Binnenschifffahrt eng mit den
wurde nur teilweise freigelegt, weshalb bisher nur Klöstern der Umgebung verbunden war und sich
der südliche Sektor besser untersucht wurde. noch vor dem ersten urkundlichen Beleg der Abtei
Dieser hat innen eine Länge von 9.70 m. Die Breite Bizere etabliert hatte. So waren die Transport-
kann auf 4 m geschätzt werden. Seine Mauern verpflichtungen der Bewohner von Şeitin (Kreis
bestehen hauptsächlich aus Stein. Auf der Arad) im Zusammenhang mit den Salzerträgen des
23Lenkey, Report on the geophysical measurements, MS. 25 Es wurde festgestellt, dass Backstein erstmals im 13.
24Der Grundriss dieses Baus und seine Rolle im Zusammenhang Jahrhundert für die Errichtung der Gebäude verwendet
mit den anderen Klostergebäuden kann nur durch weitere wurde. Siehe als Beispiel die Kapelle nördlich der Abteikirche:
Forschung vervollständigt werden. Dies kann dazu führen, dass Ileana Burnichioiu, „Capela funerară” [Die Grabkapelle], in
dem Gebäude eine andere Rolle zugeschrieben wird, zum Rusu und Burnichioiu, Mănăstirea Bizere, I, 70-71.
Beispiel die einer latrinae oder einer Mühle, da sich diese auch in 26 1211: DIR.C. Veacul XIV, Bd. IV (1341-1350), 152.
der Nähe des Flusses befinden würden.
24
Klosters Dömös schon im Jahre 1138 festgelegt27 unterstützt.31 Das Fehlen klarer Bezeichnungen für
und die Flößer hatten die Aufgabe, jährlich sechs die verschiedenen Bootstypen ist insoweit
Salztransporte mit zwei Schiffen durchzuführen. verständlich, als dass diese in Urkunden meist nur
Darüber hinaus wird der Ort Sâmbăteni, unter dem Sammelbegriff naves erwähnt werden
der sich auf der anderen Seite des Hauptarms des und ihre verschiedenen Merkmale nicht
Mureş nordöstlich von Bizere befindet, im beschrieben sind. Auch die im 13. und 16.
gleichen Dokument erwähnt wie das Salzlager der Jahrhundert erwähnten örtlichen Bootsformen
Abtei.28 Dadurch erhalten wir einen Einblick in die lassen sich kaum interpretieren.
Verwendung des Salzes, welches die Abtei von der Als Beispiele für die verschiedenen Typen
Krone erhielt. Die Beziehung zwischen Sâmbăteni kann man kerep und olch angeben, die beide in
und Bizere wird auch von einer Urkunde aus dem einem Dokument aus dem Jahr 1248 erwähnt
15. Jahrhundert belegt, die erwähnt, dass ein Teil werden,32 wobei jedoch klar zwischen den beiden
der Ortschaft der Abtei gehörte.29 Bizere wird Arten unterschieden wird. Auch zeugt der Name
weiter in einer Urkunde aus dem 16. Jahrhundert naviculis (kleineres Boot) von der Unterscheidung,
als Zollstelle für die Binnenschifffahrt aufgeführt. die bei der Größe des Gefährts und auch der
Die Abtei zog die Gebühren für die Holztransporte anfallenden Zollsteuer gemacht wurden. Dieselbe
der iobagi aus den Ortschaften Șoimoș und Überlegung stand hinter einer weiteren Urkunde
Subcetate ein, die über den Fluss liefen.30 aus dem 13. Jahrhundert, die eine dreigliedrige
Die Unterscheidung zwischen den Klassifizierung der Schiffstypen durchführte, um
verschiedenen Arten mittelalterlicher Wasser- die anfallenden Zollgebühren zu regulieren. Dieses
fahrzeuge auf den transsilvanischen Flüssen stellt Dokument wurde ursprünglich im Namen von
sich als schwierige Aufgabe heraus. Dieses Thema König Andreas II. erlassen und bestätigte die
wurde seitens der Forschung oft vernachlässigt, da Existenz von drei unterschiedlichen Arten von
Flöße und Einbäume als relevanter für die Schiffen, die den Mureş befuhren. Die
mittelalterliche Binnenschifffahrt betrachtet Unterschiede bezogen sich größtenteils auf die
wurden. Die bestehenden Theorien ziehen die in Last, die diese Gefährte transportieren konnten,33
den Urkunden verwendete Terminologie nicht in wobei einer der Schiffstypen anhand seiner Form
Betracht und werden Mangels klarer und dem Vorhandensein eines Kiels definiert
archäologischen Funde von keinen Beweisen wurde (carina seu nave magna).34 Diese
27 DIR.C. Veacurile XI, XII, XIII, Bd. I (1075-1250) (1951), 2- intensive Beschiffung des Flusses in diesem Zeitraum und die
3; Kovach, „Date cu privire la transportul sării pe Mureş,” 195. Bedeutung, die der spätmittelalterlichen städtischen Siedlung
28 Ferdinandus Knauz, Hrsg., Monumenta Ecclesiae in dieser Hinsicht zukam.
Strigoniensis (Strigonii: Horák, 1874), 94: „In uilla Sahut sunt 32 Ub, Bd. I, 77: „Concedimus etiamut de navi quae kerep
allatores Salis [...]. Isti per anum sexies redeunt de vltrasiluanus dicitur ultra Morisium secatur solvat fertonem et de navi olch
partibus usque ad forum Sumbuth cum duabus Nauibus.” dimidium, de naviculis vero tria pondera, de argento terrae,
29 Burnichioiu, „Privilegii, posesiuni, venituri,” 29. sed cum statera supra dicta, sicut consueverunt canonici
30 Egon Dörner und Géza Kovách, „Documente ale fondului accipere Albenses super aquam.”
Brandenburg cu privire la campania lui Gh. Doja în valea 33 1289: Ub, Bd. I, 161. Das Dokument wurde von König
Mureșului” [Dokumente aus dem Brandenburgischen Andreas erneut bestätigt: „quod quidem eorundem
Archivfond bezüglich des Feldzuges von Gh. Doja im Mureștal], privilegium a rege Andrea cla[rae memoriae avo] nostro
Studii 17, 3 (1964): 502 (1514: „in abbacia Byzere”). datum et concessum videlicet de qualibet carina seu nave
31 Die ikonografischen Quellen aus der kulturellen und magna dimidiam marcam, de mediocri vero vel parva unum
wirtschaftlichen Umgebung des Mureștals enthalten nur eine fertonem tempore Geanini filii Alardi [in concrematione]
einzige Abbildung eines Wasserfahrzeugs, die leider wenig ecclesiae beati Mychaelis combustum exstitisset.”
über dessen Form aussagt. Die einfache Darstellung eines 34 Während der Römerzeit wurde diese Bezeichnung für den
Bootes mit einem Mast oder einem Kreuz über der Mitte ist Teil des Bootes verwendet, an dem die Rippen und Planken
auf mehreren Siegeln der städtischen Behörden aus Lipova befestigt waren; siehe Michel Reddé, Mare nostrum. Les
dargestellt und stammt aus der ersten Hälfte des 16. infrastructures, le dispositif et l'histoire de la marine militaire
Jahrhunderts; siehe: Adrian Magina, „Documentele sous l'Empire romain (Rome: Ecole française de Rome, 1984),
autorităților urbane din Lipova (1455-1548)” [Dokumente der 23. Anscheinend gelangte diese Bezeichnung durch die
städtischen Behörden aus Lipova (1455-1548)], Banatica 23 seemännischen Begriffe aus der Levante in die Gebiete
(2013): 611, 615-616. Dies ist jedoch ein Beweis für die Zentraleuropas, während der nordwestliche Teil des
25
OANA TODA
Bezeichnung wurde auch für Schiffe verwendet, Transport von Salz für den Eigenbedarf, da sie
die während dem 14. Jahrhundert die Donau nicht für die Beförderung von großen Mengen
zwischen Wien und Budapest befuhren.35 Mitte geeignet waren.
des 16. Jahrhunderts wurde ein weiterer Schiffstyp Die archäologische Forschung in Bizere
erwähnt, der den Fluss Someș im Nordwesten trug zur Vervollständigung der Informationen aus
Transsilvaniens befuhr. Diese naves rostratae Archivquellen über Boote bei. So wurde während
wurden im Bericht des Georg Werner im Jahr der Grabungen eine große Anzahl an Klammern
155236 als große Boote beschrieben (allgemein als mit runder Oberfläche geborgen, die zur
Flöße interpretiert37), die in Dej für den jährlichen Befestigung von Planken und der Reparatur von
Salztransport nach Ungarn gebaut wurden. Die Booten verwendet wurden (Abb. 11).40 Der
Existenz eines Buges (rostra) d.H. eines schmalen Mittelteil dieser eisernen Artefakte ist oval oder
Bauteils an der Vorderseite des Bootes lässt auf fast kreisrund. Die Enden sind spitz und können
eine komplexere Bauart schließen. Dies ist gebogen und in das Holz geschlagen werden.
besonders wichtig, da die angegebenen Maße für Klammern dieser Art wurden europaweit bei
diese Boote die der großen naves, die in Turda entdeckten Booten gefunden,41 wie z.B. beim
gebaut wurden, übertrafen.38 Bootswrack aus Solt, das aus der Zeit der
In einem anderen Bericht über den osmanischen Herrschaft in Ungarn stammt.42
transsilvanischen Salzabbau wird der Begriff Zudem wurde in Bizere südlich des
koczy39 für die lokalen Kleinboote verwendet, die Wasserturms der Abdruck eines Bootes im Mörtel
den Fluss Arieș und den Mittellauf des Mureș gefunden (Abb. 10). Seine Verwendung als Becken
befuhren. Dieser Begriff bezieht sich vermutlich für das Anmischen von Mörtel begünstigte den
auf die relativ kleine Ladekapazität der Boote, die Erhalt seiner Form und Bauweise (12.25 m lang,
ähnlich groß wie die der Wagen (ung. “kocsi” 1.15-1.20 m breit, 0.48 m äußere Höhe). Obwohl
genannt) waren. Im Bericht werden Sie klar als die seine Form auf den ersten Blick eine
Wasserfahrzeuge mit der kleinsten Ladekapazität Plankenkonstruktion nahelegt, lässt eine genauere
beschrieben, die für den Salztransport eingesetzt Untersuchung den Schluss zu, dass es sich dabei
wurden. Die Flößer nutzten sie nur für den
Kontinents den Begriff „Keel” von den Wikingern Transsilvanien und der Maramureș], in Sarea, Timpul şi Omul
übernahmen; siehe: Patrice Pomey und Eric Reith, [Salz, Zeit und Mensch], Hrsg. Valeriu Cavruc und Andreea
L’archeologie navale (Paris: Errance Verlag, 2005), 58. Chiricescu (Sfântu Gheorghe: Angustia, 2006): 94.
35 1370: „quod mercatores praedictae civitatis nostrae Zybiniensis 39 Die großen und mittelgroßen Schiffe hatten die gleiche
a Vyenna in eodem fluvio Danubii usque Budam tam magnas Form. Der einzige Unterschied lag in ihren Dimensionen. Für
quam parvas naves seu carinas” (Ub, Bd. II, 337-339). die rumänische Übersetzung des Berichtes von Hans
36 Maria Holban, Hrsg., Călători străini în țările române Dernschwamm aus 1528 über die transsilvanische
[Fremde Reisende in den rumänischen Fürstentümern], Bd. II Salzförderung, siehe: Călători străini, Bd. I, 270.
(București: Editura Academiei Române, 1970), 30. 40 In Verwahrung des Landkreismuseums Arad; für eine
37 Quellen aus der frühen Neuzeit erwähnen, dass die Flöße genauere Funddokumentation siehe auch: MLAT-DB, 7-9, 14,
nur flussabwärts fuhren und in Szeged abgebrochen und als 131-135, Zugriff 15.10.2015.
Rohholz verkauft wurden. Da einige der Schiffe jedoch 41 Waldemar Ossowski, „Changes in the medieval river boat-
komplexer aufgebaut waren, kann auch ihre Verwendung in and shipbuilding in Poland,” Skyllis 10, 2 (2010): 130, 133.
der Schifffahrt flussaufwärts möglich gewesen sein. Obwohl Hinweise für die Verwendung von Klammern können auch in
der Brauch der Wiederverwertung des Holzes auch im ikonografischen Quellen gefunden werden, wie zum Beispiel
Mittelalter erwähnt wird, geht man davon aus, dass die dem Zechbuch der Salzfertiger und Schiffsleute, von 1422, in
Wasserfahrzeuge der Abtei Bizere der Schifffahrt fluss- dem die Planken eines Bootes mithilfe dieser Art von Nägeln
aufwärts fähig waren. In einer Urkunde aus 1230 wird ein aneinander befestigt waren.
Vorgang erwähnt, bei dem es sich höchstwahrscheinlich um 42 János Attila Tóth, „Adatok a kora újkori közép-Duna-
die Schifffahrt in beide Richtungen des Mureş handelt. medencei hajók régészetéhez” [Daten zur Schiffsarchäologie
38 Die Boote aus Turda wurden vom selben Beamten als 30 Fuß des mittleren Donaugebietes aus der frühen Neuzeit], in A
(ungef 15 m) lang und 15 Fuß (ungef. 7.5 m) breit beschrieben. középkori és a kora újkor régészete Magyarországon.
Zsolt Simon zufolge waren diese Wasserfahrzeuge 9.4 m lang Archaeology of the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period
und 4.7 m breit; siehe: „Mineritul de sare în Evul Mediu în in Hungary, Bd. I, Hrsg. Elek Benkő und Gyöngyi Kovács
Transilvania și Maramureş” [Mittelalterlicher Salzbergbau in (Budapest: MTA Régészeti Intézete, 2010): 876-877.
26
um ein einteiliges Boot handelt, genauer gesagt

einen Einbaum.43 Der Kontext, in dem der
Einbaum gefunden wurde, lässt vermuten, dass er
Mitte des 12. Jahrhunderts zum Mörtelbecken
umfunktioniert worden ist. Daher kann man
davon ausgehen, dass er frühestens Mitte des 11.
Jahrhunderts angefertigt wurde. Einbäume dieser
Größe eigneten sich gut für die Beförderung von
schweren Waren,44 waren jedoch auch für das
Umladen und die lokale und Regionale Verteilung
von Waren sehr wichtig. Man kann davon
ausgehen, dass Bizeres Rolle als Zollstation auch
die Weiter- und Umleitung von Salz und anderen
Waren beinhaltete.
Ein weiterer Verwendungszweck von
Einbäumen war die Fischerei. Die ist besonders für
die Abtei anzunehmen, da die Nutzung der
natürlichen Nahrungsquellen in nächster Nähe der
Flussinsel selbstverständlich ist. Die Fischerei wird
von zwei Kategorien archäologischer Funde
bestätigt. Diese sind zum einen Fischgräten und
Schuppen und zum anderen eiserne
Fischerhaken45 (Abb. 12).
Es bleibt unklar, ob Boote von der Größe
des entdeckten Einbaums für das Fischen
verwendet wurden, da sich kleinere Einbäume für
diese Tätigkeit wegen ihrer Wendigkeit besser
eignen.46 Abb. 10. Mörtelabdruck des Einbaumes
Von der Binnenschifffahrt abgesehen, (Bild: Florin Mărginean).
wurden in der Abtei auch Zugtiere für Reisen und
Warentransport verwendet. Dies wird durch die
Hufeisen und Sporen belegt, die während der
Grabungen entdeckt wurden. Die Unterschiede
bei den Hufeisen deuten darauf hin, dass sowohl
schwere Lasttiere, wie Ochsen, als auch Reitpferde
gehalten wurden.
Abb. 11. Funde eiserner Klammern, die für das Befestigen

von Planken und der Reparatur von Booten verwendet
wurden, aus der Grabung bei Bizere.
43 Für weitere Einzelheiten zu den technischen Eigenschaften 45 In Verwahrung des Landkreismuseums Arad unter der Be-
des Bootes und ihrer Interpretation, siehe: Adrian A. Rusu und standsnummern 17485/a-c. Für eine genauere Fund-
Oana Toda, „Archaeological evidence for historical navigation dokumentation siehe auch: MLATB-DB, 3-6, Zugriff 15.10. 2015.
on the Mureș (Maros) river. Enquiries based on a medieval 46 Waldemar Ossowski, Przemiany w szkutnictwie rzecznym
boat imprint from Bizere abbey (Romania),” AAASH 65, 1 w Polsce. Studium archeologiczne [Veränderungen im
(Juni 2014): 139-154. mittelalterlichen Boots- und Schiffsbau in Polen. Eine
44 Beispiele aus Nordeuropa konnten zwischen 3 und 5 Tonnen archäologische Studie], (Gdańsk: Centralne Muzeum Morskie,
Ladung befördern (Ossowski, „Changes,” 129-130). 2010), 193; Jason R. Rogers, „Czech logboats: early inland
watercraft from Bohemia and Moravia,” SPFFBU 60, M16
(2011): 196.
27
OANA TODA
archäologischen Grabungen in den Jahren 194850

und 198151 die Reste eines Dorfes und eines
Friedhofs entdeckt, bei denen es sich vermutlich
um die Siedlung Bizere handelt. In diesem Bereich
hat die Flussterrasse eine leichte Neigung in
Richtung des Nebenarms und der Flussinsel. Wenn
man den Holzbau, der südlich der Abteikirche, der
Kapelle und der mutmaßlichen Residenz verläuft,
Abb. 12. Große Angelhaken, die bei den Grabungen in als Verteidigunsmaßnahme betrachtet, kommt
Bizere freigelegt wurden. man zu dem Schluss, dass mögliche Angriffe in
diesem Bereich erwartet wurden und die Insel
Einige massive Stücke, die gebogene Enden daher aus dieser Richtung leicht erreichbar war.
und hervorstehende Nägel aufweisen, wurden Zusammenfassend kann man sagen, dass
höchstwahrscheinlich für rutschigen, feuchten alle nachteiligen Umstände und Faktoren, die zur
und gefrorenen Boden verwendet.47 Diese Funde zeitweiligen Isolation der Abtei führen konnten,
zeigen, dass die höher gelegenen Terrassen südlich durch die verschiedenen Baumaßnahmen
der Insel auch zu Fuß durch seichtes Wasser oder überwunden wurden. Auch wenn die Insellage
eine Furt erreichbar gewesen sein könnten.48 Es ist Bizere nicht immer zum Vorteil diente, war dies
bekannt, dass sich eine Zollstation in der Nähe des jedoch kein Hindernis für die Abtei beim Erlangen
Guts Zeudi befand. Zudem berichtet eine Urkunde von Ländereien und der Entfaltung von
aus dem Jahr 1354 von dem gewalttätigen Tätigkeiten auf beiden Seiten des Flusses. Der
Übergriff der adligen Mitglieder des königlichen Standort bot Bizere eine symbolische
Heeres auf den Bootsmann der Familie Pósa, als sie Vorherrschaft über den Fluss, sei dies auf lokaler
den dortigen Hafen über den Flussweg erreichten. oder regionaler Ebene. Dieser pragmatische
Die Adligen verjagten den Mann, der mit der Aspekt der Auswahl des Standortes konnte in den
Überwachung der Tätigkeit am Fährübergang archäologischen Funden und den schriftlichen
beauftragt war.49 Dies bedeutet, dass die nördlich Quellen wiedergefunden werden. Diese zeugen
gelegenen Besitzungen der Abtei (Cicir und von der technischen Entwicklung dieser
Sâmbăteni) auch über den Flussweg erreichbar mittelalterlichen Klosterlandschaft, die sehr gut in
waren. Die Urkunde ist von großer Bedeutung, da das wirtschaftliche und landschaftliche Umfeld
sie beweist, dass der Wasserweg als der Abtei passt.
Transportmittel genutzt wurde. Der Flusshafen der
Familie Pósa war von der Abtei aus mit Booten
erreichbar und die Fähre wurde von einem
Fährmann bedient.
Das Gebiet nahe der Grenze zum Gut der
Familie Pósa war von der Abtei aus leichter zu
erreichen. Auf der ersten Flussterrasse des Mureș
im Südwesten der Abtei wurden bei
47László Gere, Késő középkori és kora újkori fémleletek az der Landgüter aus der Banater Tiefebene. Daten zu den
ozorai várkastélyból [Spätmittelalterliche und frühneu- Besitzungen eines Gespan von Caraș zur Zeit der Anjou], AB
zeitliche Metallfunde aus dem Burgkastell Ozora] (Budapest: XXI (2013): 246.
Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum, 2003), 30-32. 50 Dorin Popescu, „Cercetările arheologice din R. P. R. din anul
48 Es können keine Vermutungen zu einem künstlichen 1948. Jud. Arad. Frumușeni” [Archäologische Forschung in
Flussübergang angestellt werden, da keine Berichte erhalten der Rumänischen Volksrepublik im Jahr 1948. Landkreis
sind, die eine Brücke oder einen Fährübergang zu der Arad. Frumușeni], Studii 2, 1 (1949): 91-92.
Klosteranlage erwähnen. 51 [Mircea Rusu], „Frumuşeni. Jurnal de şantier, campania
49 Ligia Boldea, „Structuri domeniale în Banatul medieval de 1981” [Frumușeni. Grabungstagebuch, 1981], in Rusu und
câmpie. Date asupra patrimoniului funciar al unui comite de Burnichioiu, Mănăstirea Bizere, I, 129-131.
Caraș din perioada angevină” [Mittelalterliche Organisation
28
RECONSTRUCTING A MONASTIC Western Europe by the 1970-80s.2 Although the
LANDSCAPE: THE EXAMPLE OF THE two schools have slightly different methodology
CISTERCIAN ABBEY CÂRŢA (KERZ, KERC) and conceive the landscape in a distinct manner
(landscape and Landschaft), there is still much
that can be applied in order to gain a better
ÜNIGE BENCZE understanding of the impact monastic
communities in the central and eastern part of
The present study discusses an attempt to Europe had on the surrounding environment. In
reconstruct the monastic landscape of the this study, I tried to apply the English
easternmost Cistercian house in Europe which is methodology for landscape reconstruction,3
mentioned most frequently in the written which in my experience can provide better results
evidence as Kerch.1 In the framework of this for this region. Primarily non-invasive methods
research I wish to present the results of recent were thus used for detecting regularities or
non-invasive surveys such as geophysical survey irregularities in the landscape.
and extensive fieldwalking. The abbey of Cârţa It must be highlighted that studying the
was founded at the beginning of the thirteenth monastic landscape in this part of Europe entails a
century as a filia of the Cistercian monastery in number of specific problems not found in
Igriş (Egres). It was a third generation Cistercian Western Europe, such as: lack of written evidence
monastery, most probably a royal foundation. The containing traceable details of the landscape such
fact that both Igriş and Cârţa were part of the as perambulations, donations, last wills, litigations
Pontigny line of the Cistercian network of abbeys etc.; scarcity of undisturbed monastic landscapes
and were thus, the only ones founded through by modern water control and landscaping;
this line in the medieval kingdom of Hungary extensive and often carelessly planned building
makes them even more unique. activity on historic sites or in their close vicinity.
Monastic landscape studies Many of which are closely connected to the
Monastic studies in Eastern Europe have degree of preservation and protection of monastic
largely focused on written evidence and sites, an issue which would require immediate
architectural remains. Recently, the need for attention from Romanian scholars and monument
extensive archaeological research of monasteries protection agencies. Due to the lack of sufficient
has increased but interest in a systematic mapping written data the picture that one can reconstruct
of the earthworks and other remaining traces of is fragmentary so the need to supplement it with
human activity in the surrounding landscape additional data from different sources is a must;
cannot be found; there is thus a lack of these include excavations if any, historical maps,
interdisciplinary work concerning such complex fieldwork and survey, aerial photography,
sites. However, English and German research has geophysical survey, geological analysis of stone
produced significant results in the so-called materials, pollen analysis etc. In this way the
monastic landscape studies (already from the researcher faces complex interdisciplinary
1950s), which arose as a new field of research in research with a holistic approach managing

Department of Medieval Studies, Central European 2 James Bond, Monastic Landscapes (Stroud: Tempus, 2004);
University; bunige@yahoo.com. Tim Pestell, Landscapes of Monastic Foundation
1 Throughout the text I shall use the modern name of the (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2004); James Bond, “The
village, where the abbey can be found, although the name location and siting of Cistercian houses in Wales and the
Cârţa was never used in reference to the abbey and its name West,” Archaeologia Cambrensis 154 (2005): 51-79; Johannes
was totally different in Latin sources (for example: Kerk, Meier, Klöster und Landschaft: das kulturräumliche Erbe der
Kerch, Kerz, Querch, Kyrch, monasterium de Candelis, Orden (Münster: Aschendorff Verlag, 2010).
Kercz, Kertz). It is apparent, however, that the modern name 3 See: Michael Aston, Interpreting the Landscape. Landscape
etymologically derives from the historic forms. The German Archaeology and Local History (London: Routledge, 1997);
and Hungarian names will be enlisted as well in parentheses. Tom Williamson, Shaping Medieval Landscapes. Settlement,
I shall proceed with the other place names in a similar Society, Environment (Macclesfield: Windgather Press,
manner. 2004).
29
ÜNIGE BENCZE
different types and often fragmentary data and Thalgott.8 M. Thalgott provided only a short
sources to reconstruct a landscape that had once description of a few lines, in which he talked
existed.4 about the water system only in general terms and
Earlier research and site selection described the features that can be seen on W.
The abbey of Cârţa is among the most Horwath’s sketch9. Even though the drawing
often discussed monasteries in specialized illustrates an interesting and complex plan of the
literature from the territory of Transylvania. inner and outer precinct of the abbey as well as
Research concerning it goes back to the other extinct features, none of the authors offered
seventeenth century starting with Péter Pázmány, any further details about the actual, up-to-date
archbishop of Esztergom, who was among the situation of the terrain. One cannot even know if
first interested in dating the foundation of the these features still existed in their time or were
monastery.5 Since then, the abbey has enjoyed just documented without any field examination.
extensive historical and art historical research and One can also find mention of the wall remains
studies, which mainly concentrate on the analysis surrounding the abbey in Ludwig Reissenberger’s
and interpretation of written sources and work10 without any additional explanations.
surviving buildings. Thus, the history of the The earliest excavations at the site of the
abbey was reconstructed and debated by various abbey were carried out by architect Heinrich
scholars. The greatest attention was given to the Eder in 1889 and in 1911 by Oskar Fritz-Lászay.
existing ruins of the abbey church and a still- Their excavations also consisted of restoration
standing wall of the eastern wing, which still works, clearance of the rubble heap and an
dominates the research connected to it. However, elaboration of the ground-plan. Later on,
few have tried to understand the larger systematic archaeological research continued in
environment of the abbey and its impact on the 192711 and then between 1981 and 1985,12 almost
surrounding landscape. Changes to the thirty years ago. Recently, archaeological
surroundings made by the monks, such as supervision was executed by Petre Beşliu in 2009
agricultural buildings, earthworks, draining and 2011.13 The published archaeological reports
marshes, water control, agricultural production illustrate that research was restricted exclusively
and the founding of new settlements were not to certain areas of the monastic complex such as
systematically researched in spite of their the church (the choir, nave and northern
significant impact. The first author to provide a transept) and south-eastern corner of the cloister.
drawing of the larger environment of the Since the unearthed materials were never entirely
monastery was Walter Horwath.6 His drawing published and interpreted, it is therefore difficult
detailing the stone wall of the abbey was later
taken over by Gustav Treiber7 and Michael 8 Michael Thalgott, Die Zisterzienser von Kerz (München:
Selbstverlag Südostdeutsches Kulturwerk, 1990), Abb. 10, 11.
4 Csilla Zatykó, “Integrált kutatások: a tájrégészet” 9 Thalgott, Die Zisterzienser, 50.
[Integrated research: landscape archaeology], in Régészeti 10 Ludwig Reissenberger, Die Kerzer Abtei (Hermannstadt:
Kézikönyv [Archaeological handbook], ed. Róbert Müller Verein für Siebenbürgische Landeskunde, 1894), 56.
(Budapest: Magyar Régész Szövetség, 2011), 388-402. 11 Victor Roth, “Raport despre săpăturile făcute la mănăstirea
5 See: Alán Baumgartner, A kerci apátság a középkorban [The din Cârţa săsească [Report about the excavations carried out
abbey of Kerc in the Middle Ages] (Budapest: Stephaneum, at Saxon Cârţa],” Anuarul Comisiunii Monumentelor
1915), 22. Istorice. Secţia pentru Transilvania (1929): 224-227.
6 Unfortunately, I was unable to locate W. Horwath’s 12 Thomas Nägler and Martin Rill, “Monumentul cistercian
original drawing at present due to the lack of exact de la Cârţa, jud. Sibiu [The Cistercian monument from Cârţa,
references on the part of those who re-used his drawing. To a county Sibiu],” Materiale şi Cercetări Arheologice (1983):
certain extent, his drawing can be reconstructed and deduced 489-493.
from the ones published by G. Treiber and M. Thalgott. 13 Petre Beşliu-Munteanu, “Mănăstirea cisterciană de la
7 Gustav Treiber, Mittelalterliche Kirchen in Siebenbürgen. Cârţa. Cercetări arheologice de salvare (2009 și 2011) [The
Beiträge zur Baugeschichte aufgrund der Raumverhältnisse Cistercian Monastery from Cârţa. Archaeological researches
(München: Hilfskomitee der Siebenbürger Sachsen, 1971), from preservation (2009 and 2011)],” Acta Terrae
123. Fogarasiensis I (2012): 11-28.
30
Reconstructing a monastic landscape: the example of the Cistercian abbey Cârţa (Kerc, Kerz)
to get a full picture of the excavated areas as a rural setting contributed to a better preservation
whole, not to mention the data related to material of landscape features but also influenced the
culture which could serve as the main source for needs and opportunities of the community. The
reconstructing the daily life of the monastery. monastery, with few interruptions (i.e. the
The larger environment of the abbey was not Mongol and Turkish invasions) functioned until
researched at all through archaeological 1474, when King Matthias Corvinus dissolved the
excavations, so no data exist about the stone wall, monastery. Despite the general topos of avoiding
earthworks and mill house (or any other storage human interaction, Cistercian monasteries could
buildings) which most probably existed in the never entirely isolate themselves from major
vicinity of the abbey. roadways or towns. Cârţa lay in the vicinity of a
Founded at the beginning of the major trade road which connected Transylvania
thirteenth century, Cârţa was a rural monastery to the south, i.e. to the Balkans and
located on a marshy flood plain of the Olt River Constantinople. Three important market towns
in the Land of Făgăraş, in the southern part of the Sibiu, Tălmaciu (Talmesch, Nagytalmács) and
historic region of Transylvania, today in central Sâmbăta de Sus (Felsőszombatfalva) could also be
Romania (map 1). It should be emphasized here found in its close proximity. Based on the
that the monastery lay at a significant distance juxtaposition of the abbey to the trade route and
from its mother house in Egres (approximately the market towns, the participation of the monks
360 km) not to mention Pontigny (around 2000 in long-distance trade has already been
km). In the time of its foundation no other hypothesized.16 However, it can be outlined that
monasteries were located in the region so this was the Cistercians did not seek solitude and
the only major foundation of a house of a remoteness as was earlier believed.
monastic order. The Land of Făgăraş has the
densest hydrographic network in the country. Map 1. Map of monastic foundations between 1200 and 1241
on the territory of the medieval kingdom of Hungary. (Based
Due to high humidity and the massive alluvial on the map published by Beatrix F. Romhányi, 2015).
deposits its soil is not that
fertile. However, the most
fertile part of it is probably
the flood plain where the
abbey is situated. According
to geographers the Făgăraş
basin was once covered by
extensive oak forests and a
mixture of oak, beech and
hornbeam as well as pure
beech forests.14 The setting
was very much
characteristic for the
Cistercians if one looks at it
from the point of view of
the frequently used topos of
ideal locations “in places
removed from the
conversation of men”. The15
14Antal Lukács, Ţara Făgăraşului în evul mediu (secolele

XIII-XVI) [The Land of Făgăraş in the Middle Ages (13th and 16Beatrix Romhányi, “The role of the Cistercians in medieval
16th centuries)] (Bucureşti: Editura Enciclopedică, 1999), 37. Hungary: Political activity or internal organization?” Annual
15 Bond, “The location and siting,” 53. of Medieval Studies at CEU (1993-1994): 180-204.
31
ÜNIGE BENCZE
In any case, since written sources are silent about by several scholars dealing with Cârţa. One finds
such endeavours. Such assumption could be a wall and a palisade mentioned by Géza Entz,20
accepted or rejected only in the light of new and then by G. Treiber and lastly M. Thalgott, who
detailed analysis of surviving material culture or both took over W. Horwath’s drawing. G. Treiber
extensive archaeological research at the site of the briefly mentioned that the foundations of the oval
abbey with special emphasis on the economy and stone wall, which surrounded the monastery,
farming of the Cistercian community. Traces of were still approachable and connected the
which existed and in some parts still exist, as will monastery to the Olt River through a passageway
be shown below. that had a dock at its end. He also mentioned that
Preliminaries and the possibilities of a the lay settlement was protected by a palisade
landscape approach wall encircled by wild streams and high
Based on earlier literature, the site of the groundwater.21 M. Thalgott likewise described the
abbey and cloister was intensely researched; but same situation. As one can see, not many had
the wider environment of the abbey, the actually seen the remains of the wall and the
economic or farming activities and land use of the palisade. The question quickly emerged whether
monks have not enjoyed much attention in the these really existed or not, and if so, could they
scholarly literature dealing with the history of still be recognized in the terrain?
Cârţa. In the light of these considerations, the As one could see, even though the study
main focus of my research was to identify and of this abbey attracted a great number of
map the wider area used by the Cistercian researchers and a vast literature has dealt with its
community and to delimitate, if possible, the art and history including a number of excavations
inner and outer precinct of the abbey. In earlier at the site of the abbey,22 the way that the monks
literature, I have managed to find scattered used their lands and the available water supply
information about structures delineating the was not researched at all. As it is frequently
abbey and the settlement. In a study from 1877, emphasized, sometimes the complexities of water
Flóris Rómer briefly mentioned that a brook management and land use can be appreciated
passed through the territory of the abbey which even on unexcavated sites. One of the
supplied the water for the abbey’s mill and wash fundamental needs for monasteries, just as well as
house. He also pondered that if he had made more for towns, was access to water, which was used
trips to the site he would have liked to search for for a great variety of purposes (cooking, washing,
and survey the abbey mill and the stone wall sanitation, transport, driving mills, fishing etc.).
surrounding the monastery.17 This is the first
mention of these features connected to the larger
area of the abbey. Later, L. Reissenberger’s work
contained a short entry about scattered wall
remains around the abbey, with the note that
nothing particular could be deduced from them
since the ruins were too insignificant.18
Chronologically, the next one to provide details
about a wall surrounding the abbey was W.
Horwath,19 who very likely saw the ruins in 20 Géza Entz, “A kerci (Cîrţai) cisztercita építőműhely” [The
person. He surveyed the existing remains and Cistercian workshop from Kerc], ME 12 (1963): 139, note 35.
21 Treiber, Mittelalterliche Kirchen, 123.
prepared a drawing, which was then taken over 22 Since the detailed discussion of archaeological research is
not the topic of the present paper I wish to briefly enlist

17 Flóris Rómer, “Kirándulás a kertzi apátsághoz Erdélyben here, in chronological order the dates of the excavations,
[Trip to the abbey Kerz in Transylvania],” Archaeológiai followed by the names of the excavation leaders: 1889 -
Közlemények XI (1877): 10. Heinrich Eder; 1911-Oszkár Fritz-Lászay; 1927 - Victor
18 Reissenberger, Die Kerzer Abtei, 56. Roth; 1964 - Radu Heitel; 1981-1985 - Martin Rill and
19 See footnote 7. Thomas Nägler; 2009, 2011 - Petre Beşliu.
32
4. Hypothetic outline of the outer precinct based on field

Map 2. General topography of the site of the abbey:
observations; 5. Brooks, canals, waterlogged features;
1. Outline of the preserved buildings (church and eastern
6. Underground springs; 7. Low elevation, small hill
wing); 2. Modern buildings; 3. Outline of the estate
(Edited by Katalin Tolnai).
boundaries based on the Second Military Survey;
33
ÜNIGE BENCZE
James Bond listed three principal aspects of crack and ruin a free-standing basin. Taking into
monastic water management which can be consideration the colder climate of the Făgăraş
applied to every monastery: “1. Bringing water to Land one might argue that the second type of
a site where it was required 2. Making use of it for lavatorium was used at Cârţa as well, even though
a variety of purposes once it was there 3. the existing hypothetical reconstructions
Removing water from places where it was not illustrate it with a fountain house.27 However, L.
wanted”.23 Once water had been brought into the Reissenberger argued that the fountain house was
precinct, it had to be distributed to the various entirely missing because the monks did not need
elements requiring it. Sometimes the it, since a high-yield brook passed next to the
requirements could not all be satisfied from a southern cloister wall, which fulfilled the needs
single water source, so the quality and volume of of the community.28 Perhaps future archaeological
water were also taken into consideration. Since research on the territory of the ruins can shed
water was such a necessity, sites adjoining rivers more light on this question. The other water-
or streams are almost universal. Sites near larger related installations were the reredorters, which
rivers sought a position out of reach of were probably situated in the southern range of
floodwaters if possible.24 The ideal site, just as in buildings at Cârţa, just as the lavatorium, since it
the case of towns was at a confluence of rivers is likely that this was the direction from which
where a rapidly-flowing tributary joined a gentler water was brought into the monastic precinct.
main stream, just as in the case of Cârţa (map 2); This would have been the simplest method of
surrounded by the River Olt (to the north) and removing sewage, aligning the reredorters over a
the stream Cârţişoara (to the west). The abbey river or stream. The drainage arrangements were
was well supplied with water, a setting which normally planned as part of the original monastic
probably required a complex water management layout, but sometimes later modification to the
system, both to control the flow of water (likely plans involved changes in the pattern of the
through mills and fishponds) and to reduce the watercourses. The latrine buildings followed a
risk of flooding (drainage works). The monastic variety of types and arrangements. The size of the
buildings were situated on a flood plain next to reredorters normally reflected the size of the
the Cârţişoara stream, from which water could be community which it served, while its precise
diverted and used for a variety of purposes. position and alignment was dictated by the
However, as it emerges from earlier research, one direction from which running water could be
of the unidentified and questionable elements at drawn as well as the course of the main drain.29
Cârţa is the lavatoria, where washing at the Theoretically, the southern range of building
beginning of each day and before meals took (which today is occupied by the parish house)
place and was strictly enforced by monastic must have encompassed the reredorters, the wash
regulations.25 The structures erected for this house, the kitchen, the dining room (refectory)
purpose were generally of two main types: either and probably a storage room.
a free-standing fountain house or a long, shallow
trough set within a wide arched recess in the wall
of one of the claustral buildings.26 For example
the second type of lavatorium was much more
common in Britain, where some argued that since 27 Michael Thalgott, Die Zisterzienser von Kerz (München:
the water freezes in the colder winters, it could Verlag Südostdeutsches Kulturwerk, 1999), Abb. 12.
Vladimir Agrigoroaei and Ana Maria Gruia, “Abaţia
cisterciană de la Cârţa [The Cistercian abbey from Cârţa],” in
23 James Bond, “Water management in the rural monastery,” 12 Monumente din istoria românilor [12 monuments from
in The Archaeology of Rural Monasteries, eds. Roberta the history of Romanians], ed. Valentin Sălăgeanu (Bucureşti
Gilchrist and Harold Mytum (Oxford: BAR Series, 1989), 85. – Cluj-Napoca: Grupul Român pentru o istorie alternativă,
24 Bond, “The location and siting,” 66. 2008), 96-105.
25 Bond, “Water management,” 89. 28 Reissenberger, Die Kerzer Abtei, 56.
26 Ibid. 29 Bond, “Water management,” 93.
34
precinct based on field observations; 7. Possible branch of the

Map 3. Hypothetic interpretation of the surveyed landscape
mill leat; 8. Disappeared eastern branch/watercourse of the
features and other collected data: 1. Outline of the preserved
mill leat, reconstruction based on the Second Military
buildings (church and eastern wing); 2. Modern buildings; 3.
Survey; 9. Underground springs; 10. Low elevation, small
Artificial canal which directed water from one of the springs
hill; 11. Track of a waterlogged feature; 12. Ditches and
to the monastic buildings; 4. Outline of the estate boundaries
canals identified on terrain; 13. Dried-up watercourse; 14.
based on the Second Military Survey; 5. Mill leat and
Hypothetic outline of a large fishpond, based on field
waterlogged features; 6. Hypothetic outline of the outer
observations. Red and white circles: mills.
35
ÜNIGE BENCZE
Identification, survey and interpretation a number of questions: was the canal made by the
of the landscape features monks or it was a later arrangement? Is it possible
In light of the information presented to date it accurately? Was its course altered or
above, the need to complement the available maybe only partially altered later, following
information with additional fieldwalking and changes in the building arrangement or their
geophysical survey was vital in order to identify function? Since we did not have a chance to take
the preserved landscape features. It must be pollen samples nor could we finish the entire
highlighted that this monastic landscape was survey of the identified features, one can presume
totally destroyed in 2014 and the survey of the that its course was most probably altered when
entire landscape could not be finished. Therefore, the parish house was built (on the place of the
I shall work only with the data that we have from southern range of conventual buildings).
partial preliminary surveys and fieldwork.30 We Originally, it must have led to the kitchen,
initiated several fieldwalks in order to study and refectory and well-house. Presumably, it was used
map the surrounding territory of the abbey31 and by the Cistercian community as well and not only
during this process we identified a number of in the modern period; however there is no exact
landscape features, most of them connected to dating for it. Nevertheless, as no other brook
water management as to be expected. enters the site of the abbey today one could
Cârţa was most likely planned taking into hypothesize that this water channel was most
account the aforementioned drainage probably used as the main drain and provided the
arrangements and water management. During a necessary water supply for the abbey.
fieldwalk in 2012 to the south-east from the Unfortunately, archaeological research only
abbey we identified two underground springs; covered the south-eastern corner and little else of
from one of these, a main artificial water canal this building, so only scattered tangible
took the water (in a straight line) to another information exists about the functionality of the
bigger brook that ran to the south-east from the southern range. In an article recently published
monastery.32 At the time of this survey, the water online, P. Beşliu supplied an image of three
from this canal passed through an iron tube probable pipe fragments found during excavations
cutting through the brook and entered the inner in 1985 in one of the trenches placed around the
precinct of the monastery from the south-east, SE corner of monastic buildings.33 If correct, these
under the modern fence which surrounds the fragments could reinforce the assumption
abbey today. Then, the brook continued until the discussed above and allude to the existence of a
southern range of buildings, where it took a turn more sophisticated drainage system used in the
to the left and ran next to the parish house from abbey which has thus far remained mostly
where it flowed towards the village centre to the unknown.
north and continued until the Olt River (map 3). A bigger brook passed near the monastic
This canal was man-made, in a very straight line buildings (to the southeast) in a straight line and
and with a V-shaped cut. This immediately raised then joined the Olt River (see map 3). Since a
good part of this brook was unusually straight, in
comparison to the region’s tortuous streams and
30 The 30th of October 2014 was our last fieldwalk to survey
the earthworks and channels, where we witnessed that the brooks, the question emerged whether it was
entire site was already destroyed, excavated and leveled for artificially formed or not.
the building of a new large fishing place. Monument
protection service was not aware of this construction.
31 The fieldwalks took place in the autumn of 2011, the 33 Petre Beşliu-Munteanu, “Mănăstirea cisterciană de la
spring of 2012 and the autumn of 2014. Here, I would like to Cârţa. Cercetări arheologice de salvare (2009 şi 2011) [The
thank my supervisor, József Laszlovszky, for his expertise and Cistercian monastery from Cârţa. Rescue excavations (2009
advice. I would also like to thank my colleagues who joined and 2011)],” Medievistica, Jan. 20 (2012), accessed 14, 2015,
us for these fieldwalks. http://medievistica.ro/pagini/arheologie/cercetarea/carta/img
32 For the moment, our interpretation is that most probably /Fig.%2020%20_eav%20suflare.jpg. See also the printed
this was a millstream. version: Beşliu-Munteanu, “Mănăstirea cisterciană,” 16.
36
This brook led to a plateau-like

elevation which we identified as a mill
place, so the brook could have been a
mill leat. The hypothesis can be
supported by a number of other
observations. First, on the same water
channel, another mill (on the other
side of the road, north of the abbey)
can be found at present which is a
modern establishment, since in the
time of the First Military Survey34 the
mill did not exist in that place (fig. 1).
In contrast, the First Military Survey
indicated a mill somewhere to the east
of the monastic buildings, which
largely coincides with the location
identified by us. Second, after the “mill
plateau” the watercourse breaks into
two branches creating a small island,
then with a few curves proceeds to the
Fig. 1. The representation of the mill on the First Military
modern mill and then flows into the Olt. This also Survey (Detail from: http://mapire.eu/en/map/
alludes to the fact that the part of the channel in collection/firstsurvey/?zoom=15&lat=45.78863&lon=
front of the mill was artificially created and 24.5706).
regulated, while the part after the mill was
seemingly not. However, the existence of a mill in Even though the drawings of M. Thalgott
the close vicinity of the monastic buildings is (fig. 2) and G. Treiber (fig. 3) illustrate the same
obviously suggested by a charter from 1469, brook entering the claustral buildings from a
which presented a quarrel that broke out because slightly different angle, one cannot fully rely on
of a broken mill stone and was mentioned that it their precision due to the lack of scale and
meant a significant material loss for the abbey.35 positioning on a larger map which would offer a
Besides this, the land records from 164836 also wider context for identification and
described a two wheeled mill built from wood. interpretation. Their schematic and generalized
Due to the notable chronological differences descriptions do not provide any details
between the two attested mills it can be concerning the wider area of the abbey, such as
highlighted that these were probably not the the exact orientation of brooks, their
same mill. preservation, possible alterations or use, nor the
existence of mills. M. Thalgott supplies a
reconstruction as well, on which the above
mentioned brook (identified as a mill leat)
entered the monastic buildings from the east,
34 Compiled between 1763 and 1787, can be accessed online: right next to the cemetery and not from the
http://mapire.eu/en/map/collection/firstsurvey/?zoom=6&lat
=47.89034&lon=14.76556. southeast as we identified on the terrain.
35 See the transcription in: Ub, vol. VI (1458-1473), 389. In However, we did not find traces indicating such a
the Hungarian National Archives, available online under: DF
245327.
36 The inventory and land register contains a description of
the ruins of the monastery as well as of a mill and fishpond.

See in: David Prodan, ed., Urbariile Ţării Făgăraşului [Land
records of the Făgăraş Land], (Bucureşti: Academia R.S.R.,
1970), vol. I (1601-1650), 850.
37
ÜNIGE BENCZE
site of a possible mill and take into

consideration the great fall on the
brook. Such a different interpretation
of the water management should not
be rejected at first glance. Given the
scarcity and fragmentary state of the
data this interpretation should
remain among the possible
hypotheses until further evidence
can clarify its validity.
Generally, fish would be
obtained from a variety of sources, in
our case: from lakes and marshlands,
rivers, millponds, millstreams and
artificial fishponds which lay close-
by the abbey buildings, within the
main precinct. Fishponds varied
Fig. 2. Situation plan compiled by M. Thalgott (1990).
greatly in form and size, and started
appearing on monastic sites after the second half
direction, which of course could have been of the twelfth century37. In the case of Cârţa,
altered by later landscaping works, about which historic maps contain no data about such a
nothing is known at present. fishpond and neither do the written sources, so
On the other hand, the Second Military our only chance to examine whether fishponds
Survey (fig. 4) seems to justify M. Thalgott’s existed or not was a detailed study of the
reconstruction since the mill leat does not appear landscape. Even though additional fieldwalking
on the map nor does the water channel that and sampling would have been necessary, we
directed water from the spring; instead the south- identified one possible fishpond. An orthophoto
from 2005 (fig. 5) and the
vegetation in this place served as
an indicator, a soggy muddy area
with dense reed, which could be
found only in this part. To clarify
the issues of the hypothetical
fishpond, pollen sampling would
have been the next step but since
this partially preserved pond was
extended and dug out for a new,
modern fishpond we could not
finish the research. The
millstream had another branch,
which could have led to
Fig. 3. Situation plan compiled by G. Treiber (1971). additional fishponds situated on
the southern part of the territory. However, the
eastern branch of the mill leat is highlighted as a exact track of the branch of the mill leat is not
watercourse. This watercourse approached the known today, but the curved brook
site of the abbey from the east just before crossing
the village road. In that spot a mill could have
been positioned as well if we disregard the former
37 Bond, “Water management,” 100.
38
towards the east is visible on

the Second Military Survey38
(see again fig. 4). This could
perhaps signal the remains of
the fishponds after they fell
out of use. It is not impossible
to assume that maybe even
more than one fishpond (next
to each other or one above the
other) would be located in this
southern area. The water
channel branching out from
the mill leat could have been
cut in several parts and then
dammed in such a manner as
to provide sufficient water for
several smaller fishponds.
Moreover, an inventory and
land conscription from 164839
clearly mentioned a new
fishpond, located ‘under the
village’, meaning on the lower
part of the village. The
fishpond was supplied with
water from a spring. It can be
presumed that this new
fishpond was formed on the Fig. 4. Estate boundaries on the Second Military Survey
place of an older one or at least in an area where (http://mapire.eu/en/map/collection/secondsurvey/?
the water conditions were favourable for such an zoom=15&lat= 45.78908&lon=24.56938).
establishment. However, it remains an unsolved
issue whether there was one large fishpond or the intersection’s importance. Furthermore, the
several smaller ones, since the original track of potential for transport by water was clearly itself
the brook and the identified fishpond were all an advantage on some sites.40 W. Horwath’s
destroyed by the construction site for a new drawing illustrated a crossing-point on the Olt to
fishery. Besides these one should not forget that the north-west from the abbey in the direction of
most probably also the Olt River was used for the abbey’s villages such as Colun (Kellen, Kolun),
fishing. Further evidence on the diet and Glâmboaca (Hühnerbach, Glimbóka) to the west
consumption of fish and its different types could and Apoş (Abtsdorf, Szászapátfalva), Criţ
be supplied by the meticulous analysis of animal (Deutsch-Kreuz, Szászkeresztúr), Cloaşterf
bones found during excavations. (Klosdorf, Miklóstelke) and Meşendorf
Monastic houses sited alongside rivers (Meschendorf, Mese) to the north and northeast.
were often located near pre-existing crossing- M. Thalgott’s drawing indicated this crossing-
points, and their presence would further enhance point with a bridge, while G. Treiber’s drawing
and the Three Military Surveys illustrate it as a
ferry crossing point, just as it is today. W.
Horwath’s drawing showed a landing stage
38 Produced between 1806 and 1869, see online:
http://mapire.eu/en/map/collection/secondsurvey/?zoom=5&l (which also appears on M. Thalgott’s and G.
at=46.81258 &lon=18.42373
39 See in: Prodan, Urbariile Ţării Făgăraşului, vol. I, 851. 40 Bond, “The location and siting,” 59-60.
39
ÜNIGE BENCZE
Fig. 5. Orthophoto with the location of the suspected

fishpond with medieval origins.
The study analysed the sandstones in two parts of
the buildings, at the main portal on the western
Treiber’s drawings) as well to the north, not far
façade and at the geminate window from the
from the abbey, which did not appear on any of
chapter hall, which art historians have dated to
the Military Surveys and could neither be clearly
different construction phases. The authors tried to
identified on terrain. However, indirect
verify the construction periods and to identify the
indication exists that the Cistercians at Cârţa used
provenance of raw materials through petro-
the Olt for transportation of different
archaeometric studies. They concluded that both
construction materials and possibly even
types of sandstones from the abbey and the source
merchandise. According to the Bereg agreement,
area are feldspathic litharenites with carbonate
Cârţa received 1000 zuan (medieval unit) of salt
cement and bioclasts.44 In addition, they
from Andrew II, in 1233.41 This was most
confirmed that the wall of the chapter hall and
probably transported on the Olt River.42
the portal were built in two different stages, the
Unfortunately, no other data exists concerning
latter most probably built after the Mongol
the monastery’s connection to salt transportation
destruction. The samples taken from the
or marketing. The transportation of building
monastery were compared to samples taken from
materials, especially stone, could be another
the presumed source area, Colun a village at a
indicator for the use of the Olt River.
distance of 5 km from Cârţa on the other side of
A few years ago, a study was published
the Olt River, where Sarmatian deposits with
about the stone material used for the building of
calcareous sandstones occurred. The samples were
the abbey.43
found compatible in their mineralogical
composition, including the heavy minerals.45 The
41 Nándor Knauz, “A fogarasföldi kertzi apátság [The abbey of village Colun, which was a monastic possession,
Kerz from the land of Fogaras],” Magyar Sion (1868): 409. was earlier indicated by L. Reissenberger as a
42 Knauz, “A fogarasföldi,” 409. Beatrix F. Romhányi,
“Church and Salt. Monasteries and the Salt in the Medieval

Kingdom of Hungary (11th-13th century),” in this volume.
The original document is kept in the Hungarian National used as raw materials at Cârţa Cistercian monastery],”
Archives, available online under: DF 248771. Romanian Journal of Materials 41, no. 4 (2011): 352-361.
43 Anamaria Mihăilă and Marcel Benea, “Gresii utilizate ca 44 Mihăilă and Benea, “Gresii utilizate,” 360.
materii prime la mănăstirea cisterciană Cârţa [Sandstones 45 Mihăilă and Benea, “Gresii utilizate,” 361.
40
possible source area for the stone material used The farm buildings situated to the
for the construction of the abbey.46 southwest of the monastery indicate a curved
The enclosure of monastic precincts was boundary towards the village, which is traceable
sometimes achieved in part or in whole by a even today in the form of a ditch and a fence near
water-filled ditch or moat instead of (or in the territory of the parish (south, southeast) (fig.
addition to) a wall. Moats were particularly 4). This could have enclosed the inner precinct of
favoured on flat clay sites where they could be the monastery. In contrast, the outer precinct can
filled by ground-water seepage. In some cases, only roughly be appreciated to the south and
moats are found enclosing particular features south-east, close to the underground springs and
within the monastery (such as the abbot’s lodging along the line of the south-eastern branch of the
or the fishpond) rather than surrounding the mill leat. During the fieldwalking, faint traces of a
whole precinct. Precinct moats may often have second moat continued to the east with a turn to
been used as fishponds themselves47. Based on north-east going until the end of the village
present-day location and orientation of buildings, gardens; this moat was cut by the water canal
landscape features and estate boundaries from the which took the spring water to the monastic
Three Military Surveys (especially the Second), buildings, and disappeared when it reached the
the inner and outer precinct of Cârţa abbey can mill ditch. Also, the line of trees and vegetation
be delimitated fairly accurately. marked its course.
Fig. 6. Electrical resistivity distribution along the

sections. For location of the sections see Fig. 8. The subsoil
material begins at 1 m depth, and has 600-1200 ohm.m high
resistivity. A wall can be seen in section Carta1 at 69 m and
in Carta2 at 34 m. A wall is presumed in section Carta4 at 30
46 Reissenberger, Die Kerzer Abtei, 37. and in Carta5 at 22 m.
47 Bond, “Water management,” 99.
41
ÜNIGE BENCZE
Geophysical survey or disturbed soil can be identified with this

During March 2013, a small team of method.49
specialists from the Department of Geophysics The interpretation of the magnetic and
and Space Science of Eötvös Loránd University- electric measurements can be seen on fig. 6 where
Budapest led by László Lenkey, a geophysical two walls were identified in the study area
survey was carried out on the southern and detected by both methods (and indicated with
south-eastern part of the church and cloister.48 continuous green lines).
Fig. 7. Electrical resistivity distribution along the sections

Carta6-8. For location of the sections see Fig. 8. A 20 m long wall runs west, southwest
and east, northeast direction, located south-
The aim was to map the surrounding area southeast to the present day south-eastern corner
of the monastery in order to identify new of the monastic complex. It is about 1-2m thick
structures beneath the earth and thus aid further and 1 m deep. According to the magnetic picture,
research of the monastery through non-invasive this wall might continue in an east-northeast
methods. Magnetic survey and geo-electric direction with a little turn, and it may have
profiling was made along 8 sections. The junctions with other walls coming from south and
geoelectrical profiles reveal the electrical north. However, these latter wall sections are
resistivity distribution along vertical sections. only suspected in the magnetic picture and not
They show the vertical resistivity stratigraphy supported by electric measurements; they are
which has a lower resolution than the real illustrated with dashed green lines. Another small
stratigraphy of an archeological section. Objects piece of wall, indicated by both measurements,
consisting of stone have higher resistivity than
the surrounding soil, thus mainly built structures
49 The measurements were taken in Stereo 70 according to
the local coordinate system. The magnetic survey was done
with an Overhauser magnetometer GSM-19. Both the total
48I wish to thank László Lenkey, Koppány Bulcsú Ötvös, magnetic field and its vertical gradient were measured. The
Mihály Pethe and Péter Filipszki for their work in the measurement density was 8 points/m2. Anomalies larger than
survey. 7.5 m were filtered by a high pass filter.
42
was found parallel to the southern wall of the The area of the cemetery, outlined in orange, is
parish house and runs a few meters away from it. characterized by separate black and white dipoles
A significant amount of debris and demolished caused by iron objects which might be coffin nails
material could be identified in the eastern and or other artefacts. The water channel is
south-eastern side of the inner courtyard and the highlighted with a blue line, and the yellow lines
outside the monastic buildings. These areas, indicate the cable that had been laid in the
indicated with purple ellipses, are characterized ground for the illumination of the building
by a great number of small densely stuffed black remains just one month before our survey.
and white dipoles probably caused by the mixture
of tiles, bricks and stones.
lines: presumed walls, detected either on magnetic

Fig. 8. Interpretation of the geophysical measurements: Red
or on geoelectric results. Purple ellipses: debris, demolished
lines: location of the geoelectric profiles. The arrow indicates
material. Orange line: outline of the cemetery. Light blue
the direction of the sections. Green continuous lines: walls
lines: trenches. Blue line: brook flowing through the
detected both on magnetic and electric results. Green dashed
monastic area. Yellow line: electric cable placed in the
ground.
43
ÜNIGE BENCZE
The light blue lines denote possible earlier

trenches or maybe even wall remains. The result
of the geophysical survey shed new light on the
southern and eastern parts of monastic buildings
and confirmed that in the future a wider territory
needs to be analysed and researched preferably
through large surface, open-area excavations,
outside the destroyed area.
Conclusions
It can be firmly stated that this Cistercian
monastic landscape was unique on the territory of
Medieval Transylvania since other orders were
rarely involved in landscape and water
management of such scale. The abbey was among
the largest landowners of this region and its
heyday falls to the fourteenth and the beginning
of the fifteenth centuries. Unfortunately, a great
number of questions could not be answered and
new ones were raised but the situation remains
irretrievable as all the aforementioned features
have been destroyed. Nonetheless, the present
study was hopefully able to provide a much more
detailed insight into the possibilities of landscape
archaeology and the complex issues raised by the
involvement of new techniques in retrieving data
from the surrounding environment. As one could
see, an impressive water system unfolded with the
involvement of a variety of sources, which likely
had its own development in time in accordance
with the evolution and the needs of the monastic
community. The importance of the Olt River as
an important waterway was highlighted through
the transportation of resources such as stone, salt
and possibly other kinds of merchandise. Despite
the great distances at which the abbey was sited
from other Cistercian houses all the presented
data confirms that the monastic community from
Cârţa was part of the large Cistercian trans-
European network and thus played an important
and active role in the region’s life.
44
SHAPING A MONASTIC LANDSCAPE IN in the description of a boundary line in a
MEDIEVAL SLAVONIA: THE CASE OF THE document from 1234 concerning the sale of the
BENEDICTINE ABBEY OF ST. MARGARET land beside the small river Pakra (the upper
IN BIJELA stream of the small river Bijela). The document
includes reference to a litigation, which arose due
to the charges of Hozuga, the Abbot of Grab
ANDREJ JANEŠ (Hozuga abbas de Grab) and his ministerialis
Bertol against Ivanka, the son of Abraham of the
Geographical location Sudan kindred, concerning the unjustly
The remains of the Benedictine Monastery of St. confiscated Zelkaroune land.5 The document also
Margaret complex are situated on an elevated oval mentions the patrons of the abbey in Grab,
plateau (▼230 m asl) above the Brzica stream, 1 Budur's sons Jakov and Petko, who belonged to
km to the south of the village Bijela, 4 km to the the kindred of Ban Tibold, i.e. Tiboldians.6
northeast of Sirač, and 6 km to the southeast of The Tibold kindred was linked to Somogy
Daruvar, on the southwestern slopes of the papuk County’s prefect Grab, who participated in the
Mountain. The plateau is protected by a deep march of King Ladislaus and the establishment of
ditch on all sides except the eastern one, where the Zagreb Diocese.7 It is believed that the loyal
the ground steeply slopes downward towards the helper Grab acquired/received some parishes and
Brzica stream. The location is known by the name districts in the western Papuk area and Ravna
Veliki zid/Great Wall or Rimsko groblje/Roman Gora, among them the Toplica parish.8 The
Cemetery, while the Franciscan Cadastre kindred held large estates from Toplica and
recorded the name Gradina Biela.1 The site is also Stupčanica (around Daruvar) to Svetačje (the
mentioned under the name Bijela – Zidine/Walls Novska area). In 1231 the six sons of Prince Budur
in a 1995 catalogue of medieval Croatian sites.2 shared their estates in Hungary and Slavonia, so
The western slopes of the Papuk that brothers Jakov, Kuzma, and Petka received
Mountains and Ravna Gora are formed from the parent possession (predium principale)
schists and igneous rocks, while the hills mainly Babócsa, the possession Syrionuk with the entire
modeled on tertiary layers represent the main Toplica, and four villages alongside the Drava
element of the relief.3 The area is predominately River, while to the younger brothers Toma,
covered by sessile oak forests, as well as Budur, and Tibold belonged the Zenche
hornbeam, and to a smaller extent by mountain possession (Szencse, Svetačje) with the village
beech forest. Welhen on the Drava River and the city of
The monastery of St. Margaret
The area around the remains of the
Benedictine monastery is mentioned for the first priorat Tkon, 1965), 55; Stanko Andrić, “Benediktinski
samostan sv. Margarete u Bijeli” [The Benedictine Abbey of
time in a document from 1234. The land of the
St. Margaret in Bijela], Tkalčić 9 (2005): 13.
church of Grab (ecclesia de Grab)4 is mentioned 5 Stanko Andrić, „Benediktinska opatija sv. Margarete u
Grabovu i njezin odnos prema benediktinskom samostanu u

 Department of Land Archaeology, Croatian Conservation Bijeli” [The Benedictine Abbey of St. Margaret in Grabovo
Institute; ajanes@h-r-z.hr. and its relationship with the Benedictine Monastery in
1 Berislav Schejbal, “Medieval topography of the Daruvar Bijela], Scrinia slavonica 5 (2005): 67.
area” (M.A. Thesis, CEU Budapest, 1999), 34. 6 Vjekoslav Klaić, “Plemići Svetački ili „nobiles se Zampche””
2 Tajana Sekelj Ivančan, Catalogue of Medieval Sites in [Nobles Svetački or „nobiles de Zempche“], Rad JAZU 199
Continental Croatia (Oxford: BAR Series, 1995), cat. 470. (1913): 8–9; Andrić, “Benediktinski samostan,” 13. Their
3 Ivan Crkvenčić, ed., Geografija SR Hrvatske 1: središnja ancestor Tibold or Teobald is mentioned in the chronicle of
Hrvatska [Geography of SR Croatia 1: Central Croatia] Simon of Kéza as comes Tiboldus de Fanberg/Samberg qui
(Zagreb: Školska knjiga, 1974), 53. Grauu Tibold est vocatus. The city from which Tibold came
4 Tadija Smičiklas, ed. Codex diplomaticus Regni Croatiae, is probably Schaumburg in Lower Austria or Pfannberg in
Dalmatiae et Slavoniae, vol. III, diplomata annorum 1201- Norther Styria. The first parent possession of this parentage
1235 (Zagreb, 1905), 426; Gjuro Szabo, “Tri benediktinske in Hungary is Babócsa on the River Drava. For more on this
opatije u županiji požeškoj (sv. Jelena de Podborje, Bijela, see: Andrić, “Benediktinska opatija,” 72–73.
Rudin)” [Three Benedictine abbeys in Požega County], 7 Ostojić, Benediktinci, 55; Andrić, “Benediktinski samostan,”
VHAD 9 (1907), 204; Ivan Ostojić, Benediktinci u Hrvatskoj 14–15.

[The Benedictines in Croatia], vol. III (Split: Benediktinski 8 Klaić, “Plemići Svetački,” 6.
45
ANDREJ JANEŠ
Labod.9 By this division the area of the Bijela A very important document that
Monastery belonged to the older brothers, which illuminates the relation of Bijela and the abbey in
was confirmed three years later by their reference Grabovo is a charter issued at the assembly of
in the legal dispute. Hungarian Benedictines in 1342, when the order
The area where the monastery in Bijela was renewed within five neglected monasteries,
would later appear is mentioned in a document among which is mentioned Bijela. The charter
from 1250, certifying to Ivanka, the son of informs us that order was restored in the
Abraham of the Sudan kindred, estates in Požega monastery of Bijela or Grabovo (Bela siue Graab)
and Somogy Counties.10 The area of the future with the financial help from Siegfried, abbot of
Bijela monastery had common frontiers with the Hronsky Benadik.16 This formulation in early
lands of the Abbey of St. Michael in Rudina. The Croatian historiography has led to confusion and
first concrete reference to the existence of Bijela the identification of Bijela with Grabovo as a
is found in a letter of Pope John XXII from 1332 single monastery.17
in which the ecclesiastical location (locus From a document issued on 21 October
ecclesiasticus) Bijela, subordinated to the Grab 1366 at the Provincial Chapter held in the
Monastery in the Archdiocese of Kalosca11 and monastery of Monyród one learns that the
Cluj in the Erdély Diocese, of the Order of St. Benedictine Order was not successfully
Benedict,12 were given to the administration of introduced in Bijela. From the same document we
Bishop Paul of Belgrade. In the letter the Bishop learn that the visitors on the occasion of visiting
complains that a cleric from the Archdiocese of “certain monasteries” found a scandalous situation
Esztergom named Stephen took possession of in the Grabovo monastery led by the self-
these “locations.” The Bishop asked from the Pope proclaimed Abbot Konrad. In the document it is
two “ecclesiastical locations” to cover with their clearly stated that in addition to the monastery he
income his expenses as the secretary of King managed the grange of the monastery named
Charles Robert.13 Bijela (grangia eiusdem Bela vocata).18 The
The letter of Pope Benedict XII of 15 Chapter decided to establish Thomas, the son of
October 1337 confirms that Bishop Paul did not Nicholas, a monk of the monastery in Szekszárd,
take care of his possessions. In this letter the Pope as the new abbot. This document best described
orders the Bishop of Eger to deprive the the relation of the two institutions, i.e. the
mentioned Bishop of the Bijela priory (prioratum dependence of Bijela on Grabovo. A document
de Bela).14 In this document of the monastery from a lawsuit in 1371, in which Thomas is stated
Bijela is referred to as a priory, while other as the abbot of the church in Bijela (frater
institutions in the document are referred to as Thomas abbas ecclesie de Bela),19 confirmed that
abbeys.15 the Abbot Thomas took over the management of
the abbey.
In the turbulent years of Sigismund's
9 Marija Karbić, “Dioba posjeda i plemićki rod: primjeri iz reign the abbey was managed by Abbot
Slavonije” [Division of estates and noble kind: red examples
from Slavonia], Scrinia slavonica 10 (2010): 79–80. Lawrence, well recorded in historical sources
10 Andrić, “Benediktinska opatija,” 77. from 1394 to 1421. In 1419, Abbot Lawrence
11 In his detailed research Stanko Andrić found a link
demanded from the Pope a copy of the old
between the monastic community in Bijela with the Abbey
of St. Margaret in Grab/Grabovo, in today's Syrmia. The
remains of that Abbey are located in the village Grabovo on 16 Andrić, “Benediktinski samostan,” 18–19.
the north side of Fruška gora. Andrić, “Benediktinski 17 Szabo, “Tri benediktinske opatije,” 204; Gjuro Szabo, “Iz
samostan,” 12. prošlosti Daruvara i okolice” [From the history of Daruvar
12 Ostojić, Benediktinci, 53; Andrić, “Benediktinska opatija,” and its surroundings], Narodna starina XI (1932): 96; Zorislav
79; Andrić, “Benediktinski samostan,” 11. Horvat, “Benediktinski samostan u Bijeloj” [The Benedictine
13 Andrić, “Benediktinska opatija,” 79. monastery in Bijela], Peristil 22 (1979): 58.
14 Ostojić, Benediktinci, 53; Andrić, “Benediktinski 18 Andrić, “Benediktinska opatija,” 85; Andrić, “Benediktinski
samostan,” 18. samostan,” 23.

15 Andrić, “Benediktinska opatija,” 80–81. 19 Andrić, “Benediktinski samostan,” 26.
46
Shaping a monastic landscape in medieval Slavonia
privileges of the Benedictine Order, as well as a Grabovo evaded the hands of a new bishop.
copy of the charter by which the monasteries of During that time the diocese was managed by the
Bijela and Grabovo received confirmation of all noble brothers Matko and Petar Talovac. In 1440,
earlier rights and privileges at the general Council Ban Talovac commanded Žigmund Kaštelanović
of Constance (1414-1418).20 In his letter to the to surrender without delay the fortress and the
Pope Abbot Lawrence mentions illegally occupied Bijela Abbey (castrum ac abbaciam Bela) to Abbot
properties, rights, fortresses, estates, tithes, crops, Nicholas.25 This confirmed that in the first half of
incomes, and revenues of the said monasteries. the 15th century the abbey was surrounded by
The Bishop of Zagreb is explicitly mentioned as a walls. In this period the abbey was under the
violent usurper. secular tutorship of the Slavonian peer Talovac.
Abbot Lawrence died at the end of 1421, Eustachius, a member of the Roman
and his efforts to defend the privileges of the brotherhood of St. Spirit,26 is first mentioned as an
monastery remained futile. That same year, on 19 abbot in 1472. In a charter issued from the abbey
December, King Sigismund asked the Pope to on 28 August 1476 concerning a dispute between
hand over the monastery in Grabovo or in Bijela a Zagreb Canon and the Dominicans Eustachius
(monasterium de Garab alias de Bela) to the of Paks is mentioned as the Abbot of Bijela,
administration of John Albeni, the Bishop of Grabovo, and Babócsa.27 Eustachius appears as the
Zagreb and the King’s Archchancellor for five abbot of these three monasteries in a papal bull of
years.21 The request highlighted the poor state of Pope Sixtus IV from 27 October 1478, in which it
the monastery’s income due to Turkish raids and is explained that these three monasteries are
other war troubles and stated that buildings and “mutually canonically united” (fig. 1).28 Abbot
edifices were falling to ruin.22 In a special Eustachius is mentioned for the last time in
document, a papal bull, issued on 28 September 1481.29 After Abbot Eustachius, in the last two
1422, Pope Martin V appointed Bishop John decades of the 15th century, monastic life faded
Albeni the administrator of the monasteries away in the monastery and it passed into the
Grabovo and Bijela.23 The amount of 150 golden hands of laity. Thus it is indirectly learned, from
florins is stated as the income of the abbey. other charters that in 1485 Bijela came into the
Bishop John Albeni was not hands of Ban of Jajce.30 From tax lists for 1494 and
commendatory abbot of the Bijela Abbey for only 1495 and a document from 1500 it is evident that
five years; it seems he maintained this position King Vladislaus II made the abbey and the related
until his death in 1433. Shortly before his death manorial estate available to the Banate of Jajce,
on 14 March 1433 in Pécs, he had his will but kept it in his own possession.31
written, in which, among other things, he left to
the monastery in Bijela 100 florins for the
stonemason’s works.24
As after the death of John Albeni the
position of bishop of Zagreb remained vacant for
several years, and the administration of Bijela and 25 Andrić, “Benediktinski samostan,” 44–45.
26 Ibid., 109.
27 Ibid., 58.
20 Andrija Lukinović, Povijesni spomenici Zagrebačke 28 Szabo, “Tri benediktinske opatije,” 204; Ostojić,
biskupije [Historical monuments of the Diocese of Zagreb], Benediktinci, 53; Horvat, “Benediktinski samostan,” 59.
vol. V (1395-1420) (Zagreb: Kršćanska sadašnjost, 1992), 29 Andrić, “Benediktinski samostan,” 62.
574–575; Andrić, “Benediktinski samostan,” 38. 30 Josip Bösendorfer, Crtice iz slavonske povijesti [Notes from
21 Ostojić, Benediktinci, 53; Horvat, “Benediktinski Slavonian history], (Osijek: Tiskom knjigo Pfeiffer, 1910), 86;
samostan,” 59; Andrić, “Benediktinski samostan,” 40. Andrić, “Benediktinski samostan,” 63.
22 Lukinović, Povijesni, vol. VI (1421-1440), 46; Andrić, 31 Josip Adamček and Ivan Kampuš, Popisi i obračuni poreza
“Benediktinski samostan,” 40. u Hrvatskoj u XV. I XVI. stoljeću [Lists and tax calculations
23 Lukinović, Povijesni, vol. VI (1421-1440), 75–76. in Croatia in the 15th and 16th centuries], (Zagreb: Institute
24 Ostojić, Benediktinci, 53; Horvat, “Benediktinski for Croatian History, Zagreb University, 1976), 4; Andrić,
samostan,” 59; Andrić, “Benediktinski samostan,” 43. “Benediktinski samostan,” 69.
47
ANDREJ JANEŠ
Fig. 1. Figure 1. Map of Benedictine monasteries in late

medieval Slavonia and southern Hungary
(edited by A. Janeš).
Fig. 2. DEM of the site of the

Benedictine monastery of St.
Margaret (made by Vektra
d.o.o, edited by A. Janeš).
48
Fig. 3. Aerial photo of the site (photo by

LupercalMT j.d.o.o.).
Fig. 4. Ground plan of the abbey by G. Szabo from

the beginning of 20th century.
49
ANDREJ JANEŠ
Fig. 5. 3D model of the entrance (model by M. Vuković).

Two abbots of Bijela, Petar the Croat
The management of the abbey by the (1517) and Blaž (1522), are mentioned until the
Bans of Jajce ended in 1513 when King Vladislaus Ottoman conquest of the area. From 1500 on, the
II decided to give it back to the Benedictines. A sources mention Bijela together with Oporovac
handover was then arranged between the Bans of Castle, about which the abbots led disputes with
Jajce and Matthew from Tolna, Archabbot of St. local nobleman George Korlatović.34 In 1529, we
Martin in Pannonhalma. Abbot Matthew, in a learn that the abbot of Bijela joined the party of
charter of 3 May 1513 issued in the Abbey itself, John Zapolya in a civil war with Ferdinand of
announced the return of the monks after about Habsburg, and afterwards signs of monastic life in
thirty-five years. An agreed upon compensation Bijela again faded away.35 After that the complex
for the Bans of Jajce amounted to 4,000 florins.32 of the monastery was used as a fortress to defend
The actual handover of the patronage over Bijela the borders from the Ottomans. In the spring of
occurred only on 18 January 1516, when King 1543 the Ottomans conquered the castles
Vladislaus II issued a royal charter, which handed Stupčanica, Dobra Kuća, Sirač, and Bijela Stijena.
the abbey over to the Pannonhalma Archabbot Bijela is not mentioned, but as all the surrounding
Matthew.33 castles fell, as well as the entire area of the
western hills of Papuk Mountains and Ravna
Gora, it can be said with certainty that Bijela was
among them.36
32 Szabo, “Tri benediktinske opatije,” 205; Ostojić,
Benediktinci, 54; Horvat, “Benediktinski samostan,” 59;
Andrić, “Benediktinski samostan,” 74–75. 34 Andrić, “Benediktinski samostan,” 89, 92–93.
33 Szabo, “Tri benediktinske opatije,” 205; Andrić, 35 Ibid., 98–99.
“Benediktinski samostan,” 78. 36 Ibid., 103.
50
Fig. 6. Ground plan of the excavated part of the church

(drawing V. Gligora).
Fig. 7. Examples of architectural elements found at the site:

The layout of the monastery complex 1-3 vault ribs, 4 glazing bar, 5-8 tracery (drawings A.
On DTM37 made in 2012 it can be seen Bendeković).
that the northern part of the plateau is the highest
point and therefore it is recognized as the position The morphology of the terrain shows two ridges
of the monastery church, which was built on the in the northwest-southeast direction, which can
highest part of the hill, and it thus had a be assumed to belong to the walls of the church’s
dominant position in space. nave. The situation is more complex to the east,
but a large number of elevations may indicate the
remains of the fallen architecture of the
37 DTM – Digital Terrain Model.
51
ANDREJ JANEŠ
triumphal arch and the sanctuary of the church. church as 14 m and the width as 7 m, and the
South and east of the church there is a lower area sanctuary as 10.5 m long and 6.20 m wide.
for 2-5 meters. This area is characterized by a According to the Szabo’s drawing, the sanctuary
valley with its southwestern part bounded by the was polygonal and strengthened by buttresses.
two ridges closing the right angle. The eastern Archaeological excavations uncovered a part of
part is also bounded by ridges, but of a much the south wall of the church with a passage
more irregular layout. Surrounding ridges enclose through which one entered the presumed
the valley of the approximate size of 9 x 9 m. The northern corridor of the cloister. A large amount
height difference of the marginal ridges and the of found fragments of vault ribs indicates that it
central part of the valley is 1-1.5 m. The almost was a vaulted room, which reinforces the
square shape of the valley leads to the assumption assumption concerning the cloister corridor.
that the monastery cloister was located here. The Inside the church, next to the passage into the
southern and eastern edges, due to a great variety cloister corridor, the remains of a half-column, a
of relief, should be observed as a part of a vertical part of a pilaster, was found. By its
monastery complex that surrounded the cloister discovery it was determined that the church was
on these sides (figs. 2, 3). divided into bays and the length of the first bay,
Analysis of the drawings made by G. 4.34 m, was obtained (fig. 6).
Szabo while visiting the site at the beginning of The most significant finds so far are the
the 20th century (fig. 4) and the digital model of fragments of stone architectural elements. One
the relief confirms the assumption that the hundred seventy-nine fragments in the Gothic
monastery church was located on the northern style have been found. Most of the found
part of the hill. So far the surface of the entrance fragments of vault ribs belong to the pear-shaped
area to the monastery church has been examined. rib type. This type of rib is formed of one sidelong
The entrance to the church was between two part and over a segmented niche, which turns
massive bell-towers. The south bell-tower, a into a pear shape (fig. 7.1-3).38 Pear-shape profiles
square room of 2.9 x 2.9 m with an entrance on are common in the early 15th century.39
the east side, has been completely examined. East The closest analogy to the specimens of
of the bell-tower was a room of a smaller size Bijela is found in the rib vault of the chapter
(1.38 x 1.56 m), in which were found the remains house of the Franciscan monastery in Šarengrad,
of the spiral stone staircase to access the upper which was built around 1420.40 Four fragments of
floors of the south bell-tower. a door-jamb have a profile of a connected torus
The church had an entrance area located and concave groove; an analogy can be seen in the
between the two bell-towers. To the west it is door-jamb of the Chapel of St. Trinity in Brinje
limited by massive door-jambs of which the south from the early 15th century.41 Tracery fragments
one remains preserved. The remains of the (fig. 7.5-8) are analogues to the finds from the
grooves for construction, which supported the Huet Square in the Transylvanian city of Sibiu, on
church door and the cross-bar to further secure the site of the former parish church and are
the door, were also preserved. The entrance area considered parts of the rosette. They are dated to
is 3.61 m long and 3.26 m wide. On the east side
of the entrance area was the portal and staircase
descending into the space of the church’s nave 38Dijana Vukičević-Samaržija, Sakralna gotička arhitektura u
(fig. 5). In this passage in the walls were Slavoniji [Religious Gothic architecture in Slavonia] (Zagreb:
discovered grooves for cross-bars of the structure, Centar za povijesne znanosti, Odjel za povijest umjetnosti,
which supported the doors and cross-bar to 1986), 55.
39 Zorislav Horvat, Katalog gotičkih profilacija [Catalogue of
additionally secure the door.
While visiting the remains of the Gothic mouldings] (Zagreb: Društvo povjesničara umjetnosti
Hrvatske, 1992), 80.
monastery at the beginning of the 20th century, 40 Vukičević-Samaržija, Sakralna gotička arhitektura, sl. 51e;
G. Szabo recorded the length of the nave of the Horvat, Katalog, sl. 83m.
41 Horvat, Katalog, sl. 143d.
52
a broader period, from the 14th to the second half Bishop John Albeni locate the construction of the
of the 15th century.42 found remains of the church to the second
For now it can be concluded that the quarter of the 15th century. The letter of King
monastery church on its west side was defined by Sigismund to Pope Martin V in 1421 mentions the
two massive bell-towers of which the northern poor condition of the monastery. Likewise, in his
one was visible on drawings and prints from the will of 1433, the Bishop leaves to the monastery
second half of the 19th century. Between them 100 florins for masonry works. Analysis of the
was located the entrance to the church, which found architectural elements, radiocarbon
had two doors. This layout has been defined as analysis, analogies with other similar sacral
“westwerk”43 by Lj. Karaman, while Z. Horvat has objects in the territory of the Hungarian
defined it as “westbau.”44 Matroneums are known Kingdom, as well as written sources confirm that
from other church buildings from the early 15th so far the found architecture belongs to
century, such as chapels in the Sokolac Castle in renovation works on the monastery carried out
Brinje and the church on Ptujska Gora in during the second quarter of the 15th century.
Slovenia. From the area of the Hungarian Stratigraphy within the southern bell-
Kingdom examples of matroneums are known tower, its staircase, and around the south wall of
from the parish church in Košice and Cathedral in the church established that this part of the church
Bratislava with an identical scheme of the west was destroyed in the late 16th century. The
front.45 The parish church of Pomaz on the architectural remains are covered by a layer with
Klissza Hill has a very similar west front between finds from everyday life, particularly kitchen
the two bell-towers.46 Slovakian and Hungarian pottery and stove tiles. The fragments of the
examples date from the 14th to the early 15th kitchen pottery typologically belong to the
centuries. G. Szabo mentions dimensions of a second half of the 16th century. Radiocarbon
nave and sanctuary similar to the church from the analysis of the samples of charcoal from the layers
nearby Pauline Monastery of St. Anna de dobra of debris within the southern bell-tower, rich
Kwcha, which was established in 1412.47 with stone architectural elements, confirm the
As additional confirmation of the 15th- demolition of this part of the church in the period
century construction of the found remains, a of the late 16th century and the first half of the
sample of charcoal from the lowest layer explored 17th century.49 In this layer was found a stone-
within the southern bell-tower, above the sterile fired missile, while from the shallower layers of
layer, has been dated by radiocarbon analysis to the southern bell-tower samples of iron rifle
the middle of the 15th century.48 bullets were recovered. All this indicates that
Known historical data on the takeover of before the Ottoman conquest the fortified abbey
the administration of the abbey by the Zagreb was used for military purposes and was perhaps
partially destroyed in the Ottoman conquest of
the eastern edge of medieval Slavonia.
42 Daniela Marcu Istrate, Sibiu. Piaţa Huet. Monografie
arheologică. I [Sibiu. Huet Square. Archaeological
Landscape and topography of the
monograph] (Alba Iulia: ALTIP, 2007), 118, 218, Pl. 62. monastery estate
43 Ljubo Karaman, “O umjetnosti srednjeg vijeka u Hrvatskoj The monastery estate had two functions:
i Slavoniji II” [On medieval art in Croatia and Slavonia II], from it the monks received supplies necessary for
Historijski zbornik III, 1-4 (1950): 125. life, but it was also a source of income for the
44 Horvat, “Benediktinski samostan,” 61.
45 Ibid., 61. monastery’s economy.50 The estate of the Bijela
46 Gábor Virágos, The Social Archaeology of Residential Sites.
Hungarian noble residences and their social context from the

thirteenth to the sixteenth century: an Outline for 49 Samples (LTL 14642A i LTL14643A) are dated by
Methodology (Oxford: BAR Series, 2006), 33–34, fig. 31. radiocarbon analysis with 95.4% probability 1470AD-
47Szabo, “Iz prošlosti Daruvara,” 96-97. 1670AD i.e. 1480AD-1690AD, 68.2% probability 1510AD-
48The analysis was carried out in CEntro di DAtazione e 1600AD i.e. 1520AD-1590AD.
Diagnostica, University of Salento (sample LTL14644A), 50 Stephan Moorhouse, “Monastic estates: their composition
95.4% 1400AD-1530AD, 68.2 % 1415AD-1475AD. and development,” in The Archaeology of Rural Monasteries,
53
ANDREJ JANEŠ
Abbey was a part of the Svetačje Archdeaconry, at the toponym Ribnjak (Fish Pond), located north
the eastern edge of the Zagreb Diocese.51 of the monastery and west of the Stančevac
Administratively, the estate was in Križevci stream. In the Franciscans’ cadastre of 1862 the
County and was one of the largest, covering an toponym Ribnjak is recorded south of the
area of 125 km².52 monastery. The position is between the flow of
The immediate surroundings of the Abbey the Stančevac Stream in the west and Brzica in
From the earliest times gardens were an the east, which makes this position ideal for the
integral part of the complex of the monastery. construction of the pond. Considering the
They were used to grow vegetables for the needs historical development of this region this
of the monastery’s kitchen, but herb gardens and toponym may be linked with high probability to
gardens used as decoration for the monastery’s the economy of the monastery.
surroundings are also known. From the archives On the eastern slopes of the elevation on
of English monasteries are known plants planted which the monastery is built, which steeply
in gardens: onion, garlic, leeks, saffron, hazelnuts, descend towards the bed of the Brzica Stream, the
grapes, plums, pears, beans, and peas.53 Aerial terrain examination showed traces of the
photographs of a gentle slope south-west of the exploitation of stone. Without a more detailed
monastery show trails in the ground in the form analysis of the stone it can only be assumed that it
of lines arranged in a regular structure, in the was the position of the quarry in which the stone
form of a grate.54 The traces are visible in the was extracted for the purpose of the construction
form of dark lines that intersect at right angles. of the monastery in Bijela (fig. 10).
The dark lines would correspond to the beds of a Parishes and settlements
former monastery’s garden. At the most visible In the area of this large estate two
part the length of the arable particle (direction parishes historically have been recorded. The first
NW-SE) is 8 to 8.5 m, the width (direction SW- one is the parish in Bijela, which on the list of
NE) is 6 m. The traces are visible at the surface of parishes of the Zagreb Diocese in 1334 was
the present cadastral particle of about 2500 m² mentioned as the Church of the Blessed Virgin
(fig. 8). Mary (beate virginis de Bela).56
Consuming fish was conditioned by Parish priests and the parish in Bijela are
religious rules prohibiting monks from eating mentioned several times thereafter: the parish
meat and meat products. Continuous demand for priest Dionysus in 1378,57 the parish in 1466,58 the
fish led to the construction of a complex for fish parish priest Gregory in 1499,59 and in 1501 and
farming in the vicinity of the monastery 1507 the parish priest Fabian with two
complex.55 On the topographic map is recorded chaplains.60
eds. Roberta Gilchrist and Harold Mytum, (Oxford, BAR

Series, 1989), 32.
51 Andrić, “Benediktinski samostan,” 9.
52 Pál Engel, Magyarország középkor végén. Digitális térkép
és adatbázis a középkori Magyar Királyság településeiről. 56 Franjo Rački, “Popis župa Zagrebačke biskupije 1334. i
Hungary in the Late Middle Ages. Digital vector map and 1501. godine” [List of parishes of the Zagreb Diocese of 1334
attaching database about the settlements and landowners of and 1501], Starine JAZU IV (1872): 206; Josip Buturac, “Popis
medieval Hungary, PC CD-ROM (Budapest: MTA župa Zagrebačke biskupije 1334. i 1501. godine” [List of
Történettudományi Intézet, 2001). parishes of the Zagreb Diocese of 1334 and 1501], Starine 59
53 James Bond, “Production and Consumption of Food and (1984): 57.
Drink in the Medieval Monastery,” in Monastic Archaeology. 57 Kamilo Dočkal, “Srednjovjekovna naselja oko Dobre Kuće”
Papers on the Study of Medieval Monasteries, eds. Graham [Medieval settlement around Dobra Kuća], Starine JAZU 48
Keevill et al. (Oxford, Oxbow Books, 2001), 65. (1958): 89; Schejbal, Medieval topography, 36.
54 Photographs made by LupercalMT j.d.o.o. are analyzed, as 58 Buturac, “Popis župa,” 57.
well as photos taken from the web site of the Ministry of 59 Andrić, “Benediktinski samostan,” 72.
Agriculture (www.arkod.hr, accessed on 11.04.2015). 60 Rački, “Popis župa,” 206; Buturac, “Popis župa,” 57; Andrić,
55 Moorhouse, “Monastic estates,” 64. “Benediktinski samostan,” 72.
54
Fig. 8. Features of the priory/abbey and the location of the

monastic garden (photo by LupercalMT j.d.o.o.,
edited by A. Janeš).
Fig. 9. Remains of a presumed medieval watermill

by the priory/abbey site.
(photo by V. Gligora).
55
ANDREJ JANEŠ
Fig. 10. Medieval features and sites around the priory/abbey

site (drawing by A. Janeš).
At the end of the 15th century, in a list of taxes,
The existence of this parish church means the village in Bijela is mentioned as a market
that Bijela at this time was a large and important town (oppidum Bela).63
settlement.61 The position of the medieval The position of the parish church
settlement may be indicated by the toponym dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary is supposed
Kućište,62 north of present houses, in the western to be located at the position of the Mali zid/Small
part of the village Bijela, and is recorded in the Wall in the valley of the Stančevac stream on the
Franciscan cadastre in 1862. square plateau, at the hill 205. In the Franciscan
cadastre in 1862 this position has been marked
with a sign of the ruin named Gradina Klisa /Klisa
Hill-fort. The toponym of Klisa suggests the
possibility of the existence of the medieval sacral
architecture. With the expansion of Ottoman
61Andrić, “Benediktinski samostan,” 10. power over Southeast Europe the toponyms Kilisa
62 The toponym Kućište in its basic meaning is “the place
where the house was.” For more on this see: Stanko Andrić,
“Imenica vas u staroj slavonskoj toponimiji” [The noun vas in
old toponymy in Slavonia], Croatica XXXVII/57 (2013): 92. 63 Andrić, “Benediktinski samostan,” 64.
56
or Klisa64 (alluding to the Turkish term for the published sources. The position Kamenica71 is
church) appear in this region, meaning the former another possible position of the medieval parish.
church.65 Evidence for this sacred structure can be Two more toponyms Selište72 are recorded
found on the Josephine military map where on near the hamlet of Gornji Borci, where a medieval
this point are drawn ruins marked as Alte Kirche site has recently been recorded73 and west of the
(fig. 10).66 present Pakra Monastery. The same toponym was
The second parish in the area of the abbey recorded in the Josephine military map east of the
estate is mentioned in 1501 as a capella sancti Grižina stream. In the position Gradina/Hill-fort,
Petri de monte Wsathecz, which G. Szabo in the village Donji Borci, medieval structures
believes is the parish of Pogano-Szentpeter.67 The have been observed.74
parish priest Stephen is also mentioned in the Data from the Registry of royal revenues
document from 1501. According to Szabo’s was used to try to reconstruct the estate. In the
explanation it is the Magyarized version of Ušat- part for the Kingdom of Slavonia for 1494 the
hegy that he recognizes in the hill Za-ušjak.68 This taxes of the royal fortress Bijela are stated, in
settlement is today identified with the position of which are included the estates of the local clergy
Crkvište,69 situated on the vast plateau between (“Bona pertinentiarum castri Bela Regie
the Peter and Pogani hills, to the north of the Maiestatis unacum bonis plebanorum et
remains of the monastery. This settlement is altaristarum”) in the amount of 223 florins.75 In
mentioned in five documents from the archive of the Kingdom of Slavonia the tax was half a florin
the nearby Pauline Monastery of St. Ann of per a smoke, i.e. household, in 1494, the
Dobra Kuća, in documents from 1469, 1483, 1498, possession of the fortress Bijela counted 446
and in two documents from 1509.70 In the households, i.e. tax units. According to A.
Josephine military map near the same plateau is Kubiny, the average number of persons per a
written the name Stari Glamochay, which would smoke was 6.2.76 Thus, in 1494 the Bijela estate
indicate the name of the settlement at the counted 2,765 inhabitants.
position Crkvište. The toponym Glamačine was In the Kingdom of Slavonia’s registry of
introduced on topographic maps east of Crkvište. royal revenues for 1495 His Royal Majesty’s goods
This settlement has not yet been mentioned in Bijela and Trnava (Bona Regie Maiestatis Bela,
Ternawa) are mentioned as owing together 266.5
florins.77 In the tax list for the same year Bijela is
64 The toponym Kilisa or Klisa comes from the Turkish word
for church, kilisâ, which is derived from the Latin word
ecclesia. 71 Recorded on the Croatian topographic map 1:5000.
65 Željko Tomičić, “Suhopolje-Kliškovac: Od toponima do 72 The toponym Selište appears in 13.9% of medieval sites in
arheološke spoznaje” [Suhopolje-Kliškovac: From a toponym northern Croatia. For more on this see: Sekelj Ivančan,
to archaeological comprehension], Starohrvatska prosvjeta “Učestalost toponima,” 154. The toponym derives from the
III/36 (2009): 230–231. noun selo, village, with the suffix –ište or –išće added to the
66 Ivana Horbec and Ivana Jukić, Hrvatska na tajnim noun stem. It often occurs as a toponym meaning a place
zemljovidima 18. i 19. stoljeća, sv. 6: Požeška županija “where once a village was.” Recorded on the Croatian
[Croatia on secret military maps of the 18th and 19th topographic map 1:25000.
centuries. Vol. 6: Požega County], (Zagreb: Hrvatski institut 73 Goran Jakovljević, “Nevjerojatno otkriće u šumariji Sirač”
za povijest, 2002), sekcija 13. [Unbelievable discovery in the Sirač forestry office],
67 Rački, “Popis župa,” 206; Bösendorfer, Crtice, 264; Gjuro Hrvatske šume (2012): 4–6.
Szabo, “Prilozi za povijesnu topografiju požeške županije,” 74 For this information I am thankful to the forester of the
VHAD 11 (1911): 46. Sirač Forestry Dario Šimunić. The toponyom is recorded on
68 Szabo, “Prilozi za povijesnu topografiju,” 46. the Croatian topographic map 1:25000.
69 The toponym Crkvište appears in 4.3% of medieval sites in 75 Adamček and Kampuš, Popisi i obračuni, 4.
continental Croatia. For more on this see: Tajana Sekelj 76 Stanko Andrić, “Podgorje Papuka i Krndije u srednjem
Ivančan, “Učestalost toponima kod srednjovjekovnih vijeku: prilozi za lokalnu povijest (prvi dio)” [The
arheoloških nalazišta sjeverne Hrvatske” [An analysis of surroundings of Papuk and Krndija in the Middle Ages:
Toponyms at Medieval sites in Northern Croatia], Prilozi contributions to local history (part I)], Scrinia slavonica 8
Instituta za arheologiju 9 (1992): 154. (2008): 91.
70 Dočkal, “Srednjovjekovna naselja,” 142–143. 77 Adamček and Kampuš, Popisi i obračuni, 5.
57
ANDREJ JANEŠ
described as a royal estate, which with the be added the Grysnyak estate held by Blaž Banić,
affiliations, free-born men, and praediales (“Bela which had two smokes.
domini regis cum partinenciis cum liberis et Since 1500, the sources mention Oporovac
predialibus”) had 362 smokes.78 Here are also Castle, which was for a long time the cause of
mentioned 19 smaller possessory lots described as disputes between the abbots of Bijela and Bans of
“ad Belam,” kept by different owners and located Jajce. The exact location is unknown, but the
in 15 different villages and hamlets. A smaller supposed position is Turska kula/Njanjavac in the
plot was located in a provincia castelli Opporowc. north-eastern part of the property where remains
The biggest estates were found in Szentgyörgy of the possible fortification are visible.82
with 20 smokes and Dragalin with 18 smokes. Mills
The priest estate in Bujanovci counted eight Mills represented an important and safe
smokes. The names of other settlements inlcuded source of income for medieval monastic houses.
Vahtarjovci, Luka, Pesjedolci, Brdekovci, The most common were the mills for wheat,
Jakupovci, Lešćanci, Palinovci, Bara, Doljan, which sometimes were built several kilometers
Beketinci, Parušovci, and Ivanovci. With the from the parent house.83 The management of
royal estate the goods of Bijela counted in total water resources on the property was an important
469 smokes, i.e. 2,907 inhabitants. The settlement element of mills’ exploitation. The importance of
at Szentgyörgy may be linked to the parish sancti mills in the monastic economy is evident, for
Georgii de Putnich from 1334. J. Buturac locates it example, in 11th century the Benedictines in
in present Čaglić in which in the 18th century England possessed about 2,000 mills.84
was a church of St. George. In 1501, in the list of S. Andrić links the Grysnyak estate with
priests, the same parish is mentioned as sancti the Brižnjak estate mentioned in 1507. In 1518,
Georgii in Abbacia.79 In the name Doljan we Abbot Peter had a dispute with John Kaštelanović
recognize the present village Doljani, south of about the estranged corn in the mill of the
which is recorded the toponym Selište, at the Abbot's jobagion. The mill was on the Brižnjak
Josephine military map as Staro selo/Old village. stream.85 It is interesting that the mill is
Dragalin may be connected to the parish sancti mentioned on the same stream (Grižina/Grisna),
Thome de Dragalnia from the list of parishes in in the area of the village Sirač, in the Chamber list
1334, which J. Buturac locates in Jazavica, east of of Lesser Wallachia in 1702.86
Novska.80 In the census and list of settlements in
In the list of 1513 goods of the abbey in 1698 three mills are mentioned: one on the Pakra
Bijela are mentioned that count 272 smokes River and two on the small rivers Brzica and
(1,686 inhabitants) from which are expected 163 Stančevac.87 In the census of 1702 four smaller
florins and 20 denari of tax.81 The list of 1517 mills on the Brzica stream are identified near the
mentions that the abbot of Bijela is the owner of village Bijela.88
the Bujevac estate with 15 smokes, Dragalina with
19 smokes, Oporovac with 35 smokes, and Jelja
with 30 smokes. The Bijela marketplace counted 82 Schejbal, Medieval topography, 60.
12 smokes or 74 inhabitants, its province 80 (496 83 Moorhouse, “Monastic estates,” 52.
inhabitants), while the abbot held only one 84 Adam Lucas, “The Role of Monasteries in the Development
smoke. If summed up, the abbey in Bijela counted of Medieval Milling,” in Wind and Water in the Middle
Ages, ed. Steven A. Walton (Tempe: Arizona Center for
191 smokes, i.e. 1,184 inhabitants. To this list may Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2006), 94.
85 Andrić, “Benediktinski samostan,” 82.
86 Tade Smičiklas, Dvijestogodišnjica oslobodjenja Slavonije.
78 Adamček and Kampuš, Popisi i obračuni, 11; Andrić, Drugi dio: spomenici u Slavoniji u XVII. vijeku [200th
“Benediktinski samostan,” 68. Anniversary of the libaration of Slavonia. Part II: 17th
79 Buturac, “Popis župa,” 52. century monuments in Slavonia], (Zagreb: Djela JAZU,
80 Ibid., 53. knjiga 11, 1891), 254.
81 Adamček and Kampuš, Popisi i obračuni, 73; Andrić, 87 Ive Mažuran, Popis naselja i stanovništva u Slavoniji 1698.
“Benediktinski samostan,” 76. godine [Conscription of settlements and inhabitants in
58
Fig. 11.Topography of the area of the abbey estate described in the sources (made by A. Janeš).
Slavonia in 1698] (Osijek: Zavod za znanstveni rad JAZU,

1988), 471.
88 Smičiklas, Dvijestogodišnjisca oslobodijenja, 248.
59
ANDREJ JANEŠ
In the Josephine military map seven mills priory. Priories were directly subordinate to the
were drawn, one on the Stančevac stream, abbey, either as donated to it or established by
another at the point where Stančevac joins it.93 A priory was organized identically to any
Pakra/Bijela, four on the Grižina stream, and one monastery, with the difference that it was not led
faraway in the hills on the Mlinski stream.89 by the abbot/prior elected by the members of the
About a hundred meters east of the monastery, at monastery.94 Benedictines reformed by the
the Brzica stream, the remains of a mill were Cluniac reform came to Hungary at the end of the
identified by a field survey (fig. 9). Also identified 11th century at the invitation of King Ladislaus
were the remains of the channel by which the from the Provencal reformed monastery St. Gilles
water was directed from the stream towards the du Gard.95 The Bijela Priory was surrounded by
mill. This mill was not recorded in sources or on hereditary possessions of the nobles Tibold/
maps, but archaeological research in England has Svetački and they can with certainty be
shown that not all the mills on the estates were considered the first patrons of Bijela. Although
recorded in sources.90 The concentration of mills the priory was first mentioned relatively late,
in the 18th century is visible in the area of the based on the example of priories in Western
former monastery estate. It is to be assumed that Europe and the development of Benedictine
some of these mills have medieval roots. It is monasteries in Hungary, it can be assumed that
interesting that mills were not even mentioned in the Bijela Priory was established in the first half
the tahrir defter of Pakrac Sandjak of 1565.91 of the 13th century. Large in size and rich in
Maybe it was due to the discontinuity in using natural resources, it was the property that helped
mills, but the mentioning of mills in other nahias raise the priory to the rank of abbey by the end of
leads one to think that the mills in the area of the the 14th century. The great interest in it by the
then property of the Bijela Abbey were not taxed magnates of the kingdom shows that the Bijela
(fig. 11). Abbey was prosperous, and thus King Sigismund
Conclusion gave it to the administration of the Zagreb Bishop
According to the historical sources the John Albeni. The bell-tower of the church,
establishment of the religious community in displaying stone architectural elements of the
Bijela was more complex than in other early 15th century, indicates the building of a
monasteries in the region of Slavonia. The new abbey church with the financial support of
community of monks on the western slopes of Bishop Albeni. Albeni’s will, in which he leaves
Papuk was the westernmost Benedictine money for masonry works in Bijela, further
institution within the basin of the rivers Sava, supports this assertion. In 1390, the income of the
Drava, and Danube. According to S. Andrić, a property amounted to 300 florins, while in 1422
branch of the Abbey of St. Margaret in Grabovo the income amounted to only 150 florins. In 1462,
was established for the management of large the common incomes of Bijela and the Abbey in
monastic possessions in the western Papuk.92 It Szek approached up to 3,000 florins. The royal
should be emphasized, however, that in the first patronage over the abbey at the end of the 15th
half of the 14th century Bijela was mentioned as a century, providing income to finance the Banate
priory. The history of the Cluniac reform of the of Jajce, and the lists of taxes showing population
Benedictine Order shows that the religious houses density all indicate that the abbey property was
founded by the reform movement bore the title of rich.
89 Horbec and Jukić, Hrvatska na tajnim zemljovidima,
sekcija 13.
90 Lucas, “The Role of Monasteries,” 105–106. 93 Marcel Pacaut, Monaci e religiosi nel Medioevo (Bologna:
91 Tahrir defter – list of tax incomes in the Ottoman empire. Societa editrice il Mulino, 1989), 115.
Selcuk Ural, “Pakrački sandžak u drugoj polovici 16. stoljeća” 94 Pacaut, Monaci e religiosi, 116.
[The Pakrac sandjak in the second half of 16th century], 95 Željko Tomičić, “Novije arheološke spoznaje o Rudini”
Scrinia slavonica 11 (2011): 61. [New archaeological insights on Rudina], Radovi zavoda za
92 Andrić, “Benediktinski samostan,” 87. znanstveni i umjetnički rad 2 (2013): 34.
60
Spatial Organization
of Monastic Complexes
MONASTIC BUILDINGS: QUESTIONS OF the electrical sockets in the right place, etc., etc.,
PRACTICALITY AND PRESENTATION, that is, the primacy of presentation over
FROM AN ANGLO-FRENCH PERSPECTIVE practicality in a building where money is available
for the purpose.
My reason for mentioning the Sainsbury
ERIC FERNIE Centre is because I think this primacy is shared by
many and even most structures of any pretension
in all ages, including medieval churches and
monastic buildings: buildings which make other
patrons bright-eyed with admiration or green with
envy. A comparison between the plans of the
second and third churches at Cluny helps make the
point (fig. 2a-b). The most obvious contrast is in
the size. This appears to be open to a practical
explanation, namely the increase in the number of
monks, from about fifty in the late tenth century
to about 300 in the early twelfth, similar to the
increase in size. But while that might explain the
floor area it says nothing about the height and the
volume (fig. 2c). The cubic metres of space soaring
Fig. 1. Norman Foster, Sainsbury Centre for Visual Arts, above the heads of the monks are to do with the
Norwich (Norfolk), 1974-78 (University of East Anglia). status of Cluny as one of the most powerful
organisations in the Latin Church. The design of
Figure 1 may not look like the sort of image you Cluny III therefore has a great deal in common
would expect at the beginning of a paper on with that of the Sainsbury Centre.
medieval monastic buildings, but I hope it will This then is the axis I want to use in
none the less illustrate the central element of what thinking about monastic buildings, an axis
I want to say. The building is the Sainsbury Centre between practicality and presentation.
for Visual Arts at the University of East Anglia in Claustral buildings
Norwich, England, designed by Norman Foster in It is almost inevitable that a discussion of
the 1970s. Foster’s stated aim was to find out what claustral buildings should begin with the St. Gall
users needed and to provide it for them. This was, Plan, as, given its date in the first half of the ninth
in a word, rubbish: he designed what he wanted to century, it is the earliest instance of the claustral
and functions had to fit in as best they could. For layout which was to become the norm (fig. 3a).
example, there were only two sets of rooms in the The source of the Plan is a puzzle, and by source I
art history department where windows were mean, not all those elements ranging from Lorsch
possible, namely the lavatories and the to Syria and beyond, but rather the model of the
photographic darkrooms, the lecture theatre was object itself, the sheet and how its contents are
open-plan and the rainwater control notorious. arranged. This consists of a central square
Yet thank goodness he did, as the result is, for dominated by the church and cloister, and two
many people, one of the most spectacular and long flanking rectangles. Horn refers to the Roman
visually exciting buildings of the twentieth castrum, such as that at Passau of around 100 AD
century. I would prefer that any day to having all (fig. 3b).1

Eric Fernie, Professor, retired director, Courtauld Institute, gratitude to John McNeill for his help with many aspects of
London, eric.fernie@courtauld.ac.uk. the paper, to Béla Zsolt Szakacs for his advice on the history
1 Walter Horn and Ernest Born, The Plan of St. Gall, vol. I of Hungarian architecture, in this context and in others, to
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), 114–117. On Jackie Hall for providing the image of Fountains Abbey and
claustral buildings see also Wolfgang Braunfels, Monasteries permission to use it, and to Roland Harris for the dimensions
of Western Europe: The Architecture of the Orders (London: of the refectory at Norwich Cathedral. I have been unable to
Thames and Hudson, 1972). I would like to record my trace the origin of the Wartburg illustration in figure 16.
63
ERIC FERNIE
Fig. 2. a. Cluny (Saône-et-Loire), second church, c. 955-

980: plan; b. Cluny, third church, 1088-c. 1120: plan
(Giffart, 1713); c. Cluny, third church: nave (Lallemand,
1773-80).
64
Monastic buildings: Questions of practicality and presentation
Fig. 3. a. St. Gall Plan, 820s: diagram of the layout; b. Passau

(Lower Bavaria), Roman castrum, 100 AD: plan
(Schönberger, 1962, in Horn and Born, vol. 1, fig. 71B);
c. Rome, Baths of Diocletian, c. 298-306: plan.
65
ERIC FERNIE
Fig. 4. Castle Acre (Norfolk), monastery, c. 1100: plan

(Ministry of Public Building and Works, 1952).
Fig. 5. a. Worcester Cathedral (Worcestershire, c. 1084-1120?:

plan (Harold Brakspear, 1892); b. London, Westminster
Abbey, as rebuilt from 1245: plan (RCHME, 1924).
66
He notes the disadvantage of the two roads novices and servants to hear what is going on when
meeting at the centre, which are perfect in they are summoned to attend but cannot enter the
practical terms for an army camp, but the room. Heidrun Stein-Kecks, however, notes that
antithesis of what a monastery needs. Despite that such people were often not allowed even into the
he thinks this is the best model available. I would east walk, and suggests two other reasons for the
like to suggest that the Baths of Diocletian offer a openings, namely to increase the light levels in the
better parallel (fig. 3c). They have the same central building, and to dignify the entrance.2
block, which contains the great hall of the There is one form of chapter house which
frigidarium in a similar position to the church, and is a particularly English variant, namely the
the central area is flanked by two long rectangular circular or polygonal type, as exemplified by
sections. The over-riding reason for making such a Worcester Cathedral, possibly the first, in building
choice is likely to be the ideal of romanitas, and on from 1084, with others following such as that of
a more monumental level than would be the case the thirteenth century at Westminster Abbey (fig.
with a castrum. 5a-b).3 Before discussing explanations for the type
Moving on to the individual buildings, I I would like to make two related but parenthetical
shall begin with the chapter house and proceed comments about England. The first is that the
clockwise round the cloister. chapter house at Worcester Cathedral is not for
Chapter house canons, it is for monks, as Worcester is an example
It is very odd, at least looked at of that peculiarly English institution the monastic
anachronistically, that the St. Gall Plan uses the cathedral, a bizarre combination. The second
north walk of the cloister for chapter meetings and concerns the character of English buildings after
does not have a building dedicated to the purpose, the Norman conquest, buildings such as Worcester
given the degree to which it became a standard Cathedral. They are certainly English because they
feature. It is true that monasteries held meetings in are located in England, but they are not, except in
cloister walks throughout the Middle Ages, where some details, culturally English, they are French:
there was normally a chapter house available, but in the depiction of the battle of Hastings on the
what makes its absence from the Plan really odd is Bayeux Tapestry the Normans are identified, not as
the status which the chapter house acquired, a Normanni, but as Franci. After 1066, for at least
status equivalent to that of the main sanctuary in the next 100 years, England was in many respects,
the church. The links between chapter house and and certainly in its architecture, a French country.
sanctuary can on occasion be physically explicit, as Whatever the reason for the adoption of
at the early twelfth-century priory at Castle Acre the circular and polygonal forms, it must have
(fig. 4), where the chapter house is virtually been powerful to succeed in the face of the other
identical in size and shape to that of the eastern formula, the one paralleling the chapter house
arm of the church. Equally obvious as an with the sanctuary of the church. Was it because
expression of the status of the chapter house is the the shape was good for meetings? Categorically
attention paid to the façade, as with the not. Chapter meetings were not debates: as Neil
magnificent ensemble of around 1170 which once Stratford puts it, they were as formal as the choral
existed at La Daurade in Toulouse. One question liturgy.4 A better parallel is offered by tombs,
these façades raise is the reason for their openness. because chapter houses were places of burial.5
This has been explained as a means of allowing Churches of the Virgin may also be relevant as
2 Heidrun Stein-Kecks, Der Kapitelsaal in der 3 William Stephen Gardner, “The Role of Central Planning in
mittelalterlichen Klosterbaukunst: Studien zu den English Romanesque Chapter House Design” (PhD diss.,
Bildprogrammen (Munich and Berlin: Deutsche Kunstverlag, Princeton University, 1976); Neil Stratford, “Notes on the
2004), 75–76 (‘... während des Kapiteloffiziums die Kloster Norman chapterhouse at Worcester,” in Medieval Art and
pforten verschlossen wurden und niemand den Ostflügel Architecture at Worcester Cathedral, British Archaeological
betreten durfte’), and 82-83 (on the provision of light); John Association Conference Transactions ed. Glenys Popper
McNeill, “The Continental Context,” JBAA 159 (2006) (Leeds: W. S. Maney and Son, 1978), 51–70.
(volume entitled The Medieval Cloister in England and 4 Stratford, “Norman chapterhouse,” 54.
Wales), 1–47. 5 Gardner, “Central Planning,” 188–197.
67
ERIC FERNIE
they were often circular, and the Virgin was very their own space and are, at least in the case of the
popular in England in the early twelfth century, as polygons, all elbows.7 And that I think is the main
manifested in, for example, the destroyed cycle of reason for the adoption of these two forms – forms
wall paintings in the Worcester chapter house, and which bear no relationship to the sanctuary of the
one might also note the prominent representation church, but which rather stand out in their own
of the Virgin on chapter house entrances, as at La right.
Daurade.6 Square chapter houses are especially
I would not question the relevance of common in Cistercian houses, as at Clairvaux and
either of these considerations, but I would like to Eberbach, and at Eberbach the vault ribs even form
press in addition the cause of presentation, of an octagon, though that may be more evident in
visual impact, and to do so via an interesting plan than in reality (fig. 6).8 An instance also
misreading. Many scholars in Britain say that there appears in Villard de Honnecourt’s sketchbook or
are no centralised chapter houses on the continent. portfolio (folio 41) (fig. 7). The interpretation of
They appear to be correct in terms of circular and what Villard says about the drawing is
polygonal forms, but they are wrong to claim this, controversial:
because there are dozens if not hundreds of 1) Villard: “Par chu met om on capitel d’uit
centralised chapter houses, square ones, that is. I colonbes a one sole”
must be clear: I am not accusing my colleagues of 2) Hahnloser: “Auf diese weise fasst man
ignorance; far from it, as many of them know the einen Kapitelsaal von acht Saülen auf einer
continental material a great deal better than I do. einzigen zusammen”
It is rather to do with the different character of the 3) Wilson: “By this means one sets a
form: squares fit in, they are amenable, sociable, chapter house of eight columns on to only one”
whereas circles and polygons do not: they demand 4) Barnes: “By this means one puts a capital
from eight columns into one alone.”9
The chief point of disagreement is the
meaning of the word capitel, which Hahnloser
translates as ‘chapter house’ and Barnes as ‘capital’.
Both meanings are possible in medieval French,
but I think the context favours the reading
proposed by Hahnloser and Wilson. It is not clear
how eight columns can have one capital, as follows
from Barnes’s ‘one puts a capital from eight
columns...’, whereas changing the design of a
chapter house from one with eight columns to one
Fig. with one makes sense. I therefore think that
6. Wilson’s English translation is more accurate than
Eberbach (Baden-Württemberg), monastery, Barnes’s.
c. 1150-86: plan (after Braunfels, 1972, fig. 63).
6 Gardner, “Central Planning,” 203–221. Transactions 30, eds. Ute Engel and Alexandra Gajewski
7 I should not say that there were no examples on the (Leeds: W. S. Maney and Son, 2007), 33–52.
continent, because there is always the possibility of 9 Hans Hahnloser, Villard de Honnecourt: Kritische
exceptions, such as the chapter house of the late fifteenth Gesamtausgabe (Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt,
century at Budaszentlőrinc (Dora Wiebenson and József Sisa, 1972), 122-123; Christopher Wilson, “The stellar vaults of
eds., The Architecture of Historic Hungary (Cambridge Mass. Glasgow Cathedral’s inner crypt and Villard de Honnecourt’s
and London: MIT Press, 1998), 55–56. chapter-house plan: a conundrum revisited,” in Medieval Art
8 Alexandra Gajewski, “The abbey church of Eberbach and the and Architecture in the Diocese of Glasgow, British
idea of a ‘Bernardine’ Cistercian architecture,” in Mainz and Archaeological Association Conference Transactions 23, ed.
the Middle Rhine Valley: Medieval Art, Architecture and Richard Fawcett (Leeds: W. S. Maney and Son, 1998), 55–76;
Archaeology, British Archaeological Association Conference Carl F. Barnes, Jr., The Portfolio of Villard de Honnecourt
(Farnham and Burlington: Ashgate, 2009), 146–147.
68
Fig. 7. Villard de Honnecourt, portfolio, Fig. 8. Fountains (Yorkshire), monastery, after 1147: chapter
c. 1240s: folio 41, detail. house façade and entrance to parlour (Jackie Hall).
Parlour the Provost is instituted by the same Bishops and

The ornate character of chapter house Abbots as the Abbot himself. How foolish this
entrances contrasts with the normally plainer custom is, may easily be perceived; for a handle for
forms of other openings in the east wall, those to pride is given to the Provost from the very
the passage or slype through the east range, to the beginning of his appointment, because his
bookroom, and to the day stairs, where a lack of thoughts suggest to him that he is now released
decoration might be expected. A fourth entrance, from the power of his Abbot, since he is instituted
however, that to the parlour, can be very richly by the very persons by whom the Abbot himself is
decorated indeed. At Fountains, for example, the instituted.’11
arch to the parlour may be smaller than the And that is at the start of the chapter, the
chapter house arches, which is fitting as the room first thing mentioned. In administrative terms he
is smaller, but the form of the arch mouldings is in is the most powerful person in the monastery, so
no way less rich (fig. 8).10 The reason for this must the decoration at places such as Fountains and
be to do with the prior, as he controlled entry to Saint-Jean-des-Vignes could be either a gesture on
the parlour and it was where he worked, and the the part of the abbot to the sensibilities of the prior,
position of the prior could be a delicate if not or a statement of the prior’s view of his own
tendentious one, as chapter 65 of the Rule makes importance.
clear: Dormitory
‘It often happens that by the appointment The dormitory forms a neat contrast to the
of a Provost [Praepositi], great scandals arise in chapter house, as it is one of the most
Monasteries; because some, so appointed, being straightforwardly functional buildings on the
puffed up with the malignant spirit of pride, and claustral square, its two main functions being
esteeming themselves to be second Abbots, take keeping the rain out and providing enough space
upon themselves to tyrannize over others, to foster for the beds, so that ‘If it be possible, let them all
scandals, and to promote dissensions in the sleep in one place’, as advised by chapter 22 of the
Community; and especially in those places where Rule.12 Despite this, there are of course many
10Jackie Hall, “Architecture and meaning in Cistercian eastern (France),” in Religion and Belief in Medieval Europe,
ranges,” JBAA 159 (2006): 208–21. There is a highly decorated Conference Transactions 4 (Bruges: Zellik, 1997), 43–53.
room of the thirteenth century at Saint-Jean-des-Vignes in 11 The Rule of Our Most Holy Father, St. Benedict, Patriarch
Soissons, which, though it is off the south walk, has been of Monks, ed. and trans. anon. (London: Washbourne), 1875,
proposed as a parlour. Sheila Bonde and Clark Maines, “Elite 273–275 (ch. 65).
spaces in monasteries of the reform movement and an abbot’s 12 Rule, 1875, 119 (ch. 22).
parlour at Augustinian Saint-Jean-des-Vignes, Soissons
69
ERIC FERNIE
dormitories with decoration, as at Mont-Saint- be used at will (chapter 8: ‘after a short interval
Michel and Le Thoronet. It conventionally stands during which they may go forth (exeant) for the
on an undercroft, usually with a row of columns necessities of nature’), but Angilbert at Saint-
on the centre line supporting two rows of vaults. Riquier already in the late eighth century ordered
that, after a particular point in the services, ‘the
third part of each choir should go out of the church
and fulfil their corporeal necessities.’15 That
therefore seems to be the best explanation for these
giants, to permit groups of monks to go at the same
time, introducing a ritual element into even these
proceedings.
Refectory
A monastic dining hall is a practical open
space, but, unlike the dormitory, one which also
has a need for magnificence, because of its
association with the Last Supper and the readings
which accompanied the meals. The refectory on
the St. Gall Plan is imposing in length and breadth,
Fig. 9. St. Gall Plan, isometric reconstruction (after Horn and filling the whole south side of the cloister (fig. 3).
Born, 1979, vol. 1, fig. 192). Despite this, Horn reconstructs it as being no taller
than the undercroft beneath the dormitory in the
Reredorter east range (fig. 9).16 I think this is very unlikely,
The reredorter is even more exclusively given the traditions of dining halls that the users
practical in its function than the dormitory. The and designers would have known, in the form of
block on the St. Gall Plan has nine units for the northern timber halls of the period. In the
seventy-seven monks, a number which might great majority of cases the central vessels of
reduce the likelihood of queuing. Yet it is not long wooden halls of the prehistoric era and the first
before the provision expands, since at Cluny II, millennium AD were taller than they were broad,
according to the Farfa Consuetudinary, the latrine with a representative ratio of breadth to height of
block measured 70 feet or approximately 23 c.10:13, excluding the roof space (fig. 10a),
metres, half the length of the church.13 And as for whereas the refectory as reconstructed by Horn is
Canterbury Cathedral, the necessarium is huge, twice as broad as it is tall, at 10:5 (fig.10b). In
52.4 m long and very prominent, with fifty-three addition, while the St. Gall refectory must have
privies for the 137 monks.14 Even that is not the had a flat ceiling, the roofs of most halls were open
largest, as St. Augustine’s, also in Canterbury, is the to the ridge beam, adding considerably to the sense
record holder, or at least the longest I know of, at of height and hence its expectation.17 I think
58.5 metres. What is the function of such large therefore that the St. Gall refectory would have
numbers of privies and the resulting overall size? been intended to be a space in which the height at
Although it draws attention to the structure that least approached the size of the width, like later
cannot be its purpose, as the euphemisms such as monastic examples, such as that of Norwich
necessarium and third dormitory make clear. Cathedral of c. 1100 (figs. 10c, 11).
Where the rule mentions the necessarium it is to
13 Charles McClendon, The Imperial Abbey of Farfa: 15 Rule, 1875, 77 (ch. 8); Horn and Born, St. Gall, vol. I, 262.
Architectural Currents of the early Middle Ages (New Haven 16 Horn and Born, St. Gall, vol. I, 263–271.
and London: Yale University Press, 1987), 3–5; 100–102. 17 Horn and Born, St. Gall, vol. II, 23–75. The lack of a ceiling
14The necessarium features prominently in the drawing of c. in such halls is surmised from the absence of signs of ceilings
1160 of the waterworks at Canterbury Cathedral; see Peter in the excavated remains, and because of the need to allow
Fergusson, Canterbury Cathedral Priory in the Age of Becket smoke to escape through louvers near the ridge.
(New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2011), ch. 3.
70
The evidence of the vestry also supports a

taller and more imposing space for the refectory.
In Horn’s reconstruction, with the refectory as an
undercroft, the space above would have been a
large, imposing room. This reverses the
importance of the two spaces. The titulus in the
east range says subtus calefactoria dom’ supra Fig. 10. a. Representative cross-section of timber halls, first
dormitorium, warming room below, dormitory millennium BC to 11th century AD; b. Cross-section of
Horn’s reconstruction of the refectory on the St. Gall Plan, as
above. That is, the more important room is in fig. 9 above; c. Cross section of the refectory of Norwich
represented on the Plan and the less important one Cathedral priory, c. 1100.
is only referred to. The titulus in the south range
says Infra refectorium supra vestiarium and the
Plan shows the refectory, making the vestry the
subsidiary space. This assessment of the subsidiary
status of the vestry is given further support by the
inclusion of a vestry above the sacristy flanking the
sanctuary of the church. As that one would
obviously be the repository for the liturgical
garments in use, the vestry over the refectory
would probably have been more like a store-room,
for garments of more categories than the Fig. 11. Norwich Cathedral, 1096-c. 1140: north wall of the
liturgical.18 It would therefore have been refectory (University of East Anglia).
appropriately housed in a low space, or even in the
loft.
Fig. 12. a. Le Thoronet (Var), monastery, c. 1175: plan;

b. Fossanova (Lazio), monastery 13th century: lavatorium
(after Braunfels, Monasteries, fig. 108).
18 Horn and Born, St. Gall, vol. I, 281-84; tituli: vol. III, 37 and 39.
71
ERIC FERNIE
Lavatorium
Most instances of lavatoria are
basically practical, being troughs let into
the wall near the entrance to the
refectory, but in other cases they are
made into a separate building, such as
that at Le Thoronet, which, though
plain, takes the form of a hexagon, an
unusual enough shape to make it stand
out (fig. 12a).19 The thirteenth-century
structure at Fossanova is something else
(fig. 12b). If I were an architectural
historian or an anthropologist from
another solar system, who knew
something about human culture, I swear
it would not occur to me that this was a
building in a monastery. It feels, rather,
like the sort of place where celebrities in
a high-end restaurant might enjoy their
aperitifs before being shown to their
table. Washing is fundamental to ideas
of morality, a point made in chapter 49
of the Rule, which mentions that during
Lent monks washed away shortcomings,
and this building is an indication of how
far presentation can go in the service of
moral ideals.
Kitchen
The standard monastic kitchen
appears to be a straightforwardly
practical building, as on the St. Gall Plan
and at Castle Acre (fig. 4). They are
however sometimes more complex in
form, as in the structure of around 1150
at Marmoutier in the Loire valley, which
is circular with a series of lobe-like
spaces on the interior (fig. 13a). Here the
lobes make sense in providing stations
for different processes, but at
Fontevraud they are also expressed on
Fig. 13. a. Marmoutier (Indre-et-Loire), monastery, c. 1150, the exterior, producing an extraordinary piece of
kitchen: plan and view (Violet-le-Duc, 1858 in Horn and
Born, vol. 1, fig. 222); b. Fontevraud (Maine-et-Loire), presentational architecture (fig. 13b), especially as
monastery, c. 1150, kitchen: plan and view (Violet-le-Duc, the centralised plan and lobes are reminiscent of a
1858 in Horn and Born, vol. 1, fig. 223); c. Saint-Michel- centralised church such as Saint-Michel-
d’Entraigues (Charente), church, 1137: plan (Lasteyrie, Entraigues, 1137 (fig. 13c).
1929, fig. 279).
19It has to be acknowledged that some of the troughs, such as

that of c. 1370 at Gloucester Cathedral, are little short of
magnificent (Braunfels, Monasteries, fig. 122).
72
Fig. 14. Saint-Riquier (Somme), monastery: engraving of 1612.
73
ERIC FERNIE
In the case of refectories underlining their made into something as beautiful as the church or
status is appropriate, given the symbolically the chapter house, replete with capitals and reliefs,
important function of the space, but similar as at Moissac. The explanation for this appears to
treatment of a kitchen is a mystery. A line in be iconographic extrapolation over the years, in
chapter 31 of the Rule looks as if it might offer a two ways in particular. The first is the
justification, as it says that the cellarer should ‘look identification, reported by Honorius
upon all the vessels and goods of the Monastery as Augustodunensis, of the cloister with the portico
if they were the sacred vessels of the Altar’.20 This of Solomon, adopted because, as recorded in Acts
fits with monks wanting to make the whole chapter 4, it was at the entrance to the Temple that
monastery a sacred place, but that inference would the apostles agreed to live the vita communis.23 The
be wrong, as the context indicates: ‘Let there be second is from a bull of Honorius III of 1225, in
chosen out of the Community as Cellarer of the which he parallels the four ranges with the four
Monastery a man who is wise, ripe in manners, cardinal virtues, as follows. He identifies the east
sober; not a great eater, not haughty, nor hasty, nor range with justice (appropriate given the
insulting; not slow, nor wasteful, but fearing God punishment meted out in the chapter house), the
and acting as a father to the whole Brotherhood. south (or north) range with moderation (I think he
Let him look upon all the vessels and goods of the might have allowed himself a footnote here, saying
Monastery as if they were the sacred vessels of the that the moderation applied to the food and not to
Altar. Let him neglect nothing.’21 This is not calling the building in which it was consumed), the west
for the kitchen implements to be treated as sacred, range with fortitude (facing the temptations of the
it is just saying that the cellarer must pay attention. world), and the north (or south), namely the
Further, in chapter 32, ‘Of the iron tools, or goods church, with wisdom.24
of the monastery’, there is nothing about them The Saint-Riquier engraving is worth
being sacred.22 How one should put it: Benedict examining in the context of the cloister (fig. 14).
was not Durandus? This object is little short of miraculous – a work of
West range 1612 copying a drawing of the late eleventh
The west range was initially the cellarer’s century, yet which, according to the excavated
range, for storage, as on the St. Gall Plan, but it evidence, somehow represents the buildings as
later became, or was combined with, a lay they were in the late eighth century. The enclosure
brothers’ range, both purposes being has been called a cloister and its odd shape
straightforward. Use as a guest range can however explained as due to it preceding the codification
make more complex demands. into the square form exemplified by the St. Gall
Cloister Plan.25 Alternatively, it could have that shape
The function of a cloister is clear, namely because it is not a cloister. I agree with the second
to provide covered walks between the buildings
forming the claustral square, but large numbers are
20Rule, 1875, 145 (ch. 31). Medieval Hungary. Exhibition at the Benedictine Archabbey of
21Rule, 1875, 143–145 (ch. 31). Unlike the 1875 edition’s ‘not Pannonhalma 21 March – 11 November 2001, ed. Imre Takács
a great eater’ for the words non multum edax (literally ‘not (Pannonhalma: Pannonhalmi Bencés Főapátság, 2001), 651–
very gluttonous’), a translation of 2014 has ‘frugal’, which is 658.
inaccurate and which obscures Benedict’s down-to-earth good 25 Wilhelm Effmann, Centula: St. Riquier (Münster:
sense (The Holy Rule of St. Benedict: Regula Sanctissimi Patris Aschendorff, 1912), 89, fig. 13: the caption reads ‘Lageplan der
Benedicti, in English and Latin (no place) (Veritatis Splendor Kirchen mit dem Kreuzgange’, and the space on plan is
Publications, 2014), ch. 31, 65). labelled ‘claustrum’; Braunfels, Monasteries, 32–33, calls the
22 Rule, 1875, 148–149 (ch. 32). arrangement at Saint-Riquier a cloister, though the captions
23 Braunfels, Monasteries, 65; Wayne Dynes, “The Medieval to figures 23 and 24 refer to it as a processional path; Horn and
cloister as Portico of Solomon,” Gesta 12 (1973): 61–69; Born, St. Gall, vol. I, 250, ‘Angilbert’s church and cloister’;
McNeill, ‘continental context’. David Parsons, “The pre-Romanesque church of St-Riquier:
24 Ernő Marosi, “Benedictine building activity in the 13th The documentary evidence,” JBAA 130 (1977): 21–51, 41,
century,” in Paradisum plantavit. Bencés monostorok a refers to ‘the claustral area’.
középkori Magyarországon. Benedictine Monasteries in
74
proposal, for four

reasons. First, the
columns stand on the
ground, not on a
stylobate or low wall,
so the walk is not
clearly defined and
resembles that of an
atrium. Second, the
walks do not back
onto buildings, again
as with an atrium
rather than a cloister.
Third, the site is the
wrong size: it is huge,
250 metres north-
south, as opposed to Fig. 15. Clarendon (Wiltshire), Royal manor house, c. 1200,
the 100 feet or c. 30 metres of the cloister on the kitchen: plan.
St. Gall Plan. And finally (in my view the strongest
point of all), it contains the wrong kinds of people, Dining halls in castles and manor houses are very
such as a couple of farm labourers with implements like refectories, except for the occasional built-in
over their shoulders wandering across what would pulpit in the latter. The ordinary type of monastic
be the garth. Its purpose was rather to provide kitchen can be indistinguishable from its secular
covered walkways between three separate equivalent (figs. 4, 15), while cloisters are common
churches. in palaces.26
Summing up function and design in The part of the late twelfth-century
claustral buildings magnate’s residence on the Wartburg near
The building most defined by practicality Eisenach illustrated in figure 16, is a passage rather
is the reredorter, most examples of which have than the walk of a cloister, but it is difficult to see
little if any decoration, and where imposing size is how it differs from one, in its elements, its function
the result of a social policy. The dormitory is also a and the way in which it is presented. The parlour
practical space, but as its purpose is more socially is simply a room for meeting and working in, and
acceptable than that of the reredorter it warrants hence is like its secular equivalents except in
some decoration. Cellars are as practical a space as sometimes having an especially lavish entrance.
one can get, and simple kitchens and lavatoria The reredorter has secular equivalents, but they
belong similarly at the practical end of the axis. are on such a restricted scale that the monastic
The buildings at the presentational end include the examples warrant their own classification.
refectory, the fancy lavatoria and kitchens, the The buildings without secular equivalents
parlour, the cloister, and the chapter house. are the chapter house, which has nothing in
Secular equivalents common with municipal meeting rooms and is
Finally, since many of the claustral buildings more akin to a chapel, the dormitory, which
provide for everyday needs, one might expect contrasts with the secular world of private
them to parallel secular buildings meeting the chambers and otherwise opportunistic
same purposes. The refectory, kitchen, cloister and arrangements, and the lavatorium, which is not, as
parlour are the most straightforwardly secular far as I know, found in association with secular
building types. dining halls.
26 Jeremy Ashbee, “Cloisters in English Palaces in the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries,” JBAA 159 (2006): 71–90.
75
ERIC FERNIE
Conclusion
To conclude, while the buildings discussed in this
paper are for the most part distant from the main
interests of the conference, I hope none the less
that they might prove useful in providing types for
comparison, for indicating variety of usage, and for
assessing how monastic buildings in the Latin
Church were (and are) seen and understood.
Fig. 16. Wartburg, near Eisenach (Thuringia), landgrave’s

dwelling, late 12th century: walkway.
76
THE EARLY PHASE OF CLOISTER
ARCHITECTURE IN EAST CENTRAL EUROPE
BÉLA ZSOLT SZAKÁCS
The cloister is probably the most emblematic part

of a medieval monastery. Despite this constant
role, recent research has revealed that the
existence of a cloister is not self-evident, but
should be understood within the given historical
frameworks. Research related to this problem
seems to emerge in waves: the first period was Fig. 1.
inspired by the ground-braking cloister
symposium of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in The origin of the architectural idea of the
1972,1 followed by the conference in Cuxa in cloister is much debated in the above mentioned
1975.2 Another period was around the year 2000, literature, however, for our purpose it is enough to
starting with the Tübingen conference of 19993 state that it emerges in its fully developed form as
and continuing with the conference of the British early as the Sankt Gallen Plan around 820.9
Archaeological Association of 2004.4 In the Werner Jacobsen enumerated a number of German
meantime, the problem of the Benedictine cloisters monasteries which may had a cloister from the
in Hungary was discussed by Ernő Marosi in the Carolingian period; among others, the abbeys of
exhibition catalogue Paradisum plantavit in 20015 Lorsch, Müstair (fig. 1), Reichenau-Mittelzell, and
(following the observations of Imre Takács in Herrenchiemsee can be mentioned, noting that the
19946) and an overview on the Cistercian cloisters archaeological situation is complex in each case.10
was compiled by Róbert Szerencsés, a student of Following the overview of John McNeill, the
the Pázmány Péter Catholic University in 2005.7 earliest surviving cloisters date from the 11th
The early monastic architecture of the Czech century (such as the Simeonstift in Trier, the
Kingdom was investigated extensively by Petr monastery of Saint-Guilhem-le-Désert, and the
Sommer during the last years;8 however, a north walk of Saint-Philibert at Tournus).11
systematic overview of the East Central European Sources testify that Abbot Odilo replaced a
material is still missing. wooden cloister at Cluny with one in stone before

Department of Art History, Pázmány Péter Catholic 7 Róbert Szerencsés, “A Ciszterci Rend kerengőépítkezései az
University, and Department of Medieval Studies, Central első alapítások idejéből” [Cloisters of the Cistercien Order in
European University, Budapest; szakacsb@ceu.edu. Hungary from the time of the foundation period], in A
1 The proceedings were published in Gesta 12 (1973). Ciszterci Rend Magyarországon és Közép-Európában [The
2 Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa 7 (1976). Cistercian Order in Central Europe], ed. Barnabás Guitman
3 Peter K. Klein, ed., Der mittelalterliche Kreuzgang. (Piliscsaba: Pázmány Péter Katolikus Egyetem
Architektur, Funktion und Programm (Regensburg: Schnell & Bölcsészettudományi Kar, 2009), 162–171.
Steiner, 2004). 8 E.g. Petr Sommer, “Die gegenwartige tschechische kirchliche
4 John McNeill and Martin Henig, eds., The Medieval Cloister Archäologie,” in Kirchenarchäologie heute, ed. Niklot Krohn
in England and Wales [Special issue JBAA 159, no. 1] (2006). (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2010), 544–
5 Ernő Marosi, “Benedictine Building Activity in the Thirteenth 560.
Century,” in Paradisum plantavit. Bencés monostorok a 9 Walter Horn, “On the Origins of the Medieval Cloister,”
középkori Magyarországon. Benedictine Monasteries in Gesta 12 (1973): 13; Werner Jacobsen, Der Klosterplan von St.
Medieval Hungary, ed. Imre Takács (Pannonhalma: Gallen und die karolingische Architektur (Berlin: Deutscher
Pannonhalmi Bencés Főapátság, 2001), 651–658. Verlag für Kunstwissenschaft, 1991).
6 Imre Takács, “Werkstätten der Gotik im 13. und 14. 10 Werner Jacobsen, “Die Anfänge des Abendländischen
Jahrhundert,” in Pannonia Regia. Művészet a Dunántúlon Kreuzgangs,” in Klein, Der mittelalterliche Kreuzgang, 37–56.
1000-1541. Kunst und Architektur in Pannonien 1000-1541, 11 John McNeill, “The Continental Context,” JBAA 159 (2006):
eds. Árpád Mikó and Imre Takács (Budapest: Magyar Nemzeti 1–47. See also John McNeill, “The Romanesque Cloister in
Galéria, 1994), 548–549. England,” JBAA 168 (2015): 34–76.
77
BÉLA ZSOLT SZAKÁCS
1049. By the 12th century cloisters were built building. This would suggest an early dating for the
everywhere in Western Europe. However, the cloister. However, the capitals themselves are not
situation seems to differ in East Central Europe. necessarily so early (they might be dated even later
than the middle of the 12th century) and they can
be connected to other parts of the building
(windows, galleries) with equal probability.
Recent archaeological research revealed that
between the refectory and the church wooden
structures were erected. The east and west wings
were built after the middle of the 13th century.12
Fig. 2.
Fig. 3.
Among the earliest Polish monasteries the
Other Benedictine monasteries in Poland
best preserved can be found in Tyniec (fig. 2) near
do not support an early dating, either. At Mogilno,
to Cracow. The church is usually dated to the
probably founded in the mid-11th century, the
second half or last quarter of the 11th century.
monastery was rebuilt in the first half of the 13th
Excavations also revealed elements of an early
century, replacing the wooden monastic buildings
monastery: there were wings on the west, south,
with brick construction.13 At Lubiń (fig. 3) the
and most probably on the east of a central
courtyard, which is the present-day cloister. This
is dated nowadays to the early 12th century and a
group of stone carvings, consisting of twin capitals,
columns, and bases are connected to this part of the
12 Emil Zaitz, “Badanie archeologiczne w opactwie OO. interpretacyjne romańskiego Tyńca” [Current state of
Benedyktynów w Tyńcu” [Archaeological survey in the research and new concepts of interpretation of the
Benedictine abbey of Tyniec], in Osadnictwo i architektura Romanesque Tyniec], in Kraków romanski [The Romanesque
ziem polskich w dobie zjazdu gnieźnieńskiego [Settlements Cracow], ed. Marta Bochenek (Kraków: Towarzystwo
and architecture of the Polish lands in the era of the Congress Miłosników Historii i Zabytków Krakowa, 2014), 137–168.
of Gniezno], eds. Andrzej Buko and Zygmunt Świechowski 13 Jadwiga Chudziakowa, Romański kościól benedyktynów w
(Warszawa: Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii PAN, 2000), 305– Mogilnie [The Romanesque church of the Benedictines in
330; Andrzej Buko, The Archaeology of Early Medieval Mogilno] (Warszawa: Ośrodek Dokumentacji Zabytków,
Poland (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2008), 357; Monika 1984); Buko, Archaeology, 362.
Kamińska, “Aktualny stan badań i nowe koncepcje
78
The early phase of cloister architecture in East Central Europe
church is dated to the middle of the 12th century

together with a perimeter wall; the western part of
the church and a monastic wing on the eastern side
of the courtyard dates from the last quarter of the
same century; a western wing was added later and
a northern wing dates from the late 13th century.14
The first firmly datable cloister on Polish grounds
was built by the Cistercians: the abbey at
Wąchock, founded in 1179, already possessed a
cloister.15 In the cases of the other early Cistercian
foundations we do not have such clear evidence;
the abbey of Łekno (founded ca. 1153) (fig. 4) had
an atypical oratory at the beginning and the
monastic buildings only date from the 13-14th
century.16 Thus, although our knowledge on the
Romanesque monastic buildings is very
fragmentary in Poland, it seems that no cloister can
Fig. 5.
be dated before the late 12th century there.
Another early monastery was the
foundation of St. Adalbert at Břevnov in 993. The
eastern part of the church, which is the only
preserved element of the Romanesque building, is
probably from the middle of the 11th century. The
monastic complex was added to the northern side
of which the west and north wings together with
remains of a lavabo were discovered. All these are
dated to the 11th century, however, neither the
archaeological nor the architectural analysis of
these small remains allow a precise dating.18
Fig. 4. The monastery of Ostrov u Davle was
founded by Boleslav II in 999. The monks used
We have more evidence from the Czech originally wooden buildings, which were replaced
Kingdom. The earliest monastic foundation was a by stone constructions after the fire of 1137. The
Benedictine nunnery dedicated to St. George (fig. north and west wings of the monastery together
5) on the castle hill of Prague in 973. However, it with the cloister walks date from the Romanesque
seems that the cloister cannot be dated before the period; they can be contemporaneous with the
13th century.17 western parts of the abbey church (nave around
1180, towers ca. 1225).19 Wooden structures were
14 Buko, Archaeology, 364–365. (Leipzig: GWZO, 2003), 75–76; Petr Sommer, “Die St. Veits-
15 Zygmunt Świechowski, Architektura romańska w Polsce Kirche und das Frauenstift St. Georg auf der Prager Burg zu
[Romanesque architecture in Poland] (Warszawa: DiG, 2000), Beginn des böhmischen Staates und Christentums,” in Der
273–278. Magdeburger Dom im europäischen Kontext, eds. Wolfgang
16 Buko, Archaeology, 372–373. Schenkluhn and Andreas Waschbüsch (Regensburg: Schnell
17 Tomás Durdik and Petr Chotěbor, “Stavební vývoj kláštera & Steiner, 2012), 89.
sv. Jiří na Pražském hradě ve středověku” [The building 18 Zdeněk Dragoun and Petr Sommer, “Die mittelalterliche
history of the monastery of St George on the Prague Hill in Gestalt des Klosters Břevnov,” in Tausend Jahre Benediktiner-
the Middle Ages], Archaeologia Historica 16 (1994): 369–377; Kloster in Břevnov, ed. Pavel Preiss (Praha: Benediktinský
Jan Frolík, “Die Prager Burg bis zum 12. Jahrhundert im Licht Klášter Břevnov, 1993), 33.
der Archäologie,” Berichte und Beiträge des Geisteswissen- 19 Miroslav Richter et al., “Bazilika s první jižní kaplí
schaftiche Zentrums Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas Ostrovského kláštera” [The Basilica with the first south chapel
79
the first buildings also at Sázava (fig. 6) founded in the mid-12th century (consecrated in 1233). From
1032 on the site of the hermitage of St. Prokop. The the early monastery only the eastern wing was
early monastic buildings were reconstructed by discovered while traces of the north cloister walk
Petr Sommer as three wooden wings of a are still visible.21 A Benedictine nunnery was
courtyard. The Romanesque church built of stone founded by Queen Judith in the mid-12th century
in Teplice. The building of the church was finished
around 1200, the monastery some 30 years later,
however, the full cloister can be dated not before
1400.22 All in all, the Czech research tends to date
some of the earliest cloisters to the 11th or 12th
century, however, none of them can be dated with
certainty before the late 12th century.
Fig. 7.
Unfortunately, we know very little on the

architecture of the earliest Cistercian foundations
in Bohemia (Sedlec 1142, Plasy 1144, Hradiste
1145);23 in Osek, where the monks settled in 1197,
Fig. 6. a large cloister was created between the early 13th
and the mid-14th century.24 On the other hand,
was consecrated in 1095, however, this date may
Premonstratensians should also be taken into
refer to the chancel only. The rest of the basilica
consideration. The church of Strahov in Prague
dates from the time of Abbot Sylvester (1134-61).
was consecrated in 1182 and the monastic
Sommer dated the Romanesque cloister to the
buildings south of it, together with a cloister, are
same period, which was replaced later by a Gothic
construction.20 A classical representative of the
Hirsau reform was built in Kladruby (fig. 7) from
of the monastery of Ostrov] Umění 38 (1990): 185–195; 1000 22 Antonín Hejna, “Bazilika v Teplicích” [The Basilica of
let kláštera na Ostrově, Sborník příspěvků k jeho hmotné Teplice], Umění 8 (1960): 217–230; Michal B. Soukup, “K
kultuře v raném a vrcholném středověku [1000 years of the počátkům kláštera v Teplicích” [On the origin of the
monastery of Ostrov. Proceedings on its material culture in monastery of Teplice], in Vladislav II, eds. Michal Mašek, Petr
the Early and High Middle Ages], eds. Vladimír Brych and Sommer, and Josef Žemlička (Praha: Nakladatelství Lidové
Dana Stehlíková (Praha: Národní muzeum, 2003). Noviny, 2009), 83–90.
20 Petr Sommer, “Sazava und böhmische Klöster der 11. 23 Jiří Kuthan, Die mittelalterliche Baukunst der Zisterzienser
Jahrhunderts,” in Der heilige Prokop, Böhmen und Mitteleuropa, in Böhmen und in Mähren (Berlin: Deutscher
ed. Petr Sommer (Praha: Filosofia, 2005), 157–171. Kunstverlag, 1982).
21 Karel Nováček, Kladrubský klášter 1115–1421 [The 24 Mario Feuerbach, Das Zisterzienserkloster Ossegg (Mainz:
monastery of Kladruby, 1115–1421] (Plzeň: Scriptorium, Bernardus, 2009).

2010).
80
regarded as contemporaneous, although its details

are unknown.25
Turning to the monuments of the
Hungarian Kingdom, first we have to admit that
although the abbey churches of the earliest
Benedictine foundations are much debated, their
monastic buildings are practically unknown.
Everything we know about the 11th-century
monasteries suggests that there was a separate
building in the neighborhood of the church,
usually on the south or south-east side. A good
example of this is the recently excavated
monastery of St. Andrew at Visegrád (fig. 8). The
earliest building of the monks was a wooden house
south of the church. Since this was an Orthodox
monastery, it was identified as a refectory
(trapeza). In the 12th century another wooden
building was added at the western side. A typical
cloister was not created before the 14th century
when the entire monastery was rebuilt by the
Benedictines.26 Not far from Visegrád, on an island
at Esztergom a Benedictine nunnery was already in
use in the late 11th century. According to the
archaeologist Zsuzsa Lovag, the earliest building
was erected parallel to the church at the south. It
was renewed in the 12th century. Another wing
closed the courtyard from the west.27 No sign of a
classical cloister was ever discovered. Pécsvárad
(fig. 9) is one of the earliest Benedictine Fig. 8.
foundations in Hungary. The chronology and
Another possibility is to situate the
identification of the first churches is debated,
monastic building to the south-east. This is the
however, it seems that by 1100 a large building for
situation in the case of the collegiate of Dömös,
the monks was built separately on the south side.
which was founded by Prince Álmos around 1107-
The cloister was built much later to which we shall
08. However, since a royal court was standing here
return.28
25 Anežka Merhautová and Petr Sommer, “Strahovský klášter. 27 Zsuzsa Lovag, Az Esztergom-Prímás szigeti apácakolostor
Jeho založení a románská bazilika” [The monastery of Strahov. feltárása [The excavations of the Nunnery of Esztergom-
Its origin and Romaneque basilica], Umění 47 (1999): 154– Prímás Island] (Budapest: Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum, 2014);
168; Anežka Merhautová and Petr Sommer, “Strahovský Zsuzsa Lovag, “The Benedictine Nunnery of Esztergom-
klášter: stavební dějiny baziliky od roku 1182 do doby opata Island,” in Paradisum plantavit, 679–681.
Lohelia” [The monastery of Strahov: the building history of 28 Balázs Bodó, “A pécsváradi bencés monostor építéstörténete
the basilica from 1182 until Abbot Lohelia], Umění 48 (2000): az újabb kutatások tükrében” [The building history of the
302–314. Benedictine monastery of Pécsvárad in the light of new
26 Gergely Buzás and Bernadette Eszes “XI. századi görög researches], in A középkor és a kora újkor régészete
monostor Visegrádon” [11th-century Greek monastery at Magyarországon [Archaeology of the Middle Ages and the
Visegrád], in Arhitectura religioasă medievală din Early Modern Period in Hungary], eds. Elek Benkő and
Transilvania. Középkori egyházi építészet Erdélyben. Gyöngyi Kovács (Budapest: MTA Régészeti Intézete, 2010),
Ecclesiatical Architecture in Medieval Transylvania, IV, eds. 349–386.
Péter Levente Szőcs and Adrian Andrei Rusu (Satu Mare:
Editura Muzeului Sătmărean, 2007), 49–94.
81
Fig. 10.
Fig. 9.
originally, the archaeological situation is more

complex.29
Somewhat earlier is the Benedictine abbey
at Feldebrő (fig. 10), consecrated to the Holy Cross.
Here a large, probably two-story building was
erected contemporaneously with the church. This
building was demolished before the end of the 12th
century.30 The abbey church of Szekszárd (fig. 11)
founded by King Béla I in 1061, is comparable by
size and arrangement to that of Feldebrő. Recent
research on the cellars of the modern palace
surrounding it revealed that the earliest monastic
building was situated south-east of the church. It
was enlarged in the 12th century towards the south.
A western wing can be dated to the 13th century,
however, it is questionable if a cloister was ever
constructed.31 Fig. 11.
29 László Gerevich, “The royal court (curia), the provost's 31 Gergely Buzás, “A szekszárdi apátság és vármegyeháza
residence and the village at Dömös,” AAASH 35 (1983): 385–409. pincéje a középkorban és a koraújkorban” [The cellar of the
30 Edit Szentesi, Ferenc Dávid, and Béla Zsolt Szakács, County Hall and the abbey of Szekszárd in the Middle Ages
“Feldebrői templom” [The church of Feldebrő], in Magyar and the Early Modern Period], Archaeologia – Altum Castrum
Művelődéstörténeti Lexikon [Lexicon of Hungarian culture Online 2013, accessed 20 March, 2015, htttp://archeologia.hu/
history], vol. III, ed. Péter Kőszeghy (Budapest: Balassi, 2005), content/archeologia/190/buzas-szekszardi-pince.pdf.
47–51.
82
The same chancel arrangement returns in

the abbey church of Pásztó. The origin of this
monastery is obscure. It certainly had connections
to the Benedictine Abbey of Pannonhalma and
existed before 1138; Sándor Tóth dated the
foundation to the late 11th century. In 1191 it was
donated to the Cistercian order. The monastic
buildings were situated on the south side of the
church, but the building complex is irregular, even
chaotic. An isolated early building can be found at
the south-east while further wings are situated on
the west and the north, attached to the church.
Although their relative and absolute chronology is
uncertain, it is clear that a cloister was never
constructed.32
The Cistercians are usually regarded as
representatives of regularly planned monasteries,
which included a cloister as a central organizing
element. This might be generally true, however, as
we have seen above, their early monasteries did
not necessarily follow this scheme. The first
Cistercian abbey was founded in Hungary at
Cikádor, today Bátaszék, in 1142 by King Géza II. Fig. 12.
Remains were excavated by Ilona Valter in 1994-
96 and in 2000. While the results of the first The remains were excavated by László
campaign were published immediately, a detailed Gerevich between 1967 and 1982. Some of the
final report is still missing; so far only fragments were connected to the cloister, which
reconstructions have been published. This is why was the last phase of the building activity, dated to
there are significant differences between the ca. 1200-1220. While the existence and the dating
published excavation plan and the reconstruction. of the cloister can be accepted, details of the
According to the archaeologist, the church was reconstruction made by Endre Egyed have been
quite small and it had a cloister on the south. questioned.34 Another significant foundation of
However, so far no clear archaeological signs have Béla III was the Abbey of Zirc. The excavations
been published related to this supposed cloister.33 were led by Tibor Hümpfner, a Cistercian monk,
The flourishing period of the Cistercian who published his results fifty years later.35 If we
Order started under King Béla III (1172-96) in compare his excavation plan to his reconstruction,
Hungary. He founded five monasteries, among many details of the latter seem to be unfounded.
which the most important was the Abbey of Pilis More recent studies of Bernát Bérczi corrected
(fig. 12). some of these details. Looking at the ground plan,
details of the cloister itself are almost totally
32 Ilona Valter, “Das Zisterzienserkloster Pásztó,” ACi 38 34 László Gerevich, “Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen in der
(1982): 129–138; Sándor Tóth, “Benedictine Churches in the Zisterzienzerabtei Pilis,” AAASH 37 (1985): 111–152; Imre
Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,” in Paradisum plantavit, 645. Takács, “A pilisi Ciszterci apátság” [The Cistercian Abbey of
33 Ilona Valter, “Die Ausgrabungen in der ehemaligen Pilis], in Pannonia Regia, 236–238.
Zisterzienserabtei Cikádor,” ACi 52 (1996): 251–264; Ilona 35 Tibor Hümpfner, “A zirci apátsági templom ásatása (1912-
Valter, A cikádori, más néven (báta)széki ciszterci apátság 13)” [The excavation of the Cistercian Abbey church of Zirc,
története [The history of the abbey of Cikádor alias (Báta)szék] 1912-13], VMMK 2 (1964): 119–139.
(Budapest: METEM, 2015).
83
missing.36 What is more, the eastern wing and walk dated with the help of surviving stone carvings
was excavated by Gergely Buzás in 2011. It turned (fig. 13) to ca. 1220-30.39 At the same time, a large
out that there was no stone cloister built before the cloister was created north of the abbey church at
15th century; two coins (parvus) of King Sigismund Somogyvár. With the help of related stone
were found in the mortar of the cloister wall.37 If carvings, a corner has been restored in situ (fig. 14),
this impressive monastery was lacking a cloister for which was corrected by Tibor Koppány in 2001.40
a long time, we must ask if the case of the much Fig. 14.
smaller abbey of Szentgotthárd, founded in 1184,
was really different. Many details of the
reconstructed ground plan cannot be verified in
the excavation plan, e.g. not a single piece of
fundament was found from the supposed cloister.
The only sign is the corner of the south entrance
and the western wall of the south transept, where
remains of a former vaulting were indicated during
the restoration.38
Very similar in measurements and style

Fig. 13. was the cloister of Pécsvárad. Here, on the site of
the former monastic building, the south wing of
On the other hand, cloister architecture the complex was erected and between it and the
was flourishing among the Benedictines in the church a cloister was built. With the help of the
early 13th century indeed. At Pannonhalma, two architectural fragments, the openings were
phases of the cloister can be differentiated: an recently reconstructed.41 The workshops of
earlier and a later, which is dated to 1486. The Somogyvár and Pécsvárad were probably identical
earlier, which had approximately the same size as or strongly related, however, there were other
the later but was situated more to the west, can be
36 Bernát Bérczi, “A középkori zirci apátság romjai és “Megjegyzések korai ciszterci templomaink szentély-
rekonstrukciója” [The ruins and reconstruction of the formáihoz” [Notes on the arrangement of sanctuaries in early
medieval Abbey of Zirc], in A Ciszterci Rend, 172–190. Hungarian Cistercian churches], in A Ciszterci Rend, 155–158.
37 Gergely Buzás, “Jelentés a zirci középkori ciszterci 39 Mons Sacer 996-1996. Pannonhalma 1000 éve [The first
apátságban folytatott 2011. évi feltárásról” [Report on the Thousand years of Pannonhalma], vol. I, ed. Imre Takács
excavation carried out on the medieval Cistercian Abbey of (Pannonhalma: Pannonhalmi Bencés Főapátság, 1996), 301–
Zirc in 2011], Archaeologia – Altum Castrum Online 2012, 302 (Imre Takács).
accessed March 20, 2015, http://archeologia.hu/content/ 40 Szilárd Papp and Tibor Koppány, “Somogyvár,” in
archeologia/43/buzas-a-zirci-apatsag.pdf. Paradisum plantavit, 353–357; Imre Takács, in Paradisum

38 Ilona Valter, “Die archäologische Erschliessung des plantavit, 448–449.
ungarischen Zisterzienzerklosters Szentgotthárd,” Analecta 41 Bodó, “A pécsváradi,” 367–371.
Cisterciensia 38 (1982): 139–152; cf. Béla Zsolt Szakács,
84
cloisters under construction in the same period. Marosi and Imre Takács, the jamb statues of the
The Abbey of Tihany is basically Baroque in its early 13th century can be connected to this part of
present form, however, it still preserves an 11th- the monastic complex.46 Even more complicated is
century crypt under the presbytery. South of the the situation at Csoltmonostor (fig. 15). According
church there was a cloister even before the to the archaeologist Irén Juhász, the cloister was
Baroque rebuilding, as the drawing of Giulio Turco built together with the second church and only
attests. Based on some stone carvings, Sándor Tóth additions were added in the time of the third
supposed that the cloister was erected between church.
1220 and 1240.42 At the same time the Abbey of
Zalavár was also renewed. Here the
characteristic carvings are missing,
but fragments of a fountain date
from 1220-40, which may indicate
a cloister building of which the
north walk seems to be represented
in the drawing of Giulio Turco.43
Thus, the ancient royal Benedictine
abbeys of Transdanubia were
extremely active in cloister building
in the first third of the 13th century.
The explanation of Imre Takács,
referring to the reforms of the
Fourth Lateran Council seems to be
acceptable;44 this theory was further
elaborated by Ernő Marosi quoting
the charter of Pope Honorius III
issued in 1225, urging the
Hungarian Benedictines to
introduce reforms. 45
This kind of activity was Fig. 15.

not limited to the western half of the country. The
monastery of Szer in the Hungarian Great Plain Since the second church of Csoltmonostor
(Alföld) has a complicated building history. The can be dated to the 12th century (probably early
most splendid period of the monastery was the 12th century), this would suggest that the cloister
early 13th century when the abbey church was was 100 years older than all the above mentioned
expanded and a cloister was erected south of it. monuments. However, below one of the rooms of
According to Ernő the monastery some red marble stone carvings
were found in a ditch. Since red marble was not in
42 Sándor Tóth, “Tihany,” in Paradisum plantavit, 677–678; see 45Marosi, “Benedictine Building Activity,” 655–656.
also Sylvia K. Palágyi and Sándor Tóth, A római és középkori 46Ernő Marosi, “Szermonostor gótikus kerengőjének szobrai”
kőtár katalógusa, Tihanyi Múzeum [Catalogue of the Roman [The sculptures of the Gothic cloister of Szermonostor], in A
and medieval lapidary, Museum of Tihany] (Veszprém: középkori Dél-Alföld és Szer [The south part of the Hungarian
Veszprém Megyei Múzeumok Igazgatósága, 1976), nos. 34–40 Plain and Szer in the Middle Ages], ed. Tibor Kollár (Szeged:
(Sándor Tóth). Csongrád Megyei Levéltár, 2000), 107–122; Melinda Tóth and
43 Ágnes Ritoók, “Zalavár,” in Paradisum plantavit, 676; Imre Takács, “Szermonostor,” in Paradisum plantavit, 697–
Sándor Tóth, “A keszthelyi Balatoni Múzeum középkori 700. Cf. Katalin Vályi, “Szer monostora és települése az elmúlt
kőtára” [The medieval lapidary of the Balaton Museum of 27 év kutatásai alapján” [The monastery and settlement of Szer
Keszthely], Zalai Múzeum 2 (1990): 147–187. as reflected by the researches of the last 27 years], in A
44 See note 6. középkor és a kora újkor régészete, 387–400.
85
use in Hungary before the late 12th century,47 the There are more problems with the
cloister seems to be related to the third church, chronology of the Benedictine Abbey of Széplak
erected around 1200, and consequently (today Košice-Krásna). The monastery church was
contemporaneous with the buildings of Szer and consecrated in 1143. According to the excavations
other Benedictine abbeys.48 of Belo Polla, the monastic buildings were situated
The chronology is even more difficult in north of the church. The south room in the east
the cases of some northern Hungarian monasteries. wing was a later addition to the church and the
The abbey of Boldva was first investigated in 1927 second room was even later; on the other hand, the
by the archivist Dániel Nyiry and Ilona Valter after north-western corner of the church seems to be
1976. According to her short reports, the church from the same period as the west wing; thus the
can be dated with the help of ceramics to the end chronology is obscure. Unfortunately no stone
of the 12th century. The monastery, built north of carvings help in dating, which consequently can be
the church, was dated similarly (although without mid-12th century or later.50
a detailed argumentation). According to the Another problematic example from
published material, the cloister had a somewhat northern Hungary is the abbey of Tereske (fig. 16).
irregular form with quite spacious rooms around Here the church survived, but the remains of the
it.49 monastery were revealed during the excavations of
Károly Kozák between 1962 and 1974.
Unfortunately, he never published his results,
however, the parish priest Frigyes Pálos and more
recently Hella Mag discussed them. If the remains
really indicate a cloister, it was relatively small
(around a courtyard of 7 to 7 m) with practically
unknown wings. These parts were dated to
between the middle of the 12th century and the
early 13th century.51
In the case of the Benedictine Abbey of
Kána, where the church is similar to that of
Tereske, the situation of the monastery is just the
opposite: we know the wings but not the cloister.
The archaeologist Katalin Gyürky dated the east
wing to the second half of the 12th century and the
rest to the 13th century. Although stone carvings do
not help in the dating of these buildings, the
Fig. 16.
47 Pál Lővei, “A tömött vörös mészkő – „vörös márvány” – a Országos Műemlékvédelmi Hivatal, 1999), 162–169 and 245.
középkori magyarországi művészetben” [The dense red Cf. Tóth, “Benedictine Churches,” 650.
limestone “red marble” in the art of medieval Hungary], Ars 50 Belo Polla, Košice-Krásna. K stredovekým dejinám Krásnej
Hungarica 20, no. 2 (1992), 3–28. nad Hornádom [Košice-Krásna. To the medieval history of
48 Irén Juhász, “A Csolt nemzetség monostora” [The monastery Krásna nad Hornádom] (Košice: Východoslovenské
of the Csolt Kindred], in A középkori Dél-Alföld és Szer, 281– vydavateľstvo, 1986); cf. Tóth, “Benedictine Churches,” 645
304. Cf. Melinda Tóth, “Csolt monostora” [The monastery of and note 92 on page 263.
Csolt], Henszlmann Lapok 4 (1994): 6–10 and Tóth, 51 Frigyes Pálos, A tereskei templom [The church of Tereske]
“Benedictine Churches,” 644–645. (Aszód: Osváth Gedeon Emlékére Létrehozott Múzeumi

49 Ilona Valter, “A boldvai református templom (volt bencés Alapítvány, 2000); Hella Mag, “Tereske temploma az Árpád-
apátság)” [The Calvinist church (previously Benedictine korban” [The church of Tereske in the Árpád Age], in A
Abbey) of Boldva], in Myskovszky Viktor és a mai múltnak kútja [The fountain of the past], ed. Tibor Ákos Rácz
műemlékvédelem Közép-Európában [Viktor Myskovszky and (Szentendre: Ferenczy Múzeum, 2014), 203–214 and 412–414;
the protection of monuments in Central Europe], ed. see also Paradisum plantavit, 520 (Levente F. Hervay), with a
Alexander Balega (Bratislava: Pamiatkový ústav and Budapest: third ground plan.
86
relative chronology fits

well to the above described
scheme: the early monastic
building was a more-or-
less separate wing on the
south-east (as in Dömös,
Feldebrő, Szekszárd, and
also in Csoltmonostor),
which was later developed
into a full quadrum.
However, here the cloister
walks were finally not
built – or at least no sign of
them was identified. All in
all, despite the many
uncertainties, it seems that
in the case of the smaller
abbeys of Hungary a
cloister from the late 12th
century cannot be
excluded.
This is not without
consequences for the
evaluation of the situation
at Bizere (see p. 97, fig. 2,
in this volume).52 Here the
south wing, a three-aisled
hall, seems to be the first
monastic building, which Fig. 17.
was originally not connected to the church
directly. The coins of King Stephen II (1116-32) preceded the big cloister building campaign of the
and Béla II (1132-42), found under the early Transdanubian royal monasteries.
pavement of the hall, can help in dating. The At this point we must recall that cloisters
arrangement is similar to Visegrád, Esztergom- were built not exclusively by monks. As early as
sziget, and Pécsvárad where the first, isolated the Carolingian period there were cloisters
building was situated to the south. Later the hall of attached to cathedrals too. At Metz Bishop
Bizere was rebuilt and connected to the cloister. Chrodegang introduced a special rule for his
This happened evidently after the middle of the cannons in the middle of the 8th century.53
12th century. A more precise dating must be based Although there are signs that cloisters were
on the related findings, however, taking into erected facilitating the common life of the cannons
consideration the above mentioned examples and from this period onwards, these were not as
the Czech monasteries, we cannot exclude that it
52Basic publications so far include: Ileana Burnichioiu and Bizere: the lavabo in the cloister,” EJST 9 (2013): 221–232;
Adrian Andrei Rusu, Mozaicurile medievale de la Bizere. The Adrian Andrei Rusu, “Spatial organization and monastic life
medieval mosaics from Bizere (Cluj-Napoca: Mega Publishing in Bizere abbey,” in this volume: 92–112.
House, 2006); Mănăstirea Bizere, I, eds. Adrian Andrei Rusu 53 Yves Esquieu, “La place du cloître dans l’organisation du
and Ileana Burnichioiu (Cluj-Napoca: Mega Publishing House, quartier cathédrale,” in Klein, Der mittelalterliche Kreuzgang,
2011); Ileana Burnichioiu, “Fragments from the abbey of 81.
87
century.55 We can better date

the Romanesque phase of the
Olomouc cathedral
monastery (fig. 18). Here the
church was consecrated in
1131 and the bishopric palace
was built north of it soon
after. It is usually attributed
to Bishop Zdík (†1150) which
can be accepted on the basis
of the stone carvings.
Excavation of the 1970s
revealed that between the
palace and the cathedral there
was a cloister with an
elongated ground plan.56
From Hungary we
have scarce traces of cathedral
Fig. 18.
monasteries. According to István Horváth, there
consequent and widespread as the monastic was a monastery on the south side of the cathedral
cloisters. In the south of France, for example, of Esztergom, however, there is no sign of a
cathedral monasteries were built usually in the 12th cloister.57 Recent research paid attention to the
century and in the north usually in the 13th, if they cathedral monastery in Pécs. Here, according to
were built at all, since in certain cases, such as at the newest periodization of Gergely Buzás, it can
Chartres, it was neglected.54 In the East Central be dated to the late 14th century, however, no
European region the cathedrals of the Czech archaeological investigations were carried out
Kingdom were usually furnished with a cloister. In here, thus it (or a predecessor of it) could be
Prague (fig. 17) following the consecration of St. earlier.58 A systematic overview of possible
Vitus II in 1097, a certain “monastery of the church cathedral monasteries in Hungary is still wanting.
of Prague” was mentioned before 1100. This is On the other hand, it is unquestionable that the
usually associated with the area north of the collegiate church of Székesfehérvár (fig. 19) had a
Romanesque church, excavated in 1927-28. We do cloister on the south side and it cannot be later
not know how it looked in the 11th and 12th than the 12th century.59 In fact, it is probable that it
centuries, since the details discovered by Kamil was built in connection to the organization of the
Hilbert are probably not earlier than the 13th collegiate chapter itself, which is usually dated to
54 Ibid., 82. [The royal and archbishoprical seat at Esztergom in the age of
55 Jana Maříková-Kubková and Iva Herichová, eds., Castrum the Árpáds], in Lux Pannoniae: Esztergom, ed. István Horváth
Pragense. Archeologický Atlas Pražského hradu. Díl I. (Esztergom: Balassa Bálint Múzeum, 2001), 15–36.
Katedrála sv. Víta – Vikářská ulice [Archaeological atlas of the 58 Gergely Buzás, “Az egyházmegye építészeti emlékei”
Prague Castle. Part I. St Vitus’ Cathedral - Vikářská ulice] [Architectural monuments of the diocese], in A pécsi
(Praha: Archeologický ústav AV ČR, 2009), 71–72. egyházmegye története. I. A középkor évszázadai [The history
56 Vít Dohnal, “Olomoucký hrad a jeho archeologické of the diocese of Pécs, vol. I. The centuries of the Middle
poznávání. The Olomouc Castle and its Archaeological Ages], eds. Tamás Fedeles, Gábor Sarbak, and József Sümegi
Research,” in Arcidiecézní muzeum na Olomouckém hradě, (Pécs: Fény, 2009), 656–657.
[Archbishoprical Museum on the Hill of Olomouc], ed. 59 Piroska Biczó, “Archäologische Beobachtungen zur
Ondřej Jakubec (Olomouc: Muzeum Umění, 2010), 17–26. Baugeschichte der Stiftskirche Unserer Lieben Frau zu
57 István Torma, ed., Komárom megye régészeti topográfiája. Székesfehérvár,” AHA 42 (2001): 283–295; Piroska Biczó, “A
Esztergom és a dorogi járás [The archaeological topography of székesfehérvári királyi bazilika régészeti ásatásainak újabb
the County of Komárom. Esztergom and the district of Dorog] eredményei” [Recent findings of the excavations at the royal
(Budapest: Akadémiai, 1979), 108–110; István Horváth, “Az basilica of Székesfehérvár], in A középkor és a kora újkor
esztergomi királyi és érseki székhely az Árpádok korában” régészete, 315–332.
88
the late 11th century. There was hardly any better Probably this can be connected to reform
known ecclesiastical institution in medieval movements, although the papal letter of 1225
Hungary than the collegiate of the Holy Virgin in seems to be too late to be the major inspiration
Székesfehérvár where almost all the Hungarian source. In other orders (e.g. Premonstratensians)
kings were crowned and many of them were and other territories, such as Bohemia and
buried, starting with the first king of the country, northern Hungary, cloisters from a somewhat
Saint Stephen. I suppose that cathedral earlier period cannot be excluded. Bizere might
monasteries might have played an important role have been one of these early examples.
introducing the cloister in East Central Europe and 4. The earliest datable cloisters in Bohemia
they could have served as a prototype for the early and Hungary were attached to cathedrals and
Benedictine monasteries too. collegiate churches, which might have served as
Let me summarize some of the prototypes for monastic cloisters as well. This is
observations of this brief overview. just the opposite of the practice of Western Europe,
1. Opposed to Western Europe, where where cathedral monasteries were built less
cloisters were built from the Carolingian period regularly and often later than was usual among the
and in the 11-12th centuries were common, monastic orders. This phenomenon may shed some
monasteries in East Central Europe were usually light on the difference of the roles monastic and
lacking the cloister before the late 12th century. secular churches played in East Central Europe.
2. Among the first abbeys built with a We should remember that bishops, members of the
cloister were Cistercian structures, however, not as royal court, were always incomparably more
regularly as previously supposed and many of the important figures than any of the abbots and the
early Cistercian foundations had no cloister for a size of monastic churches was usually much below
period. Thus, they had probably less impact on the Western standard. It would not be surprising
other monastic buildings than suspected. then, if the secular church played a leading role in
3. An important wave of cloister building cloister architecture too.
was the activity of the royal Benedictine abbeys in
Transdanubia between 1210 and 1240. Fig. 19.
89
SPATIAL ORGANIZATION AND MONASTIC products of other ecclesiastic and lay complexes
LIFE IN BIZERE ABBEY in the region. It seems that this was in accordance
with the largely anonymous statute of the
monastery, as portrayed by the written evidence
ADRIAN ANDREI RUSU until its demise in the 16th century.
Regarding the abbey’s earliest period, the
Introduction Benedictines’ choice of this particular location
Over a decade of archaeological investigations must have originated from a former experience of
carried out at the presumed Bizere abbey has the initial monastic group with a similar type of
unveiled the rich remains of a complex site, environment.3
which until now has not been sufficiently known Leaving aside the frequently addressed
and researched.1 The present study is another topic of Transylvanian salt (an important income
small contribution to the reconstruction of its generator for Bizere and other ecclesiastical
history. In this respect, the documentation and institutions),4 one can notice that this monastic
analysis of the spatial organization is crucial for ensemble was highly adapted to the river
understanding the characteristics of the abbey. environment. In addition to the food resources
This enterprise is predominately based on the provided by the environment, the nearby
archaeological data, since preserved written geological deposits were probably used starting
evidence is scarce. The documents demonstrate with the early building phases of the abbey. This
that there was a Benedictine presence in the area was the case for the stone quarried upstream,
of the lower Mureș River at the end of the 12th relatively close to the banks of the Mureş.5 The
century,2 however, archaeological research at use and origins of other materials recovered during
Bizere has yielded proof of an even earlier dating. excavation can be hypothesized, such as Roman
As elsewhere, the monastic presence in spolia being reused as medieval construction
the lower Mureș area was highly conditioned by material and the use of metals originating from
the existence of a watercourse. The flourishing sources located in the south-western part of the
life of the monasteries, only suggested by the Apuseni Mountains. These suggestions, however,
archival sources, can be far better understood still await systematic analysis.6
through the archaeological evidence. The The Mureş River was a communication
unearthed art and architecture of the Bizere site and transportation channel (for salt, stone, and
indicate that the site’s first chronological wood, as well as other materials), an inexhaustible
sequence is definitely the most notable one. From source of food supply, and a continuous
the 14th century on, the resources, and partly the
technology, of the abbey were far inferior to the 3 Oana Toda, “Das Kloster auf der Flussinsel:
Fernverbindungen und lokale Abgeschiedenheit im Fall der
 PhD, Institute of Archaeology and Art History, Romanian Abtei Bizere?” in this volume: 17–30, figs. 1–2.
Academy, Cluj-Napoca; aarusu@gmail.com. 4 For the main bibliography on the subject, see: Adrian A.
1 For the previous scientific publications on the identification Rusu and Oana Toda, “Archaeological evidence for historical
of the ruins with the monastery recorded in medieval navigation on the Mureş River. Enquiries based on a
documents as Bisra/Bizere, see: Adrian A. Rusu and George medieval boat imprint from Bizere abbey (Romania),”
P. Hurezan, Biserici medievale din judeţul Arad [Medieval AAASH 65 (2014): 139–154.
churches from Arad County] (Arad: Complexul Muzeal Arad, 5 Corina Ionescu and Ioan I. Bucur, “Analiza unor roci
2000), 70; Adrian A. Rusu, “Benedictinii de pe Insula sedimentare” [The analysis of some sedimentary rocks], in
Mănăstirii” [The Benedictines on the Monastery Island], in Rusu and Burnichioiu, Mănăstirea Bizere, I, 103–105; Toda,
Mănăstirea Bizere [Bizere monastery], eds. Adrian A. Rusu “Das Kloster auf der Flussinsel,” 25; Bernadett Bajnóczi et al.,
and Ileana Burnichioiu, I (Cluj-Napoca: Mega Publishing “Archaeometric analysis of mosaic tesserae and a ‘red marble’
House, 2011), 13–24; Ileana Burnichioiu, “Ruinele de la decorative stone from the Bizere monastery (Arad County,
Bizere. Cercetări vechi și noi” [The ruins of Bizere Romania),” in this volume: 271–284.
Monastery: Old and new research], in Rusu and Burnichioiu, 6 See also: Adrian A. Rusu, “Religios şi non-religios în cultura
Mănăstirea Bizere, I, 37–44. materială a abaţiei Bizere (Frumuşeni, jud. Arad). Obiecte din
2 Rusu, “Benedictinii,” 13; Ileana Burnichioiu, “Cronologia bronz (I)” [Religious and non-religious aspects in the
abaţiei Bizere. Bizere abbey: A chronology,” in Rusu and material culture of the Bizere abbey (Frumușeni, Arad
Burnichioiu, Mănăstirea Bizere, I, 124–125. county)], AUA hist. 17, 2 (2013): 147–148.
91
ADRIAN ANDREI RUSU
technological challenge for efficient water the plans could be recorded, as the elevations
management and use (as evidenced by the water were almost completely destroyed. The state of
tower, the fountain in the cloister, the bath, the preservation of the remains is very poor and large
drainage system, the possible docks, the river areas of the stratigraphy were destroyed.
bank reinforcement, and the presumed metal Therefore, any attempt at reconstruction can only
workshop, etc.). be based on the foundation relics of stone and
We know very little about the human brick and the robber trenches of the former walls.
resources of the abbey, namely, the monastic Various objects, as well as fragmentary
community itself. The data gaps also extend to the building materials and decorations (such as
communities living on the properties of the mosaics, sculptures, and frescoes), have been
Bizere monastery. We do know, however, that discovered generally without archaeological
the nearby village, also named “Bizere,” had close context. Therefore, the identification, correlation,
connections with the Benedictine foundation and dating of the component spaces along with
until the abbey’s final dissolution and outlasted its their functions and decorations is very difficult.
decay. The abbey’s estate gradually fell into the
hands of the noble families of nearby territories
who built castella-type residences on their lands
(Frumuşeni and Zăbrani, in Arad County) during
the 15th and the 16th centuries.7
The disparity between the two main
phases in the life of the abbey is quite obvious.
After the middle of the 13th century, the
monastery gradually transitioned from an
impressive late Romanesque achievement into a
decaying site with almost no special features as far
as the material culture is concerned. Any building
decorations that stylistically could belong to the
time period between the 1440s and the beginning Fig. 1. View of the main church remains (Photo by Florin
of the 16th century are completely absent. The Mărginean).
explanation for this can be linked to the armed
attack led by the bishop of Cenad on the Bizere The main church
monastery around 1235.8 Regarding the final In the northeastern part of the island
phase, either Ottoman raids or local military excavations revealed a basilica with two in situ
conflicts (or both) apparently brought an end to pavement mosaics. This was the main church of
the agony of the monastery before the middle of the abbey. It was investigated in many sections,
the 16th century. revealing that the degradation of its structural
The main architectural components – an elements was rather high. The southern part of
overview the basilica is better preserved, containing
The main built structures of the abbey remnants of continuous foundations, and in the
(figs. 1–3) evolved gradually from the 12th to western half the imprints of three pairs of pillars
13th centuries. For most of the structures, only could be recognized. Fortunately, a few
sandstones were preserved in the 1.20 m wide
elevation, in the area where the sanctuary was
7 On this topic see: Adrian A. Rusu and George P. Hurezan, joined with the southern apse. Almost half of the
Cetăţi medievale din judeţul Arad [Medieval castles in Arad main apse was similarly preserved in elevation
County] (Arad: Museum Publishing House, 1999), 67, 98;
Ileana Burnichioiu, “Privilegii, posesiuni, venituri” (figs. 1, 3).
[Privileges, possessions, incomes], in Rusu and Burnichioiu,
Mănăstirea Bizere, I, 25–33.
8 See the episode recorded by the papal documents in
Burnichioiu, “Cronologia,” 124–125.
92
93
Spatial organization and monastic life in Bizere abbey
Fig. 2. Ground plan of the main excavation areas and investigated structures at the site of Bizere monastery.
94
ADRIAN ANDREI RUSU
Fig. 3. Detailed ground plan of the main building cluster of the monastic complex.
In the early stages of research, the basilica

was estimated to have measured 13.50 m wide
and approximately 25.50 m long. The choir,
flanked by two lateral spaces (two chapels with
semi-circular apses), occupied more than half of Fig. 5. Sculptural elements with arcades.
this length. Subsequently, seven meters west from
the westernmost mosaic floor, a 1.00 m thick
stone wall delimitating another room was
discovered (the archaeological trenches 93, 95,
and 100/2009) (fig. 3). This wall contains similar
sandstone ashlars as found in the main apse of the
basilica. However, this structure could not be
connected with certainty to the abbey’s main
church, as the stratigraphy was significantly
disturbed by successive burials and robber Fig. 6. Sandstone block with console.
trenches.
The location of the main entrance is
uncertain, as is whether the four portal fragments
(fig. 4) discovered in the northern part of the site
can be associated with it. It can only be assumed
that some pieces with arcades, found in different
contexts (fig. 5), and a sandstone block with a
small pyramidal console, belonged to the basilica
(fig. 6).
Fig. 7. The refectory of the monastery (Photo by Florin

Mărginean).
The refectory area

A refectory was found parallel to the
basilica, over twenty meters to the south (fig. 7).
In this case, a three-aisled building was
transformed into a two-aisled space
approximately 7.60 m wide, probably having two
levels. Obvious traces of a stairway with a base
stone were revealed from the reconstruction
phase on the northern side of the refectory (fig.
8). The space had been divided by rectangular
pillars in stone and brick (ca. 70 x 70 cm), which
were covered with white-washed plaster (samples
are still preserved on the lower parts). Both the
total length of the refectory and whether the
number of the stone pillar pairs was five or six are
a b uncertain.
Fig. 4. a–b. Presumed portal fragments.
95
ADRIAN ANDREI RUSU
Fig. 8. Building phases of the refectory and the southern side

of the cloister portico (Ileana Burnichioiu).
On the eastern and southern sides of the

refectory traces of several different rooms and
built spaces were discovered through
archaeological surveys (figs. 3, 9) and resistivity
measurements,9 but their functions cannot be Fig. 9. Traces of built structures south of the refectory.
established yet. Models offered by the typical
organization of monasteries in the West, as well
as some isolated stones discovered in secondary
contexts with particular shapes and burning
traces (fig. 10), suggest that a warming room
could have existed somewhere close to the
refectory. On the western side of the refectory,
the hypothesis of a kitchen is supported by the
presence of burnt and ash layers (fig. 3). A storing
place resembling a granary once stood in the Fig. 10. Components of a heating installation/system
southwestern part of the refectory and the lower (hypocaustum).
part of a bread oven made of brick was discovered
about ten meters west of the presumed kitchen.10 The original pavement of the refectory
was a simple arrangement made with bricks (figs.
7, 8/1). Important chronological references,
representing the first construction phase of the
9See Toda, “Das Kloster auf der Flussinsel,” fig. 3. refectory, were discovered underneath the
10Adrian A. Rusu, “Cuptorul de pâine” [The bread oven], in pavement, namely, two coins, one issued by King
Rusu and Burnichioiu, Mănăstirea Bizere, I, 95–99.
96
Stephen II of Hungary (1116–1131), the other by fragments was recovered from the eastern side of
King Bela II of Hungary (1131–1141). Therefore, the monastery.13
we can assume that the early phase of the
refectory began in the first half of the 12th
century.
The cloister
The remodeling of the refectory occurred
at the same time as the building of the rectangular
cloister. Thus, the latter is part of a later
construction phase of the abbey. We do not know
exactly what structures already existed on the
eastern and western sides of the monastery, but it
is certain that a rectangular portico was
introduced between the pre-existent basilica and
the narrowed refectory (fig. 3). The portico was
between 3.00 and 3.20 m wide, a similar size to
Fig. 11. Fragments of the built structures from the
the original northern nave of the refectory. northeastern corner of the cloister; S 22/2005.
Contemporary with the portico, a
lavatorium was constructed in the south-west Understanding the spatial distribution of
corner of the newly created courtyard. The lavabo the western side of the cloister is difficult,
with two superimposed basins was enclosed by a because there were other rooms with fragmentary
house with a rectangular plan. The water-supply stone foundations next to the portico (fig. 3).
channels began in the eastern part of the site, All sides of the portico had 80 cm thick
where the Mureș River branch was located. They stone foundations; the southern, western, and
reached the lavabo and a supposed garden in the eastern sides preserved important parts of
cloister courtyard, and continued further to the pavement in opus spicatum, set higher than the
west, towards the kitchen area (fig. 3).11 pavement of the refectory (figs. 3, 7).14
The eastern part of the cloister has at least Additionally, a large number of fragmentary small
two stages of building, but the ruins have been columns, arcades, and decorated imposts and
extremely damaged by floods, burials, or possibly capitals–which could correlate with walls about
late robbing activity. Therefore, we can only 60 cm thick–can be associated with the portico.
suppose that the eastern side of the monastery Most of these carved stones display Romanesque
was either connected to a sacristy of the church features, but there are also three fragmentary
in the first phase of construction,12 or that the crochet type capitals, with sharp leaves or
monastery also included a chapter house or even a crochets, indicating a possible early Gothic
chapel. Some fragmentary sandstone walls decoration.15
pertaining to two phases of construction could The (presumed) palace
belong to structures with the aforementioned Further away, in the northeastern part of
functions (fig. 11). A large quantity of fresco
11 Ileana Burnichioiu, “Fragments from Bizere monastery 13 This is the most important area where a large number of
(Frumuşeni, Arad County): the lavabo of cloister,” EJST 9 fresco fragments were spread about. Lab analyses proved that
(2013): 221–232; Ileana Burnichioiu, “Lavatorium-ul abaţiei ultramarine was used in the fresco (Erika Nemes Feketics and
Bizere – de la arheologie la reconstituire” [The lavabo of Ileana Burnichioiu, “Analize ale fragmentelor de frescă
Bizere abbey ‒ from archaeology to reconstruction], AUA descoperite la Bizere în anii 2001-2009 (I)” [Analysis of the
hist. 17, no. 2 (2013): 101–122. fresco fragments discovered at Bizere between 2001 and 2009
12 A sacristy was mentioned in 1236 in a letter that describes (I)], AUA hist. 17, no. 2 (2013): 223–226.
an attack by the armed men of the bishop of Cenad on the 14 Burnichioiu, “Fragments from Bizere,” fig. 6.
monastery and the robbery of five expensive vessels and 15 See also Ernő Marosi, “Some remarks on a fragmentary
three letters of privilege (Burnichioiu, “Cronologia,” 124– capital from the monastery of Bizere,” in this volume: 229–
125). 238.
97
ADRIAN ANDREI RUSU
the complex, a rectangular ground plan of a its foundations cut a 10 to 40 cm yellow layer of
building measuring approximately 20.00 x 8.00 m sandstone processing, which spreads throughout a
with a 1.20 m thick foundation was found in 2001 large area to the north, west, and southwest of the
(fig. 3). The walls were dismantled to the basilica, including the area of the chapel and
foundation level and the stratigraphy inside the cloister (fig. 13).
presumed palace was also drastically disturbed, The chapel
preserving only a few vague clues concerning a About four meters away from the so-
space divided by two pillars. In the western half called “palace,” the remnants of a small,
of the southern side of the building the Romanesque single-nave chapel with semi-
foundations of two joined pillars made by bricks circular apse were discovered in 2006 (fig. 3). The
indicate an entrance. chapel was built with low quality materials (river
stones, bricks, and poor mortar) on top of burials
in the cemetery; grave number 111 (probably
dating to the 12th century) is located almost
directly in the middle of the structure. The chapel
is a later building compared to the “palace,” the
basilica, and the cloister. Two pairs of pillar bases
were identified in front of the chapel. They
probably were parts of a later portico, which
seems to have been related to another pair of
bases found in front of the “palace.”
The cemetery
An important part of the monastic
graveyard developed in the small area flanked by
Fig. 12. Traces of the wall foundations and the base of a stove the “palace” and the chapel, as well as inside the
from the presumed palace. chapel and the basilica. Graves were unearthed
also along the northern side of the portico, in the
southeastern part of the basilica, and in a large
area located in front of the chapel and the basilica
(fig. 3).
The wood enclosure
Apparently, the northern part of the
island had to be defended. On the western side of
the cemetery a wooden structure consisting of a
network of beams and posts protected by a ditch
was set in a late period, approximately dated to
the 15th to 16th centuries.16 It is possible that the
role the wooden enclosure served was accomplished
Fig. 13. Yellowish layer resulting from stone processing first by the 1 m thick stone wall, which was
(Photo by Ileana Burnichioiu). discovered in front of the basilica (fig. 3).
The water tower
Traces of a stove were discovered inside, The river represented an essential
nearby; it was made mainly from pot-shaped resource but also a constant danger for the life of
stove tiles on a base of bricks and functioned the abbey founded on the island. One of the
during the 15th and 16th centuries (fig. 12). The markers of the permanent necessity to protect the
determination of the building is uncertain, water quality was the presence of a water tower
although we are tempted to believe that it was the in the center of the former island, at a
palace of an abbot or patron, possibly built on two
levels. It was probably built after the basilica, as 16 Toda, “Das Kloster auf der Flussinsel,” 23, fig. 6.
98
considerable distance from the river branch and

the cloister, towards the northwest (fig. 2). This
was basically a massive structure on top of a
central well. Even now, it stands as a block of
compact masonry built out of brick and highly
resistant mortar, which mainly prevented the
flood waters from contaminating the drinking
water inside the well.17
From all the information provided so far
by the archeological evidence and written
documents, it can be noted that the abbey’s major
building and decorating activities had their peak
mainly from the 12th century to the beginning of
the 13th century. A wide variety of raw materials
was brought to the island for the construction of
the abbey. Sandstone was used in the largest
quantity and the remains of building and carving
activities are clearly visible in a yellow layer of
varied thickness (fig. 13), which spreads Fig. 14. Brick masonry of the structure located southeast of
the cloister.
throughout a very large surface between the
Mureş branch and trench number 117 (fig. 3).
The basilica, the refectory, the cloister, the
fountain inside the tower, and the so-called
palace, all had been built from the same
sandstone.
There is no High or Late Gothic-style
decoration, a fact most probably influenced by
the major conflict and crisis experienced by the
abbey between 1235 and 1236 as well as
afterwards. From the middle of 13th century, the
monks created new spaces, pavements, and graves
using poor quality brick sand spolia (both stones
and bricks) from the older buildings. Despite
being well shaped, many of the new bricks were
improperly dried and, consequently, became
porous and suffered deformations during the
baking process. These were the bricks used to
build the chapel, as well as another structure
located in the southeastern part of the cloister
(fig. 14) and along north-south-oriented building
located west of the cloister (fig. 15).
On a different note, one must emphasize
the fact that the site is actually a repository for
high quality mortars, possibly obtained from Fig. 15. Wall foundation of the large building west of the
white marble during the 12th century and the cloister.
first years of the 13th century.
A lime chest excavated at Bizere
represents another unique feature. It was actually
17 Adrian A. Rusu, “Turnul cu fântână” [The water tower], in
a decommissioned logboat, which was pulled
Rusu and Burnichioiu, Mănăstirea Bizere, I, 55–56.
99
ADRIAN ANDREI RUSU
ashore next to the building site and was ascribed a utilities meant for everyday-life activities. Hence,
new function as a container for preparing the classical ground plan was altered and adapted
masonry binder.18 At times, materials other than through the implementation of the smaller
lime and sand were added to the mortars prepared monastic annexes. As a result, the research of the
at Bizere, such as brick dust. These various monastic site had to take on the difficult mission
mixtures were also employed for pavements, of identifying these structures.
regardless of their type (ranging from basic brick As a general pattern, wherever they
tile components to more elaborate mosaics). founded an abbey, the Benedictine Order was
Nonetheless, large quantities of mortar were used preoccupied with the practical implementation of
for the foundations–molded in wickerwork– “St. Benedict’s Rule” and its adaptation to the
documented at the southern wall of the chapel.19 conditions offered by the natural environment.
Altogether, the variety of raw and Besides the structures destined for the
building materials discovered at the Bizere site is compulsory activities of a monastic site (the
impressive. One such material was lead, which cryptic consuetudines), the document made
was used for fastening the ashlars used in some of reference to the functional spaces, that is, spaces
the masonry walls, as well as in the abbey’s that had no religious purpose, including
stained glass windows. Iron was also found, in the dormitories (for monks and laics), the abbot’s
form of a large number of locking system house, kitchen, bath, infirmary, latrine,
components–appliqués, bracers, hinges, grates, workshops, etc. These were not precisely defined
etc.–originating from the structures of doors, in terms of architectural planning (carpentry and
windows, and even furniture.20 Their quantity tailoring, latrines, mill, smithy, etc.). In other
and quality allude to the richness of the abbey, words, they could be adapted according to each
the abbey’s commercial relations, and even the abbey’s needs. In these spaces, the members of the
special skills necessary for their manufacture. monastic community were each assigned ad opus
However, none of these can be directly connected suum, including the easier tasks of the so-called
to a precise location of the presumed metal delicatis.21 The monastic orders always had to
workshop. Despite this fact, there is some maintain the balance between their
evidence for metal work activities on the contemplative and practical activities. 22
monastery island, but the workshop area still Within this topic, the exchange of
awaits delimitation and archaeological technology and practical knowledge across the
investigation. Benedictine world has been the least researched.23
Apart from the stone and brick buildings,
one cannot make assertions about the remaining
structures on the island. Several archaeological
21 Michel Aubrun, “Le travail manuel dans les monastères et
les communautés religieuses au XIIe siècle; l`example de
trenches revealed the existence of wooden Limousin,” in La vie quotidienne des moines et chanoines
buildings in the western and southwestern part of réguliers au Moyen Age et temps modernes, Actes du
the abbey church and cloister. Their functions are premier colloque international du laboratoire de recherches
still uncertain and require further research. sur l’histoire des congrégations et ordres religieux
The utilitarian and economic spaces (L.A.R.H.C.O.R.), (Wrocław-Książ, du 30 novembre au 4
décembre 1994), ed. Marek Derwich (Wrocław: Éditions de
The monastic ensemble also comprised a la Maison des sciences de l'homme á Paris, 1995), 174.
different category of built spaces, for which the 22 For the Carthusians, see: Michal Slivka, “Vita
functions can be determined by analogy. contemplativa ako protiklad k vita activa (kartuzie
Obviously, Bizere, like every monastery, displays hornonemeckej provincie)” [A contemplative life in contrast
to an active life. The Carthusians in the Province of
its own particularities regarding some of the Hornonemecká], Archaeologia Historica 15 (1990): 151–173.
23 An interesting idea on monastic mobility was revealed by
18 Rusu and Toda, “Archaeological evidence for historical the study of diptychs; see: Wojciech Mruk, “The death-rolls
navigation,” 139–154. and the monks - their bearers in the medieval Europe (some
19 Ileana Burnichioiu, “Capela funerară” [The funerary introductory remarks),” in La vie quotidienne des moines et
chapel], in Rusu and Burnichioiu, Mănăstirea Bizere, I, 64. chanoines réguliers au Moyen Age et Temps modernes, II,
20 See the online database: MLATB-DB, passim. ed. Marek Derwich (Wrocław: 1995), 573–579.
100
Every monastic community had a central group of categories are unclear. The archival sources
working monks. Only some of the monks would clearly mention lay elements, with a non-
be permanently stationed in a single abbey, while religious dress code, involved with monastic life
others could be extremely mobile if they had a and certain activities pertaining to it.27 All the
high degree of specialization. As a consequence of above-mentioned groups had particular rules of
these practices, the monasteries benefited from conduct and specific representation codes. But it
the work of masters in specific technological or was their material expression that intermingled to
artistic fields. Their skills were most likely only such an extent that an objective identification of
needed until the completion of the main monastic its archaeological traces is hardly possible.
dependencies and furnishings. In the case of Concerning the manifestation of its
Bizere Abbey, this was definitely the situation for monastic life through the material culture, Bizere
the authors of the mosaic floor surfaces and abbey does not reveal anything groundbreaking.
sculptural pieces. The recorded details are mere guidelines for
The most frequent labora entailed a few further research, which will hopefully be aimed
hours of daily physical work, without any at the regional milieu of the site. There is still
hierarchy or prohibition, but mostly related to little data available for comparison and the
agriculture. The historiography on this subject is geophysical survey of the Bizere site also
exclusively based on Western and Central pinpointed several other structures that could be
European evidence. The eastern analogies are still future targets of investigation.28
vague. Moreover, in this region the situation was One can, however, look into some of the
quite different, due to the delayed already known but less imposing features. In the
Christianization and an implicit setback in the sector located west of the main complex, several
acquisition and implementation of Mediterranean fireplace furnishings have been identified. They
or Western living norms and patterns. Drawing consist mainly of platforms enclosed by bricks,
some conclusions is even more complicated as, in sometimes with edgings. Their presence suggests
the aforementioned regions, the most advances of the existence of a still unidentified group of early
the 12th century were recorded in the field of dwellings, as the structures largely match the
monastic economy.24 The dissemination of known types of the 12th and 13th centuries.29
technological knowhow associated with the They could have been used either by the monastic
monasteries was also intense.25 It was around this community during an earlier phase, or by the
time that Western and Central-European lay auxiliary personnel, separated from the main
society gradually fell under the influence of cloister buildings due to the lack of space or to the
monastic achievements.26 Even within the monastic rules. The presumed constructions they
monasteries several distinctions were recorded in could have served must have been quite simple,
the implementation of the vita communis for the since flood waters apparently wiped the area
main monastic community and the fluctuating clean.
groups of associated tenant peasants or pilgrims. Water management
The exact boundaries between these three The construction of water-related
installations was a normal consequence of the
24 James Ambrose Raftis, The Estates of Ramsey Abbey. A
site’s positioning and of the environmental factors
study of economic growth and organization (Toronto: it implied. Since the location was an island, the
Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1957), 468. functioning of the monastery depended on
25 Pascal Ladner, “Die Rolle der abendländischer Order und
transportation, water supply, and fishing, but also
Klöster im Mittelalter bei der Verbreitung der Technik,” was recurrently under threat by changes in the
Ferrum 70 (1998): 4–10.
26 Harry Kühnel, “Beiträge der Orden zur materiellen Kultur water level.
des Mittelalters und weltliche Einflüss auf die klösterliche
Sachkultur,” in Klösterliche Sachkultur des Spätmittelalters. 27 Ibid., 25–27.
Internationaler Kongress Krems an der Donau, 18. bis 21. 28 Toda, “Das Kloster auf der Flussinsel,” 20, fig. 3.
September 1978, ed. Harry Kühnel (Wien: VÖAW, 1980), 29 See, for example: Volker Vogel, Schleswig im Mittelalter.
10. Archäologie einer Stadt (Neumünster: Wachholtz, 1989).
101
ADRIAN ANDREI RUSU
The benefits of water were known and by the artifacts with lay and practical, everyday
made use of at the monastic site. One must use. In addition to their advanced fragmentation,
assume that the access to more effective water one major problem for the archaeological research
transportation was one of the main factors that at Bizere is represented by both modern and
influenced the patrimony and activities of the contemporary interference, with robbing
abbey. A number of watercrafts owned by the trenches and pits ravaging the medieval contexts
abbey, including the already mentioned imprint and thus the association of meaningful small finds
of a logboat, were associated with possible naval to the functional spaces. This was the case of a
constructions. The latter are only suspected due boat sintel retrieved from the eastern side of the
to the existence of metal sintels,30 normally used cloister and a crossbow arrowhead discovered
for boats all around medieval Europe.31 It can be inside the basilica.
assumed also that an abbey smithy was put to
good use when it came down to building plank
boats.
The presence of boats implied the
existence of mooring areas. One such space can be
argued for in the northeastern part of the site,
where a circular masonry pillar (1.70 m in
diameter) located on the riverbank was
uncovered.32 The other feature (a more complex
construction), found on the riverside and east of
the cloister, is prone to further debate and
research, as it could either be a dock, latrine, or
even watermill.
The monastic water-management
solutions from Bizere are of high technological
quality. This is evidenced by the use of lead pipes
in the water supply system of the cloister lavabo
(fig. 3)33 and by the sophisticated filters of the
water-tower, used for securing fresh drinking
water and protected from flood contamination.34
Furthermore, a rectangular structure built out of
ashlar masonry, south-east of the cloister, was
probably related to the river bank and the water.
The small finds
The small artifacts have been very useful
in establishing the functional meanings of the
Fig. 16. Iron finds indicating the use of animal hauling
different structures found at Bizere. Finds of (horse-/oxshoes and spurs).
religious significance are actually outnumbered
The presence of ox- and horseshoes (fig.
30 Toda, “Das Kloster auf der Flussinsel,” 29, fig. 10. 16)35 at the site clearly proves that draft animals
31 See, for example: Detlev Ellmers, “Bodenfunde und andere
Zeugnisse zur frühen Schiffahrt der Hansestadt Lübeck: Teil

were accessing the island.36 They either crossed a
2: Beuteile und Ausrüstungsgegenstände von Wasser- ford or were brought to the site by watercraft.
fahrzeugen aus den Grabungen Alfstrasse 38 und an der The presence and use of horses are further proved
Untertrave/Kailmauer,” Lübecker Schriften zur Archäologie by the discovery of spurs,37 mouthpieces, hoops,
und Kunstgeschichte 18 (1992): 7–22.
32 For details, see: Toda, “Das Kloster auf der Flussinsel,” 25,
figs. 7–8. 35 MLATB-DB, 73–74, accessed August 17, 2015.

33 Burnichioiu, “Lavatorium-ul abaţiei Bizere,” 101–122. 36 Toda, “Das Kloster auf der Flussinsel,” 29.
34 Rusu, “Turnul cu fântână,” 49–59. 37 MLATB-DB, 20, accessed August 17, 2015.
102
and belt-dividers. Most of the discovered recycling pot shards. Six such fragments have
horseshoes are the winter type–fitted with claws– been discovered at Bizere over the years (fig. 17).
thus, suggesting that the river was crossed when
frozen. While the recovery of a currycomb38
during excavation is an insufficient argument for
the existence of stables–just as iron fasteners are
not necessarily wagon or cart components–when
considered together they clearly suggest the
presence of wheeled vehicles and draft animals.
The following question that arises is

connected to the sector of the island where these
stables could have been erected, given the
presumably limited space. This is not the only
case in which a certain utility building and
activity is accounted for by small finds. Two other
examples concern some specific ceramic finds that
e
led to certain questions of interpretation. Fig. 17. Various ceramic finds.
The first example is a group of circular
ceramic chips found on-site, often produced by Looking at the historical literature as precedent,
five of them could immediately be deemed to be
38 MLATB-DB, 17, accessed August 17, 2015. spindle whorls, while only one, lacking any
103
ADRIAN ANDREI RUSU
perforation, could be called a token. However, for fleecing. A small hoe40 also raises more than
identifying them as such would automatically one possibility of interpretation. Besides
mean that the monastic community in Bizere was gardening, it could have also been a carving tool.
practicing weaving, which would be an improper An antler tip can also be related to gardening, or
and assumptive interpretation. Analyzing this merely production waste. Small chisels and files
even further, one must say that there are great can have multiple uses, including the more
gaps between the retrieved artifacts and the demanding ones related to mechanics or to fine
identified uses. For this type alone, one can metal working.
suggest no less than fifteen plausible different Some of the small finds indicate certain
uses. The most evident ones would be as game activities and automatically allow one to
tokens, toy components, or clothing accessories.39 reconstruct a wider range of tools, instruments,
Listing all these activities still leaves open a implements, etc., required for completing those
question regarding the monastic spaces in which actions. Although its location in the site is
they were used. unknown, the presence here of a smithy
The second example is a fragment of a workshop and its corresponding activities is
ceramic vessel of a less common shape. Based on indicated by the presence of metal ingots, iron
the iconography and the few archaeological bloom, anvils (fig. 27),41 and the abundance of
analogies, it was identified as a flask (fig. 17/a). certain products that exceed the necessities of the
According to the literature, this could be a monastery. Their large number in congruence
pilgrim attribute, but other contexts of more with a religious site has led to the assumption that
common use can also be taken into consideration they were intended for trade. The remains of a
as this shape has not been thoroughly analyzed daub mace mold (fig. 18)42 also sustain this idea,
for the present geographical region. while also pointing towards a special category of
metal-working skills. The operation only requires
the use of a roofed workshop and a furnace. Given
the mold, one begins to wonder if some of the
bronze finds could be considered local products or
even copies of other European products.
Moreover, the orientation towards weapon
production comes across as totally opposed to the
direct needs and special activities of a monastery,
but it cannot be dismissed in the case of Bizere.
There are several elements that still have
not been understood or sufficiently researched at
Bizere. However, they are important indicators of
a more complex everyday life as they were
Fig. 18. Fragments of a mace mold made of daub.
obviously left aside by the written evidence. Such
The functional ambiguities of the small was the presence of members of the lay
finds are plenty and very often their presence in a community buried on the sacred grounds of the
monastic environment requires additional abbey. They are mainly represented by female,
explanations. For instance, a pair of scissors might infant, and young child graves, often displaying
have been used in the scriptorium for cutting specific funerary inventory, or some traces of it.
parchment, for tailoring, for personal hygiene, or On a different note, one must emphasize
the fact that there are a series of built structures
with so far undetermined functions. These were
39For a comprehensive discussion on the topic, see: Adrian
A. Rusu, “Jetoanele medievale din ceramică: utilizări cu
multiple dubii de interpretare” [Medieval ceramic jeton: A 40 MLATB-DB, 68, accessed August 17, 2015.
use with multiple doubts of interpretation], AB XXIV (2016): 41 MLATB-DB, 69–70, accessed August 17, 2015.
forthcoming. 42 Rusu, “Religios şi non-religios,” 135–145.
104
either severely affected by the robbing trenches displaying patterns that were not the result of
and pits or built out of degradable material. mold-based production, but unique pieces,
The kitchen function was already covered with glaze.
assigned to a built structure south-west of the
refectory, but it is still missing direct
archaeological evidence, when it comes to small
finds and inner furnishings. One is aware only of
the presence of a bread oven located near-by,
probably able to produce one- or two-days’
rations in a single use.43 Furthermore, one of the
unearthed water channels was oriented towards
this particular building. It appears to be older
than the water supply system employed for the
lavabo. Moreover, a large amount of ash appears
to indicate the presence of stoves and/or ovens in
that particular area. The vast majority of the
ceramic ware also supports this supposition, as Fig. 19. Indicators of bronze metallurgy: a–b. cauldron legs;
they are predominantly common types of cooking c–d. patched vessel walls, e. waste material.
ware (fig. 17/b), not serving or high-quality
pottery. Despite this general uniformity, some
kitchen and tableware ceramics display special
features. The abbey kitchen definitely needed
ceramic ware suited for a large community. The
large vessels are represented by two discoveries,
one bronze piece (fig. 19/a) probably used for the
preparation of food,44 and one ceramic pot for
food storage.
When it comes to glass production, the
on-site evidence suggests that this could have
actually been an activity at Bizere. Vitreous
fragments and waste are probably residual Fig. 20. Glass finds: a. bottle fragments; b. painted glass
evidence of such an activity, rather than the vessel; c. probably stained glass component.
result of powerful fires. The glass artifacts
employed until the dissolution of the monastic Unexpectedly, the liturgical inventory of
complex are of mixed utility and quality (fig. 20). the abbey is poorly reflected by the archaeological
Therefore, they had diverse origins and different evidence. This seems to contradict the remains of
raw materials were used. the artistic decorations of the complex. However,
There is only one small technological step some of the small finds point to the rich material
from the excavated vitreous evidence to the culture of the monastery during its heyday. It is
production of pottery glaze, used for both the to those times that a fragment of an abbatial
tableware and the stove tiles. The second crosier can be dated. The piece shares a striking
category45 is represented at Bizere by fragments resemblance to other European examples
produced around 1200,46 and it is impossible for
one to establish its production region.
43 Adrian A. Rusu, “Cuptorul de pâine” [The bread oven], in
Rusu and Burnichioiu, Mănăstirea Bizere, I, 95–100, pl. 35, 36/a.
44 Discussed in: Rusu, “Religios şi non-religios,” 128–135. replaced at the beginning of the 16th century by more
45 A knowledge gap on this topic exists due to the general elaborate stoves, with corner tiles adorned with torsades and
lack of data related to the interior heating systems used pot tiles with rectangular openings.
during the 12th through 14th centuries. It appears that the 46 Rusu, “Religios şi non-religios,” 123–128, 149–151
above-mentioned stove tiles have a later dating. These were (MLATB-DB, 235, accessed August 17, 2015).
105
ADRIAN ANDREI RUSU
During the 12th and 13th centuries this was done

with coins, but it can be presumed that the
abbey’s decay and the stringent need for this
solution led to negligent and repeated patching
(fig. 18/c, d). Despite the repair work and the
changes in the level of luxury, the use of this
particular type of ware was representative of a
a community found on a different technological
and economic level than the surrounding villages.
The discovered book bindings (fig. 23/a–
b) were continuously used, including some large
pieces produced and imported from German areas
between the 15th and the beginning of the 16th
centuries.48 This comes as no surprise, as the
abbey library was a necessary furnishing. An iron
stilus (fig. 23/c)49 along with some bone and
bronze fragments, which might have belonged to
some instruments and small tools, are common
b
finds for monastic sites.
For other archaeological sites, the
presence of small pottery, also identified at
Bizere, has mostly been connected to their
c possible use as toys. However, in this type of site,
Fig. 21. Gold and silver finds: a. ring with sapphire mount; extra caution is needed as their function could
b. book cover or box ornament; c. pectoral cross. even be that of an inkwell. A small bronze tube
also has an ambiguous interpretation: it could
Other finds, two made out of gold (a ring have been part of a brush, or the reinforced end
with a sapphire mount and a stripe with beady- of a cord or lace. Razors, also discovered at the
like decoration) and a third one out of silver (a site, had a wide variety of uses including hair
pectoral cross) (fig. 21), are also proof of the wide cutting and shaving, as well as working with
distribution of artistic knowledge and fashion, parchments.
and of the contacts the abbey had with other A large number of artifacts relating to
Western- and Central-European Christian lighting instruments from the medieval period
networks as well. However, based on the were discovered at Bizere, including: fragments of
archaeological evidence alone, one cannot make a glass, iron and ceramic candlesticks, as well as
final distinction between the local productions fragments belonging to ordinary ceramic lamps.
and the imported goods, even though the latter is Small washers and shafts could have been part of
more likely. multiple candlesticks or chandeliers.
While reflecting on the possible uses of It is tempting to consider that music was
some small finds, one must emphasize that a practiced inside of the abbey due to the discovery
bronze spoon that was discovered at Bizere is not of a flute fragment (fig. 24/a). Furthermore,
necessarily Eucharistic (fig. 22).47 As previously
shown in the case of the mace mold, there is
already evidence for technological activities
48 Already analyzed in: Zsuzsanna Kopeczny, “Ferecături de
characteristic to lay complexes.
cărţi medievale în descoperirile arheologice din Transilvania”
The gradual decay of the abbey is also [Medieval book furnishings from archaeological excavations
reflected by the patching of the metallic ware. in Transylvania], Arheologia Medievală VI (2008): 152, 161.
49 MLATB-DB, 80, accessed August 17, 2015; recently
published in: Adrian A. Rusu, “Medieval stili from Romania,”

47 MLATB-DB, 161, accessed August 17, 2015. Marisia XXXIV–XXXV (2014–2015): 107–115.
106
several fragments of jaw harps account for a

strong presence of the lay community.50
Everything that was discovered at Bizere
suggests a distancing of the local community from
pottery production activities but does not deny
the extensive use of a large variety of ceramic
types. Aside from the common brick material (of Fig. 22. Bronze Eucharistic spoon or cutlery object.
doubtful quality), one can see a particular batch of
stove tiles that had manual decorations and glaze
(fig. 17/c). Unfortunately, the artifacts are
fragmentary and the important parts of their
motifs (including figural ones) are lost.
An impressive quantity of clay cauldron
fragments was discovered. This ceramic type is
characteristic of a huge area, ranging from the
territories north of the Black Sea, to those of
Central Europe. It was probably the most notable
type amid the incredibly common pots of the late
Árpádian period. Some isolated finds suggest the Fig. 23. Finds connected to the activity of the scriptorium:
presence of imported ceramics51 among the huge a.–b. book bindings; c. iron stilus.
quantity of common pottery of local production.
This was the case of the early glazed pottery, of
Byzantine origin, followed by Central European
products with later dating.
The archaeozoological remains indicate
the presence of hunting prey (deer, wild boar).
There appears to be no difference in the quantity
of these remains compared to those found at
noble residencies or castles. Fishing hooks52 are Fig. 24. Bone and antler finds: a. flute; b–c. handles;
also part of the site inventory. The large c. chess piece.
dimensions of the preserved hooks show their
usefulness in catching large fish and automatically For the clergy, hunting represented a
allow one to assume that other fishing forbidden activity. However, the discovery of
implements must have been used. numerous weapons and cutting tools such as
On the other hand, the small amount of river crossbows and bow arrowheads (fig. 25/a-b, d-e),
oyster shells found in archaeological context is battle knives and common knives (fig. 26),
quite unexpected. scabbard chapes, knife/dagger scabbard frames
(fig. 25/c)53 and harness items, along with proof of
casting bronze star-shaped mace heads (fig. 18),
contradict the norms in the case of Bizere abbey.
50 MLATB-DB, 18, accessed August 17, 2015.

51 A fragment of Loštice type ceramic was published by
Ünige Bencze in: “Importuri de vase ceramice central-
europene în Transilvania. Secolele XIV şi XVI” [Central
European import ceramics in Transylvania. Fourteenth and
sixteenth centuries], Buletinul Cercurilor Știinţifice 53 MLATB-DB, 25, 27, accessed September 4, 2015. For these
Studenţeşti 13 (2007): 90. types of discoveries in the nearby territories, see also: Adrian
52 Toda, “Das Kloster auf der Flussinsel,” 30, fig. 12; MLATB- A. Rusu, “On the medieval battle knives from Transylvania,”
DB, 3–6, 125–126, accessed August 17, 2015. MAQ 51 (2005): 7–25.
107
ADRIAN ANDREI RUSU
Fig. 25. Weapon

finds: crossbows and
arrowheads (a-b, d-
e); scabbard frame
(c).
108
Fig. 26. Iron cutlery finds: knives.
The presence of weapons gives way to A crossbow loading component was also
several questions in connection to the community discovered,54 while the presence of a bullet proves
that used them, especially since the “Rule” the use of fire arms.55 Even if these were only
imposed restrictions on the Benedictine monks. employed for hunting or defense purposes, their
Despite this, based on the written evidence and existence accounts for violent acts in the close
the large number of finds, it seems that the vicinity of a monastic site.56
monastic group at Bizere actually made use of In the southern part of the courtyard, the
weapons. sewage of the lavabo was directed towards a
By allowing monks to possess knives, St. garden area (viridarium). Agriculture was also
Benedict was merely complying with an practiced at Bizere, as the archaeological
elementary need of those times. Yet, a strictly excavations uncovered a small hoe,57 a
military function of these artifacts cannot be fragmentary sickle (fig. 27/a-b),58 and dibbles.
overruled. One already knows that across the
Christian world monasteries sometimes hired 54 MLATB-DB, 110–118, 127-128, accessed September 4, 2015.
military effectives to guard their possessions and 55 MLATB-DB, 23, accessed August 17, 2015.
maintain order among pilgrims. However, the
56 Adrian A. Rusu, “Motivations de la violence dans l’abbaye
bénédictine de Bizere (Frumușeni, Département Arad),”
findings at Bizere allow further assessments. The (Paper presentation at the International Conference “Violence
production of arrow heads and mace heads is in the Ancient and Medieval World,” Centro de Estudos
impossible without the knowhow of their use and Clássicos / Centro de História, Faculdade de Letras, Cidade
technical features. Universitária, Lisboa, Portugal, 17–19 February 2014).
57 MLATB-DB, 68, 77, accessed August 23, 2015.
58 MLATB-DB, 70, accessed August 17, 2015.
109
ADRIAN ANDREI RUSU
Fig. 27. Iron tools: a. hoe; b. fragmentary sickle; c–d. augers;

e–f. anvils. Pieces of clothing were produced on-site
by using some of the small finds (e.g., scissors,
Some of the garden products could have been iron needle, needle case, bodkin, and awl). The
intended for the abbey pharmacy, for the iron boot heels, also discovered at the Bizere
existence of an infirmary was required by the site,61 were used for simple shoes only present at
“Rule.” the end of the Middle Ages, and were not
While an infirmary space is yet to be representative for the monastic milieu, quite the
identified, the research on the monastic cemetery opposite.
has yielded evidence of healed skull trepanation Bone- and antler-working left behind
(fig. 28), bone fracture healing, and a large variety waste and defective products, such as several
of afflictions. Around 40 skeletons (from an animal horns with cutting marks62 and an ice-
estimated 280 total) were studied from the abbey skate. The latter was definitely useful during the
graveyard; some of them show the effects of poor cold season, given the proximity of the water.
nutrition and hygiene, as well as trauma caused Among the simple finished products that could
by lifting weights, especially in the case of have been produced on the island is an antler
adults.59 Only a few small finds can be related to chess piece (fig. 24/d).
the hygiene of everyday life: a possible scalpel, It appears that the monastic schedule was
several razors,60 an antler comb, and scissors. not so strict and busy as to leave no room for
leisure activities and games. Hence, the
humanized image of the monastery only becomes
59 Luminiţa Andreica, “Meeting a medieval community of
Bizere Monastery: lifestyle, occupation and nutritional 61 MLATB-DB, 71–72, accessed August 23, 2015.
status,” (Paper presented at International Symposium: 62For more on some of the bone and antler waste pieces from
Homines, Funera, Astra: Time and Cause of Death from Bizere, see: Adrian A. Rusu and Florin Mărginean,
Prehistory to Middle Ages, “1 Decembrie 1918” University of “Prelucrarea osului şi cornului în Transilvania medievală
Alba Iulia – “Alexandru Ioan Cuza” University of Iași, Alba (început de abordare tematică)” [Bone and antler processing
Iulia, Romania, 21–23 September, 2014). in medieval Transylvania (Beginning of a thematic
60 MLATB-DB, 50–51, 140, accessed August 17, 2015. approach)], Arheologia Medievală 5 (2005): 140–141.
110
more profound through these

specific artifacts. The small find
presumed to be a chess piece is
probably one of the most advanced
material manifestations of game
pieces.63 The ceramic tokens and
plausible game pieces were already
mentioned, but one can further
mention the discovery of ceramic or
quartzite marbles, similar to those
found all around Europe.64 These
artifacts were uncovered mostly in Fig. 28. Healed skull trepanation and healing fracture.
the spaces that have been interpreted or suspected
to belong to pilgrims or novices. In addition to The monastery existed–with its ups and
playing games, one can easily imagine some downs–from the 12th century to the beginning of
monks practicing fishing, hunting, shooting, the 16th century, during which time there were
riding, navigation, reading, music, and many intensive phases of construction and decoration
other worldly activities.65 followed by a major crisis in the fourth decade of
The analyzed elements clearly show that the 13th century. The sources speak very little
this environment also required activities and about religious and spiritual life, but rather focus
products specifically for the lay milieu. Moreover, on its materiality and major events: the abbey’s
it would be wrong to assume that this site was construction, expansion of spaces and their
dominated by liturgical and agricultural activities. decorations, and profane daily occupations.
On the contrary, based on the material aspects It is yet premature for the building
discovered, one can conclude that the abbey’s chronology of the abbey to be established, but
inventory was not very different from that of a there certainly was activity on the island since
market town or castle.66 the first half of the 12th century. Most of the
Final considerations various coins discovered during the
All of the archaeological remains of the archaeological campaigns came from disturbed
buildings, including two sacred spaces and the stratigraphy, but we can assume that they
cloister, the small finds, and several written belonged to the graves of the cemetery. The
documents speak indirectly about the life of the earliest coins were minted during the 12th
monastery of Bizere. century by the Hungarian kings Stephen II (1116–
1131), Béla II (1131–1141), Béla III (1172–1196),
Ladislaus IV (1277–1290), and Andrew III (1290–
63 This conclusion was made in comparison to data from: 1301).
Povilas Blaževičius, Seniausieji lietuvos šachmatai [The oldest The most important and enduring early
examples of chess in Lithuania], Lietuvos Archeologjia 34 buildings were the three-aisled refectory (its first
(2009): 90–91. The game pieces from the above article were phase can be dated to before the middle of the
dated to the 15th and 16th centuries.
64 Sándor Petényi, “Games and toys in medieval and early 12th century) and the basilica. The project of the
modern Hungary,” MAQ 28 (1994): 108–109. According to rectangular cloister could be later, probably by
this synthesis, similar artifacts do not occur in monastic sites. the end of the same century. Even so, in the
65 These practices have already been recorded at other sites:
current state of knowledge it seems that the
Kornél Bakay, Somogyvár. Szent Egyed-monostor. A
somogyvári bencés apátság és védműveinek régészeti
cloister of the Bizere abbey could represent one of
feltárása 1972–2009 [Somogyvár. Szent Egyed Monastery]
(Budapest: Műemlékek Nemzeti Gondnoksága, 2011).
66 For a relevant comparison with the discoveries from
Zvolen, Slovakia, see: Ján Beljak et al., Pustý hrad na Zvolen.
Dolný hrad 2009-2014 [Pustý Hrad in Zvolen. The Lower
Castle, 2009-2014] (Archeofact: Zvolen, 2014), passim.
111
ADRIAN ANDREI RUSU
the earliest cloisters within the medieval of lay residential sites. Among the imported goods
Kingdom of Hungary.67 were many cutlery finds originating from German
In addition to the particular building territories (knives70 and forks71), Lostiče-type
phases of Bizere, this site also recorded special pottery, and, of course, glassware (ranging from
dynamics in the production and acquisition of beakers to bottles). The result is quite inconsistent
goods. Until the middle of the 13th century, the with the general image of an impoverished
abbey had an ample estate system. We only know monastery, displaying modest architectural
that among these estates were included several achievements but a rich display of small finds.
possessions and land plots, but no clear data was Since the topic of this paper reflects the
preserved regarding their population. The various components of monastic life, a discussion
number and size of the properties properly on the aspects of pilgrimage should be considered.
corresponded with the late Romanesque As previously stated (in the case of the flask), the
constructions of the site. proof of these activities can be circumstantial at
What can be obtained archaeologically is best, though some buildings could be
rather ambiguous and hard to interpret from a hypothetically interpreted as being associated
chronological point of view. For example, an with pilgrimage. However, a relevant avenue of
impressive number of bow and crossbow future study concerns one particular item of
arrowheads can be dated to the 14th and 15th funerary inventory, the small pectoral cross. It
centuries. Unfortunately, many other discoveries shares its best analogies in Byzantine Syria,72 but
do not have even this narrow of a dating. stands as a rather singular example that cannot
In addition to what has been said on the produce general conclusions on the medieval
weaponry from the Bizere site, one must pilgrimage phenomenon.
emphasize the fact that mace molding is a highly The most solid deduction in connection to
advanced activity requiring highly developed the Bizere monastery would be that, despite being
skills.68 Furthermore, its associations with other a religious foundation, the abbey provided
weapons favors but one conclusion: the abbey considerable technological substance for a
needed to face violent episodes, to use segment of the contemporary society at the
instruments of violence, and maybe create them.69 eastern border of the Catholic world. At its
The written sources have preserved information foundation, it probably stood as some unusual
about the virulent conflicts between the abbey outpost, but evolved and declined as a
and the territorial ecclesiastical authority, i.e., the Benedictine manifestation, adapted to that
bishopric of Cenad. In the beginning of the 13th particular region. What was archaeologically
century the conflict with this latter institution led uncovered in Bizere was most likely not unique,
to several attacks on the abbey, ending with but offers evidence of the religious and cultural
injury and loss of life, deprivation of letters of phenomena that manifested in the area.
privilege, and temporary depopulation while
investigations were conducted by the Papal Curia.
Military conflicts also took place around the
abbey in the beginning of the 16th century, in the
context of peasant uprisings.
After the powerful beginnings of the
abbey, still impossible to retrace in its finest
details, import products arrived at Bizere with 70MLATB-DB, 48, 52–57, accessed August 17, 2015.
higher frequency–a situation comparable to that 71MLATB-DB, 1, accessed August 17, 2015.
72 Christoph Stiegemann, ed., Byzanz. Das Licht aus dem
67 This subject is explored in this volume in the paper by Béla Osten. Kult und Altag im Byzantinische Reich vom 4. bis 15.
Zsolt Szakács, “The early phase of cloister architecture in Jahrhundert. Katalog der Ausstellung im Erzlischöflichen
Central Europe,” in this volume: 77–89. Diözesanmuseum Paderborn 2001 (Mainz: Verlag von
68 See: Rusu, “Religios şi non-religios,” 135–148, 153. Zabern, 2001), 303–304, cat. no. IV/27 (artifact originating
69 Rusu, “Motivations de la violence.” from Palestine, 5th to 7th centuries).
112
COMPARATIVE GROUND-PLAN ANALYSIS beginning of the 15th century, the Pauline monks
OF PAULINE MONASTERIES had founded ten monasteries in Slavonia alone.
IN LATE MEDIEVAL SLAVONIA Knowledge on late medieval Slavonian
Pauline monasteries was scarce up until the end of
the 20th century because of their transformation
TAJANA PLEŠE during the 17th and 18th centuries in Baroque
style, or change of purpose from sacral to profane
The second half of the 13th century in the territory or military, or due to their complete disintegration.
of Regnum Hungariae was defined by a turbulent To amend this lack of information, Croatian
political and economic situation. It was also a time Conservation Institute began with a large-scale
of the simultaneous emergence of incoherent archaeological excavations project on Slavonian
groups of hermits, contrary to the well organized Pauline monasteries founded prior to the Battle of
Dominicans and Franciscans.1 Within a very short Mohács. Eight monasteries (Moslavina Mountain,
period of time those scattered groups of hermits Remete, Zlat, Streza, Šenkovec, Lepoglava,
were consolidated and formalized, thus forming Kamensko, and Donja Vrijeska) have been
two new, strong hermit orders: the Paulines and ascertained and (partially) excavated, while two
Augustinians. The Order of St. Paul the First are still only known on the basis of archival data
Hermit (Ordo sancti Pauli primi Eremitae) was (Dubica and Bakva).
founded through the unity of two hermit The objective of this paper is an overview
communities from Patacs and Pilis into a single of the characteristics of Slavonian Pauline
coherent community around 1250 under the monasteries spatial organization, deduced in
leadership of Provincial Eusebius. The order compliance with the results achieved thus far
gained its legitimacy by the decree of Pope John through archaeological excavations.
XXII in 1319, and soon afterwards started to The first expansion of the order beyond the
expand throughout present European soil.2 borders of the parent monastery in Patacs was,
Expansion of the newly constituted order into late according to Pauline chroniclers, caused by the
medieval Slavonian territory started with the religious-political situation in present day north
arrival of recently gathered hermits in Dubica. Bosnian territory. When Pope Gregory IX
This was a crucial moment for the order, as it had requested help from Bartholomew, bishop of Pécs
to obtain additional property in the attempt to in suppression of the “Bosnian Church” (Crkva
secure its legality. Through many benefits from the bosanska), he sent to the southernmost parts of his
Crown and numerous bequests from powerful bishopric, apart from Dominicans and Templar
noble dynasties and politically influential Knights, the newly gathered hermits.3
individuals, the order grew rapidly. By the
 Department for Archaeology, Croatian Conservation Monaški redovi [Les ordres monastiques] (Novi Sad: Književna
Institute, Zagreb; tplese@h-r-z.hr. zajednica, 1988), 8, 17-19; Franzen, Pregled povijesti crkve,
1 Franjo Šanjek, Crkva i kršćanstvo u Hrvata (srednji vijek) 87-88; Franjo Šanjek, Kršćanstvo na hrvatskom prostoru:
[The Church and Christianity among Croats: The Middle pregled religiozne povijesti Hrvata (7.-20. st.) [Christianity on
Ages] (Zagreb: Kršćanska sadašnjost, 1993), 468-506; August Croatian soil: compendium of religious history of Croats (7th
Franzen, Pregled povijesti crkve [Concise history of the - 20th c.)] (Zagreb: Kršćanska sadašnjost, 1996), 224-228;
Church] (Zagreb: Kršćanska sadašnjost, 1996), 175-176; Beatrix Fülöpp Romhányi, “Die Pauliner im mittelalterlichen
William Hinnebusch, Dominikanci: kratka povijest Reda [The Ungarn,” in Beiträge zur Geschichte des Paulinerordens
Dominicans] (Zagreb: Hrvatska dominikanska provincija, (Ordensstudien XIV), Berliner Historische Studien 32, ed.
1997), 7-58. Kaspar Elm (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2000), 143-156.
2 Andreas Eggerer, Fragmen panis corvi proto - eremitici seu 3 Tade Smičiklas, Poviest Hrvatska. Dio prvi - od najstarijih
Reliqiae annalium eremi-coenobiticorum Ordinis Fratrum vremena do godine 1526 [Croatian history. Part one - from
Eremitarum s. Pauli primi Eremitae (Viennae, 1663), 6-12, 18- earliest times until 1526] (Zagreb: Naklada Matice hrvatske,
43, 65-118; Franciscus Orosz, Synopsis annalium 1882), 541-548; Ferdo Šišić, Pregled povijesti hrvatskog
coenobiticorum Fratrum Eremitarum Ordinis s. Puli primi naroda [Concise history of the Croatian people] (Zagreb:
Eremitae (Sopronii, 1747), A2-B4a, 30-49, 360-401; s. Matica hrvatska, 1962), 244; Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata u
Stanislaw Świdziński, “Die Augustinusregel im Pauliner- ranom srednjem vijeku [History of Croats in the Early Middle
Orden,” Augustiniana 18 (1968): 29-38; Jacques Dubois, Ages] (Zagreb: Školska knjiga, 1971), 461-463; Jaroslav Šidak,
113
TAJANA PLEŠE
Bosanska Dubica, Monastery of the Blessed Except for the historical events of Dubica
Virgin Mary monastery, no other information is known
According to Pauline chroniclers, the first regarding its location (it is only supposed that it
monastery in the territory of late medieval stood on Alibašić Hill)9 or organization.
Slavonia was the one dedicated to the Blessed Further development of the order was
Virgin Mary in Dubica,4 founded on appointment defined in compliance with radical reforms of King
of Coloman, Duke of Slavonia.5 The exact date of Béla IV. According to Pauline chroniclers, Béla IV
the foundation is still unclear; according to Pauline was very supportive towards the young,
chroniclers, the monastery was founded in 1244, “domestic” order. King Béla IV encouraged the
but modern historiography strongly disagrees efforts of the order’s expansion by numerous
suggesting that the foundation should be dated endowments and subsidies, and soon many noble
closer to the end of the 13th century. families also engaged in its bestowal. Furthermore,
Due to the strongly expressed discord with the order was quite eager to expand (and to gain
local authorities and inhabitants Dubica monks estates accordingly) due to their aspiration of
were not very popular, which resulted in a very legitimacy, which was caused by the conclusion of
small number of estates.6 Nevertheless, Dubica Paul, Bishop of Veszprém from 1263, on their
monastery’s existence continued up until the raids insufficient assets. As a result, during a short period
of Ottoman troops between 1435 and 1450 when of time many Pauline monasteries were founded
monks left the monastery.7 Although Paulines and quickly undertook a significant role as
returned to Dubica around 1460, they left outright autonomous units in recovery of the stumbled
in 1465.8 economy.10
Studije o „Crkvi bosanskoj“ i bogumilstvu [Studies on the nastave u Hrvatskoj prije a osobito za Pavlinah” [On the state
“Bosnian Church” and bogomils] (Zagreb: Sveučilišna naklada of higher education in Croatia before and particulary in the
Liber, 1975), 13-108; Nada Klaić, Srednjovjekovna Bosna. time of the Paulines], Rad Jugoslavenske akademije za znanost
Politički položaj bosanskih vladara do Tvrtkove krunidbe i umjetnost 23 (1888): 78-104 (85); Vjekoslav Klaić, Povijest
(1377.g.) [Medieval Bosnia. Political position of Bosnian rulers Hrvata od najstarijih vremena do svršetka 19. stoljeća [The
up to the coronation of Tvrtko (1377)] (Zagreb: Grafički zavod history of Croats from the earliest times until the end of the
Hrvatske, 1989), 243-265; Šanjek, Crkva i kršćanstvo, 317-322, 19th century] (Zagreb: Knjižara Lavoslava Hartmana, 1904),
392-393; Tomislav Raukar, Hrvatsko srednjovjekovlje: 246-250; Gjuro Szabo, “Spomenici kotara Ivanec”
prostor, ljudi, ideje [Croatian Middle Ages: space, people, [Monuments of the Ivanec district], VHAD 16 (1919): 22-96
ideas] (Zagreb: Školska knjiga i Zavod za hrvatsku povijest (22-23).
Filozofskog fakulteta u Zagrebu, 1997), 302; Neven Budak and 6 For the list of benefactors of Dubica monastery and its estates
Tomislav Raukar, Hrvatska povijest srednjeg vijeka [Croatian see: Elemér Mályusz, “A szlavoniai és horvátországi középkori
history of the Middle Ages] (Zagreb: Školska knjiga, 2006), pálos kolostorok oklevelei az Országos Levéltárban” [Charters
198, 271; Ivan Mužić, Vjera Crkve bosanske [Religion of the from slavonian and croatian pauline medieval monasteries in
Bosnian Church] (Split: Muzej hrvatskih arheoloških national archives], LK 8 (1930): 65-69; Kamilo Dočkal,
spomenika, 2008), 7-27. Samostan Blažene Djevice Marije u Dubici 1244 [Monastery of
4 Archives of Dubica monastery ( Acta Monast. Dubicense) the Blessed Virgin Mary in Dubica 1244] (MS) (Zagreb, 1952);
encompass the period from 1244 (i.e. 1270) to 1461 (i.e. 1465). Tajana Pleše, “Pregled pavlinskih samostana
Presently they are kept in the Hungarian National Archives in kasnosrednjovjekovne Slavonije” [Archaeological context of
Budapest. the Pauline monasteries in the late medieval Slavonia], Cris:
5 Orosz, Synopsis annalium, 390; Ioannes Kristolovec, časopis Povijesnog društva Križevci 12 (2010): 202-220 (203).
Descriptio Monasteriorum s. Pauli primi Eremitae in Illyrio 7 Dočkal, Samostan Blažene Djevice Marije u Dubici 1244, 88-
fundatorum, tam per Turcas ab antiquo destructorum quam in 89.

praesena existentium cum suis memorabilibus per Rssmum 8 Kristolovec, Descriptio (Mon. Dubicense), 106a; Eggerer,
Patrem Fr. Joannem Kristolovecz Proto-eremitici Ordinis s. Fragmen panis, 184; Tkalčić, “Pavlinski samostan u Dubici,”
Pauli Generalem conciccata additis ad calcem notis historicis 200-202; Dočkal, Samostan Blažene Djevice Marije u Dubici
P. Fr. Nicolai Benger 1738, (Mon. Dubicense) (s.a.), 105a-106a; 1244, 88-90, 95-96.
Tomo Kovachevich, Monasteriorum in Croatia (I. Dubicense) 9 Dočkal, Samostan Blažene Djevice Marije u Dubici 1244, 97-
(s.a.); Nicolaus Benger, Chronotaxis monasteriorum Ordinis 98.

FF: Eremitarum s. Pauli primi Eremitae in provinciis Istriae et 10 Smičiklas, Poviest Hrvatska, 345-351, 539-540; Tkalčić,
Croatiae (s.a.), 28-30; Ivan Krstitelj Tkalčić, “Pavlinski “Pavlinski samostan u Dubici,” 85; Szabo, “Spomenici kotara
samostan u Dubici” [The Pauline monastery in Dubica], Ivanec,” 22; Josip Buturac, “Poviesni priegled redovničtva u
VHAD 1 (1895): 189-192; Ivan Krstitelj Tkalčić, “O stanju više Hrvatskoj” [Historical compendium of monasticism in
114
Comparative ground-plan analysis of pauline monasteries
During the latter half of the 13th century monastery was left to dilapidate in thick
two monasteries were founded in late medieval vegetation.
Slavonia - on Moslavina Mountain and in Remete. The first Pauline monastery in present day
Moslavina Mountain, Monastery of the Croatia was built on a small, rectangular plateau,
Blessed Virgin Mary defined by two mountain streams. Respecting the
Monastery of the Blessed Virgin Mary on geo-morphology of the terrain, the monastery was
Moslavina Mountain11 (near Garić Castle) was built on three terraces. Since the monastery is
founded during the latter half of the 13th century situated in the very heart of the mountain, in a
by the endowment of magister Tiburcius.12 During gorge that is quite difficult to reach by modern
the next few centuries this monastery gained roads, after its abandonment not a single stone was
significant political influence because of its strong removed.
economical background.13 According to their Systematic archaeological excavations of
archives, the Paulines also managed to gain many this monastery began in 2009.15 During the
privileges and assured that the monastery following six years a large part of the monastic
maintained the status of locus credibilis. church was explored (the whole nave and a part of
It may be assumed that the Paulines the chancel), followed subsequently by the
abandoned Moslavina Mountain Monastery never conservation-restoration works.
to return again due to the pending peril of The monastic church is situated on the
Ottoman incursions between 1520 and 1544.14 It highest terrace, i. e. in the north-easternpart of the
cannot be ascertained who (if anyone) became the monastery.16 Regarding the found architectural
new owner of the Moslavina Mountain mouldings, the monastic church was built in Late
Monastery’s estates or whether the monastery was Romanesque style and rebuilt later in Late Gothic
used for some other purpose. Consequently, the style.17 Its ground-plan also resembles the latter:
Croatia], Croatia sacra 20-21 (1943): 131-152 (138-140); Klaić, Országos Levéltárban” [Charters from slavonian and croatian
Povijest Hrvata u razvijenom srednjem vijeku, 319-329; Budak pauline medieval monasteries in national archives], LK 9
and Raukar, Hrvatska povijest, 175-176, 183. (1931): 284-315 (284-315); 10 (1932): 92-123, 256-286; 11
11 Archives of Moslavina Mountain Monastery ( Acta Monast. (1933): 58-92; 12 (1934): 111-154; 13 (1935): 233-265; Kamilo
de Garig) encompass the period from 1257 to 1520 (i.e. 1745). Dočkal, Samostan Blažene Djevice Marije u Gariću
All 548 documents are kept in the Hungarian National [Monastery of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Garić] (MS) (Zagreb,
Archives in Budapest. 1955); Tajana Pleše, “Monasterium B. V. Mariae sub monte seu
12 According to Pauline chroniclers, the monastery on Promontori Garigh, alias Garich,” Radovi Zavoda za
Moslavina Mountain was founded in 1295. However, due to znanstvenoistraživački i umjetnički rad u Bjelovaru 4 (2011):
recent historical research of archival data it can be supposed that 101-118 (105-108).
this monastery was founded during the mid 13th century. 14 Gjuro Szabo, Srednjovječni gradovi u Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji
Eggerer, Fragmen panis, 90; Benger, Chronotaxis [Medieval castles in Croatia and Slavonia] (Zagreb: Naklada
monasteriorum, 20-21; Kristolovec, Descriptio (Mon. in Garić), Matice hrvatska, 1920; Zagreb: Golden Marketing, 2006), 106.
127; Kovachevich, Monasteriorum in Croatia (IV de Montibus 15 Excavations and conservation-restoration works are led by
Garics); Orosz, Synopsis annalium, 388; Tkalčić, “O stanju više Tajana Pleše (Department for Archaeology, Division for
nastave,” 85; Szabo, “Spomenici kotara Ivanec,” 23; Lelja Archaeological Heritage, Croatian Conservation Institute (CCI).
Dobronić, “Augustinci u srednjovjekovnoj Slavoniji i Hrvatskoj” 16 Situating the monastic church in this part of the monastery
[The Augustinians in late medieval Slavonia and Croatia] was not a very common solution (e.g. St. Jacob in Patacs). In
Croatica Christiana Periodica 20 (1987): 1-25 (9-12); Lelja this case, its position may be correlated to the fact that this
Dobronić, “Svetište Majke Božje Garićke i plemići iz Paližne” highest terrace was the dominant one. Tamás Guzsik, A pálos
[The Shrine of the Mother of God of Garić and the noblemen of rend építészete a középkori Magyarországon [Architecture of
Paližna], Kaj 31 (1998): 69-77 (69-72); Silvija Pisk, Pavlinski the Pauline Order in Medieval Hungary] (Budapest: Mikes
samostan Blažene Djevice Marije na Gariću (Moslavačka gora) i Kiadó, 2003), 29-34.
njegova uloga u regionalnoj povijesti [The Pauline monastery of 17 Although it is not (yet) possible to determine the exact year
the Blessed Virgin Mary in Garić (Moslavina Mountain) and its of the reconstruction, it can be assumed that it was undertaken
role in regional history] (PhD diss., Faculty of Humanities and in the mid 15th century. The assumption is made according to
Social Sciences in Zagreb, 2011). the keystone with a round upper surface found in the nave of
13 For the list of benefactors of Moslavina Mountain the monastic church. Unlike other keystones, decorated with
Monastery and its estates, see: Elemér Mályusz, “A szlavoniai faunal and/or floral motifs, this one has a heart-shaped
és horvátországi középkori pálos kolostorok oklevelei az quadrifolium in the middle and a barely legible, circular
115
TAJANA PLEŠE
the longitudinality of the object (exter. dim.: 32.25 Except for the several parts of the rosette
x 12.3 m) was emphasised by the rectangular, (found in front of the western façade), no other
single nave (inter. dim.: 16.5 x 8.6 m) and a slightly parts of the windows were found, either inside or
smaller chancel enclosed by a polygonal apse outside of the nave. However, the answer to this
(inter. dim.: ca. 12.65 x 6.5 m). The main entrance, problem may lay in the fact that all architectural
situated on the western façade, was richly mouldings were made of calcarenite, a very porous
decorated in Late Gothic style and was almost material that crumbles very easily.18 Therefore, it
completely preserved in situ. On the northern part may be assumed that, considering geo-morphology
of the western façade a base of one larger altar was of the surrounding terrain of the plateau, the
also situated. In the interior of the nave four bases windows were situated on the higher portions of
of the altars were found: two smaller ones in the the southern wall. Until further excavations little
middle of the nave, and two larger ones in line can be said on the chancel apart from the fact that
with both northern and southern part of the it was vaulted and that architectural mouldings
triumphal arch. It was also confirmed that its floor (especially rib supports in the corners of the
(made of clay tiles) was completely intact. polygonal apse) were richly designed (fig. 1).
Therefore, further excavations will provide Monastic space on the two lower terraces
numerous scientific fields with abundance of new is still largely unexplored. Therefore, only
data, deriving from the fact that all human preliminary conclusions can be made. In front of
osteological material (most probably) remained the church a rather large irregular courtyard was
undisturbed. Due to a large number of vault ribs placed, defined in its shape exclusively by the
found in the interior of the nave and the part of the morphology of the terrain of this highest terrace.
chancel, it can be deduced that the monastic A small portal (also decorated in Late Gothic style,
church was vaulted (at least during this latter but with much simpler architectural mouldings
building phase). Therefore, it is quite interesting than the ones of the main entrance to the church)
that no counterforts were found alongside of the situated next to the south-western corner of the
free façades. Unfortunately, little can be said on church connected the courtyard with a narrow
the account of light apertures of the church. corridor leading to the cloister. The church was
also connected with the cloister through a
portal (with quite simple architectural
mouldings) placed in the middle of the
southern wall. Since the cloister was built
on a lower terrace, the connection was
made with three stone steps (average
height 20 cm). Because of the fact that
(northern) part of the cloister and a
corridor are both built on this lower
terrace, a question remains as how the
connection between the irregular
Fig. 1. Moslavina Mountain, Monastery of the Blessed Virgin courtyard and smaller portal (leading to a
Mary. Ground-plan of the monastic church and the northern corridor) was made (fig. 1).
part of the complex. Excavations and subsequent conservation-
restoration works will continue and soon it will be
inscription on the rim. If the interpretation of the inscription can be confirmed with the late Gothic style moulding of the
is correct (A. B. V. M. / Conventus), we can correlate the term vault ribs found in the nave and four rib vertexes on the sides
“conventus” with archival documents. Since in all documents of the keystone.
prior to the mid 15th century monastery was referred to as 18 The non-existence of some architectural mouldings does not
“monasterium,” and only after that time where both terms mean that they did not exist, but it may also mean that it
were used, it can therefore be assumed that the monastic crumbled into an amorphous piece of stone.
church was rebuilt in the mid 15th century. This hypothesis
116
possible to know more about the first Pauline 1485. Allegedly, a defensive wall was built, but
monastery in the present day Croatia. there are no archival documents (or actual
Remete, Monastery of the Blessed Virgin findings) that would prove this hypothesis.23 The
Mary monastery in Remete was attacked two more times
During the last quarter of 13th century a by the Ottoman troops: in 1557 and 1591.24 Despite
second Pauline monastery in present day Croatia these attacks, Pauline monks have never
was founded - the monastery of the Blessed Virgin abandoned their monastery in Remete.
Mary in Remete19, situated in a valley on the Remete monastery was restored several
southern foothills of Medvednica Mountain (near times during the 17th and 18th century. The
Zagreb). The question of the exact date of the present day appearance of the church is the result
foundation of Remete - whether the monastery of renovations after the disastrous earthquake of
was founded in 1247 by Abbot Isquirinus or several 1880, while the monastic complex assumed its final
decades later - is still a briskly debated topic among appearance during the conservation-restoration
historians.20 The strength of the monastery grew works completed at the end of the 20th century.25
rapidly due to both numerous endowments from Before the beginning of archaeological
the local nobility and privileges.21 Therefore, excavations, it was supposed that the present day
already in 1390 Remete monastery was promoted church is the same one (albeit substantially
to the status of vicariate.22 reconstructed) built in 1319 due to the generosity
The Pauline monastery in Remete was of the King Charles Robert.26 Knowledge on the
devastated for the first time in 1394 in a great fire, Remete monastic church drastically changed after
and again not a century later in 1484 during the three seasons of archaeological excavations (2007-
raids of the Ottoman troops. The latter damage was 2009) on the plateau along the southern façade of
repaired by the order of King Matthias Corvinus in the present day parish Church of the Assumption
19 Archives of Remete monastery (Acta Conv. de Remethe) monasteries in national archives], LK 5 (1927): 136-209;
encompass the period from 1288 to 1786. All preserved Dočkal, Samostan Blažene Djevice Marije u Remetama; Pleše,
documents are kept in the Hungarian National Archives in “Pregled pavlinskih samostana,” 205.
Budapest. 22 Barlè, Remete, 10; Dočkal, Samostan Blažene Djevice Marije
20 The first (preserved) document in which the Remete u Remetama, 96; Sekulić, Remete, 26-32, 40-44.
monastery was mentioned is the deed from 1288 when 23 Unknown author, Mater amabilis VII.1-2; Kristolovec,
nobleman Miroslav Hrčukov donated several estates to the Descriptio (Origo Monasterii Remethensis), 108a; Eggerer,
heremitarum domus Beate Virginis prope Zagrabiam Fragmen panis, 297; Barlè, Remete, 13; Dočkal, Samostan
represented by Prior Firminus. Eggerer, Fragmen panis, 84; Blažene Djevice Marije u Remetama, 98-99, 195-199, 208-209,
Unknown author, Mater amabilis Maria Miraculosa Virgo 647-648; Sekulić, Remete, 39, 46.
Remetensis. In hoc exiguo libello clare proponitur cum sua 24 Eggerer, Fragmen panis, 313; Kristolovec, Descriptio (Origo
origine et nonnullis miraculis per quendem Patrem Fratrem Monasterii Remethensis), 108a-109; Barlè, Remete, 25, 28;
Ordinis s. Pauli primi Eremitae professum Monasterii Dočkal, Samostan Blažene Djevice Marije u Remetama, 108,
Remetensis in tertium annum inhabitatorem anno Matris 208-209, 305, 339-341; Sekulić, Remete, 47-50.
Virginis 1665, I.6, IV.1; Kristolovec, Descriptio (Origo 25 The late medieval construction phase of Remete monastery
Monasterii Remethensis), 106a-107a; Orosz, Synopsis was reconstructed in Baroque style during the latter half of the
annalium, 388; Smičiklas, Poviest Hrvatska, 539-540; Tkalčić, 17th century. The second reconstruction was done from 1721
“O stanju više nastave,” 85; Janko Barlè, Remete, povijesni to 1747. After the dissolution of the order in 1786, major
podaci o samostanu, župi i crkvi [Remete, historical facts on adaptations to the monastic complex were commissioned by
the monastery, parish, and church] (Zagreb: Tisak i naklada Bishops M. Vrhovec, A. Alagović and J. Haulik. Eggerer,
Marka Mileusnića, 1914), 7; Szabo, “Spomenici kotara Ivanec,” Fragmen panis, 349, 361; Unknown author, Mater amabilis
22-23; Šišić, Pregled povijesti, 245; Kamilo Dočkal, Samostan III.5; Kristolovec, Descriptio (Origo Monasterii Remethensis),
Blažene Djevice Marije u Remetama [Monastery of the Blessed 108-109; Barlè, Remete, 33, 43, 48, 56; Dočkal, Samostan
Virgin Mary in Remete] (MS) (Zagreb, 1953), 5-7, 14-16, 644; Blažene Djevice Marije u Remetama, 649-680, 692-697;
Ante Sekulić, Remete [Remete] (Zagreb: Kršćanska sadašnjost, Sekulić, Remete, 62-71, 89, 108-109.
1986), 25. 26 Kristolovec, Descriptio (Origo Monasterii Remethensis),
21 For the list of benefactors of Remete monastery and its 106; Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 69-71; Barlè, Remete, 8; Dočkal,
estates see: Elemér Mályusz, “A szlavoniai és horvátországi Samostan Blažene Djevice Marije u Remetama, 21-22; Sekulić,
középkori pálos kolostorok oklevelei az Országos Levéltárban” Remete, 25.
[Charters from slavonian and croatian pauline medieval
117
TAJANA PLEŠE
of the Blessed Virgin Mary, when two older great caution) defined as the oldest one and dated
churches were discovered.27 to the period from the foundation of the monastery
Both earlier churches, parallel with the in the last decades of the 13th century to the time
existing one, have sustained considerable damage of King Charles Robert’s reign (1301-1342) (fig. 2).
caused by extensive geo-tectonic disorders in the The new church had to be built promptly
upper layers of the soil.28 The reconstructions of and builders must have been aware of the static
their ground-plans were made through spatial problems caused by active landslide. Hence they
rotation and translation of the data acquired with tried to constructively secure the new church by
3D laser scanning and with comparative analyses building massive foundations (2.4 to 2.8 m) and to
of the dimensions of other Pauline late medieval support them the builders used the older ones as
monastic churches. unique counterforts. This second church (exter.
dim.: ca. 34.4 x 14.35 m) also had a
rectangular, single nave (inter. dim.: ca. 14.8
x 8.6 m), and a slightly shorter and narrower
chancel (inter. dim.: ca. 13.75 x 7 m). It
should be mentioned that, at least in the zone
of the foundations, the apse was formed as a
semi-circle on the outside, and as a polygon
on the inside. This church, also torn down by
the movements of the active landslide, can
carefully be dated to the period of King
Charles Robert’s reign. Furthermore it can be
assumed that it was torn down no later than
1400 (fig. 2).
Only the third attempt of the
Paulines to build a monastic church that will
Fig. 2. Remete, Monastery of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Ideal last was a success. Although builders used the
ground-plan reconstructions of the first two monastic northern wall of the second church as a unique
churches (oldest one: dark gray; younger one: light gray). counterfort, it can be assumed that the main cause
of its stability lay in the position that was not on
According to ideal reconstruction made the main axis of the landslide. This third church
from a 3D model, the first church (exter. dim.: ca. was presumably built at the beginning of the 15th
30.4 x 10.8) had a rectangular, single nave (inter. century and it still stands firmly (albeit changed
dim.: ca. 13.75 x 8 m) and equally long chancel during several interventions) on its original place.
(inter. dim.: ca. 13.8 x 6.1 m) enclosed by a Due to the above mentioned, numerous
semicircular apse. On all free façades the church transformations, nothing can be said about the first
was reinforced with massive, rectangular ground-plan of the late medieval monastery except
counterforts. Therefore, it can be assumed either for two short segments of foundations adjacent to
that the whole church was vaulted or that the the north-eastern angle of the chancel of the
builders must have been aware of the active second church.
landslide. This church, torn down by the Pope John XXII confirmed the order in
activation of the Remete landslide, can be (with 1319 on the initiative of King Charles Robert,29
27 Research was led by Boris Mašić (Zagreb City Museum) and monastery of the Pauline Order in Remete, Croatia,” Minerva
Tajana Pleše (CCI). Boris Mašić and Tajana Pleše, “O skupnom 21 (2010): 50-53.
nalazu zlatnog novca uz crkvu Blažene Djevice Marije u 28 Deviations caused by centuries of active landslide are visible
Remetama” [On the group find of gold coins next to the as large fissures as wide as 150 cm, as well as numerous smaller
church of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Remete] Opuscula tensile cracks in the foundation structures.
Archaeologica 33 (2009): 207-219; Boris Mašić and Tajana 29 Eggerer, Fragmen panis, 113; Kovachevich, Monasteriorum
Pleše, “On unstable foundations. The excavations of the in Croatia (V de Bakva); Orosz, Synopsis annalium, 347-349;
118
who continued with his benevolent policy of the Since the return to Bakva failed, the
Crown towards the order. During his reign, two monastery was gradually forgotten.36 Albeit the
more monasteries in late medieval Slavonia were fact that it had a significant role in the wider
founded: in Bakva and on the Mountain of St. Virovitica area, Bakva monastery completely
Peter. disappeared from the cultural landscape. Not even
Bakva, Monastery of St. Benedict its name remained preserved in the local
The Monastery of St. Benedict in Bakva30 toponimy. So far all the reambulation efforts in
(near Špišić Bukovica) was founded by the search for the monastery of St. Benedict in Bakva
endowment of nobleman Salamon in 130131 on the have failed.
northernmost slopes of Bilogora Mountain. During Mountain of St. Peter (Zlat), Monastery of
its existence, the monastery in Bakva gained St. Peter
several privileges and status of locus credibilis, as The Monastery of St. Peter37 on Mountain
well as a large number of estates due to the of St. Peter (Zlat, Petrovac, Patur Gozdia)38 was
endowments of local nobility.32 The monastery founded in 1303/1304 by Father Gerdas (Grdoš).39
was raided by Ottoman troops between 1491 and According to Pauline chroniclers, Zlat monastery
1494, and it was subsequently renovated with was raided already in 1393/1394 by paramilitary
assets of local nobility.33 However, the Paulines (maybe Ottoman) troops from Bosnian territory.40
abandoned the renovated monastery and fled to The monastery was devastated once more by the
safer Lepoglava between 1531 (during the retreat Ottoman troops in the middle of the 15th century
of Ottoman troops from Szigetvár) and 1552 (when (1445 or 1448), and monks fled to the safer location
Ottoman troops seized the nearby Virovitica).34 of Kamensko. After that raid, consolidated
Bakva Monastery was last mentioned in 1696, Paulines from Zlat and Kamensko sent a request to
when the General of the Order John Kristolovec Pope Nicolas V in 1451 for the permanent and legal
started a process of restitution of lost Pauline merge of their estates. Pope Nicolas V permitted
estates on the territory between the rivers of Sava the requested merge and Paulines returned to Zlat
and Drava.35 in the last decades of the 15th century. However,
Smičiklas, Poviest Hrvatska. 374-397; Klaić, Povijest Hrvata u stopped the food supplies to the Paulines so they had to
razvijenom srednjem vijeku, 504-509, 514-521; Budak and abandon the monastery. Kristolovec, Descriptio (Mon. de
Raukar, Hrvatska povijest, 186-190. Bakva aut Bukva), 128; Dočkal, Povijest pavlinskog samostana,
30 Archives of Bakva monastery (Acta Monast. de Bakva) 76-77.
encompass the period from 1301 to 1531. All 50 preserved 36 Eggerer, Fragmen panis, 185; Kristolovec, Descriptio (Mon. de
documents are kept in the Hungarian National Archive in Bakva aut Bukva), 128; Kovachevich, Monasteriorum in Croatia
Budapest. (V de Bakva); Orosz, Synopsis annalium, 388; Tkalčić, “O stanju
31 Eggerer, Fragmen panis, 97; Kamilo Dočkal, Povijest više nastave,” 86; Szabo, “Spomenici kotara Ivanec,” 23.
pavlinskog samostana sv. Benedikta u Bakvi [History of the 37 Archives of Zlat monastery (Acta Monast. de Szlat)
Pauline monastery of St. Benedict in Bakva] (MS) (Zagreb, encompass the period from 1278 to 1523. All preserved
1952), 7-8. documents are kept in the Hungarian National Archives in
32 For the list of benefactors of Bakva monastery and its estates Budapest.
see: Elemér Mályusz, “A szlavoniai és horvátországi középkori 38 A long-term continuity of this geo-strategically vital point
pálos kolostorok oklevelei az Országos Levéltárban” [Charters was confirmed through Bronze Age (assumed prehistoric
from slavonian and croatian pauline medieval monasteries in settlement) and Roman (assumed military outpost)
national archives], LK 3 (1925): 100-120; Dočkal, Povijest archaeological findings.
pavlinskog samostana; Pleše, “Pregled pavlinskih samostana,” 39 Benger, Chronotaxis monasteriorum, 39-41; Kovachevich,
207. Monasteriorum in Croatia (II S. Petri de Zlata Gora);

33 Eggerer, Fragmen panis, 97; Orosz, Synopsis annalium, 388; Kristolovec, Descriptio (Mon. de S. Petri in Monte Slat), 123-
Dočkal, Povijest pavlinskog samostana, 53. 124; Orosz, Synopsis annalium, 388-389; Szabo, “Spomenici
34 Josip Bösendorfer, Crtice iz slavonske povijesti [Sketches kotara Ivanec,” 23; Kamilo Dočkal, Samostan sv. Petra na
from Slavonian History] (Osijek, 1910; Vinkovci, 1994), 320; Zlatu [Monastery of St. Peter on Zlat] (MS) (Zagreb, 1953), 4;
Szabo, Srednjovječni gradovi, 129-130; Dočkal, Povijest Ante Sekulić, “Pavlinski samostani u karlovačkom kraju”
pavlinskog samostana, 9-10. [Pauline monasteries in the Karlovac area], Tkalčić 11 (2007):
35 Emperor Leopold allowed the Paulines to return to Bakva in 79-101 (81-84).
1679. However, General E. Caprara had a plan to transform 40 Eggerer, Fragmen panis, 178; Kristolovec, Descriptio (Mon.
the abandoned monastery into a military guardhouse. He de S. Petri in Monte Slat), 124.
119
TAJANA PLEŠE
they permanently abandoned the Zlat monastery The abandoned Pauline monastery on Zlat
again by the middle of the 16th century due to the had subsequently obtained a military function. It
increasing peril of Ottoman troops and sought may be concluded that after the arrival of the
refuge once more in Kamensko monastery.41 frontier troops, one of the largest chardaks
(watchtowers) in the wider area was constructed
on the nave of the monastic church.43 However,
Petrovac (the name used from that time onwards
for the abandoned monastery) was abandoned in
1583, and already in 1584 it fell under Ottoman
authority. The former Zlat monastery obtained
once more a defensive role after the movement of
the demarcation line to the Una in 1654, and it
maintained this function until the Treaty of Sistova
in 1791.44 Around the same time the population of
former soldiers (mainly of Eastern Orthodox faith)
from the border zones into the wider area of
Petrovac had begun.45 Therefore, at the beginning
of the 19th century, the Orthodox Temple of the
Descent of the Holy Spirit was erected on the
foundations of the church chancel with a
Fig. 3. Mountain of St. Peter (Zlat), Monastery of St. Peter.
Ground-plan of the monastery (dark gray). rectangular bell-tower along the eastern section of
the southern façade.
During this rather short period Zlat monks The Monastery of St. Peter on Zlat is, for
had to acquire, unlike their fraternal monasteries, now, the only entirely researched (1987-1988,
most of their possessions on their own.42 They also 2006-2007) Pauline monastery in the territory of
did not manage to obtain privileges or a status of present day Croatia46 (fig. 3).
locus credibilis.
41 Radoslav Lopašić, Oko Kupe i Korane [Around the Kupa and gradovi,” 65-66; Milan Kruhek, Krajiške utvrde i obrana
the Korana] (Zagreb: Naklada Matice hrvatske, 1895), 224- hrvatskog kraljevstva tijekom 16. stoljeća [Grenzer forts and
226; Elemér Mályusz, “A szlavoniai és horvátországi középkori the defence system of the Croatian Kingdom during the 16 th
pálos kolostorok oklevelei az Országos Levéltárban” [Charters century] (Zagreb: Hrvatski institut za povijest, 1995), 36, 127,
from slavonian and croatian pauline medieval monasteries in 180, 192, 221, 225, 247, 253, 257, 283-284, 325; Franz de Paula
national archives], LK 6 (1928): 194-203 (198-200); Dočkal, Julius Fras, Topografija Karlovačke vojne krajine - Mjestopis
Samostan sv. Petra, 9-13, 23; Zorislav Horvat and Milan iz 1835. godine [Topography of Karlovac Military Border -
Kruhek, “Stari gradovi i utvrđenja u obrani Karlovca u XVI i Description from 1835] (Gospić: Biblioteka “Ličke župe,”
XVII stoljeću” [Castles and forts of Karlovac defence line in 1988), 226; Neven Budak, Hrvatska i Slavonija u ranom novom
16th and 17th century], in Karlovac 1579-1979, eds. Tomislav vijeku [Croatia and Slavonia in the Early Modern Age]
Majetić et al. (Karlovac Historijski arhiv u Karlovcu, 1979), 59- (Zagreb: Leykam International, 2007), 61.
79 (65). 45 Fras, Topografija, 226.
42 For the short list of benefactors of Zlat monastery and its 46 Archaeological excavations in 1987 and 1988 were led by
estates see: Mályusz, “A szlavoniai és horvátországi,” 194-203; Milan Kruhek (Croatian History Museum), and those in 2006
Dočkal, Samostan sv. Petra; Pleše, “Pregled pavlinskih and 2007 by Tajana Pleše (CCI). Milan Kruhek, “Povijesno-
samostana,” 207. topografski pregled pavlinskih samostana u Hrvatskoj”
43 The appearance of the former Zlat monastery church was [Historical and topographical overview of Pauline monasteries
recorded in its new, military function in two depictions: on in Croatia], in Kultura pavlina u Hrvatskoj 1244-1786, eds. Đ.
the ground-plan of military engineer J. F. Hollstein (1717) and Cvitanović et al., (Zagreb: Globus, 1989), 67-93; Zorislav
in the sketch by the territorial supervisory engineer M. A. Horvat, “Srednjovjekovna arhitektura pavlinskih samostana u
Weiss (1729). Milan Kruhek, Petrova gora; povijesno - Hrvatskoj” [Medieval architecture of Pauline monasteries in
turistički vodič [Mountain of St. Peter: historical and touristic Croatia], in Kultura pavlina u Hrvatskoj 1244-1786, eds. Đ.
Guide] (Karlovac: Hrvatske šume, 2005), 21-23. Cvitanović et al. (Zagreb: Globus, 1989), 95-109 (65-66);
44 Lopašić, Oko Kupe, 227-228; Šišić, Pregled povijesti 494- Milan Kruhek, “Samostan sv. Petra na Slatskoj, danas Petrovoj
495; Samostan sv. Petra, 22-23; Horvat and Kruhek, “Stari gori - povijest i arheološka istraživanja” [Monastery of St.
120
The Zlat Monastery characteristics differ that there was one more door (a utility entrance?)
significantly from the other Pauline monasteries in on the (presumed) wooden, massive fence, which
late medieval Slavonia: from the unusual choice of enclosed the monastery on the western side. Thus,
building site full of natural disadvantages to the it can be assumed that the eastern door could have
odd layout. The unusual and asymmetric layout been the main monastery gate.47 It may be assumed
(which was primarily dictated by the geo- that the sole wing had an upper floor (made of
morphological determinants of the terrain wood?) in which the dormitory was situated.
disposition) of the monastery (surface area ca. 420 However, due to the presumably small number of
m2) – with the monastic church and only a single monks,48 it may also be assumed that the kitchen
monastery wing – was suited for the needs (and was also used as dormitory.
financial possibilities) of a small monastic Instead of the customary rectangular (or
community. square) cloister with a well, the space enclosed by
The monastic church (exter. dim.: 17.5 x the northern wall of the church’s nave, the
8.3 m) enclosed the southern part of the western façade of the monastery wing and the
monastery. Its longitudinal aspect is emphasized simple wall to the north enclosed a simple,
by the roughly equal dimensions of the rectangular, non-covered courtyard. No wall on
rectangular, single nave (inter. dim.: 8.15 x 6.65 m) the western side was found, so it may be assumed
and the sanctuary enclosed by a semi-circular apse that this area was enclosed by a wooden fence. The
(inter. dim: 7.5 x 3.4 m). The western façade was monastery also had no well because it was built on
reinforced with rectangular counterforts due to bedrock. Due to the simplicity of the solution to
static reasons caused by the sharp downward the entire monastery it may be assumed that the
gradient of the terrain. The eastern façade was also courtyard had an economic role. Since no
reinforced with counterforts. The main entrance architectural structures were discovered inside the
to the church was therefore built on the western courtyard during the excavations, it is reasonable
part of the southern façade. Since none of the vault to assume that there were no stone-built partitions
architectural mouldings were found, it can be in this area. By the same token, it may be
assumed that the monastic church was not vaulted; concluded that most of the courtyard was not
rather it had a simple, wooden coffered ceiling. covered. The courtyard was certainly not paved;
Furthermore, the floor was most likely made of instead, embossed bedrock was used.
wooden slats. Several of the above mentioned
The sole monastery wing was directly renovations of the Zlat monastery are visible only
connected to the church. The capitulary through architectural interventions (i.e. the
hall/refectory (inter. dim.: 8.4 x 4.9 m) was reinforcement of the all structures with smaller
immediately adjacent to the sanctuary, which was counterforts along the eastern façade, which were
separated from the kitchen (inter. dim.: 5.5 x 4.9 necessary not only to restore the collapsed portions
m) by a corridor. This corridor (inter. dim.: 4.9 x of the monastery, but also because of the poor
2.2 m) connected these two rooms with the quality of the original construction).
courtyard (inter. dim.: 11.2 x 15.4 m) and the According to a review of the available
outdoor area. The eastern door was also the only comparative ground-plans (particularly those of
communication found between the monastery the earliest Pauline monasteries), not a single
complex and the outside area. It may be assumed architectural solution was found that would
Peter on Slatska, present day Mountain of St. Peter - history the position of the door it passed along the eastern side. It is
and archaeological excavations], Lepoglavski zbornik (1998): important to note that the manner in which access to the other
113-132; Tajana Pleše, “Monasterium de S. Petri in monte late medieval Pauline monasteries was resolved is still not
Zlat,” Opuscula archaeologica 35 (2011): 319-350. known.
47 Given the already mentioned characteristics of the entire 48 Beatrix Fülöpp Romhányi, “Life in the Pauline Monasteries
complex, a larger and more notable entrance gate need not be of Late Medieval Hungary,” Periodica Polytechnica -
expected. In compliance therewith, the road leading to the Architecture 43, no. 2 (2012): 53-56.
monastery should also be considered, as in compliance with
121
TAJANA PLEŠE
correspond to the one of Zlat. The most similar Streza, Monastery of All Saints
ground-plan solution to the Zlat monastery is the The Pauline Monastery of All Saints in
Pauline Monastery of the Holy Spirit in Streza51 (near Bjelovar) was founded in 1374 by the
Pilisszentlélek.49 The similarity of these two endowment of magister John Bisen, castellan of
monasteries does not lie in the likeness of their Bijela Stijena.52 In less than two centuries, due to
ground-plans, but in the fact that they both were numerous endowments and privileges, the
founded around the same time (i.e. during the time monastery in Streza expanded its estates, having
immediately following the establishment of the thus become one of the most prosperous Pauline
order), which resulted in the need to accommodate monasteries of that period in Slavonia.53 Economic
architectural solutions to their financial abilities. and legal organisation of the Streza monastery is
Upon the completion of conservation- well known due to the two (preserved) Urbaria
restoration works in 2015, this valuable monument from 1432 and 1477.54 Under the pressure of
of Croatia’s cultural heritage should assume its increasing peril of Ottoman intrusion, the Paulines
educational role in engendering the best possible decided to abandon Streza Monastery, and relocate
understanding of the historical and art-historical to the safety of Lepoglava. The abandoned
cultural landscape of that era. monastery was taken over by grenzers from
The order continued to flourish under the Varaždin Generalate, who maintained it as a
reign of King Louis I (1342-1382), and two new defensive position at least until 1540.55
monasteries were established in Slavonian Subsequently Streza Monastery became the main
territory: in Streza and in Šenkovec. However, source of construction material for inhabitants of
these were also the times when political problems near-by settlements which led to its long-term
involving the Ottomans had begun.50 systematic deterioration. After the majority of the
building material was carried away, the whole area
49 Zoltán Bencze, “Das Kloster St. Lorenz bei Buda parishes in the Zagreb Diocese from 1334 and 1501], Starine
(Budaszentlörinc) und andere ungarische Paulinerklöster 59 (1984): 43-108 (78); Horvat, “Srednjovjekovna arhitektura,”
Archäologische Untersuchengen,” in Beiträge zur Geschichte 100; Stjepan Kožul, Sakralna umjetnost bjelovarskog kraja
des Paulinerordens (Ordensstudien XIV), Berliner Historische [Sacral art of Bjelovar Region] (Zagreb: Prometej, 1999), 14,
Studien 32, ed. Kaspar Elm (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 36, 42, 55, 59-60, 63, 88.
2000), 157-190 (183-185); Guzsik, A pálos rend, 58-59. 53 For the list of benefactors of Streza monastery and its estates
50 Eggerer, Fragmen panis, 132, 272, 349; Orosz, Synopsis see: Elemér Mályusz, “A szlavoniai és horvátországi középkori
annalium, 349-351; Smičiklas, Poviest Hrvatska, 398-430; pálos kolostorok oklevelei az Országos Levéltárban” [Charters
Klaić, Povijest Hrvata u razvijenom srednjem vijeku, 509-513, from slavonian and croatian pauline medieval monasteries in
523-543; Halil Inalcik, Osmansko carstvo: Klasično doba national archives], LK 6 (1928): 87-203 (87-177); Kamilo
1300.-1600 [Ottoman Empire: The Classical Period 1300- Dočkal, Samostan Svih svetih u Strezi 1375 [Monastery of All
1600] (Zagreb: Srednja Europa, 2002), 10-16; Neven Budak, Saints in Streza 1375] (MS) (Zagreb, 1952); Pleše, “Pregled
“Povijesni okvir” [Historical framework], in Hrvatska pavlinskih samostana,” 209.
renesansa, eds. Miljenko Jurković and Alain Erlande 54 Ivan Krstitelj Tkalčić, “Urbar bivšeg pavlinskog samostana u
Brandenburg (Zagreb: Galerija Klovićevi dvori, 2004), 23-45 Strezi” [The urbarium of the former Pauline monastery in
(23); Budak and Raukar, Hrvatska povijest, 190-195, 274. Streza], Vjesnik kraljevskog hrvatskog-slavonsko-
51 Archives of Streza monastery (Acta Monast. de Ztreza) dalmatinskog zemaljskog arkiva 5 (1903): 201-219; Mályusz,
encompass the period from 1366 to 1547. All 203 preserved “A szlavoniai és horvátországi,” 122-124; Dočkal, Samostan
documents are kept in the Hungarian National Archives in Svih svetih, 72-77, 170-198; Josip Adamček, “Pavlini i njihovi
Budapest. feudalni posjedi” [Paulines and their feudal estates], in Kultura
52 Eggerer, Fragmen panis, 155; Orosz, Synopsis annalium, pavlina u Hrvatskoj 1244-1786, eds. Đ. Cvitanović et al.
388; Benger, Chronotaxis, 39-40; Kovachevich, (Zagreb: Globus, 1989), 41-65 (44-45); Mira Kolar
Monasteriorum in Croatia (III. De Sztreza); Kristolovec, Dimitrijević, “Urbar pavlinskog samostana u Strezi iz 1477.
Descriptio (Mon. Streza olim dictum O.O. Sanctorum), 126; godine” [The urbarium of Pauline monastery in Streza from
Tkalčić, “O stanju više nastave,” 9; Szabo, “Spomenici kotara 1477], Podravina II, no. 3 (2003): 103-123.
Ivanec,” 24; Kamilo Dočkal, “Srednjovjekovna naselja oko 55 Kristolovec, Descriptio (Mon. Streza olim dictum O.O.
Streze: prilog našoj srednjovjekovnoj topografiji” [Medieval Sanctorum), 127; Tkalčić, “O stanju više nastave,” 86; Tkalčić,
settlements around Streza: Contribution to our medieval “Urbar bivšeg pavlinskog samostana,” 202; Dočkal, Samostan
topography], Starine 46 (1956): 145-202; Josip Buturac, “Popis Svih svetih, 250; Kruhek, “Povijesno-topografski pregled,” 83.
župa zagrebačke biskupije 1334. i 1501. godine” [List of
122
of the Streza monastery was used as a cultivated at least 7 m), unusually positioned rectangular
field. Finally, the former Streza monastery was room adjacent to the eastern part of the northern
completely overgrown in shrubbery. nave wall (exter. dim.: 6 x 8 m), and an large vacant
Archaeological excavations of Streza space (where usually stands a chapel or a sacristy)
Monastery began in 2006.56 The Monastery of All enclosed by the mentioned room, northern
Saints (ca. 3500 m²) was built on a rectangular chancel wall, and a southern part of the eastern
plateau defined by two streams and two artificially outer monastery wall (at least ca. 106 m²) (fig. 4).
made canals. During seven seasons of excavations
(2006-2012), a monastic church and
southern part of the complex were
studied. The monastic church
(completely explored) was situated in
the south-eastern part of the monastery.
Its longitudinal axis was emphasized
(exter. dim.: 32.9 x 9.25 m) with the
almost even dimensions of a
rectangular, single nave (inter. dim.:
15.6 x 7.3 m) and chancel enclosed by
polygonal apse (inter. dim.: 14.1 x 6.9
m). All free façades of the church were
reinforced by massive, rectangular
counterforts. Due to the found
architectural mouldings it can be
concluded that the church was vaulted.
Since the majority of the monastic
church was preserved only in the lowest Fig. 4. Streza, Monastery of All Saints. Ground-plan of the
parts of the foundations (due to the above monastic church and the southern part of the complex.
mentioned reason), almost nothing can be said on
the arrangements of the apertures (besides the Excavations of the Streza monastery will
position of the main entrance on the western continue, in due time it will be possible to
façade). The interior of the church was almost comprehend a lot more on the question of its
entirely devastated. Hence, only one base of the architectural organization.
altar was found: the one in the southern part of the Šenkovec, Monastery of the Blessed Virgin
third bay of the nave (fig. 4). Mary and All Saints
Apart from the monastic church, only the The Monastery of Blessed Virgin Mary and
southern part of the complex has been explored All Saints57 in Šenkovec (near Čakovec) was
thus far: the south-eastern part of the cloister (ca. founded in 1376 due to the endowment of Duke of
45 m²), southern part of the eastern corridor (1.8 x Transylvania Stephen II Lacković and magister
Stephen.58 Paulines from Šenkovec managed to
56Archaeological excavations are led by Tajana Pleše (CCI). Saints in Streza], Prilozi Instituta za arheologiju u Zagrebu (in
Tajana Pleše and Krešimir Karlo, “Monasterium Omnium press).
Sanctorum de Ztreza Ordinis S. Pauli Primi Eremitae,” 57 Archives of Šenkovec monastery (Acta Conv.
Opuscula Archaeologica 33 (2009): 183-205; Tajana Pleše, Chaktornyensis) encompass the period from 1376 to 1786. All
“Streška bulla plumbea pape Bonifacija IX” [Bulla plumbea of preserved documents are kept in the Hungarian National
Pope Boniface IX from Streza], Prilozi Instituta za arheologiju Archives in Budapest.
u Zagrebu 29 (2012): 125-134; Vlasta Vyroubal et al., 58 Eggerer, Fragmen panis, 155-156; Benger, Chronotaxis, 21-
“Rezultati antropološke analize osteološkog materijala 24; Kovachevich, Monasteriorum in Croatia (Csaktornense);
pronađenog u crkvi pavlinskog samostana Svih svetih u Strezi” Kristolovec, Descriptio (Mon. Čaktornjense S. Helena), 109a;
[Results of the anthropological analyses of osteological Josip Bedeković, Natale Solum magni ecclesiae doctoris Sancti
material found in the church of the Pauline monastery of All Hieronymi in ruderibus Stridonis occultatum (Neostadii,
123
TAJANA PLEŠE
expand their initial estate and strengthen their The original Šenkovec monastery was
economical influence during the first two significantly remodelled during the 17th and 18th
centuries with many endowments and privileges.59 centuries and it remained in use until the
dissolution of the order in 1786.60
The first archaeological excavations of the
monastic church and chapel of St. Anthony (also
known as the mausoleum of Zrinski Counts) were
carried out in 1924.61 Systematic archaeological
research of the whole monastery was conducted in
1989, 1990-1999, and in 2002.62
The original layout of the late medieval
monastery can only be roughly assumed due to the
numerous construction interventions. The
problem is that the systematic archaeological
excavations never went deeper than the lowest
segments of the 18th century construction phase.
Thereafter, the ground-plan of the monastery can
only be assumed according to comparative
examples. Šenkovec Monastery was defined in the
south-eastern part by the church (exter. dim.: ca.
Fig. 5. Šenkovec, Monastery of the Blessed Virgin Mary and 25-28 x 7-9 m), built as an elongated building with
All Saints. Ground-plan of the late medieval monastic church
a rectangular, single nave (inter. dim.: ca. 13-15 x
(black) and Baroque complex (gray).
7-8.5 m) and chancel enclosed by a polygonal apse
(inter. dim.: ca. 8.5-9.5 x 6 m).63 The chancel was
1752), 271; Tkalčić, “O stanju više nastave,” 86; Szabo, estate in 1923 to the wood industry, who donated it to the
“Spomenici kotara Ivanec,” 23; Emilij Laszowski, “Zrinski “Fraternity of the Croatian Dragon.” Nicolaus Benger,
mauzolej u sv. Jeleni kod Čakovca” [Mausoleum of the Zrinski Annalium erem–coenobiticorum Ordinis s. Pauli primi
family in St. Helen near Čakovec], Hrvatsko kolo 9 (1928): Eremitae (volumen secundum, duos in libros partitum, quibus
244-259 (244); Kamilo Dočkal, Povijest pavlinskog samostana ab anno Christi 1663 usque ad annum 1727 ejusdam Proto-
sv. Jelene u Čakovcu [History of the Pauline monastery of St. Eremitici Ord. Progressus) (Posonii, 1743), 298; Bedeković,
Helen in Čakovec] (MS) (Zagreb, 1951), 1-7. Natale Solum, 272, 276, 278; Kristolovec, Descriptio (Mon.
59 For the list of benefactors of Šenkovec monastery and its Čaktornjense S. Helena), 111; Tkalčić, “O stanju više nastave,”
estates see: Elemér Mályusz, “A szlavoniai és horvátországi 92; Laszowski, “Zrinski mauzolej,” 248-256; Dočkal, Povijest
középkori pálos kolostorok oklevelei az Országos Levéltárban” pavlinskog samostana sv. Jelene u Čakovcu, 96-98, 121-122,
[Charters from slavonian and croatian pauline medieval 197.
monasteries in national archives], LK 3 (1925): 100-186 (124- 61 Benger, Annalium eremi, 53-54; Bedeković, Natale Solum,
131); Dočkal, Povijest pavlinskog samostana sv. Jelene u 225, 274-275; Laszowski, “Zrinski mauzolej,” 246-247, 257-
Čakovcu; Pleše, “Pregled pavlinskih samostana,” 210. 259; Dočkal, Povijest pavlinskog samostana sv. Jelene u
60 The late medieval monastery was significantly remodelled Čakovcu, 47-48, 56-57, 68-71.
in 1676. However, already in 1738 it was burnt down by a 62 Archaeological excavations were led by Josip Vidović
great fire. The renovation in Baroque style quickly followed, (Museum of Međimurje Čakovec). Those excavations
only to be destroyed again by an earthquake in 1738. The last encompassed the majority of the monastery, except for the
renovation (also in Baroque style) lasted from 1747 till 1750. northern wing, presently located on private property. Josip
After the dissolution of the order in 1786, all the estates of the Vidović, “Sveta Jelena, Šenkovec 1990-1996” [St. Helen,
Šenkovec monks were transferred to the Knežević family from Šenkovec, 1990-1996], in Népek a Mura mentén [Peoples
1802 until 1856; the former monastery was reused as their along the Mura River], ed. Simon H. Katalin (Zalaegerszeg:
residence, and the monastic church was torn down except for Vándor László, 1998), 61-78; Josip Vidović and Branka
the chancel, which was remodelled into a family chapel (the Kovačić, Sveta Jelena u Šenkovcu - lokalitet pavlinskog
Chapel of St. Helen). The former monastery and its estate was samostana u Šenkovcu [St. Helen in Šekovec - Pauline
owned between 1856 and 1923 by Count Feštetić who used it monastery in Šenkovec] (MS) (Čakovec, 2004).
exclusively for economic purposes. The only remaining part 63 It should be stressed here that no proper architectural
of the former monastery (i.e. south-western part) was documentation was made during all of the previous
devastated by the earthquake in 1880. Count Feštetić sold the
124
preserved in its better part due to its remodelling very beginning of the 15th century, the last three
into the Knežević family private chapel.64 The monasteries were founded in the territory of the
monastic church, reinforced on all free façades late medieval Slavonia prior to 1526: in Lepoglava,
with massive, rectangular counterforts, was Kamensko, and Donja Vrijeska.
vaulted and paved with rectangular tavelae.65 Lepoglava, Monastery of the Blessed
According to comparative examples, it can be Virgin Mary
assumed that the rest of the monastery was The Monastery of the Blessed Virgin Mary
arranged around the cloister.66 To supplement our in Lepoglava69 was founded in 1400 by the
knowledge on the late medieval construction endowment of Herman II, Count of Celje and
phase of the monastery, audit archaeological banus of Slavonia, Croatia, and Dalmatia.70
excavations of the presumed cloister and southern Lepoglava Monastery was destroyed for the first
part of the eastern wing were conducted in 2011 time in 1479 or 1481 by Ottoman troops. Only a
and 2012.67 Unfortunately, the results of the audit decade later the reconstruction of the monastery
only showed that almost all building material was was finished due to the patronage of Duke John
removed. Therefore, the proportions of the cloister Corvinus.71 The late medieval monastery was
and monastic wings will (until the continuation of completely disintegrated during the construction
the audit) remain unknown (fig. 5). of the new, grand in size, building built in the
The first indications of inherited political second half of the 17th century. 72
instability began during the reign of King During the period from the foundation
Sigismund (1387-1437), presaging the grim until the end of the 16th century Paulines worked
sequence of events that would characterize the diligently on economically strengthening the
following centuries. Despite this situation, Lepoglava monastery. By 1576, when the
Sigismund’s reign was conducive to the order, as it monastery became the see of the Generalat, they
could continue its growth unhindered.68 At the managed to acquire many privileges and several,
archaeological excavations. Therefore, all mentioned Kristolovec, Liber memorabilium parochiae Lepoglavensis ab
dimensions derive from sketches and textual descriptions. Anno 1401 usque 1789, 27-28; Vjekoslav Klaić, “Osnutak
64 It is not possible to deduce the exact position of the original manastira Lepoglava i povijest njegova u XV stoljeću”
western façade, i.e. whether its present position remained on [Foundation of the Lepoglava monastery and its history in the
the original one. 15th century], Vjesnik kraljevskog hrvatskog-slavonsko-
65 Vidović, “Sveta Jelena,” 66; Vidović and Kovačić, Sveta dalmatinskog zemaljskog arkiva 10 (1908): 161-165; Kamilo
Jelena, 42-46. Dočkal, Povijest pavlinskog samostana Blažene Djevice Marije
66 Guzsik, A pálos rend, 135; Vidović and Kovačić, Sveta u Lepoglavi [History of the Pauline monastery of the Blessed
Jelena, 7, 12-13, 26-32, 53-77. Virgin Mary in Lepoglava] (MS) (Zagreb, 1953), 41-48, 156-
67 Tajana Pleše, “Izvještaj o provedenim revizijskim 58.
arheološkim istraživanjima pavlinskog samostana Blažene 72 Lepoglava monastery was devastated once again during the
Djevice Marije i Svih svetih u Šenkovcu tijekom 2011. i 2012. Ottoman attack in the 4th decade of 17th century. The
godine” [Report on the audit archaeological excavations of the construction of a new, grand monastery in Baroque style
Pauline monastery of the Blessed Virgin Mary and All Saints began in 1650. After the dissolution of the order, Lepoglava
in Šenkovec in 2011 and 2012] (MS) (Zagreb, 2012-2013). monastery became a jail for Ottoman prisoners, then a
68 Smičiklas, Poviest Hrvatska, 433-499; Klaić, Povijest Hrvata military hospital, and finally an infamous penitentiary (which
u razvijenom srednjem vijeku, 654-661; Inalcik, Osmansko was housed there until 2000). The heaviest devastation of the
carstvo, 18-20; Budak, “Povijesni okvir,” 23-24; Budak and former Lepoglava monastery happened in 1945 when a huge
Raukar, Hrvatska povijest, 200-201, 275; Raukar, Hrvatsko amount of ammunition exploded. Among other damages, the
srednjovjekovlje, 389-391. greatest one was done by air strike, which caused detriment
69 Archives of Lepoglava monastery (Acta Monast. de to the static stability. Conservation-restoration works began
Lepoglava) encompass the period from 1443 to 1786. All of the in 1946 and they are still ongoing. Kamilo Dočkal, Povijest
2856 preserved documents are kept in the Hungarian National pavlinskog samostana Blažene Djevice Marije u Lepoglavi,
Archives in Budapest. 155-163, 196-202; Zorislav Horvat, “Gotička arhitektura
70 Kovachevich, Monasteriorum in Croatia (III Lepoglavense); pavlinskog samostana u Lepoglavi” [Gothic architecture of the
Tkalčić, “O stanju više nastave,” 86; Szabo, “Spomenici kotara Pauline monastery in Lepoglava], Kaj - Graditeljsko nasljeđe 5
Ivanec,” 24-32. (1982): 3-35 (3).
71 According to Pauline chroniclers, the monastery was
fortified with walls and towers. Eggerer, Fragmen panis, 250;
125
TAJANA PLEŠE
very abundant, endowments (especially those from 17th century used both building material and
the powerful Counts of Celje and John Corvinus).73 foundations of the previous building, while
encompassing the rest with a large, irregular
courtyard (ca. 40 x 30 m). More damage on the late
medieval monastery was done during the 19th and
20th century with setting of numerous
infrastructures and building interventions.
Therefore, much valuable information was
irreversibly destroyed, without which it is not
possible to correctly interpret the corpus of the late
medieval Lepoglava monastery.
The monastery was organised around a
rectangular cloister. All three (the northern one
was not possible to confirm) brick-paved hallways
(it was only possible to confirm its width of 3.4 m)
led to a square, stone-paved courtyard (10.8 x 10.8
m) with an off-centered well. Adjacent to the
cloister stood (at least) three wings. Unfortunately,
the western one was almost completely devastated,
the southern and northern ones were not possible
to excavate, and the eastern one was only partially
Fig. 6. Lepoglava, Monastery of the Blessed Virgin Mary. explored. In the southern part of eastern wing a
Ground-plan of the late medieval monastery. small building (exter. dim.: ca. 14 x 10 m) with a
rectangular, single nave (inter. dim.: ca. 7.5 x 8 m)
Archaeological excavations of the late and a chancel enclosed by a polygonal apse (inter.
medieval constructional phase of the Lepoglava dim.: ca. 4.2 x 5.5 m) was partially explored.
monastery were conducted in 1972-1974,74 1991- Thanks to Pauline chroniclers, it was possible to
1993,75 and in 2003-2004.76 Despite all the determine this building as the Chapel of the Holy
excavations, a significant part of the late medieval Spirit, built in 1426 (and torn during the
monastery remained unexplored (the north- construction of the new monastery in the second
eastern part of the Baroque cloister and ground half of the 17th century).77 The Church of the
levels of the western, northern, and southern Assumption of the Virgin Mary defined the south-
wings). It should also be mentioned that the eastern part of the monastery. The monastic
construction of the new monastery built in the church, erected by the endowment of banus
73 For the list of benefactors of Lepoglava monastery and its Balog. Zdenko Balog, “Geneza izgradnje lepoglavskog
estates see: Elemér Mályusz, “A szlavoniai és horvátországi samostana i crkve Svete Marije - reinterpretacija pavlinskih
középkori pálos kolostorok oklevelei az Országos Levéltárban” izvora” [Genesis of the construction of Lepoglava monastery
[Charters from slavonian and croatian pauline medieval and the church of St. Mary - reinterpretation of Pauline
monasteries in national archives], LK 3 (1925): 100-186 (131- chronicles], Lepoglavski zbornik (1993): 173-185; Zdenko
186); Kamilo Dočkal, Povijest pavlinskog samostana Blažene Balog, “Arheološka istraživanja u Lepoglavi 1990/1991 (1993)”
Djevice Marije u Lepoglavi; Pleše, “Pregled pavlinskih [Archaeological excavations in Lepoglava 1990-1991],
samostana,” 211. Lepoglavski zbornik (1996): 21-46.
74 Archaeological excavations of a smaller scale (accessible 76 Rescue archaeological excavations in the Baroque courtyard
parts of the church and Baroque courtyard) were conducted were led by Tajana Pleše (CCI). Tajana Pleše, “Arheološka
by SUPRPMO (Státní ústav pro rekonstrukce památkových istraživanja pavlinskog samostana u Lepoglavi”
mĕst a objektů v Praze, Československo). Pavel Blecha et al., [Archaeological excavations of the Pauline monastery in
“Arheologija I” [Archaeology I] (MS) (Prague 1973). It should Lepoglava], VAMZ 38 (2005): 63-91.
be mentioned that the second volume with all graphic 77 Kristolovec, Liber memorabilium, 22-23, 45; Szabo,
documentation is lost. “Spomenici kotara Ivanec,” 30-31; Dočkal, Povijest pavlinskog

75 Small-scale archaeological research of the ground-level of samostana Blažene Djevice Marije u Lepoglavi, 19, 164.
the southern wing of the former monastery was led by Zdenko
126
Herman II, Count of Celje and consecrated in 1415, Kamensko, Monastery of Our Lady of the
was an elongated building (exter. dim.: ca. 29.5 x Snow
10.5 m), with a rectangular, single nave (inter. The Monastery of Our Lady of the Snow in
dim.: ca. 13.5 x 8 m) and slightly narrower chancel Kamensko80 (near Karlovac) was founded in 1404
enclosed by a polygonal apse (inter. dim.: ca. 13.5 by the endowment of Catherine of Krk, Countess
x 7 m).78 On all free façades the church was of Ptuj and Metlika.81 Kamensko Monastery was
reinforced with massive, rectangular counterforts. devastated during the attack of Ottoman troops
Little can be said on the disposition of the between 1480 and 1484, and again between 1570
apertures because of the annexed Baroque chapels, and 1576. After the second Ottoman raid, General
except that the chancel was illuminated from the of the Order Stephen Trnavljanin entrusted the
biforas located between the counterforts of the Kamensko monastery and its estates82 to General
polygonal apse. Furthermore, little can be said on John Auersperg to keep it from harm. However,
the interior of the church except that there was after only three years the monastery was
only one altar (dedicated to the Assumption of the disintegrated for building material, needed for the
Virgin Mary) up until 1501, when two more were construction of Karlovac fortification.83
dedicated: one to the St. Paul the First Heremit and Archaeological excavations of the
the one to the Holy Cross.79 (fig. 6). Kamensko Monastery were conducted in 1997,
Although Lepoglava Monastery was one of 1999-2002, 2005, and 2006.84 The area of research
the most important Pauline monasteries in the was largely determined by the last construction
historical and cultural landscape of late medieval phase of the monastery (i.e. it was possible to
Slavonia, it was never completely researched. We research the interior and partly the exterior of the
can only hope that a possibility to continue with monastic church, cloister, and smaller portions of
the excavations will emerge, and that the the monastic wings).
Lepoglava monastery will get the attention it Since the late medieval monastery was
deserves. thoroughly deconstructed in 1579 and because the
later monastery was built during the mid 18th
78 It should be mentioned that the dimensions of the church 83 After the Ottoman raid in 1576, the Paulines fled to the
are only assumed, because it was not possible to confirm the safety of Remete monastery. Renovation of the Kamensko
position of the western façade due to the elongation of the monastery in Baroque style lasted from 1749 until 1767. After
church towards the west during its reconstruction in 17 th the dissolution of the order, the former Kamensko monastery
century. became the parish church of St. Jacob. Benger, Annalium
79 Eggerrer, Fragmen panis, 250; Kristolovec, Liber eremi, 396; Kristolovec, Descriptio (Monasterium in
memorabilium, 30-31; Dočkal, Povijest pavlinskog samostana Kamensko), 123a; Lopašić, Oko Kupe, 138-140; Kamilo
Blažene Djevice Marije u Lepoglavi, 58, 156. Dočkal, Samostan Majke Božje Snježne u Kamenskom, 69,
80 Archives of Kamensko monastery (Acta Monast. de 100-106, 123-124. The second renovation of the almost
Kamenzko) encompass the period from 1261 to 1770. All completely devastated Kamensko monastery lasted from 1966
preserved documents are kept in the Hungarian National until 1974, but it was destroyed once again during the
Archives in Budapest. Croatian War of Independence (1991-1995). The third
81 Eggerer, Fragmen panis, 181; Kristolovec, Descriptio renovation of the Kamensko monastery lasted from 1996 until
(Monasterium in Kamensko), 122a; Kovachevich, 2007, and today it holds the seat of the Croatian Province of
Monasteriorum in Croatia (IV de Kamenska); Orosz, Synopsis the O.S.P.P.E.
annalium, 389; Tkalčić, “O stanju više nastave,” 86; Szabo, 84 Archaeological excavations from 1997 to 2000 were led by
“Spomenici kotara Ivanec,” 24; Kruhek, “Povijesno- Domagoj Perkić (Ministry of Culture of Republic of Croatia),
topografski pregled,” 74; Horvat, “Srednjovjekovna and in 2005 and 2006 Ana Azinović Bebek (CCI). Domagoj
arhitektura,” 98; Sekulić, “Pavlinski samostani,” 84-89. Perkić, Arheološka istraživanja i iskopavanja crkve Blažene
82 For the list of benefactors of Kamensko monastery and its Djevice Marije Snježne i pavlinskog samostana u Kamenskom
estates see: Elemér Mályusz, “A szlavoniai és horvátországi [Archaeological excavations of the Church of the Our Lady of
középkori pálos kolostorok oklevelei az Országos Levéltárban” the Snow] (MS) (Karlovac, 2005); Ana Azinović Bebek,
[Charters from slavonian and croatian pauline medieval “Kamensko - pavlinski samostan” [Kamensko - Pauline
monasteries in national archives], LK 8 (1930): 65-111 (70-87); monastery], HAG 2 (2006), 183-184; Ana Azinović Bebek,
Dočkal, Samostan Majke Božje Snježne u Kamenskom “Kamensko - pavlinski samostan” [Kamensko - Pauline
[Monastery of Our Lady of the Snow in Kamensko] (MS) monastery], Hrvatski arheološki godišnjak 3 (2007), 211-212.
(Zagreb, 1953); Pleše, “Pregled pavlinskih samostana,” 213.
127
TAJANA PLEŠE
century, which used the majority of its medieval courtyard was not larger than the later,
foundations, very little information on this Baroque one (ca. 9.5 x 7.8 m). It may be assumed
construction phase was found. Therefore, the that the late medieval monastery had at least two
original late medieval layout can only be assumed. wings, but only the eastern one was partially
confirmed (inter. dim. of the southern one: 5.3 x
1.5 m; inter. dim.: of the northern one: 7.8 x 4.7
m).85 The monastic church (exter. dim.: ca. 23.5 x
11 m), built in compliance with other Pauline
churches, had a rectangular, single nave86 (inter.
dim.: 11.5 x 9 m) and a slightly shorter and
narrower chancel enclosed by a polygonal apse
(inter. dim.: 10.6 x 6 m). On all free façades the
church was reinforced with rectangular
counterforts (removed in 1579 and never rebuilt
again) (fig. 7).
Dobra Kuća, Monastery of St. Anna
The last Pauline monastery established in
the territory of late medieval Slavonia prior to the
Battle of Mohács was the one of St. Anna in Dobra
Kuća87 (near Daruvar), founded in 1412 by the
endowment of Count Benedict.88 Dobra Kuća
Monastery was devastated during the Ottoman
occupation of Slavonia between 1537 and 1542.89
Despite its short existence, monks of Dobra Kuća
Monastery managed to gain several privileges and
the status of locus credibilis, as well as many
Fig. 7. Kamensko, Monastery of Our Lady of the Snow.
Ground-plan of the late medieval monastic church and estates.90
southern part of the eastern wing (black). Nothing much can be said on the youngest
Pauline monastery in late medieval Slavonia. It
The monastery was formed around a cloister. Its may only be assumed that Dobra Kuća Monastery
size could not be affirmed, or if it was rectangular was also organised around a cloister and that the
or squared. However, it may be assumed that late church was situated in its south-eastern part. The
85 Perkić, Arheološka istraživanja, 28-29. the only remaining part of the monastery, was poorly
86 It should be mentioned here that a significant bias form the maintained and was used as a stable. Only in 1861, on the
east-western axis of the nave was noted. It can be assumed that initiative of I. Kukuljević Sakcinski, renovation of the church
this deviation was a result of adaptation to the geo- started in Historicist style. The former Dobra Kuća monastery
morphology of the terrain. is today owned by the Slavonian Diocese of the Serbian
87 Archives of Dobra Kuća monastery (Acta Monast. de Dobra Orthodox Church. Benger, Chronotaxis, 28; Tkalčić, “O stanju
Kucha) encompass the period from 1275 (i.e. 1412) to 1510. više nastave,” 86; Szabo, “Spomenici kotara Ivanec,” 24;
All 48 preserved documents are kept in the Hungarian Dočkal, Samostan sv. Ane, 53-54; Dragan Damjanović,
National Archives in Budapest. “Historicističke obnove crkve sv. Ane u Donjoj Vrijeski”
88 Eggerer, Fragmen panis, 184; Orosz, Synopsis annalium, [Historicist renovations of the Church of St. Anna in Donja
389; Kovachevich, Monasteriorum in Croatia (VI de Vrijeska], Scrinia Slavonica 9 (2009): 125-160.
Dobrakutya); Kristolovec, Descriptio (Monasterium in Dobra 90 For the list of benefactors of Dobra Kuća monastery and its
Kuća), 127a; Szabo, Srednjovječni gradovi, 110-111; Kamilo estates see: Elemér Mályusz, “A szlavoniai és horvátországi
Dočkal, Samostan sv. Ane u Dobroj Kući [Monastery of St. középkori pálos kolostorok oklevelei az Országos Levéltárban”
Anna in Dobra Kuća] (MS) (Zagreb, 1953), 1-3. [Charters from slavonian and croatian pauline medieval
89 Eastern Orthodox monks from Pakra took over the monasteries in national archives], LK 7 (1929): 278-311;
abandoned monastery in 1736, only to leave it in 1777. Dočkal, Samostan sv. Ane; Pleše, “Pregled pavlinskih
However, former the Pauline monastery became a property of samostana,” 214.
the Eastern Orthodox rectory in Bastaji. The former church,
128
monastic church was built in compliance to the Around the time of the Battle of Mohács,94
stylistic characteristics of the order: its the Paulines began to abandon their estates in
longitudinality was emphasized with even endangered territories and moved to safer (and
dimensions of the rectangular, single nave and fortified?) monasteries in Remete, Šenkovec, and
chancel (interior dimensions ca. 9.8 x 4.5 m) Lepoglava. The abandoned monasteries in Dubica,
enclosed by a polygonal apse. The church was Moslavina Mountain, Bakva, Zlat, Streza,
reinforced by rectangular counterforts on all free Kamensko, and Donja Vrijeska were destroyed by
façades (fig. 8). the mid 16th century. Despite the efforts of John
Since the archaeological excavations of the Kristolovec, the General of the Order, to restore
Dobra Kuća Monastery have only just begun,91 it lost Pauline estates in the territory between the
will take some time to expand our knowledge on rivers of Sava and Drava, the Paulines never
this last Pauline monastery founded in late returned to any of them (except for Kamensko).
medieval Slavonia prior to the Battle of Mohács.
The fall of Constantinople in 1453
dramatically altered the political situation, so the
territory of present day Croatia became the
frontline in the defence of both the Kingdom and
the wider European sphere. Despite the growing
political instability during the time of King
Sigismund’s heirs, Pauline monasteries in Slavonia
continued to flourish.92 However, because of the
pending peril of Ottoman attacks, Paulines
directed the expansion of the order towards
Fig. 8. Dobra Kuća, Monastery of St. Anna. Schematic
Primorje and Istria with the help of powerful ground-plan of the late medieval monastic church.
Frankopan Counts.
The “Good King” Matthias Corvinus According to the thus far acquired results
continued the Crown’s benevolent policy towards of the archaeological excavations, several
the favoured “domestic” Order.93 Even though the conclusions on Slavonian late medieval Pauline
Paulines considerably expanded their possessions monasteries can be derived. Except for Zlat, all
during his reign, almost all Slavonian monasteries other Slavonian monasteries were founded on
endured attacks and devastations from Ottoman endowed estates. In general, they were dedicated
troops. Since these were generally rapid, transitory to the Blessed Virgin Mary (Dubica, Moslavina
attacks by smaller Ottoman detachments, the Mountain, Remete, Lepoglava, and Kamensko; in
monasteries were very quickly renovated thanks to Šenkovec together with All Saints). Monasteries
their powerful patrons and royal interventions. were built at some distance from the cities, most
often in valleys (again, except for Zlat).
91 Archaeological excavations were led by Goran Jakovljević HAZU 17 (2000): 61-83 (64-70); Borislav Grgin, Počeci rasapa:
(Bjelovar City Museum). Kralj Matijaš Korvin i srednjovjekovna Hrvatska [The
92 Smičiklas, Poviest Hrvatska, 586-615; Inalcik, Osmansko beginning of the decline: King Mathias Corvinus and late
carstvo, 27-31; Budak and Raukar, Hrvatska povijest srednjeg medieval Croatia] (Zagreb: Ibis grafika, 2001), 5-12; Inalcik,
vijeka, 276-277. Osmansko carstvo, 27-31, 34-38; Budak, “Povijesni okvir,” 25-
93 Eggerer, Fragmen panis, 237-239, 246, 319; Orosz, Synopsis 28; Budak and Raukar, Hrvatska povijest, 278-281; Budak,
annalium, 339-347; Smičiklas, Poviest Hrvatska, 615-668; Hrvatska i Slavonija, 14-15.
Raukar, Hrvatska povijest, 384-389; Ivan Jurković, “Turska 94 Smičiklas, Poviest Hrvatska, 668-724; Jurković, “Turska
opasnost i hrvatski velikaši - knez Bernardin Frankapan i opasnost,” 71-75; Inalcik, Osmansko carstvo, 39-42; Budak,
njegovo doba” [Ottoman menace and Croatian magnates - “Povijesni okvir,” 28-34; Budak and Raukar, Hrvatska povijest,
count Bernardin Frankapan and his age], Zbornik Odsjeka za 279-282, 290-295; Budak, Hrvatska i Slavonija, 15-17.
povijesne znanosti Zavoda za povijesne i društvene znanosti
129
TAJANA PLEŠE
The choice of secluded locations with natural architecture were possible to deduce. Also, many
protection (e.g. mountain tops or plateaus new questions arose. However, archaeological
surrounded by streams and/or rivers) provided excavations and multidisciplinary research will
Paulines with the desired safety (Moslavina continue and in the foreseeable future it will be
Mountain, Zlat, and Streza). possible to know more on the characteristic of
However, built defence systems were sometimes spatial organisation of the Pauline monasteries in
required (Remete and Lepoglava; maybe Šenkovec Late Medieval Slavonia.
and Kamensko).
When establishing the layout of their late
medieval monasteries in Slavonia, the Paulines
carefully considered geo-morphological
constraints and possibilities, and they took great
care to accommodate architectural solutions to
financial abilities of particular community. With
the exception of the Zlat Monastery, all other
monasteries, regardless of the date of their
establishment, were raised in line with an even
scheme: the wings were arranged around a
rectangular or square cloister, while the church
was situated in the south-eastern part of the
monastery (except for Moslavina Mountain).
Unfortunately, thus far no other conclusions can
be derived.
All monastic churches of Slavonian
Pauline monasteries were constructed as buildings
with an emphasised longitudinal axis (excluding
the biggest church in Moslavina Mountain
Monastery and the smallest one at Zlat, the average
exterior dimensions of the Pauline Slavonian
monastery church were 28-30 x 9-11 m), achieved
through roughly equal spatial ratios between a
rectangular, single nave (average interior
dimensions: 13-15 x 7-9 m) and a chancel enclosed
by a polygonal apse (average dimensions: 12-13 x
6-7 m). Due to massive, rectangular counterforts
on all free façades it can be concluded that all
monastic churches were vaulted (except for the
one in Zlat Monastery). Besides their constructive
function, architectural mouldings (especially vault
ribs) had a decorative function, since on many of
them layers of paint (red, blue) were found. For
now, it is not possible to ascertain the system of
light apertures. Furthermore, only by future
excavations of monastic churches will it be
possible to say more on the question of their
interior organisation.
In compliance with the results achieved
thus far through archaeological excavations only
several conclusions on Pauline Slavonian
130
ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN AND THE CULT OF
HOLY RELICS IN SAINT-VANNE ABBEY
(VERDUN, FRANCE)
VALÉRIE SERDON-PROVOST
The excavations in Verdun aim to study Saint-

Vanne, an emblematic suburban monastery of the
city, as well as the corresponding abbatial borough;
both will be considered over a long period of time
and within the context of regional architecture.
The implementation of this fieldwork
seeks to improve how much we know about the
evolution of the abbey church – including possible
antecedent religious buildings – as well as
conventual buildings, the monastic enceinte and Fig. 1. Verdun: location of Saint-Vanne abbey.
the cemetery, the abbey district and its
The key location of Verdun – at the
relationship with the castrum.1
intersection of the Meuse River and the Roman
Located several hundred meters to the
road leading from Reims to Metz – which gives
west of the castrum on a hilltop at the crossroads
access to the region of the Rhineland – helps in
of major routes and rivers during Antiquity and the
understanding the spiritual and material influence
Middle Ages, this architectural complex occupies a
of the abbey. This abbey grew in importance as a
prominent place in the urban landscape. This has
centre of the Lotharingian monastic reform in the
been the case from the first community of canons
eleventh century, a phenomenon which resulted
to its transformation into a Benedictine abbey in
in the growing self-confidence and independence
952 (by bishop Berangar of Verdun), 2 to its
of the abbey. 4 Placed under the protection of
integration within a major modern citadel during
powerful and richly endowed individuals, the
the second half of the sixteenth century.3
abbey exercised its full authority on its
surroundings and their inhabitants during this
period.5

Lorraine University - MSH – CRULH, 3, Nancy Cedex ed., La Meuse, Carte Archéologique de la Gaule (Paris:
France; valerie.serdon @univ-lorraine.fr. Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 2001).
1 Alain Girardot, ed., Histoire de Verdun (Toulouse: Privat, 4 Frank G. Hirschmann, Verdun im hohen Mittelalter: eine
1982). lothringische Kathedralstadt und ihr Umland im Spiegel der

2 Bertaire, Gesta episcoporum Virdunensium = Monumenta geistlichen Institutionen (Trier: THF Verl. Trierer Historische
Germaniae Historica. Scriptores, IV, ed. Georg Heinrich Forschungen, 1996); Michel Parisse, La Lorraine monastique
Waitz (Hanover: 1886), 45; Anne Wagner, Gorze au XIe siècle: (Nancy: Presses Universitaires de Nancy, 1981).
contribution à l’histoire du monachisme bénédictin dans 5 Alain Dierkens, Abbayes et chapitres entre Sambre et Meuse
l’Empire (Nancy: Artem, 1996), 32; Jean-Pol Évrard, “Actes (VIIe-XIe siècles) (Sigmaringen: J. Thorbecke, 1985); Dom
des Princes Lorrains, 2e série: Princes ecclésiastiques, III. Les Hubert Dauphin, Le Bienheureux Richard Abbé de Saint-
évêques de Verdun, des origines à 1107” (PhD diss. Nancy II Vanne de Verdun † 1046, Bibliothèque de la Revue d’Histoire
University, 1977), 37–45. Ecclésiastique 24 (Louvain-Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 1946);
3 Felix Liénard, Archéologie de la Meuse, description des voies Michèle Gaillard, “Site et topographie des monastères en
anciennes et des monuments aux époques celtiques et gallo- “Lorraine” du VIIe au IXe siècle,” in Actes des XXVIe Journées
romaines, I-II (Verdun: Ch. Laurent, 1884); Franck Gama, d’Archéologie Mérovingienne, L’Austrasie, Sociétés,
Verdun, Documents d’évaluation du patrimoine économies, territoires, christianisation Nancy, 22-25 Sept.
archéologique des villes de France, Centre National 2005, eds. Jacques Guillaume and Édith Peytremann (Nancy:
d’Archéologie Urbaine (Paris: AFAN, 1997); Franck Mourot, Presses Universitaires de Nancy, 2008), 197–204.
131
VALÉRIE SERDON-PROVOST
tenth century – Sanctinus (Saintin), the first bishop

of Verdun, was buried inside. The tradition of a
funeral basilica dedicated to the apostles Peter and
Paul comes from Hugh of Flavigny's Chronicle
from the end of the eleventh century. The site
would have received episcopal graves up to the
eighth century. In particular, Madalveus promoted
the cult of Saint Vanne, the eighth bishop of
Verdun, who died in 528-529; this cult developed
so emphatically after his burial that his name was
substituted for the ancient patrons of the church.
This development was stimulated by miracles
which would have taken place at his grave.7
Studies on this building and its
dependences focused mostly on the aristocratic
graves from the period of the establishment of the
clerks' first community until the monks’ departure
after the Revolution. The church constitutes a very
early and extremely favourable point of urban
aggregation; this is partially understandable by its
reputation and its role in the reform under
Richard's abbacy,8 receiving the graves of the post-
Carolingian regional elites such as the family of
Ardennes.9 This abbot preserved the autonomy of
the monastery, restored abbey buildings,
consolidated its temporal possessions and
promoted the cult of relics. The Investiture
Conflict broke out during this brilliant
Fig. 2. Reform and the Investiture contest in the late
eleventh century (Patrick Healy, The chronicle of Hugh of
development. The abbey showed a renewed
Flavigny (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006. vitality after this troubled period and it exercised
some influence during the thirteenth and
Sources fourteenth centuries, in spite of an eventful history.
Historiographical tradition credits a former Independent from Cluny and Cîteaux, this abbey
occupation on the site. A suburban church – a still wielded a considerable influence in the East
Merovingian foundation originally dedicated to and North of France. After a system of
Saint Peter and Saint Paul – and a xenodochium are commendatory abbots in the fifteenth century
attested there in the will of the deacon Adalgisus,
dated to 634.6 According to Berthar – the canon
who wrote a history of Verdun in the beginning of
6 Nancy Gauthier, Évangélisation des pays de la Moselle. La 9Michel Margue, ed., Sépulture, mort et représentation du
province romaine de première Belgique entre Antiquité et pouvoir au Moyen Âge, Actes des 11e journées lotharingiennes,
Moyen Âge (IIIe-VIIe siècle) (Paris: De Boccard, 1980), 415. 26-29 septembre 2000, 2006 (Luxembourg: Publications de la
7 Bertaire, Gesta, IV, 39–45; Hugues de Flavigny, Chronicon, section historique de l’Institut Royal du Grand-Duché de
in Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores, VIII, ed. Luxembourg, 2006); Jean-Pol Évrard, “Les comtes de Verdun
Georg Heinrich Pertz (Hanover: 1848), 288–339. au Xe et XIe siècles,” in La maison d'Ardenne Xe-XIe siècles.
8 Steven Vanderputten, “Identité collective et mémoire des Actes des Journées Lotharingiennes, 24 – 26 oct. 1980
réformes “richardiennes” dans l’historiographie bénédictine (Luxembourg: Publications de la section historique de
en Basse-Lotharingie et au nord-est de la France (XIe-XIIe l’Institut Royal du Grand-Duché de Luxembourg, 1981), 153–
siècles),” Le Moyen Âge CXVII (2011): 259–289. 182; Gaillard, “Site et topographie des monastères en
“Lorraine.”
132
Architectural design and the cult of Holy Relics in Saint-Vanne abbey
Fig. 3. Israël Sylvestre, 1669, engraving, Bibliothèque

Municipale de Verdun. Notre-Dame cathedral (on the right)
and Saint-Vanne abbey (on the left).
Fig. 4. Aerial photography of the excavation (August 2012,

Jean-Marie Perraux).
133
Fig. 5. The abbey complex with excavation area (source:

engraving, 1820, Vincennes archives, France; topography:
Cédric Moulis).
Fig. 6. “Tour Saint-Vanne”, last Romanesque remains of the

former abbey church (July 2011, Valérie Serdon).
134
and some religious conflicts, the abbey fell into Moreover the theory of a pre-Roman installation
decline once again. Fervour returned in 1604 with on the site, as in the castrum area, is not out of
the foundation of the Benedictine congregation of question. On the other hand, the historiographical
Saint-Vanne and Saint-Hydulphe on the initiative tradition regarding the site depends on a set of
of Dom Didier de la Cour, prior and reformer of reading akin to hagiography. It is thus necessary to
the Order of Saint Benedict after the Council of consider this data based upon tradition cautiously;
Trent.10 The conventual activity was terminated in one cannot accept the monks’ literature at face
1792 and the abbey was dismantled in nineteenth value, with their strong bias in favour of the abbey
century.11 and their attempts to trace back the origin of
Unexplored iconographical document- foundation as far as possible, as well as their
tation (old drawings, engravings, and pictures of glorification of certain characters.13
the nineteenth century) has been confronted with Another historiographical bias specific to
some new archaeological data, collected in this Verdun comes from the weight of the recent
originally extramural district, in order to military past – particularly sensitive in the citadel
characterize possible discontinuities in the – which eclipsed entire stretches of its history for
occupation and to understand the very complex a while.
phenomenon of spatial organization here. The objectives and results of the
This survey takes into account the excavation
constraints as well as the opportunities offered by The results of the two first seasons of
the site; occupied by the French Army for excavations are promising; the main objective was
centuries, the area was returned to the civil a greater understanding the layout of the site. 14
authorities in 2009, making it only possible then to The function of spaces (e.g. the place of worship
undertake this research in the former urbanized and burial ground) will be especially considered in
space enclosed by the building of the modern relation to the local cult of holy relics. A
citadel. This military base, even if it is comparison with other monasteries of the greater
underground, was not totally spared from damage Mosan area (in present-day Belgium) is essential,
and was thus exempted from city planning and not especially when it comes to their architectural and
subjected to preventive archaeological projects. It stylistic character.
is thus well adapted to scientific issues, the This research aims to evaluate the
diachronic and multidisciplinary research. archaeological potential in this zone of the abbey
Moreover, the regional setting allows a training complex. Determining the earliest human
project for students in archaeology to be organized. settlements and the overall chronology will be the
Local scholars have made essential foremost task. Of special interest are the various
observations in situ, which have been published in phases of development as well as the architectural
the second half of the nineteenth century. It was plans and building projects related to the edifice,
thus established that, in the citadel area, the first its links with lay districts, parochial churches and
archaeological remains date from the beginning of burial grounds – and a potential Roman road. The
our era under study. In particular, Gallo-Roman results will be confronted with other well studied
architectural elements were found reused in the models in the Meuse valley and present-day
foundations of the former abbey church at the time Belgium. The church building known today from
of its destruction by the army around 1830. 12 various documents (architectural sketches as well
10 Gérard Michaux, “Une fondation tridentine : la 12 Liénard, Archéologie de la Meuse, II, 17.
congrégation bénédictine de Saint-Vanne,” RHEF 75, no. 194 13 Hugues de Flavigny, Chronicon, VIII.
(1989), 145–146. 14 Many people have contributed to the excavations: Laurent
11 Jean Ernest Godefroy, Les bénédictins de Saint-Vanne et la Vermard (INRAP), Arnaud Lefebvre (INRAP), Samuel
Révolution (Paris: E. Champion, 1918); Nicolas Roussel, Provost (Lorraine University) and Jacques Guillaume (CNRS):
Histoire ecclésiastique et civile de Verdun avec le pouillé, la Valérie Serdon et al., Rapport de la fouille programmée, site
carte du diocèse et le plan de la ville, par un chanoine de la de l’abbaye Saint-Vanne, la citadelle haute (Verdun, Meuse)
même ville, II (Paris: P.-G. Simon, 1745), 58. (Metz: SRA, 2012, 2013 and 2014).
135
as surveys) cannot be earlier than the second half markings on these graves are not observable
of the fifteenth century. It is a Gothic building, a anymore. The chronology and organization of
halle-church with a Romanesque portal and these burials and their relationship with a possible
towers, whose north tower in the west front primary church was clarified in 2013, as well as its
remains the only one still preserved in elevation links with a site of a presumed contemporary cult.
today. The overall measurements of the church are A grave carved into the bedrock of particular
about 56 m long by 24 m wide. importance was excavated; although it was
Four objectives were clearly laid out for partially plundered, it still contained a gold signet
the first campaigns of excavations: ring and a fragment of a gold and garnet clasp from
- to determine the exact area occupied by a Merovingian purse. The beginning of a
the last stage of the abbey church destroyed by the hypogeum structure was revealed next to the built
Military Engineering in 1830; grave and with the same orientation. Partially
- to evaluate the state of preservation of the excavated in July 2013, this is an oriented east-west
architectural substructures; building with a rectangular shape, approximately
- to date the different building stages of the eight meters wide, semi-buried, dug into the rock
discovered buildings (pictorial evidence shows substrate, with two column bases and walls
both Romanesque and Gothic architectural originally covered with paintings. Its secondary
elements); use (most probably as an ossuary) still needs to be
- to confirm, as previous fortuitous securely dated.16
discoveries suggest, that the abbey became The changing place of burials will be
integrated into a larger area occupied by laymen, studied as well, in particular the transition from ad
and to study its relationship with previous sanctos burials near holy relics to the parochial
constructions as well as the position and cemetery of Saint-Remy, which is expected to be
orientation of associated graves. very close though at present it has not been located.
Two trenches were opened, the first to find Furthermore, the typology of the graves, in
the foundations of the South lateral wall of the particular some stone sarcophagi, has been the
Gothic church and the second to clarify the object of study in regards to techniques and
location of the presumed east end of the abbey materials.
church. The surface of cleaning represented Regarding the main abbey church, the
approximately 1500 m². foundations of the nave and the south wall of the
Field excavations, during 2012-2013 building have totally disappeared; they were still
confirmed an early medieval occupation in a zone standing at the beginning of the nineteenth
close to the post-eleventh century abbey church. century, according to the documentation. The
The excavation revealed a rather important cluster church was used as a quarry in a thorough fashion
of Merovingian graves which are the most and all its building material was carried away.
remarkable aspect of the discoveries; the artefacts
are exceptionally crafted and well-dated (to the
end of fifth/beginning of the sixth century),
retrieved from some “aristocratic graves”
excavated from the bedrock and which had
thankfully been left mostly intact. 15 The
destruction caused by contemporary activities
explains that the superior occupation levels have
been removed in this sector and possible surface
15Jacques Guillaume, “Étude préliminaire du mobilier 16Isabelle Mangeot, “Site de Verdun `Abbaye Saint-Vanne`
mérovingien,” in Rapport de la fouille programmée, site de (55 Meuse). Étude préliminaire du bâtiment excavé de la zone
l’abbaye Saint-Vanne, la citadelle haute (Verdun, Meuse) 1.3: bâti, série ostéologique et matériel,” I-II (MA thesis,
(Metz: SRA, 2012), 51–64. Lorraine University, 2014).
136
Fig. 7. Structure 1020 with column bases and ossuary (August

2013, Samuel Provost).
Fig. 8. The former Gothic abbey church with new

archaeological discoveries (September 2014,
Nicolas Mangeot).
137
Fig. 9. Oldest phase with several occupation levels and bases

of pillars (August 2013, Valérie Serdon).
Fig 10. Second phase composed of a thick wall built from

heavy quarry stones with a lot of reused Romanesque
architectural elements (July 2013, Valérie Serdon).
138
Fig. 11. Third observed level of occupation: semi-circular
foundation wall, belonging to the Gothic style chevet of the
abbey church (August 2013,
Valérie Serdon).
Fig. 12. Architectural element dated to the thirteenth

century (September 2013, Valérie Serdon).
139
Fig. 13. Zone of the crypt complex at the end of the

excavation (August 2013).
Fig. 14. Fosses, Belgium: the abbey with outer crypt

(Patrice Bertrand).
140
Fig. 15. The abbey crypt of Malmédy, Belgium (Valérie

Serdon, Isabelle Mangeot).
Fig. 16. The abbey crypt of Saint Maurus (Verdun) (July

2013, Samuel Provost).
141
The area where the east end of the abbey The third observable level of occupation appears as
church was located has been carefully examined to a semi-circular wall which leans on the wall of the
understand the various construction stages of the previous phase. It is also a foundation wall,
building. During the first campaign, a test belonging to the Gothic style chevet of the abbey
excavation was opened at what was presumed to be church, but its construction is less careful. In the
the chevet. But this sector was revealed to be middle of the apse, the base of the wall is supported
particularly disturbed by the digging of a trench by a discharging arch which was needed due to the
during the First World War and the layout of existence of an important fault in the geologic
numerous contemporary water drains. substratum there. The rest of the foundation wall
Nonetheless, we were able to determine goes down less deeply, though it cuts two pillars of
that the oldest phase is marked by the presence of the Romanesque phase which were found during
several occupation levels, one of which is the dismantling of this foundation. This masonry
contemporary with several bases of pillars. The contains a lot of re-used architectural elements;
first observed level corresponds to lime mortar most of them are attributable to the thirteenth
deposits on the geological soil which goes up along century.
the base of pillars and the north side wall made of The function of these vestiges (foundation,
limestone. It is covered with several levels of lime elevation and floor), their construction mode
mortar and beaten earth floors which are marked (thickness, mortar and shape), organization and
with pebbles. location in comparison with ground plans and
Underneath these various floor levels, we earlier statements allows us to identify them as
have observed the presence of oblong cavities, abbey church remains. These observations, as well
corresponding most probably to some plundered as the position of the remains in respect to the
graves. One of them contains a perfectly preserved historical topography, suggest their position
skull which will allow for radiocarbon dating; this within the building and allow us to determine two
will clarify the stratigraphic observations which spaces of different functions which can be divided
for the time present can only lead to a relative into three important phases. The first phase, whose
chronology. As of now, the stratigraphy and the construction is partially cut in the calcareous
building techniques of the pillars explicitly link substratum, can be interpreted as a crypt; the
the remains to the Romanesque style (i.e. the remains of five pillars were discovered, and a sixth
eleventh century). was inferred.
The second phase discovered at this place For the third phase, the only levels that can
is composed of a thick wall (2,7 m wide), oriented be observed are foundation levels located above
east-west, and built from heavy quarry stones with the substrate as well as the previous phases’ backfill.
some hard lime mortar joints. This is a foundation Its shape and its situation suggest localization in
wall built with many reused architectural elements the choir of the last abbey church, which would
(such as Romanesque bases and fanlights), and not include a crypt.
which cut through levels of the previous phase in The hypothesis of the excavated remains
the ground. No floor associated with this indicates three building phases. The first dates to
foundation has been observed. A burial cuts the Romanesque style building most likely begun
through the filling of this wall’s foundation trench. under the abbacy of Richard (abbot 1004-1046)
There again, radiocarbon dating on this skeleton while the second phase dates to the Gothic style
will allow a more refined chronological approach building, established by abbot Etienne Bourgeois
to this phase. (died 1452); this chronology needs to be proved.17
Radiocarbon dating from the graves should give us
an improved chronology of these three phases.
Beyond these stratigraphical indications, this
17Roussel, Histoire ecclésiastique et civile de Verdun; abbé de Saint-Vannes de Verdun (1417-1452) (Nancy: Sidot
Madeleine Buvignier-Cloüet, Notice sur Étienne Bourgeois, frères, 1892).
142
research leans heavily on the systematic inventory Among them, the dominant person is
of various categories of architectural remains Richard, to whom we attribute the reform of many
(sculpted and unworked stones, or architectural churches such as Waulsort, Saint-Hubert, Stavelot
elements like small columns). and Malmédy; at the same time, Saint-Peter of
The goal would thus be to localize the Châlons and Saint-Lawrence of Liège, were both
Romanesque building chevet. Two architectural dedicated in 1034.21 This gives an idea of the extent
solutions should then be considered: 1) the crypt, of his activity and “international” personality.
partially excavated into the substratum, was Indeed, some of these churches were furnished
located under a raised choir; or the crypt was an with external crypts: at Susteren (near Maastricht),
exterior structure, like a few other examples from at Saint Barthelemy of Liège and Fosses, which
the Mosan region (Gembloux, Saint-Lawrence of may be the best-preserved but also the latest (end
Liège) and one should then look for the of the eleventh century). A similar setup can be
Romanesque chevet westward. 18 These questions found in Saint-Memmie Monastery (in Châlons) or
at present remain unsolved. the oriental complex constructed in the eleventh
The study of sculpture elements and century in Saint-Hubert.
architectural choices are important to understand Among the churches built in Verdun in the
external influences, in particular under the abbacy first half of the eleventh century, none seem to
of powerful clerics who were looking for have this type of crypt.
experienced and qualified teams. The disseminated But Verdun has lost its collegiate churches
evidence in written sources is not enough to and other abbey buildings, with the exception of
deduce some possible stylistic distinctive features, the abbey crypt of Saint Maurus (founded by
which could connect this building with the Heimo before 1011) and the remains of Saint-
architecture of the Rhineland or Mosan area. The Vanne Abbey.22
first stage of this work, consists of collecting useful Rebuilt from 1004 at the initiative of
samples in art history in this confluence region; Richard of Saint-Vanne and the family of
this will lead to a comparison with other religious Ardennes, the Saint-Vanne abbey played a leading
buildings, either excavated or not, in the former role. Until recently, we knew only a few things
area of the ecclesiastical province of Trier.19 about it.
Through contact with France and the The oldest remains were the western north
Empire, emblematic monuments have often been tower, dated from the twelfth century, which has
initiated by individuals who also worked on the similarities with the transept and the east choir of
Meuse banks and around the Mosan axis: Poppon, the Verdun Cathedral from the twelfth century, as
Richard of Saint-Vanne, the monks of Saint Hubert well as some remains from the Gothic cloister.23
and important local families, primarily, the The crypt remains have now been identified on the
Ardennes-Verdun.20 basis of written evidence. Were the two western
towers the complete implementation of Abbot
Conon (after 1142-1178) or were they inherited
form the original architectural choices made by
18 Luc-Francis Genicot, Les églises mosanes du XIe siècle. Livre 22 Rollins Guild, François Héber-Suffrin, and Anne Wagner,
I : architecture et société (Louvain: Presses universitaires de “Saint-Maur dans l’organisation ecclésiale de Verdun, un
Louvain, 1972). monastère de femmes et son pèlerinage,” in Espace ecclésial et
19 Xavier Barral I Altet, Belgique romane et Grand-duché de liturgie au Moyen Âge, ed. Anne Baud (Lyon: Maison de
Luxembourg (Paris: Zodiaque, 1989). l’Orient et de la Méditerranée-Jean Pouilloux, 2010), 347–368;
20 Dauphin, Le Bienheureux Richard; Dierkens, Abbayes et Bertrand, “Architecture autour de l’an mil,” 192.
chapitres entre Sambre et Meuse, 270; Patrice Bertrand, 23 Hans-Günther Marschall, Lorraine romane, trad. fr. Gosbert
“Architecture autour de l’an mil autour de la Meuse,” in Schecher (Paris: Zodiaque, 1984); Michaël George, La
L’Ardenne. des frontières en l’an Mil, ed. Cédric Moulis, cathédrale de Verdun des origines à nos jours : étude
(Nancy: Presses Universitaires de Nancy, 2015), 190. historique et sociale d’un édifice à l’architecture millénaire
21 Hugues de Flavigny, Chronicon, VIII; Bertrand, (Nancy: Presses Universitaires de Nancy, 2013).
“Architecture autour de l’an mil,” 185.
143
Count Frederic at the beginning of the eleventh

century?
The description by Hugh of Flavigny of the
works ordered for Saint Vanne by Richard from
1004 gives an idea of the quality of these
productions, in particular, a very rich (by its
material and its iconography) pulpitum; it also
shows how these works are financed, most often
by the imperial intervention, notably the
contemporaneous Holy Roman Emperor Henry
II.24
24 Bertrand, “Architecture autour de l’an,” 237.
144
Artistic Patronage and Sources
of Monastic Wealth
CHURCH AND SALT. MONASTERIES AND by the legate Jacopo Pecorari and sealed by King
SALT TRADE IN THE MEDIEVAL KINGDOM Andrew II survived in the next decades.
OF HUNGARY (11TH–13TH CENTURIES) As far as the charters are concerned, we
have about a dozen of them before the year of the
oath of Bereg. Three of them are dated to the
BEATRIX F. ROMHÁNYI eleventh century. According to the foundation
charter of the Benedictine abbey of Pécsvárad
According to the wide-spread opinion the (1015) the founder, King Saint Stephen gave large
exploitation and the trade of salt coming from the privileges on salt to the monastery, including
Transylvanian mines was from the earliest times mining, transport and trading, without quantity
royal privilege in the Hungarian Kingdom. This restriction. 3 Alas, the charter is interpolated,
seems to be supported by the incident between compiled in the thirteenth century according to
King Saint Stephen and the lord of the the model of the privileges of the Pannonhalma
Maros/Mureş Region, Ajtony since the latter one abbey and this part is certainly false.
– allegedly – broke the law by hindering the Another eleventh-century donation is
transport of the royal salt and imposing tolls on it connected to the abbey of Bakonybél (also
on the river.1 The story is known only from the Benedictine) which – allegedly – in 1086 or in
Legend of Saint Gerhard and this fact is already a 1092 received a certain number of salt
hint for the researcher to be very careful: the final transporting boats on the Mureş/Maros from King
version of the text was compiled in the fourteenth Saint Ladislaus. However, this charter was later,
century, the earliest parts being from the twelfth in the first half of the twelfth century completed,
century, but it also contains some elements dating and the paragraph in question belongs to this later
back to the eleventh. The question is “only” part.4 Certainly, the salt transporting servants and
whether this very section can be dated to this the boats were also referred to in the 1130s when
very early layer or not. the property of the abbey, after having been
Another commonly shared consensus is occupied by a certain Opus (comes udvarnicorum
about the oath of Bereg, namely about the royal of the King), was restored.5 Comes Opus did not
donation of salt to a number of church act as a private person: as a royal official he
institutions, mainly along the Mureş/Maros probably had to control the royal incomes and to
River.2 This privilege is usually referred to as if revise whether some parts of it went illegally to
the different bishops, collegial chapters and foreign hands. Taking this into consideration we
abbeys had received the salt so that they could may suppose that in the first decades of the
sell it on their own. But is this really the sense of twelfth century it was not a common thing that
the text? Or even was it a long-lasting system in abbeys took part in the salt trade and received
Hungary? The number of complementary sources income out of it.
is rather limited, however, it is worth analysing The third charter mentioning the
them in a common framework in order the donation of salt income dates from 1075: the
understand the presumed system and to decide – foundation charter of the Hronský Benadík/
if it is possible – what the intent of the 1233 Garamszentbenedek abbey. According to the text,
charter was and whether the privilege compiled
3 †1015: DHA, I, 63–80 (with the detailed critical evaluation
of the text). The formulation (“…et salicidio ab omni
 Department of Medieval History, Károli Gáspár Calvinist inquietudine liberimo, quod nec tributariorum cupiditas, nec
University, Budapest; t.romhanyi @gmail.com. possit potentum violentia perturbare.”) is very odd and it has
1 Emericus Madzsar, ed., “Legenda s. Gerhardi maior,” in no parallel in the medieval Hungarian charters. It is also
Scriptores rerum Hungaricarum, vol. II, ed. Emericus suspicious that neither the site of the salt mine, nor the
Szentpétery (Budapest: Nap Kiadó, 1999 [Reprint]), 489–490. quantity are indicated, furthermore there is no reference to
“...usurpabat sibi potestatem, super sales regis descendentes the transportation.
in Morosio, constituens in portibus eiusdem fluminis usque 4 *1086: DHA, I, 247–249, 255. “Item dedi XXIIII mansiones
ad Ticiam tributaries et custodies conclusitque omnia sub cum salifodio et cum tribus navibus, ut ipsimet lapides salis
tributo.” efodiant fossatosque III vicibus per annum sine omni
2 Ferdinandus Knauz, ed., Monumenta Ecclesiae Strigoniensis tributo.”
vol. I (Strigonii [Esztergom], 1874), 448. 5 1131: PRT, VIII, 247.
147
BEATRIX F. ROMHÁNYI
King Géza II gave the abbey the toll paid near founded by the King’s father, Prince Álmos thirty
Turda/Torda/Thorenburg after the salt years earlier. The description of the salt transport
(transport?).6 In this case it is clear that the monks is very accurate: the two boats of Dömös go and
were not directly involved in the salt business, return six times a year on the River Mureş/Maros,
they just received a certain income, in money or they transport 24000 pieces of salt from
in nature. Furthermore, according to the opinion Transylvania (let us not define yet what this
of Boglárka Weisz, based on two thirteenth means) till a place called forum Sumbuth
century charters, the abbey acquired the toll as (Szombathely, today Sâmbăteni/Szabadhely). This
late as after 1209.7 settlement, situated near Bizere on the right bank
Thus, we have three charters from the of the river, does not appear again in any of the
first century of the Hungarian Kingdom that known charters connected to the salt trade.
mention different types of salt donations to three The next charter was issued for the
different Benedictine abbeys in Western Chapter of Óbuda in 1148 by King Géza II,
Hungary. There is not too much to speak about containing among others the toll of the boats
the alleged donation to the Pécsvárad abbey since carrying wine and salt on the Danube.9 In 1157
its formulation is very vague, and the charter the archbishop of Esztergom received the salt tolls
itself has been proven to be false. However, the of Nána and Kakat (two villages north from the
donations of King Géza I to Garamszentbendek city, today Nána and Šturovo in Slovakia). 10
and of Saint Ladislaus to Bakonybél are more Similarly, the abbey of Meszes11 received a toll-
difficult. Although large parts of the charters can like income in 1165 from King Stephen III: one
be dated to the late eleventh century, the sections cube of salt went to the abbey from each salt
containing the privilege on salt transport do not carrying cart that crossed the Meseş/Meszes
belong to the original text issued in 1075 and in Pass.12 Despite the differences there is something
1086, respectively. Nevertheless, the privilege of similar in these two charters: the churches
Bakonybél abbey did exist before 1131, as it is received only the income, without participating
supported by the charter of King Béla II. In this in the business directly – just like in the case of
case the question is: who gave the salt boats to the the Garamszentbenedek abbey.
abbey? For the time of King Ladislaus it seems to From the 1180s on, the charters
be a little bit early. However, the description of multiplied and their content changed, as well.
the donation is detailed, similar to the donation The first document of this series is the privilege
given by King Béla II for the Collegial of Dömös given to the Nitra/Nyitra Bishopric in 1183.
which would support its authenticity. In any case, According to this text, the bishopric received
the privileges of Bakonybél and of Dömös suggest three boats with the same rights which were
that something new began around 1100. Was it
the donation of privileges in salt transport or was
navibus. In Ultrasilvanis partibus sunt mansiones, qui sal
it the salt transport itself? dare debent, scilicet viginti quatuor millia salis.”
In fact, the first really reliable charter is 9 Weisz, A királyketteje, 307.
10 Weisz, A királyketteje, 212–213 and 275.
certainly the just mentioned donation of King
11 The abbey was built on the territory of the antique
Béla II from 1138. 8 The Collegial itself was
Porolissum. Its ruins are in the confines of the village
Nyirsid/Mirșid.
6 1075: DHA, I, 206–218. “Ultra et syluam ad castrum, quod 12 1165: MNL OL DL 76136 – Emericus Nagy et al., eds., A
vocatur Turda, dedi tributum salinarum, in loco, qui dicitur zichi és vásonkeői gróf Zichy-család idősb ágának
Hungarice Aranyas, Latine autem aureus; scilicet medietatem okmánytára. Codex diplomaticus domus senioris comitum
regiae partis.” Zichy de Zich et Vasonkeo, vol. I (Pestini, 1871), 2.
7 Boglárka Weisz, “A királyketteje és az ispán harmada. Vámok “…quicunque deferentes sal per portam Meches transirent,
és vámszedés Magyarországon a középkor első felében de singulis curribus de … salinorum ad regiam partem
[Customs and customs duties in Hungary in the first part of the pertinentium unum lapidem salis predicto monasterio darent.
Middle Ages], (Budapest: MTA BTK, 2013), 55–56. Si vero contigerit, quod aliquando pro salibus predictis
8 1138: CDH, II, 104. “In villa Sachtu sunt allatores salis, denarios in partem regis acceperint, de singulis curribus
quorum nomina haec sunt:… Isti per annum sexies redeunt unius lapidis pretium de parte regis predicto monasterio
de Ultrasilvanis partibus, usque ad forum Suburh cum duabus semper solvatur.”
148
Church and salt. Monasteries and salt in the medieval Kingdom of Hungary
given earlier the abbey of Bizere and the Collegial Heiligenkreuz in Lower Austria, 17 in 1217 the
of Arad. 13 Beside the fact that the formulation Chapter of Zagreb,18 in 1222 the Teutonic Order19
refers to the earlier privileges of two other and in 1225 the Cistercian abbey of Borsmonostor
ecclesiastic institutions the charters of which did (later Klostermarienberg).20 In the same period, in
not survive, it also gives the bishop the 1217 another Benedictine abbey (Szigetmonostor)
permission to have more boats and thus to received an income connected to the salt, namely
transport the given amount at once instead of in 60 marks from the salt sold in
three portions. This means that – unlike in later Bratislava/Pozsony/Preßburg, in compensation
periods – there was a single type of boat used on for the half of the Pest toll taken by the King.21 In
the river. It is also worth mentioning that the
town of Szeged occurs for the first time in this
privilege, as an alternative harbour for unload the ecclesiae pro remedio animae suae concessit, sub eadem
libertate, quae in eiusedem regis authentice est expressa.”
boats. 17 1208: Johann Nepomuk Weis, ed., Urkunden des
Less than ten years later, in 1192 the Cistercienser-Stiftes Heiligenkreuz im Wiener Walde, vol. I,
abbey of Pannonhalma received a privilege to Fontes rerum Austriacarum 2. XI (Wien, 1856), 39. “Preterea
have three boats on the Mureş/Maros and to eidem cenobio tria milia salium qui regales dicuntur, sicut a
recolende memorie predecessoribus nostris, patre videlicet ac
transport the salt to the abbey itself.14 This time it fratre regibus, concessa fuerunt ab antiquo in Suprun in festo
is not referred to how many times the boats went sancti regis a salinariis sub pena duli de proprio sine omni
and returned. The privilege was repeated by King contradictione persolvenda … confirmamus.”
Andrew II in 1211, with the same formulation as The same privilege was repeated in 1217: Weis,
the privilege of Nyitra in 1183. 15 A number of Heiligenkreuz, I, 54. “Istud etiam non est pretereundum
silentio, quod propter anime nostre remedium donationem
further privileges given by King Béla III and/or de tribus milibus zuanorum, quos nostrorum antecessorum,
King Emeric are referred to by King Andrew II patris atque fratris regum inclyte memorie, diligens pietas
(see below) but the original charters did not dicto monasterio contulerat, iterato auctoritatis nostre
survive. privilegio confirmamus, ita videlicet, ut extra rationem et
fisci nostri compotum a salinariis preter quorumlibet
In the thirteenth century some more exactionem tributorum auxilio Suprunensis comitis annuatim
churches received different salt privileges. Such in Suprun ad festum sancti regis iure perpetuo libere
donations were given before 1204 the Collegial of persolvantur.” Confirmed in 1233 with the price regulation
Buda, 16 before 1196 the Cistercian abbey of of the Bereg treaty in ÁÚO, I, 184 (1233): “…pro singulis
centum zuanis unam marcam…”
18 1217: ÁÚO, XI, 148–149. “Zagrabiensis dioecesis
monasterium… dotavimus: quatenus salinarii super Marisii
13 1183: ÁÚO, XI, 48. “Preterea tres naves saliferas ea fluvium constituti de salibus aquaticis, eiusdem ecclesie
libertate, quam habent naves monasterii de Bisra in emendo canonicis et non episcopo, valens quinquaginta marcas de
et deferendo sale, sive Orodini, sive in Ciggedin servari salibus in loco qui vocatur Zegedin, annuatim ante festum
placuerit, Nitriensi Ecclesie concessi, et ad preces episcopi, si Sancti Regis Stephani persolvere teneantur, ac iam dictis
potuerit naves habere sufficientes, quod tribus viis deduci canonicis usque Zagrabiam absque omni tributo deportandis,
debet, ut una via deducatur, ex regia liberalitate adieci.” et cum omnimoda libertate, si eis expedierit vendicioni
14 1192: ÁÚO, VI, 183. “…tres naves saliferas liberas exponendis.”
contulimus, ea videlicet libertate privilegiatas, ut ab ipso In fact, the salary of Heiligenkreuz received from the
salifodine loco usque ad iam dictum Montem Pannonie, tam Hungarian King is earlier than the earliest similar donation
per aquam, quam per terram nemo de salibus in illis tribus given by an Austrian archduke (1219). Cf. Weis,
navibus delatis tributum exigere, vel aliqua alia dampnifica Heiligenkreuz, I, 55.
exactione audeat eas attemptare, vel infestare.” The privilege 19 1222: Ub, I, 19. The authenticity of the charter is discussed:
was repeated in 1211 (ÁÚO, VI, 348–349). DHA, I, 248–250.

15 1211: ÁÚO, VI, 349. “…nos de nostra devotione eidem 20 1225: ÁÚO, I, 428.
monasterio expressiorem concedimus libertatem, videlicet: ut 21 1217: MNL OL DL 83 – ÁÚO, XI, 150. “Cum itaque frater
predicte naves Sancti Martini per omnia eam libertatem noster Emericus rex inclite memorie medietatem tributi de
habeant, quam Bistryensis et Orodiensis ecclesiarum naves Pesth monasterio Tyburcii comitis de Insula iure perpetuo
utantur.” contulisset, et nos postmodum idem tributum ad magnam
16 1212: CDH, III/1, 123. By this charter King Andrew II insulam nostris deputassemus usibus, in eiusdem
restored the possessions of the Buda Collegial given by his restauracionem plenariam LX marcas de salibus terrestribus
brother King Emeric before 1204, among them the salary: “et annuatim in Posonio persolvendas memorato monastario in
tyminios etiam salium, quos idem Hemericus rex eidem perpetuum assignauimus.” The text refers to the earlier
149
1232 we learn that the abbey of Bakonybél the storage or only barns where they could keep
received sometime after 1217 30 marks of silver the salt under seals of the royal officials (salinarii)
from King Andrew II, and the sum had to be paid and the local prelate till the dates given in the
from the income of the salt by the officials of the charters (27th August and 6th December). From
King at Sălacea/Szalacs on Pentecost. 22 And last our point of view, it is this latter group that
but not least there is the oath of Bereg itself, should be investigated more accurately.
issued in August 1233 and including 29 In order to understand what the charters
institutions by name and an unknown number of are speaking about, we have to ascertain a few
further churches which are addressed in general. things. First of all, the privileges reflect a
This charter tried to summarise the whole system coherent system, as far as the measures are
of royal salt privileges that began to develop from concerned. Even if there were some uncertainties
the first half of the twelfth century. In fact, there in the measures when they appeared physically,
is a whole series of charters connected to the theoretically they were fixed, and there is no
Bereg oath, issued on 1st October 1233. Among reason to think that any confusion would have
the privileged institutions we find the abbeys of been tolerated by the king or the royal officials.
Pannonhalma, Tihany, Pornó, Szentgotthárd and As a consequence, we have to regard at the oath
Heiligenkreuz,23 and there is even a false charter of Bereg and the charters connected to it as a
of the Cistercian abbey of Klostermarienberg.24 contract that concerned more than thirty
Thus, we have two types of privileges how ecclesiastical institutions in a common system,
different ecclesiastical institutions participated in with fixed measures and fixed, coherent prices.
the marketing of salt. The first group – Garam- Therefore, even if there is some hesitation among
szentbenedek/Hronský Benadík, Esztergom, historians whether the amounts of salt given in
Meseş/Meszes and Szigetmonostor, but also the list can be identified and converted on
Zagreb and the second privilege of Bakonybél and modern measure units, I would argue for the solid
Pilis – enjoyed the incomes through the tolls or interpretation of the source with the restriction
received a certain sum in money or eventually in that in fact the conversion to modern measures
salt from the chambers of Sălacea/Szalacs or has its problems.
Szeged. If the donation was given in salt, it could First of all, we have to understand the
be sold by the privileged institutions as it was the character of the charter. Usually, the treaty was
case of the Zagreb Chapter. The other group – regarded as a simple charter of donation
including all the institutions mentioned by name according to which the different churches were
in the oath of Bereg, as well as the Teutonic given a certain amount of salt that they were
Order before 1225, Bakonybél, Heiligenkreuz, allowed to freight toll-free in the country to their
(Ó)buda, Kloster-marienberg and Tihany – had barns and to sell without restrictions. But if we
either boats for the salt transport and barns for have a more accurate look at the text (see the
Appendix) we have to reject this simplifying
donation of King Emeric. According to a later note on the assumption. The treaty is much more a freight
rear of the charter 40 marks had to be given for the nuns of and store concession and the right of free selling
the Margaret Island (the monastery was founded in 1252 by is restricted to the case when the king would not
King Béla IV).
22 1232: MNL OL DF 292176 – ÁÚO, I, 292. pay in time. We may think that there could be
23 Details of the charters see below in footnotes 23–28. some difficulties in this respect – King Andrew II
24 According to the false charter of 1233, attributed to King often had financial problems – but the original
Andrew II, the Abbey of Klostermarienberg should receive conception was certainly that the churches
thousand zuans of salt from the Sopron salt depot. See Weis,
receive their money at the fixed dates. Thus, the
Heiligenkreuz, I, 295: “Per presens scriptum omnibus nunc et
in posterum facimus manifestum, quod olim affectu sums given in the text are not salt prices, but the
misericordie provocati mille zuanos salium magnorum, que compensation of the shipping and storage costs.
in curribus deferuntur ad confinia Theotonie, pro remedio This means also that we do not know the actual
anime nostre successorumque nostrorum et regni nostri value of the salt – which was certainly higher
salute monasterio vestro in Suprun contulimus in perpetuum
annuatim.”
than the sums paid for the churches – but we
150
know its quantity. Although we do not know Tihany, 27 Pornó, 28 Szentgotthárd, 29 Heiligen-
how much salt was transported on the kreuz30 and Pilis31 may seem to be, at a first look,
Maros/Mureş, nor the percentage it represented simple caution for those institutions which were
in the total production, but we have at least a not mentioned by name in the charter of Bereg.
minimum of salt cut in the mines.25 But why do we find then among them the abbeys
The charters issued in 1233 after the of Pilis, Pornó and Szentgotthárd which are also
Bereg treaty, most of them on the 1st October, named in the Bereg list? In order to give the
need to be analysed more in details. The answer we have to analyse the measures and the
privileges of the abbeys of Pannonhalma, 26 exact meaning of the measure units mentioned in
the text.
The measures
25 We also have to take into consideration that the When speaking about measures in the
production was determined by several factors. On the one
hand, the quantity was certainly limited by the technical Middle Ages we face a number of serious
conditions (production and transport). On the other, we problems. Since there was no unified system of
must not forget the needs of the market. For sure, it was measures till modern times, the same name may
possible to store the salt for years if it was necessary, but the refer to very different actual quantities.
main purpose was to sell it. Thus, there was no reason to
increase the production if there was no need for the product
Furthermore, the exact meaning of these words
on the market. To have an idea of the quantity we are
speaking about here, let us quote the salt production of the
Transylvanian mines in 1530s. In the early modern period misericordie provocatus affectu, tres naves saliferas liberas
the five salt chambers administered the production of more contulit ad sustentationem fratrum ibidem Deo servientium,
than 1600000 pieces of salt (sales curruales) per year. This ea videlicet libertate privilegiatas, ut ab ipso salisfodine loco
quantity equalled more than 400000 zuan which is just for usque ad iam dictum montem Pannonie, tam per aquam
times the quantity recorded in the Bereg charter. According quam per terram nemo de salibus in illis tribus nauibus
to written evidence, the production of the mines increased delatis tributum exigere, vei aliqua alia campnifica exactione
from the fourteenth century on. Cf. István Draskóczy, Erdély audeat eos impedire.”
sótermelése az 1530-as években [The Salt Production of 27 1233: PBFL Tihany 1233 – PRT, X, 519. The text tells
Transylvania in the 1530s], in Tanulmányok Szapolyai clearly that the salt comes from the chamber of
Jánosról és a kora újkori Erdélyről [Studies on the age Szalacs/Sălacea (“mille zuanos contulimus vestro monasterio
of János Szapolyai and Early Modern Transylvania], eds. in perpetuum possidendos, statuentes, ut salinarii de Zoloch
József Bessenyei et al., (Miskolc: Miskolci Egyetem BTT, predictum numerum zuanorum annuatim in festo Sancti
2004), 31–96; István Draskóczy, A kősó bányászat átalakulása Regis in Albensi castro, quod est in medio Ungarie, remota
Erdélyben az Árpád-korban [The transformation of salt contradiccione, monasterio vestro plenarie solvere
mining in Transylvania in the Arpadian Age], in Arcana teneantur).”
tabularii. Tanulmányok Solymosi László tiszteletére [Arcana 28 1233: MNL OL DL 99838 – ÁÚO, VI, 517–518. “Ecclesie
Tabularii. Studies in honour of Solymosi László], vol. II, eds. vestre contulerimus mille zuanos, in Woswar a salinariis
Attila Bárány et al. (Budapest-Debrecen, 2014), 825–835. annuatim circa festum Sancti Joannis Baptiste (24 th June) in
26 1233: MNL OL DL 206929 – ÁÚO, VI, 520–521. “…de prima via sine omni contradiccione, diminucione et dilacione
predictis salibus ad usum vestrum teneatis tantum, quantum persoluendos jure perpetuo.”
prelatus vester in anima sua dixerit salinariis nostris. Ceteri 29 1233: MOL DL 99839 – RA, I/1, 161–162. The Abbey is
vero, vel pars ipsorum, cum vobis fuerint persoluti, libere et mentioned in the oath of Bereg, too, but in this charter its
absque ulla contradictione et tributo in domo vestra, sub rights and incomes are described more in details. The
sigillo salinariorum nostrorum et prelati vestri, qui pro problem is discussed further down.
tempore fuerit, deponantur, depositique serventur usque ad 30 1233: ÁÚO, I, 184 and 302.
octavas Sancti Stephani Regis. Et tunc ab illo die usque ad 31 1236: Augustinus Theiner, ed., Vetera Monumenta
Nativitatem Beate Virginis Marie faciemus vobis solvi historica Hungariam sacram illustrantia, I (Romae, 1859),
argentum pro salibus, quos tunc apud vos habetis, pro 143. Pope Gregory IX refers to the earlier donation of King
quolibet timino salium aquaticorum octo marcas. Et, si in illo Andreas II: “Abbati et conventui monasterii de Peleis in
termino nos aut salinarii nostri sales ipsos non emeremus, et Hungaria Cisterciensis ordinis Vesprimiensis Dioecesis.
vobis et ecclesie vestre argentum secundum estimationem Sacrosancta Romana Ecclesia etc. specialiter autem annuum
predictam non solveremus, extunc omni tempore omnes illos redditum 100 marcarum, quem dotis causa clarae memoriae
sales libere in proprium usum ecclesie vestre percipiatis, et Andreas rex Hungariae percipiendum in salibus suis de
uendatis iuxta vestre arbitrium voluntatis… Idem dicimus de Solachi monasterio vestro tempore dedicationis ipsius pia
secundo termino,..” liberalitate concessit, sicut illum iuste ac pacifice possidetis et
The confirmation of the privilege given by King Béla III in confectis super hoc ipsius regis litteris plenius dicitur
(1233): ÁÚO, XI, 258–259. “…dominus Bela pater noster contineri, authoritate apostolica confirmamus.”
151
changed from time to time and from region to of oak. Parallels of the type were found in the
region. However, even if the metric equivalent River Drava and near the River Szamos/Someş.35
cannot always be precisely identified, the Since the maximum capacity of such a boat can be
proportions between the different units can be calculated, we may get closer to our basic
established. For old measures used in medieval question concerning the measures.
and early modern Hungary the work of István After having collected the sources, let us
Bogdán is commonly referred to. 32 According to see whether the data can be really fitted into a
him coherent system. The starting point can be the
1 sal navalis = 5.5 or 10 Viennese pounds = 3.06 or “salaries” of the Dömös Collegial and of the
5.56 kilogram; Cistercian abbey of Szentgotthárd. The Collegial
1 lapis (kősó, stone of salt) = 37.80 kilogram; received in 1138 24000 cubes and two boats
1 sal currualis = 17 Viennese pounds = 9.52 shipping them six times a year. Thus, a log-boat
kilogram; could freight 2000 cubes. The capacity of a log-
1 tyminum (tömény) = 10000 pieces (without boat was around 6.3 tonnes, thus the cube
giving the weight); weighed around 3.15 kg – not surprisingly this
1 tulkó = a large plate of salt that cannot be corresponds with the weight of the late medieval
measured, only used in the mines. sal navalis, called in the charter of 1233 sal
aquaticus. The weight of the zuan probably did
In the sources of the Arpadian age we find not change and it was around 38 kilogram (37.8
two further expressions. One of them is the zuan according to István Bogdán) in that time, as well.
which can be identified with the kősó in Bogdán’s On this basis, 1 zuan equalled 12 pieces of the sal
list. The zuan as measure unit needs not to be one aquaticus.
single piece of salt, although we have a source According to the Bereg charter there was
suggesting that there were such large pieces as also a larger size carried on the boats, the sal
well. 33 Another measure seems to be the boat aquaticus maior. This type appears in connection
(navis). It appears as soon as the beginning of the with the Collegial of Arad, the Cistercian abbey of
twelfth century and does not simply mean the Igriş/Egres and the Knights Hospitaller. It is just
vehicle used for the transport, but also the the Collegial of Arad that helps us to define the
boatload as measure. Since – unlike the modern weight. The price of this type of salt is given for
times – the charters do not speak about different 10000 pieces, but in fact, the Collegial received
sizes of boats (e.g. the bishop of Nitra/Nyitra was only 2000 of them, i.e. it should get 5 marks per
allowed to have more boats and not bigger ones) year. On the other hand, the church of Gyelid
we may assume that there was a certain type of (north-western part of Arad) – just a few
standard boat used on the Mureş/Maros in the kilometres from the Arad Collegial – received 500
twelfth and the first half of the thirteenth century zuans of salt for which it should get 4.8 marks per
for the salt transport. Fortunately enough, we year. It is unlikely that the amount of salt was
have some idea what sort of vehicle this could be, very different, if the prices are so close to each
since the imprint of a log-boat has been found at other. The difference between the two may be
the excavations of Bizere abbey.34 This boat was the consequence of the more difficult handling of
12.15 m long and 1.15-1.20 m wide vehicle made the larger pieces. Thus 1 zuan equalled 4 pieces of
32 http://mnl.gov.hu/index.php?akt_menu=1036 (21.11.2014). 35 János Attila Tóth, “Adatok a kora újkori Közép-Duna-

33 1208: Weis, Heiligenkreuz, I, 39. “Preterea eidem cenobio medencei hajók régészetéhez” [Data on the Archaeology of
tria milia salium qui regales dicuntur.” In 1217 the Early Modern Age Ships in the Middle Danube Basin
formulation of the same privilege is different: “donationem Region), in A középkor és a kora újkor régészete
de tribus milibus zuanorum” (Weis, Heiligenkreuz, I, 54). Magyarországon. Archaeology of the Middle Ages and the
34 Adrian Andrei Rusu and Oana Toda, “Archaeological Early Modern Period in Hungary, vol. II, eds. Elek Benkő
Evidence for Historical Navigation on the Mureş (Maros) and Gyöngyi Kovács (Budapest, 2010), 871–884; János Attila
River. Enquiries Based on a Medieval Boat Imprint from Tóth, “La Drava (Hongrie), un fleuve inconnu,” Dossiers
Bizere Abbey (Romania),” AAASH 65 (2014): 139–154. d’Archéologie 331, no. 1 (2009): 46–49.
152
the sal aquaticus maior (around 9.45 kilograms), sum is a bit higher than in the case of the normal
i.e. it weighed three times as much as the normal river transport and it equalled exactly the price
sal aquaticus. promised for the Arad Collegial. However, the
The price of the sal aquaticus maior is charter of King Andrew II issued on 1st October
given twice in the charter, and it is slightly higher 1233 tells us how the abbey received the salt. The
for the Cistercian abbey of Egres/Igriş than for the King refers to the donation of his father, King
Collegial of Arad (26 and 25 marks, respectively). Béla III who gave the Cistercians of Szentgotthárd
The salary of the Knights Hospitaller is calculated 20000 pieces of salt (“viginti milia salium
on a completely different basis. In the first two magnorum qui in curribus ad confinia Teutonie
cases, the reason of the difference may be the deferuntur”). 37 Apparently, the case is very
different distance (Egres/Igriş is more than 50 simple: the two charters refer to one and the same
kilometres further from the Transylvanian amount of salt. However, if this would be true,
harbours than Arad), or an additional task the sal magnus should be 4,725 kilogram – a new
fulfilled by the Egres abbey.36 However, I cannot measure unit that did not occur earlier and which
give any explanation for the different calculation should have disappeared in the next decades. The
in the third case. other possibility to solve the contradiction is if we
After these three items, the measure unit suppose that the two charters speak of two
changes. The charter gives all the following different things. This option would be supported
amounts of salt in zuan, although it is not always by the fact that the charter of 1st October repeated
written explicitly. It means also that the amounts only the price and the mode of calculation from
were converted to zuan, the salt was actually the Bereg oath, while the amount of the salt is
shipped in cubes of the normal size (sal given in a different way – not in zuan, but in
aquaticus). pieces of sal magnus. If we accept this possibility
In the list of the privileged institutions we it means that the abbey of Szentgotthárd stored
find only these two types, but there is a further salt from two different sources: 2500 zuan from
expression in connection with the land transport: the quantity carried on the Maros/Mureş and
the sal terrestris. It is certainly not by chance if it 20000 pieces of sal magnus from the other
does not appear in the detailed list. The text direction, carried on the land road to
speaks in general about the shipping costs and not Szalacs/Sălacea and then further to other places of
the price of the salt itself, and this is not different the country. In this case the sal magnus equalled
in the case of the sal terrestris either (“Pro salibus the sal aquaticus maior, the later sal currualis.
vero terrestribus dabimus unam marcam pro 1 zuan (sal regalis) = 4 sal magnus = 4 sal
centum zuanis, si sales suos debeant habere in aquaticus maior = 12 sal aquaticus
confiniis, excepto monasterio S. Gothardi, cui pro Thus, the 20000 pieces numbered 5000
octoginta zuanis dabimus unam marcam”). The zuan, and with this Szentgotthárd became one of
the largest salt depots storing 7500 zuan (283500
kilograms) a year – the same amount was
36 Although neither this, nor other written evidence gives administered by the abbey of Igriş/Egres. The
any hint to that the Abbey of Igriş/Egres head some whole quantity meant 86.5 marks of income per
additional task. However, there is something that should be
investigated: opposite to Igriş/Egres there is the village year the major part of which covered doubtlessly
Şeitin/Sajtény the name of which refers to the salt. North of the shipping costs.
it a canal system could be identified towards the medieval This case summons us that the oath of
settlement of Pereg (today Kaszaper). Based on C14 data it Bereg is mainly about the salt transport on the
can be dated to the twelfth-thirteenth centuries. Thus, there
is the possibility that these canals played some role in the
Mureş/Maros River, but there was another and
shipping of salt and Igriş/Egres – as the closest monastery to probably even older route to export salt from
this transport route – may have control or maintain it. Since
the archaeological investigation of the territory just started,
this is only a hypothesis. I am grateful to my colleague 371233: MNL OL DL 99839 – RA I/1: 161–162. The false
Zoltán Rózsa (Szántó Kovács Museum, Orosháza) who shared charter of the Klostermarienberg Abbey followed this
his preliminary results with me. formulation (cf. footnote 21).
153
Transylvania through the Meseş/Meszes Pass to we have to say that several monasteries were not
Sălacea/Szalacs, and certain churches participated or not only involved in the salt business along the
in that business, too. Therefore the expressions sal Mureş/Maros. The Cistercian abbey of
aquaticus and sal terrestris do not cover the later Szentgotthárd had privileges for both directions,
denominations sal navalis and sal currualis, while the abbey of Tihany seems to have been
although the sizes did not change – at least there involved only in the trade of the land route.
is no sign of it. Sal terrestris meant the salt carried The total quantity distributed in the
on land from northern Transylvania, sal aquaticus charter of Bereg was 89000 zuan, i.e.
meant the salt shipped down on the Mureş/Maros approximately 3364 tonnes, and if we add the
River. The question is whether the two routes quantities known from other charters, the
were always alternatives of each other? amount reaches 105700 zuan, i.e. nearly 4000
Despite the legend of Saint Gerhard tonnes. Supposing that the quantity carried on the
speaking about the conflict between King Saint two shipping routes was more or less equal, the
Stephen and Ajtony because of the salt transport total production was at least 190000 zuan (~7200
on the river, there is no real evidence for the tonnes). To have an idea of the importance of the
existence of this route before the twelfth century. Transylvanian salt: the yearly production of
As a matter of fact, it is not only the lack of Lüneburg, the major centre of Nordic salt
written evidence, but the lack of the institutional industry, was estimated around 1200 to 5200
background. There are hardly central settlements tonnes.38
in the region that existed as such before 1100. The It is also worth looking at the proportions
city of Cenad/Csanád was certainly one of them, of the different orders and other church
but the early existence of Arad and Szeged is institutions. The bishops and the collegial
already doubtful. In Arad the Collegial was chapters received around 40 per cent of the total
founded in the first half of the twelfth century, quantity, the Benedictines and the Cistercians
probably by King Béla II (1131–1141), and the around 25 percent each (the Benedictines had a
earliest church of Szeged was also built in the little bit more) and the remaining 10 per cent was
twelfth century – at least according to the shipped and stored by the Knights Hospitaller.
archaeological evidence. The chain of Compared to the income register of King Béla III39
monasteries, whose participation in the salt the shipping and storage costs were at least 7 per
transport is documented from the second half of cent of the income out of the salt (this is the part
the twelfth century, also emerged – according to we know of). If we add the sum of the other
the archaeological data – after 1100. Another hint known salaries and the estimated value of salt
is that the oath of Bereg contains a detailed received by the Meszes abbey (around 500 zuan),
regulation of the river transport, while the land the total amount of silver promised for the
transport appears only in the context of the price churches were at least 1355 marks – a large sum,
regulation – i.e. the land transport was older and but still not more than 1 per cent of the royal
its system was well known and settled. The income in King Béla III’s time.
relative novelty of the river transport can be However, the treaty of Bereg was very
supported by a false charter, too, according to advantageous for the church, but extremely
which the Pannonhalma abbey received three disadvantageous for the King. On the one hand,
boats on the Mureş/Maros in 1137. In fact, the
document was written around 1228, but it is 38 Harald Witthöft, “Struktur und Kapazität der Lüneburger
probably not by chance that the falsifier dated it Saline seit dem 12. Jahrhundert,” Vierteljahrschrift für
into the 1130s – in this respect, he was more Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 63 (1976): 1–117, here:
104–106. The production of Lüneburg went up to 15000
skilled than the scriptor of the Pécsvárad abbey tonnes till the end of the thirteenth century.
who dated his compilation to the beginning of the 39 János Barta junior and Gábor Barta, “III. Béla király
eleventh century. jövedelmei (Megjegyzések középkori uralkodóink

Coming back to the question concerning bevételeiről)” [The incomes of King Béla III. Annotations on
the incomes of medieval Hungarian rulers], Századok 127
the charters issued in 1233 after the oath of Bereg (1993): 413–449, here: 443–444.
154
the different ecclesiastic institutions gained the harmony with this eminent role. It is an
right to carry the salt from the mines to the additional gift that the imprint of the boat found
depots and to store it till the prefixed dates, they at the remains helped us to detect – at least partly
received a fix sum in good silver for that from the – how the system of the salt trade on the
King – eventually in foreign currency –, and in Mureş/Maros was organised before the Mongol
addition to this they also attained the right to use invasion.
a not limited part of the salt for their own To sum up: what can be said about the
purposes and to sell the salt freely if the King was Árpádian-age salt trade and the charter of 1233 in
late in paying. On the other hand, the King had to particular? First of all one has to emphasize that
pay a considerable sum each year in cash, he the legal framework of the salt trade seems to be
never knew how big the part used by the fairly different from what we know from the late
churches was and he risked losing all the salt if he fourteenth century. In the earliest times,
kept the privileged institutions out of their approximately till the end of the eleventh century
money. Still, it has to be emphasised that the the production of the Transylvanian salt mines
ecclesiastic institutions did not receive the mines was carried on the northern land route on carts.
and they did not receive the salt as property. The In this early phase the mines were already
Bereg treaty was a concession to freight and store property of the king and the trade with the salt
the salt from Transylvania to the official depots belonged to his domanial incomes (in legal terms
where it was kept under the seal of the royal it was not yet droit de régale in that period).41 The
official (salinarius) and that of the local prelate. river transport began to develop at the beginning
The prices were not paid for the salt itself, but of the twelfth century, or may be just before
they covered the expenses of the churches. 1100. Church institutions, especially monasteries
Finally, we should answer the question: were rather early involved in the salt transport;
where is the place of Bizere in this system. Based the first detailed description of its model that we
on the written evidence, it played a crucial role know is the privilege of the Dömös Collegial. The
among the monasteries along the Mureş/Maros break-through happened in the last third of the
River. In 1183, its privilege served as model for twelfth century when the number of privileged
another privilege, the amount of salt received in institutions multiplied considerably: many
1233 (4000 zuan) was among the highest along charters issued by King Andrew II mention that
the river: only the Cistercian abbey of Igriş/Egres the donation he confirmed was originally given
and the Benedictine abbey of Bulci/Bulcs received by his father and/or his brother. There are some
more, while the abbey of Rohonca40 received the traces of an essay to reorganise the salt trade
same amount. All the other monasteries got less. around 1217: around this year and a few years
The archaeological remains, the high quality of later we have the confirmation of earlier
the architectural and decorative fragments are in donations suggesting that they were infirmed
before. The oath of Bereg was planned to be the
40In this context it is worth mentioning that the Abbey of final treaty between the King and the Church
Rohonca is the only important monastery the remains of concerning the rights of the ecclesiastic
which are still not identified, while there is a ruined institutions in the salt trade, involving most of the
monastery a few kilometres from its supposed site which was
identified as Ajtonymonostora. Cf. Zsuzsa Heitelné Móré, diocesan bishops with certain collegial chapters,
“Monostorok a Maros mentén. Adatok” [Monasteries along Benedictine and Cistercian monasteries and the
the Mureş River. Data], in Paradisum plantavit. Bencés Knights Hospitaller. However, it did not survive
monostorok a középkori Magyarországon. Benedictine the death of Andrew. Instead of confirming
Monasteries in Medieval Hungary, ed. Imre Takács
(Pannonhalma: Pannonhalmi Bencés Főapátság, 2001), 267–
Andrew’s regulation (there are no transcriptions
274, here: 267. However, this latter one is the only
monastery along the Mureş/Maros that allegedly existed in
the time of the Bereg treaty, but did not receive any 41About the question in a broader context see Oszkár
concession on the salt. In my view it would be worth Paulinyi, “A sóregále kialakulása Magyarországon” [The
reconsidering these identifications. In fact, it is not emergence of the droit de régale on the salt in Hungary],
mentioned by this name before the fourteenth century. Századok 58 (1924): 627–647.
155
of the charter after 1234) his son and successor,

King Béla IV withdrew the concessions shortly
after his accession to the throne, although he
continued to support the monasteries from the
salt incomes.42
We also learned that the measure units
were the same in this period as in the late Middle
Ages, but the denominations were different. This
changed probably because of the opening of the
Someş/Szamos route in the late thirteenth, early
fourteenth century. From this time on, there was
no reason to differentiate between sal terrestris
and sal aquaticus as two different freight routes.
After all, the whole process is part of the
formation of the salt regale which – similarly to
other regions of Europe – probably appeared in
the twelfth century, and went through a
considerable transformation before it gained its
late medieval form. In this development the
church played a significant role in building up
and running the younger river route for about a
century.
42Without enumerating these charters let us refer to his

donation for the Cistercian Abbey of Pétervárad – founded
by him – according to which the Abbey was paid the value of
50000 pieces of salt in Szeged. The infirming of the earlier
privileges is reflected also in the series of false charters
produced by the Cistercian Abbey of Borsmonostor.
156
Table 1. Salt donations of churches before 1233.
Type of Amount
Name
institution in the charter in zuan
Bakonybél Abbey (B) 3 boats/4x 2000
Bakonybél Abbey (B) 30 marks
Borsmonostor Abbey (C) 200 zuan 200
Buda (Óbuda) Collegial tyminii salium *2000
Dömös Collegial 24000 in 2 boats/6x 2000
Heiligenkreuz Abbey (C) 3000 zuan 3000
Nyitra Bishop 3 boats/3x 1500
Pilis Abbey (C) 100 marks
Pannonhalma Abbey (B) 3 boats/2x 1000
Szentgotthárd Abbey (C) 20000 sales magni in curru 5000
Szigetmonostor Abbey (B) 60 marks
Tihany Abbey (B) 1000 zuan 1000
Zagreb Chapter 50 marks
Sum 16700
*The quantity received in 1233.
Table 2. Salt donations of churches in the 1233 Bereg charter.

Type of Amount in
Name
institution zuan
Arad Collegial 500
Bács Chapter 10000
Bizere Abbey (B) 4000
Bulcs Abbey (B) 5000
Csanád Bishop Bishop 5000
Egres Abbey (C) 7500
Eperjes Abbey (B) 3000
Ercsi Abbey (C) 1000
Esztergom Archbishop Bishop 2000
Gyelid Collegial? 500
Gyulafehérvár Bishop 2000
Hodosmonostor Abbey (B) 1000
Izsó Abbey (B) 1000
Kalocsa Archbishop Bishop 10000
Kenéz Abbey (B) 2000
Kerc Abbey (C) 1000
Knights Hospitaller Knights 10000
Óbuda43 Collegial 2000
Pilis Abbey (C) 2000
Pornó Abbey (C) 1000
Rohonca Abbey (B) 4000
43The Collegial received a donation of salt already before 1204 from King Emeric. The evidence for this is the charter of King
Andrew II (see above) which does not tell the exact quantity, but speaks only about tyminios salium. The original charter
probably contained a donation similar to those of Dömös or of Szentgotthárd in which the quantity was given in sales navales
and in sales curruales, respectively. The 2000 zuan given in 1233 correspond with 24000 sales navales.
157
Székesfehérvár Collegial 2000

Szekszárd Abbey (B) 1000
Szentgotthárd Abbey (C) 2500
Szer Abbey (B) 1000
Szőreg Abbey (B) 1000
Titel Collegial 3000
Várad Bishop 2000
Zirc Abbey (C) 2000
Sum 89000
Table 3: Total amounts per types of institutions in 1233 Bereg treaty.

Type Zuan % Mark %
Benedictines 23000 25.8 220.8 25.0
Cistercians 17000 19.1 169.2 19.1
Knights 10000 11.2 120.0 13.6
Hospitaller
Bishops 31000 34.8 297.6 33.6
Collegials 8000 9.0 77.0 8.7
Sum 89000 884.6
Table 4. Total amounts per types of institutions (with institutions

not mentioned by name in the Bereg charter).
Type Zuan %
Benedictines 27900 25.6
Cistercians 28200 25.8
Knights Hospitaller 10000 9.2
Bishops 32500 29.8
Collegials 10500 9.6
Sum 109100
Table 5. False and interpolated charters.

Year Institution Falsification date Transcription
1015† Pécsvárad 13th century *1158; *1228; 1274; 1323;
1379; 1399; 1403
1086* Bakonybél 13th century
1137† Pannonhalma around 1228 1262; 1351; 1382; 1383;
14th-century register
1224† Borsmonostor mid-13th century
1230† Borsmonostor mid-13th century 1291; 1317; 1327
1230–1235† Borsmonostor mid-13th century 1469
158
APPENDIX
Detail of the oath of Bereg
1233, 20th August, in the Bereg Forest
Esztergom érs. vil. lt. Lad. V nn. 2 & 3, (MOL DF 248771).
Edition: CD Fejér III/2, 320–323
Item volumus et concedimus, quod ecclesie libere portent sales suos ad ecclesias ipsas, et ibi sub sigillo
salinariorum, et prelati illius eccleie, in qua sales deponuntur, qui pro tempore fuerint, deponantur, depositique
serventur usque ad octavas S. Stephani Regis (27th August), et tunc ab illo die usque ad nativitatem B. V. Marie
(8th September) solvatur eis argentum pro salibus, quos tunc ecclesie habuerint penes se, secundum estimationem
inferius adnotatam. Et si in illo tempore ipsi salinarii ipsos sales non emerent, et ecclesiis argentum, secundum
dictam aestimationem, non solverent; ex tunc omni tempore sales illos in proprium usum ecclesiae percipientes,
vendant iuxta sue arbitrium voluntatis, et omne lucrum, quod deberemus nos, vel alius rex, qui pro tempore fuerit,
vel ipsi salinarii, inde percipere, totaliter cedat in usus ecclesiarum. Nec a salinariis ipsis, vel nobis, vel aliis
personis, aliquatenus molestentur, quin possint, quidquid placet eis, facere semper de salibus, ex quo in dicto
termino non fuerit eis pecunia persoluta. Item dicimus de secundo termino, ut a festo S. Nicolai (6th December)
usque ad festum Beati Thome Apostoli (21th December) pro salibus, quos apud se habebunt ecclesie sub sigillo
salinariorum, solvatur eis argentum secundum aestimationem adnotatam. Quod si factum non fuerit, idem fiat,
quod in casu superiore de salibus dictum est.
Argentum vero, quod praedictis ecclesiis persolvetur, erit in bonis Frisaticis, vel in argento, cuius decima pars
comburetur. Precia vero salium sunt haec:
quod pro quolibet timino salium aquaticorum, persoluentur ecclesiis octo marce, excepta domo hospitalis
Hierosolymitani, et ecclesiis Colocensi, et Bachiensi, quibus pro quolibet tymino dabimus decem marcas, si dictae
ecclesie Colocensis et Baachiensis debeant deferre sales suos in Zegedyn, vel ultra, alioquin octo marcas habebunt.
Pro maioribus vero salibus aquaticis, debemus abbacie de Egrus XXVI marcas pro quolibet timino, et ecclesie
Orodiensi XXV similiter pro quolibet timino. Pro salibus vero terrestribus dabimus unam marcam pro centum
zuanis,44 si sales suos debeant habere in confiniis, excepto monasterio S. Gothardi, cui pro octoginta zuanis
dabimus unam marcam. Nos vero, et quicunque fuerit rex pro tempore, debemus mittere sales ad confinia,
secundum tenorem privilegiorum ecclesiarum, et deponi debent in domibus privilegiatorum, ubi stabunt sub sigillis
salinariorum usque ad predictos terminos. Et eodem modo omnia serventur a nobis et ab ipsis, sicut dictum est in
terminis supra dictis.
Ecclesiae vero retinebunt de salibus suis ad usus suos hoc modo:
abbacia de Egrus tres timinos;
praepositus Orodiensis cum capitulo suo duo millia lapidum;
Hospitale Hierosolymitanum cum omnibus domibus suis de Hungaria IV timinos de talibus salibus, quales habet
monasterium de Egrus;
monasterium S. Gotthardi duo millia et 500 zuanos;
ecclesia Varadiensis 2000;
ecclesia de Pernoch 1000 zuanos;
ecclesia de Zeer 1000 zuanos;
ecclesia Colocensis unum timinum;
ecclesia Bachiensis unum timinum;
ecclesia Albensis Transiluana 2000 zuanorum;
ecclesia de Bulch 5000;
ecclesia de Epuryes 3000;
44There will be a long-lasting tradition giving the price of the salt for 100 pieces. In 1397 King Sigismund issued his regulation
on the prices of the salt (MNL OL DL 8861) according to which 100 pieces had to be sold for 3 florins in Buda. Cf. Gusztáv
Wenzel, Magyarország bányászatának története [History of mining in Hungary], (Budapest:
MTA Könyvkiadó Hivatala, 1880), 438. In 1511, in a contract between the exchequer Gabriel Perényi and
Ambrosius Sárkány de Ákosháza we learn the actual value of the sal currualis: 4 florins for 100 pieces which is
higher than the price of the salt fixed by King Sigismund in the early fifteenth century. The amount given by the
exchequer is considerable: 25000 pieces of salt weighing altogether 236250 kilograms (more than 110 loads). Cf.
István Tringli, ed., A Perényi család levéltára 1222-1526 [Archives of the Perényi family 1222-1526] (Budapest:
MTA Történettudományi Intézet), 2008, n. 761 (11.09.1511).
159
ecclesia de Bistria 4000;

ecclesia de Zadust 1000;
ecclesia de Ysou 1000;
ecclesia de Roncha 4000;
ecclesia de Kenaz 2000;
ecclesia S. Philippi 1000;
ecclesia de Geleth 500;
ecclesia de Saxsvar 1000;
ecclesia Cenadiensis 5000;
ecclesia Titulensis 3000;
ecclesia de Chod 1000 zuanos;
ecclesia Strigoniensis 2000 zuanorum;
ecclesia Albensis totidem;
ecclesia Budensis 2000;
ecclesia de Bokan 2000 zuanorum;
ecclesia de Pelis totidem;
ecclesia de Kercz 1000 zuanos.
Aliae vero ecclesiae, quarum nomina non exprimuntur, recipient ad usum suum, secundum quod praelati earum in
animas suas dixerint.
Item volumus et consentimus, quod sales in salisfodinis non vendantur carius, quam antiquitus vendi consueverint
ecclesiis, quae consueverunt emere sales. Pro reditibus vero ecclesiarum, qui hactenus subtracti sunt in salibus,
exceptis decimis, persolvemus 10000 marcarum per quinque annos continuos; qui anni incipiunt computari a
proximo Pascha resurrectionis Dominicae; et solutionem faciemus hoc modo:
in primo anno in nativitate B. Virginis solvemus 1000 marcas; in festivitate S. Thome Apostoli 1000 marcas alias; et
sic postea quolibet anno continue faciemus, quousque dictam pecuniam decem millia marcarum persolvamus, et
totam istam pecuniam persolvemus in dictis terminis; episcopo Cenadiensi, abbati S.Martini de Pannonia, abbati
Egriensi (recte Egrusiensi), vel eorum procuratoribus, habentibus a dominis suis procuratorias super hoc litteras
speciales; vel duobus ex praedictis, vel procuratoribus eorum. Et solvemus eam in domo Fratrum Predicatorum de
Pest in presentia Capituli, vel maioris partis, distribuendam et ordinandam secundum voluntatem dicti legati de
consilio Strigoniensis, et Colocensis Archiepiscoporum. Et nihilo minus, si praedictam pecuniam decem millia
marcarum non solverimus, in singulis terminis, sicut superius est expressum, volumus et consentimus, quod
ecclesie, quibus sales sunt subtracti, non obstante ista compositione, libere et integre sint in eodem statu et iure, in
quo erant ante compositionem istam.
160
MONASTERIES UNDER PRIVATE using predominantly written sources, and they
PATRONAGE WITHIN THE SOCIAL combine these results with archaeological data as
AND ECONOMIC TOPOGRAPHY: CENTERS, well.
RESIDENCES, AND ESTATES. SEVERAL CASE In historical-geographical contexts,
STUDIES OF MEDIEVAL HUNGARY* ecclesiastical institutions – churches and
monasteries alike – were always considered as
integral parts of the settlement network, and as
PÉTER LEVENTE SZŐCS** such, the subject of topographical reconstructions.
More recent archaeological field surveys have
While monasteries were eminently institutions of brought in completely new datasets, partly relying
faith, they also had economic functions and on a more extensive survey of different types of
through their artistic-architectural design they archival sources, and contributed effectively to a
contributed directly to the social display of the better understanding of the chronological
patron kindreds. The set of economic and social development and the spatial structure and
relations between patrons and their monasteries hierarchy of the historic settlement network.4
can be examined through several methods; among The most important result of these works
them the topographical analysis seems to add an was a more accurate localization and identification
important contribution. For several regions of the of medieval settlements and monastic sites. While
medieval Kingdom of Hungary the starting point the topographic maps published by Györffy can be
is offered by the historical geographies written by seen as the first attempt to reconstruct the spatial
György Györffy1 on the Árpádian era, and by relations of monasteries to settlements, roads, and
Dezső Csánki covering the rule of the Hunyadis major geographical features, the site maps created
during the fifteenth century.2 Furthermore, for by archaeological topographical surveys have
certain geographical regions a number of highlighted many more details on these relations
topographical studies on ecclesiastical institutions (e.g., the topographical position of monasteries
are available.3 These topographical studies are within the settlement boundaries or traces of
partly based on general historical geographies, settlements in their vicinity).5 Results obtained
*This paper is part of my PhD thesis: Private monasteries of 3 For the southern part of the Great Plain see László Koszta,
medieval Hungary (eleventh to fourteenth centuries): A case “Dél-Magyarország egyház topográfiája a középkorban”
study of the Ákos kindred and its monasteries, defended at [Ecclesiastical topography of Southern Hungary during the
Central European University, Budapest, in 2014. Middle Ages], in A középkori Dél-Alföld és Szer, eds. Tibor
** PhD, Satu Mare County Museum; peterszocs@gmail.com. Kollár et al. (Szeged-Budapest: Open Art, 2000), 41–80.
1 György Györffy, Az Árpád-kori Magyarország történeti Studies on ecclesiastical topography of several counties: Edit
földrajza [Historical geography of Hungary in the Árpádian Tari, Pest megye középkori templomai [Medieval churches of
Age], I3-IV (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1987-1998); see also Pest county] (Szentendre: Pest Megyei Múzeumok
volumes on counties Szabolcs and Szatmár compiled by Péter Igazgatósága, 2000); Imre Szatmári, Békés megye középkori
Németh, A középkori Szabolcs megye települései [Settlements templomai [Medieval churches of Békés county] (Békéscsaba:
of medieval Szabolcs county] (Nyíregyháza: Ethnica, 1997); Békés MMI, 2005); András K. Németh, Tolna megye
and Németh, A középkori Szatmár megye települései a XV. középkori templomai [Medieval churches of Tolna county]
század elejéig [Settlements of medieval Szatmár county until (Pécs: Publikon, 2011); Csilla Aradi, “Somogy megye Árpád-
the middle of the fifteenth century] (Nyíregyháza: Jósa kori, és középkori egyházszervezetének létrejötte és
András Múzeum, 2008). Furthermore, information on the megszilárdulása” [Formation and consolidation of the
early evolution of topography and settlements in historical medieval ecclesiastic organization of Somogy county], (PhD
Torna county can be added to these works: Sebestyén diss., ELTE-BTK Budapest, 2007).
Sárközy, A történeti Torna megye településtopográfiája a 4 MRT, I-XI (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1966-2012): four
kezdetektől a 18. század elejéig [The topography of districts of Veszprém county, one of Komárom, three of
settlements in historical Torna county, from the beginning Békés, and three of Pest.
until the eighteenth century] (Perkupa: Galyasági település 5 Apart from the county maps accompanying the work of
szövetség, 2006). Györffy (Az Árpád-kori, I-IV) there are several maps on
2 Dezső Csánki, Magyarország történelmi földrajza a medieval historical-geography of bigger areas than a whole
Hunyadiak korában [Historical geography of Hungary in the county. They are useful tools for a more detailed topographic
Hunyadis’ Age], I-V (Budapest: Magyar Tudományos analysis: map of roads and central places (András Kubinyi,
Akadémia, 1890-1913). Városfejlődés és vásárhálózat a középkori Alföldön és az
Alföld szélén [Urban development and market network in the
161
PÉTER LEVENTE SZŐCS
through field surveys, thus, opened up new ways mentioned, the analysis of social and economic
of interpreting the selection pattern of particular topography contributes to the assessment of the
settlement sites by different monastic secular role of monasteries. In this sense, the
communities as seen against different factors such topographical survey of domains/estates and
as the natural, environmental conditions and their residences might be the most significant. Due to
changes (access to and management of water and the number and quality of sources it seems
woodland resources),6 and the problem of plausible to narrow the spatial framework of the
settlement development (the dynamic changes of analysis, down to the micro-regional level and case
historic settlement pattern through migration, studies, in order to get relevant results.
concentration of population, desertion of The selection of the studied region was
settlements, changing road networks, the historic made considering the most relevant source on the
land-use pattern, and the administrative early ecclesiastic topography: the papal tithe
organization of secular and ecclesiastical estates). registers dating from between 1332 and 1337.7 In
Although environmental conditions are this sense, three neighboring counties, all situated
definitely important for the establishment and in the northeastern part of the Great Hungarian
development of monasteries, in the perspective of Plain – Szabolcs, Szatmár, and Bihar – have been
monastic patronage, it seems more instructive to selected. It is important to note that – with regard
discuss the position of monasteries not merely to the size of the three selected counties and
through a spatial distribution but within the general character of the landscape here – the data
context of social, economic, and ecclesiastic will be more representative of what can be also
topography. Within the ecclesiastical topography observed in the central part of the kingdom than
the relation of monasteries with parishes, in marginal, mountainous, and heavily forested
deaneries, and their integration into the regions close to the borders. The three counties
hierarchical network of the diocese might reveal represent three different bishoprics (Szabolcs Co.
their liturgical and pastoral functions. As it was belonged to the Diocese of Eger, Bihar Co. to the
Great-Plain and its margins during the Middle Ages], Dél- ecclesiastica Hungariae ineunte saeculo XIV. etabulis rationes
Alföldi évszázadok 14 (Szeged: Csongrád Megyei Levéltár 14, collectorum pontificorum a. 1281-1375 referentibus eruta,
2000), a map of the region between the Körös-Tisza-Maros digesta, illustrata. Magyarország egyházi földleírása a XIV.
Rivers (László Blazovich, Városok az Alföldön a 14-16. század elején a pápai tizedjegyzékek alapján feltüntetve, I-II
században [Towns in the Hungarian Great Plain from the (Budapest, 1891-1892). The issues of source criticism and
fourteenth to the sixteenth century], Dél-Alföldi évszázadok problems in the use of the registers as a topographical source
17 (Szeged: Csongrád Megyei Levéltár, 1996), the map of the were discussed again by György Györffy in his Árpádian Age
medieval Archdiocese of Kalocsa and Bács by Gábor historical geography (Györffy, Az Árpád-kori, I-IV) and in his
Thoroczkay, and the maps of Transylvania accompanying the special study of the problem: György Györffy, “A pápai tized
publication of charter excerpts: CDTrans, 1-3 (Budapest: lajstromok demográfiai értékelésének kérdéséhez” [Problems
MOL, 1997-2008). of the demographic interpretation of the papal tithe registers],
6 For a case study on the region enclosed by the Maros, Körös, in Mályusz Elemér emlékkönyv. Társadalom és
and Tisza Rivers in the Hungarian Great Plain see: Gábor művelődéstörténeti tanulmányok [Elemér Mályusz memorial
Csüllög, “11-14. századi monostorhelyek a Körös-Maros volume. Social and cultural history studies], eds. Éva H.
vidéken és a Közép-Tisza mentén” [Monastic sites in the Balázs, Erik Fügedi, and Ferenc Maksay (Budapest:
region of Körös-Maros and along the Middle Tisza, from the Akadémiai Kiadó, 1984): 141–157. More recently, studies
eleventh to the fourteenth century], in Az Alföld történeti focusing on the diocese of Transylvania have been published:
földrajza, ed. Sándor Frisnyák (Nyíregyháza: MTA Szabolcs- Géza Hegyi, “Egyházigazgatási határok a középkori Erdélyben
Szatmár-Bereg Megyei Tudományos Testület –Nyíregyházi (I. közlemény)” [Ecclesiastical administration in medieval
Főiskola Földrajz Tanszéke, 2000), 397–406. Transylvania. 1st part], EM 72 (2010): 1–32 Géza Hegyi, “A
7 The earliest critical publication: MonVatHung, series I, tom. pápai tizedjegyzék tévesen azonosított székelyföldi
1, ed. Vilmos Fraknói (Budapest: MTA, METEM, 1887, 2000). helynevei” [Erroneous identification of the toponyms of
For the historical context see the introduction by László Szekler-land mentioned in the papal tithe list], in
Fejérpataky. The extensive data of the tithe registers were Tanulmányok a székelység középkori és fejedelemségkori
used in almost all compilations of local history and the történelméből, eds. András Sófalvi and Zsolt Visy (Énlaka –
topographical or historical-geographical studies. The earliest Székelyudvarhely: Pro Énlaka Alapítvány – Haáz Rezső
systematic adaptation of the papal tithe lists for historical Múzeum, 2012), 97–113.
geography was made by Tivadar Ortvay, Geographia
162
Monasteries under private patronage within the social and economic topography
Diocese of Várad, and Szatmár Co. to Apart from two sites with unknown patron, the
Transylvania), therefore, the quality and the remaining 19 monasteries were founded and
quantity of data are slightly different from county patronized by noble kindreds, all of which were
to county: the data presented by the papal tithe smaller establishments.10 Five private monasteries
register seems to be the most complete in case of are known in Szatmár County – apart from the
Bihar Co. (Dioecese of Várad), while it is Franciscan and Dominican friaries in the
somewhat less representative for the other two privileged royal towns of Szatmár and Németi (fig
counties. For the county of Bihar, though, there is 3).11 In Szabolcs county there are ten identified
an earlier set of written sources on ecclesiastical monastic sites altogether that were all private
topography, the list of tithes paid to the Bishop of foundations. Some of the monasteries in these
Várad, recorded between 1291 and 1294.8 three counties are known only from the
The map of the medieval kingdom of archeological-architectural record (Herpály),
Hungary prepared by Pál Engel was used as a while others only from toponyms or a few written
reference to identify the settlements mentioned in sources, which were not relevant even for their
the papal tithe registers (and also for Bihar locations (i.e., the cases of Andosmonostora,
settlements mentioned in the bishops’ tithe Nánásmonostora, and Szalócmonostor). Historical
register: fig. 1).9 Attached to the map Engel created evidence is more abundant for the remaining ones,
a complex electronic database, on the basis of so their historical evolution and social-economical
which it was possible to reconstruct estate context can be reconstructed in greater detail.
boundaries, i.e., to identify basic territorial units of Altogether the number of private monasteries
economic and jurisdictional administration, and founded in the three selected counties represents
their owners. roughly 14 to 15% of the total number of private
According to this set of sources, 29 monasteries of Hungary, in this sense, the
monasteries were founded in Bihar. Apart from observations formulated here might also be
the collegiate chapters and monasteries founded in representative for other areas.
connection with the see of the bishopric of Várad Analyzing the topographic relation of the
(altogether seven), there were two important royal private monasteries (founded before 1300 in the
foundations: the Premonstratensian provostry of study area) with the estates of patrons, it became
Váradelőhegy (the promontory of Várad dedicated clear at the first sight that they were in almost
to St. Stephen, the Protomartyr), and the Abbey of every case surrounded by the estates of the
Szent Jobb (Sâniob). These two were prestigious, patrons’ kindreds.12 In the area surrounding the
as Váradelőhegy was the head of the provostry of Pályi (see fig. 2), there was a rather
Premonstratensian houses in Hungary, while the large estate owned by the Ákos kindred, the
Abbey of Szent Jobb was home to a relic of King founders and patrons of the monastery,
St. Steven (his right hand), and beside Várad it also comprising 13 settlements stretching along the
became a center for the cult of the holy kings. Berettyó River.13 In the course of the fourteenth
8 Published by Emil Jakubovich, “A váradi püspökség XIII. useful for the earlier stages, too, with the adaptation of the
századi tizedjegyzéke” [The tithe register of the Diocese of changes that occurred.
Várad dating from the thirteenth century], Magyar Nyelv 22 10 Györffy, Az Árpád-kori, I: “Bihar megye,” passim.
no. 5-6 (1926): 220–223; 22, no. 7-8 (1926): 298–302; 22, no. 11 Kaplony, Sárvár, Csaholy, Cégény cf. Németh, A középkori
9-10 (1926): 357–362. The source was used by Györffy, Az Szatmár megye.
Árpád-kori, I, 583–589, and referred to in Györffy, “A pápai 12 Data provided by the map of Pál Engel ( Magyarország
tized.” középkor végén) was completed with sources on

9 Pál Engel, Magyarország középkor végén. Digitális térkép és proprietorship and other relevant data provided by the
adatbázis a középkori Magyar Királyság településeiről. relevant county topographies (Györffy, Az Árpád-kori, I:
Hungary in the Late Middle Ages. Digital vector map and “Biharmegye” for Szabolcs: Németh, A középkori Szabolcs
attaching database about the settlements and landowners of megye and for Szatmár: Németh, A középkori Szatmár
medieval Hungary, PC CD-ROM (Budapest: MTA megye).
Történettudományi Intézet, 2001). Although the map 13 Zsigmond Jakó, Bihar megye a török pusztítás előtt [Bihar
provides information on the late medieval situation, it is county before the Ottoman destructions], Település és
163
century further settlements were established and were situated at the center of lands inherited by
the domain was divided among three families families descended from the patron kindred,
descended from the kindred. The site of the which shows that monasteries were more likely to
monastery was located near Nyírpályi (later be situated in those parts of the estates that were –
Monostorospályi), which was one of the earliest in the context of the Hungarian system of
settlements of the domain.14 The abbey of inheritance – regarded as more ancient, perhaps
Gáborján was founded by the Gyovad kindred, among the earliest acquisitions of a family. This
who owned a small estate comprising three can be demonstrated clearly in the case of Pályi,
settlements around the monastery.15 The abbey of where the Ákos kindred originally owned a large
Egyed (Egyedmonostor) situated around Diószeg domain along the valley of the Berettyó River,
and Székelyhíd and comprising around a dozen which was later divided through inheritance
settlements, was part of the huge domain of the among the branches of the Bebek, Ernye, and
patron kindred, the Gutkeleds.16 The westernmost Pocsaji families (all of them descendant the Ákos
example is the case of Herpály. There is no written kindred) (fig. 2).21 The monastery of Adony was
evidence on this monastery, only the church ruin surrounded by estates owned by the descendants
found within the confines of the medieval of the Gutkeled kindred (fig. 4), i.e., the settlement
settlement. Its ground plan-arrangement suggests of Szakoly was owned by the Szakolyi family, the
the existence of a monastery here.17 The villages of Aba, Kis-, and Nagygút were owned by
monastery was located in the valley of the the Gúti family, and Encsencs and Lugos were
Berettyó River and was part of a domain owned by the Báthori family.22 It is in this context
comprising five settlements (fig. 2).18 that the names of these monasteries sometimes
In Szatmár county, the abbey of Kaplony deliberately evoke the link with the founding
was surrounded by the extensive domain of the kindred. The abbey of Kaplony is a similar
Kaplony kindred; the abbey of Csaholy was part of illustrative example situated within the study area,
the domain of the Káta kindred, and the but there are dozens with this name pattern
monastery of Sárvár was part of the domain of around the kingdom. Among them, the case of
Ecsed, owned by the Gutkeled kindred (fig. 3).19 In Ákosmonostor is also worth mentioning; there
Szabolcs Co., the case of Adonymonostor should were two monasteries with the same name – one
be mentioned; it was surrounded by estates owned in Pest county and the other in Közép-Szolnok
by families who were descendants of the patron county – and both were associated with the Ákos
kindred, the Gutkeleds (fig. 4).20 kindred. In conclusion, the evidence surveyed
Although the topographical structure of land thus far suggests that monastic sites were typically
ownership often remains unclear due to lack of located at the heart of a kindred’s domain, near the
data, these examples suggest that monastic sites residences of the founders. Unfortunately, there
usually had a prominent topographic position on are few documentary sources, and none of them
the patrons’ estates. The sizes of the estates of from the studied area.
kindreds or families are important because they
might also indicate the status of the particular
monastic site. It was often the case that abbeys
népiségtörténeti értekezések 52 (Budapest: Sylvester nyomda, (1976): 49–103; Károly Kozák, “A herpályi apátsági
1940), 317–318 Györffy, Az Árpád-kori, I, 650–651. templomrom építéstörténete” [The architectural history of
14 See the map provided by Györffy, Az Árpád-kori, I, 581. the abbey church of Herpály], in Berettyóújfalu története, ed.
15 Szentpéterszeg, Keresztszeg / Keresztúr, and Gáborján: György Varga (Berettyóújfalu, 1981), 121–139.
Györffy, Az Árpád-kori, I, 618–619, 581 (map). 18 Györffy, Az Árpád-kori, I, 625, 581 (map).
16 Györffy, Az Árpád-kori, I, 614–615, 581 (map). 19 Németh, A középkori Szatmár megye, passim.
17 György Módy and Károly Kozák, “A herpályi 20 Németh, A középkori Szabolcs megye, 18–19.
templomromnál végzett régészeti kutatás és helyreállítás 21 Györffy, Az Árpád-kori, I, passim and Jakó, Bihar megye,
(1972-1975)” [The archaeological research and rehabilitation passim.

of the church ruin of Herpály], Bihari Múzeum Évkönyve 1 22 Engel, Magyarország középkor végén.
164
Fig. 1. Map with monasteries and parishes along the Berettyó

River, Bihar county. Source: Engel, Magyarország középkor
Erik Fügedi mentions the examples of the végén (red dots: parishes mentioned in the papal tithe-list;
Benedictine Abbey of Szerencs and the Cistercian green dots: monasteries).
Abbey of Ábrahám.23 In the case of Szerencs, there
was a conflict between two branches (the Izsépi The conflict began in 1380 when members of the
and Monoki families) of the patron’s kin (the Monoki family did not acknowledge the patronage
Bogát-Radvány family) over the property rights of rights of the other branch, denying even the bonds
the monastery. Fortunately, the details of the long of kinship. The oldest document the parties were
lawsuit have come down to us and all the earlier able to present concerning their rights of
charters documenting subsequent stages of the patronage dated back to 1252.
conflict were recorded in the final decision of the
palatine’s court in 1400.24
23 Erik Fügedi, “Sepelierunt corpus eius in proprio monasterio: Age], II, eds. Elemér Mályusz et al. (Budapest: Akadémiai
A nemzetségi monostor” [Sepelierunt corpus eius in proprio Kiadó, 1951), 98. The other original copy of the verdict is at
monasterio: The kindred monasteries], Századok 125, no. 3 DL 71908, while a copy made in 1710 is at DL 107345.
(1991): 33–66, 48–49. Moreover, several acts were transcribed by the judge-royal at
24 Fügedi (“Sepelierunt corpus eius,” 48, note 101, and 49, note an intermediate stage of the lawsuit, in 1387: DL 71896. These
102) cites the charter containing the final verdict issued 21 four documents, in slightly different variants, keep the
February, 1400 (MNL OL DL 376), published in regesta in integral text or the abstract of 17 charters issued between
Zsigmond-kori oklevéltár [Cartulary of King Sigismund’s 1252 and 1400.
165
Fig. 2. Map with estates of the kindreds along the Berettyó

River, Bihar county. Source: Engel, Magyarország középkor
végén (red dots: parishes mentioned in the papal tithe-list;
green dots: monasteries). The supreme court of the palatine, however,
influenced by the diocesan bishop, pointed out the
Such documents – apart from recording abusive nature of such practices, and ordered that
disputes – illustrate that patrons were directly the rights of the monastic community should be
involved in the administration of monastic estates observed. A decision was made to divide the rights
and that they were able to use the economic of patronage between the two branches according
resources of the monasteries for their own benefit to the proportion of 1/3 to 2/3, while the palatine
and purposes – sometimes they could even also emphasized the principle to avoid potential
expropriate their lands. Patrons were also in a abuses in the future. Also, the properties of the
position to appoint or dismiss the abbots whenever monastery should not be alienated, should be
they thought it appropriate to do so. It is worth preserved for the use of the abbey only, and should
noting that parties did not question or contest the be administered by the abbot without any patron
correctness of the jurisdictional statuses of their interfering. The rights of the patrons should be
opponents, but merely claimed that there should limited to honorary functions acknowledged by
be a clear division of such rights. In the the church – the most important one was the right
aforementioned case, the abbot himself and the to be buried within the monastic enclosure.
monastic community were not involved
personally or collectively in the lawsuit.
166
Fig. 3. Map with the

monasteries and
parishes in Bihar
county. Source:
Engel, Magyarország
középkor végén (red
dots: parishes
mentioned in the
papal tithe-list;
green dots:
monasteries).
incomes for themselves, or partially or totally

It was explicitly forbidden to seize any part of the expropriated monastic possessions for
income of the monastic estate or to reside in the themselves.25
monastery. All in all, the patrons of Szerencs were The above-mentioned case of Ábrahám-
not deprived of their rights due to their abusive monostor (near Dombóvár, Tolna county),
practices in the past, which might imply that these illustrates that patrons could also – probably quite
were possibly not considered grave. In fact, other often – reside at monastic sites. Ábrahám was one
examples (e.g., that of Ják or Zselicszentjakab) of the few private Cistercian monasteries.
suggest that such disputes between patrons and Ábrahám was founded in 1263 by Moys, master of
monastic communities over jurisdictional issues the queen’s treasury, and his brother, Alexander.26
were fairly common, as patrons often tried to
administer monastic estates themselves, used their
25Elemer Mályusz, Egyházi társadalom a középkori 1000 to 1301] (Budapest: História – MTA TTI 2011), 338, note
Magyarországon [Ecclesiastical society in medieval Hungary] 612. The founder made additional endowments to the
(Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1971), passim. monastery, Az Árpád-kori nádorok és helyetteseik
26 On the foundation: Az Árpád-házi királyok okleveleinek okleveleinek kritikai jegyzéke. Regesta palatinorum et vices
kritikai jegyzéke [Critical list of the Árpádian Kings’ gerentium tempore regum stirpis Arpadianae critico-
Charters], I-II, ed. Imre Szentpéter (Budapest: Magyar diplomatica [Critical register of the Charters of the Árpád Era
Tudományos Akadémia), 1923-1987, no. 1357; on the career palatines and their deputies], MOL Kiadványai II.
of Moys, see Attila Zsoldos, Magyarország világi archonto- Forráskiadványok 51, ed. Tibor Szőcs (Budapest: MOL, 2012),
lógiája. 1000-1301 [Secular archontology of Hungary: from no. 161. See also Levente F. Hervay, Repertorium historicum
167
his residence built near the

monastery (“circa dictum
monasterium descendere
et curiam, domos et alia
edificia construere-
niterentur”),28 so he
announced his intention at
the congregation of the
nobles of Tolna county,
asking whether anyone
would oppose it. The act of
declaration and the
absence of opposition were
put down in a charter by
the palatine, who was also
present at the meeting. A
representative of the other
patron family, Michael,
son of Majos, was also
present, and allegedly had
no objection. A similar
case was recorded in the
case of Császló, which
shows that such residential
practices were rather
usual. The patrons of
Császló – members of the
Surányi family of the Káta
kindred – were summoned
to court at their monastery
in 1345.29 According to
customary law, parties
should be summoned to
court at their residential
sites, so it seems probable
Fig. 4. Map with the monastery of (Nyír-)Adony, and the
surrounding estates in Szabolcs county. Source: Engel,
that several members of the Surányi family had
Magyarország középkor végén. their residences in Császló near the monastery.
The topographic connection between
A century later, the patronage right was held by monasteries and residences of patrons is also
the members of the Dárói (or Daróczi) and Majos evidenced for the Árpádian Age in a number of
families.27 In 1343, one of the patrons, Nicholas, earthwork fortification sites. Some of them were
son of Stephan of the Dárói family, decided to have mentioned in the secondary literature as “small
Ordinis Cisterciensis in Hungaria (Rome: Editio Cisterciensis, 28Fügedi, “Sepelierunt corpus eius,” 49, note 103.
1984), 47–52. 29Cited by Németh, A középkori Szatmár megye, 44–45: DL
27 Hervay, Repertorium Középkori magyar genealógia 76766; published in Codex diplomaticus domus senioris
[Medieval Hungarian genealogy], Electronic database comitum Zichy de Zich et Vasonkeö. A zichi és vásonkeői
released on CD: Magyar középkori adattár [Medieval gróf Zichy-család idősb ágának okmánytára, I-II, eds. Imre
Hungarian database], ed. Pál Engel (Budapest: Arcanum, Nagy et al. (Pest: Magyar Történelmi Társulat, 1872), II, 150.
2001, s. v. Majos rokonsága, 1st table.
168
castles” (“kisvár” in Hungarian), several of them Hont-Pázmány kindred until the middle of the
appear to have been residences of noble kindreds.30 twelfth century.34 A Benedictine abbey was built
Péter Németh pointed out that several monasteries during the first decades of the twelfth century, just
in Szabolcs and Szatmár counties were associated 500 meters away from the castle. In 1217, it was
with such fortified sites. This is the case with the taken over by the Premonstratensians and a new
Abbey of Beszterec, which was built on the monastery was built inside the former castle
highest part of an earlier earthwork castle that had building.35 The abbey of Ákosmonostora (Pest Co.)
been abandoned shortly before the monastery was was also built on the site of a former earthwork
built.31 At Sárvár (Szatmár Co.), the abbey was castle that had been abandoned shortly before.36
built next to the earthwork castle on an island in The abbey of Kács, of which the Örsúr kindred
the marshland of Ecsed.32 Similarly, were patrons, was built in the vicinity of the
Adonymonostora was situated near the earthwork earthwork castle at Sály-Lator, which belonged to
castle of Belső-Gút – notably, the place name is the same kindred.37 The provostry of the Holy
closely similar to the name of the Gutkeled Cross at Bodrog-Bő was built at Bő, where there
kindred.33 Archaeological discoveries at Sárvár and was also an earthwork castle of the Bő kindred.38
Adonymonostora suggest that these monasteries The Benedictine Abbey of Hahót, dedicated to St.
functioned contemporaneously with the Margaret, was founded by the Buzád-Hahót
fortifications nearby. kindred, built just a few kilometers away from the
A similar example, though somewhat residence of the kindred at Buzád-Sárkánysziget, a
larger, is Bény (Kisbény / Bina, Slovakia), where site that was localized by archaeological
an earthwork castle was built on the Garam River
at the end of the ninth century and was in use,
researchers assume, as the early residence of the
30These types of castles, usually of small dimensions and built focused on the stone fragments see Krisztina Havasi,
of earth and wood, were regarded as fortifications with “no “Sárvármonostor XI. századi kőfaragványainak katalógusa elé”
history” due to the lack of written sources referring to them. [Introduction to the catalogue of the eleventh century stone
They were analyzed, though, with archaeological methods carvings of Sárvármonostor], in Középkori egyházi építészet
and several interpretations were proposed in order to Szatmárban [Medieval ecclesiastical architecture of Szatmár],
establish their chronology and function. The overview of the eds. Tibor Kollár et al. (Nyíregyháza: Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg
research and analysis of several cases from the later period: Megyei Önkormányzat, 2011), 27–59.
Gábor Virágos, The Social Archaeology of Residential Sites. 33 Németh, “Szabolcs és Szatmár. 1. közlemény,” 128 (note 3),
Hungarian noble residences and their context from the and 132 “Szabolcs és Szatmár. 2. közlemény,” 98–100.
thirteenth to the sixteenth century: an outline for 34 Alois Habovstiak, “Frühmittelalterliche Wallanlage und
methodology, BAR International Series 1583, Achaeolingua – romanische Bauten in Bíňa,” in

Central European Series 3 (Oxford: Archaeopress, 2006). VIIe congrès international des sciences préhistoriques et
31 Péter Németh, “Szabolcs és Szatmár megyék Árpád-kori proto-historiques, Tchécoslovaquie, 1966. Excursion en
földvárai és monostorai, 1. közlemény” [Earth fortifications Slovaquie (Nitra: Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej akadémie vied,
and monasteries from the Árpádian Age in Szabolcs and 1966), 5–13.
Szatmár counties, 1st proceeding], MFME 6 (1966-1967): 127– 35 Sándor Tóth, A Hont-Pázmány nemzetség premontrei
134, 128 (note 7), and 132 Németh, “Szabolcs és Szatmár monostorai [The Premonstratensian monasteries of the Hont-
megyék Árpád-kori földvárai és monostorai, 2. közlemény” Pázmány kindred] (Kecskemét: BT-Press, 2008), 54–88.
[Earth fortifications and monasteries from the Árpádian Age 36 Györffy, Az Árpád-kori, IV, 508 MRT, 11, XIII/3. Pest
in Szabolcs and Szatmár counties, 2nd proceeding], A Jósa Megye Régészeti Topográfiája. Az Aszódi és Gödöllői Járás
András Múzeum Évkönyve 10 (1968): 134–167, 93 and 94; [Archaeological topography of Pest county. Districts of Aszód
and Németh, A középkori Szabolcs megye, 40–41. and Gödöllő], s. v. Galgahéviz, site no. 8/2, 176–183.
32 Németh, “Szabolcs és Szatmár. 1. közlemény,” 128 (note 4), 37 Judit Gádor, “A Sály-Latori nemzetségfői központ kutatása,”
and 132 for the archaeological research see Kálmán Magyar, in Középkori régészetünk újabb eredményei és időszerű
“Nagyecsed-Sárvár nemzetségi központ kutatása (1975-77),” feladatai [New results and tasks of our medieval archaeology],
[Investigation of the Nagyecsed-Sárvár centre of kindred], eds. István Fodor and László Selmeczi (Budapest: MNM,
CommArhHung IV (1984): 146–186 Sándor Tóth, 1985), 115–122.
“Sárvármonostor,” in Paradisum Plantavit. Benedictine 38 Kálmán Magyar, “A Bodrog-alsó-bűi nemzetségi központ
Monasteries in Medieval Hungary, ed. Imre Takács régészeti kutatása (1979-1999)” [Archaeological research of
(Pannonhalma: Archabbey of Pannonhalma, 2001), 368–370 the kindred center at Bodrog–Alsó-bű], Somogyi Múzeumok
for a more recent analysis of the archaeological research, Közleményei 14 (2000): 115–161.
169
excavations.39 The kindred was the patron of patrons even managed to secularize the monastic
another monastery, too – the provostry of St. estates. In this sense, the topographic relation of
Martin – situated on the opposite side of the valley, monasteries with the patron’s estates and
near Alsórajk.40 residences had a dual character: besides the
A recent comprehensive study on the evident advantages offered by this central
settlement development of county seats position, private monasteries were more
considered the presence of monasteries in or near vulnerable towards the patrons, being under their
the earthen-castles as an important factor for their permanent and direct control.
centrality and later development.41 A considerable
number of these monasteries were under royal
patronage, but there were private foundations as
well, like Pélmonostor at Baranyavár,
Bodrogmonostor at Bodrog, Ellésmonostor at
Csongrád, and Koppány-monostor at Komárom.
Although these sites apparently belong to the
above-described group of monasteries, which
were situated in or around fortified residential
sites, the topographic relation between monastic
complexes and earthworks is not always clear due
to the limitations of archaeological interpretation
or other circumstances. It seems probable that
such sites were not necessarily chosen by the
monasteries, but by the founders. However, in
certain cases monasteries outlived residential sites
that went out of use in later times.
It can be concluded as a result of the
topographic analysis and case studies that the site
of private monasteries had a more or less central
character within the topography of the patron’s
estate. The examination of Engel’s map of estates
and the lists of papal and bishops’ tithes show that
the monasteries were surrounded by the estates of
the patrons in almost all cases. Where the estates
were of bigger extent, the central character of the
monastic site can be observed even on a micro-
regional level. The cases studied suggest that the
patrons were directly involved in the
administration of monastic estates, and they were
able to use the economic resources of the
monasteries not only for the Abbey, but also for
their own benefit and purposes. Sometimes, the
39 László Vándor, “Archäologische Forschungen in den Stadtentwicklung im Mittelalterlichen Ungarn,” in

mittelalterlichen weltlichen und kirchlichen Zentren des Stadtgründung und Stadtwerdung. Beiträge von Archäologie
Hahót-Buzád-Geschlechts,” Antaeus 23 (1996): 183–217. und Stadtgeschichtsforschung, Beiträge zur Geschichte der
40 Vándor, “Archäologische Forschungen,” 190–191. Béla Städte Mitteleuropas, XXII, ed. Ferdinand Opll (Linz:
Miklós Szőke, “Die Prämonstratenserpropstei von Alsórajk- Österreichischen Arbeitskreises für Stadtgeschichts-
Kastélydomb,” Antaeus 23 (1996): 251–306. forschung, 2011), 375–405, 386, fig. 3 (map of monastic
41 Katalin Szende, “Von der Gespanschaftsburg zur Stadt: establishments in or near the countyseat).
warum, wie – oder warum nicht? Ein Möglicher weg der
170
A TURN TO FRATRES MINORES: THE monastery in Zbraslav as his burial place.3
FRANCISCANS IN 13TH-CENTURY LESSER In Poland the situation was far more
POLAND AND THE DUKE BOLESLAUS THE complex. At the time the former kingdom did not
CHASTE PATRONAGE actually exist, as it had been divided into several
duchies ruled by the members of the Piast dynasty.
PIOTR PAJOR The position of the Cracow duchy in this regard
was very particular – a fact crucial for this paper.
The second and third quarters of the 13th century In 1138 the realm was divided between the sons of
was a time of rapid expansion of the mendicant Duke Boleslaus the Wrymouth. Each of them had
orders in Central Europe. The Franciscans and the received their own duchy, which was to be
Dominicans – along with their female branches – hereditary, but Cracow was excluded from this
quickly arrived to the most important towns in arrangement. Instead, the city, along with its land,
Bohemia, Hungary, and Poland. What was was to be an additional possession of the oldest
extraordinary in these lands is the fact that the member of the dynasty alive at the time, who was
mendicants, friars as well as nuns, from the very also to be a princeps, having superior power over
beginning had the rulers’ patronage. This the other Piasts.4 In the 13th century this system
phenomenon is clearly visible in Hungary where had no longer been in use; however, Cracow was
King Béla IV founded a Dominican convent in still considered a key to rule over the whole of
Buda for his daughter Margaret and was himself Poland and the aim of a constant civil war. On the
buried in a Franciscan church in Esztergom.1 In other hand, the youngest son of Boleslaus the
Prague King Venceslaus I and his sister Agnes Wrymounth, Kazimirus II the Just, convinced the
established a double monastery for both the Poor clergy and the nobility to accept his hereditary
Clares and the Friars Minor, where Agnes spent rule in the Lesser Poland duchies of Cracow and
the rest of her life and which also became their Sandomierz.
mausoleum.2 Thus, in both of the most powerful The Franciscan friary in Cracow
kingdoms in Central Europe in the mid-13th The Franciscan friars arrived in Poland in
century the mendicant orders and especially the the year 1236 and settled in Wroclaw, the capital
Franciscans gained special relations with the city of Silesia, and Cracow. In previous studies
ruling dynasties. On the other hand, those their arrival from Prague was considered to be
relations were not always long-lasting, e.g. the resulting from the initiative of Henry the Bearded,
grandson of Venceslaus I, Vencelsaus II, did not duke of Silesia, who also ruled Cracow as a warden
follow this tradition and founded a Cistercian of juvenile Duke Boleslaus the Chaste.5

Institute of Art History, Jagiellonian University in Cracow; Founder of Franciscan friary in Cracow?], in Franciszkanie w
piotr.pajor88@gmail.com. Polsce średniowiecznej, cz. 1. [The Franciscans in medieval
1 See Bela Zsolt Szakács, “Early Mendicant Architecture in Poland. I], ed. Jerzy Kłoczowski (Kraków, 1983), 369–381;
Medieval Hungary,” Cescontexto. Debates 6 (2014): 23–34, Jerzy Wyrozumski, Kraków do schyłku wieków średnich
especially 24. [Cracow until the end of the Middle Ages] (Kraków:
2 Helena Soukupová, Anežský klášter v Praze [The Agnes' Wydawnictwo Literackie 1991), 124–126. The person
monastery in Prague] (Praha: Vyšehrad, 2011). considered to be the executor of Henry's will was voivode
3 Klára Benešovská, “Aula Regia près de Prague et Mons Teodor. Recent excavations under the western wing of the
Regalis près de Paris,” in Les Cisterciens dans le royaume cloister proved that the monastery had been erected on the
médiéval de Bohême. Actes du colloque de Kutna Hora, 9–13 same site as an older stone building. This structure could be
juin 1992, Cîteaux: Commentarii Cisterciense 47 (Brecht: Teodor's manor donated to the Franciscans, but it could also
Cîteaux VZW, 1996), 231–243; Klára Benešovská, be an episcopal property. See Marcin Szyma, “Relikty
“Architecture at the Crossroads: Three examples from kamiennej budowli pod zachodnim skrzydłem klasztoru
Bohemia circa 1300,” in The Year 1300 and the creation of a Franciszkanów w Krakowie” [Remains of the stone building
New European Architecture, eds. Alexandra Gajewski and beneath the western wing of the Franciscan cloister in
Zoë Opačić (Turnhout: Brepols, 2008), 156–158. Cracow], in Lapides viventes. Zaginiony Kraków wieków
4 See Norman Davies, God's Playground: A History of Poland. średnich. Księga dedykowana prof. Klementynie Żurowskiej
I. The Origins to 1795 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, [Lapides viventes. Lost Crakow Ages. Book dedicated to prof.
2005), 19–52. Klementyna Żurowski], eds. Jerzy Gadomski et al. (Kraków:
5 E.g. Gerard Labuda, “Kto był fundatorem-założycielem Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, 2005), 149–157.
klasztoru franciszkanów w Krakowie?” [Who was the
171
PIOTR PAJOR
As it was demonstrated by Adam Zwiercan, the

friars’ appearance was more likely a result of the
apostolic mission lead by Saxon provincial
Giovanni of Pian del Carpini.6 Thus Boleslaus, who
was then eleven years old, had nothing to do with
the Franciscans’ arrival in his domain.
Nevertheless, in the following years the friars
played a significant role in the process of
consolidating Boleslaus’ authority.
It is uncertain when the Franciscan church
in Cracow was constructed. It is usually dated to
around the mid-century. Some scholars, e.g.
Zwiercan, proposed that the entire structure had
been completed before 1249, when the Polish-
Bohemian province chapter took place in Cracow.7
This argument is not very convincing if one
considers the fact that the previous chapter in
Poland took place in 1245 in Sandomierz, only two
years after establishing the convent,8 and it is
certain that the friars did not erect any durable
buildings. On the other hand, some details
(especially choir traceries) suggest that work had
not been completed until the third quarter of the
13th century. However, Waldemar Niewalda and
Halina Rojkowska suggested that the
aforementioned traceries were added in another
phase, perhaps in the process of arranging the
artistic setting of Boleslaus' burial.9 Other
elements, especially ceramic arcade friezes, seem
to be connected with the horizon shortly before
the middle of the 13th century (fig. 1).10
Fig. 1. Cracow, Franciscan church, facade of the north

transept. Photo by author.
6 Antoni Zwiercan, “Pierwotny kościół Franciszkanów w kościół franciszkanów w świetle ostatnich badań” [Medieval
Krakowie” [The Original Franciscan Church in Cracow], Franciscan church in light of the latest research], in
Nasza przeszłość 60 (1983): 77; Antoni Zwiercan, “Nowe Mendykanci w średniowiecznym Krakowie [Mendicants of
spojrzenie na początki franciszkanów w Polsce” [A new look medieval Crakow], eds. Krzysztof Ożóg and Tomasz Gałuszka
at the Franciscans' beginning in Poland], Nasza przeszłość 63 (Kraków: Espirit, 2008), 289.
(1985): 5–51; Antoni Zwiercan, “Franciszkanie w Krakowie” 10 Such a kind of frieze was common in early brick
[Franciscans in Cracow], W nurcie franciszkańskim 1 (1987): architecture in Lesser Poland (e.g. Cistercian church in
19–23; similar opinion in Zdzisław Gogola, “Rys historyczny Mogiła, Premonstratensian church in Cracow, Dominican
bazyliki Franciszkanów w Krakowie” [Historic outline of the church in Sandomierz), Silesia (e.g. St. Giles church in
Franciscan Basilica in Cracow], in Studia z dziejów kościoła Wrocław, parish church in Środa Śląska-Probostwo) and
Franciszkanów w Krakowie [Studies in the history of the Central Poland (e.g. Strońsk). The Dominicans usually used a
Franciscan church in Krakow] (Kraków: Wydawnictwo more elaborate version of the frieze with pearl ornament on
Unum, 2006), 27. the arcades and reversed fleurs-de-lis in the lower part (see
7 Zwiercan, “Pierwotny kościół.” Marcin Szyma, “Fryzy z motywem lilii w kościołach
8 “Rocznik Małopolski” [The Annals of Lesser Poland], in dominikańskich w Polsce” [Friezes with fleurs-de-lis motif in
MPH, II, 168. the Dominican churches in Poland], Kronika Miasta Poznania
9 Waldemar Niewalda and Halina Rojkowska, “Średniowieczny 72 (2004): 3, 95–108.
172
A turn to fratres minores: The Franciscans in 13th century Lesser Poland
Decoration of the sacristy,

stylistically different and
usually considered to be the
oldest part of the complex, has
been compared with the Poor
Clares monastery in Prague.11
Thus it seems certain that the
church was constructed during
the independent reign of
Boleslaus the Chaste, between
1243 and 1279. This
conclusion also harmonizes
with the convent tradition
considering Boleslaus as the
founder and patron; moreover,
the duke, after his death, was
buried right in the Franciscans’
choir.12
Reconstruction of the
original church is even more
controversial. During the last
150 years scholars proposed
various visions of the church,
which was extended several
times, especially at the end of
Fig. 2. Cracow, Franciscan monastery; after Architektura
the 13th century and during the 15th century. gotycka w Polsce, vol. 2 (Warszawa: PAN 1995), fig. 208; the
Since the first 19th-century study by Józef Kremer oldest part of the church marked blue.
the form of the original church had been
considered to be based on a Greek cross plan, with According to some researchers this form was
chancel, nave, and transepts each composed of a extended with the long nave with one
single square bay, with another crossing bay in the asymmetrical aisle around the end of the 13th
center (figs. 2-3).13 century.14 A new polygonal apse was added to the
chancel in the 15th century, however, the cross
11 Tomasz Węcławowicz, Cocto latere nobilitavit: O (Wilno: Józef Zawadzki, 1859), 72–73, note without number.
ceglanych murach kościołów średniowiecznego Krakowa [On 14 Marcin Szyma supposed that the extension of the church
the brick walls of medieval churches in Cracow] (Kraków: had been carried out during the Bohemian King Venceslaus
Krakowskie Towarzystwo Edukacyjne, 2013), 97. II’s reign in Lesser Poland. In this way the church had been
12 Boleslaus' grave was never discovered. The oldest source prepared to be used by another convent, by the Poor Clares,
speaking about his burial is the so-called Dzierzwa's whom Venceslaus had been going to move from Zawichost
Chronicle, probably written by a Franciscan friar from (see below in this paper). Szyma considered this action as an
Cracow monastery in the early 14th century. According to its attempt to legitimize Venceslaus' authority in Cracow by
text Boleslaus was buried “in choro fratrum Minorum ante taking care of Boleslaus' mausoleum. Marcin Szyma, “Kościół
maius altare.” Kronika Dzierzwy [Chronicle of Dzierzwa], ed. Franciszkanów w Krakowie na przełomie XIII i XIV wieku”
Krzysztof Pawłowski (Kraków: Polska Akademia [Franciscan church in Cracow circa 1300], in Artifex Doctus:
Umiejętności, 2013), 82; see also Wojciech Drelicharz, Studia ofiarowane profesorowi Jerzemu Gadomskiemu w
“Mittelalterliche Krakauer Annalistik,” Quaestiones Medii siedemdziesiątą rocznicę urodzin [Studies in honor of
Aevi Novae 8 (2003): 231–288. Professor Jerzy on the Occasion of his Seventieth Birthday], I
13 Józef Kremer, Podróż do Włoch [The Journey to Italy], II (Kraków: Polska Akademia Umiejętności, 2007), 253–260.
173
PIOTR PAJOR
shape of the oldest part is still discernible.

Nevertheless, some scholars presented different
visions – especially Tomasz Węcławowicz and
Andrzej Włodarek, who proved that the long nave
is an original element. In their opinion, at first the
church was composed of a single, three bays long
choir and a long nave with an aisle. In the second
phase, related to the arranging of Boleslaus’
mausoleum, side annexes of transepts were added
in the middle of the choir.15 Either way, after
recent architectural research carried out by
Niewalda and Rojkowska, it is virtually
incontestable that the whole eastern section of the
church, which forms the shape of a Greek cross,
was the oldest part, and the longitudinal nave was
added somewhat later.16 Nevertheless, the
question whether this newer part of the church
had been planned from the beginning remains
open. If not, the original Franciscan church in
Cracow was in fact the only mendicant church
based on a central plan.
This unique form caused many troubles for
scholars. It was present in several central Gothic
churches – for example the medieval church in
Prejmer (Tartlau, Transylvania), Our Lady church
in Trier, and the parish church in Bolków
(Bolkenhain), but its interpretation is different for
every case.17 Szczęsny Skibiński recognized that
the church had been designed from the beginning
as a ducal mausoleum and the Greek cross plan
expressed its memorial character. He observed
Fig. 3. Cracow, Franciscan church, facade of the north patterns suggesting such a solution in late Antique
transept. Photo by author. and early Christian burial and memorial
15Tomasz Węcławowicz and Andrzej Włodarek, “Krakowski architektura kościoła oo. Franciszkanów w Krakowie” [The
kościół oo. Franciszkanów w wieku XIII” [Franciscan church medieval architecture of the Franciscan church in Cracow],
in Cracow in the 13th century], Sprawozdania z Posiedzeń RK 56 (1990): 41–63; Stanisław Pasiciel, “Kościół
Komisji Naukowych Krakowskiego Oddziału PAN 33, no. 2 franciszkański w Krakowie w XIII wieku” [The Franciscan
(1989): 329–331; Tomasz Węcławowicz and Andrzej church in Cracow in the 13th century], RK 68 (2002): 5–52.
Włodarek, “Kościół św. Franciszka i klasztor oo. 16 Niewalda and Rojkowska, “Średniowieczny kościół
Franciszkanów” [Church of St. Francis and the Franciscan franciszkanów,” 277–283.
monastery], in Architektura gotycka w Polsce [Polish Gothic 17 The plan of Our Lady church in Trier in particular has been
architecture], eds. Teresa Mroczko and Marian Arszyński interpreted in different ways, see: Wolfgang Schenkluhn and
(Warszawa: DiG, 1995), 129–130; Tomasz Węcławowicz and Peter van Stipelen, “Architektur als Zitat. Die Trierer
Andrzej Włodarek, “Architektura krakowskiego kościoła Liebfrauenkirche in Marburg,” in 700 Jahre Elisabethkirche
Franciszkanów w wieku XIII. Problemy i hipotezy badawcze, in Marburg 1283–1983: Die Elisabethkirche: Architektur in
proponowane rekonstrukcje” [The architecture of the der Geschichte (Marburg: Elwers, 1983), 19–54; Mark C.
Franciscan Church in Cracow in the 13th century: Problems Schurr, “The Liebfrauenkirche in Trier: Form and Meaning in
and research hypothesis, proposed reconstructions], in Studia Early Gothic Architecture in the Holy Roman Empire,” in
z dziejów kościoła Franciszkanów w Krakowie, 45–80; Architecture, Liturgy and Identity. Liber Amicorum Paul
Węcławowicz, Cocto latere, 93–108; similar opinions were Crossley, eds. Zoe Opačić and Achim Timmermann
presented by Paweł Pencakowski, “Średniowieczna (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), 111–122.
174
architecture, including the famous Galia Placidia's In Lesser Poland such a foundation was a new idea.
Mausoleum in Ravenna and the sanctuary of Saint Boleslaus' predecessors did not take similar
Simeon Stilites in Kalaat Semaan.18 Contrary to actions. His father and grandfather, Leszek the
this thesis, Andrzej Grzybkowski demonstrated White and Kazimirus the Just, both were buried in
that cruciform plans were popular in Franciscan the Cracow Cathedral.21 Kazimirus had supported
architecture in Italy, e.g. Friars Minor churches in the foundation of the Cistercian monasteries in
Asisi, Pavia, and Viterbo. In Grzybkowski's Sulejów and Koprzywnica, but later none of them
opinion the organization of those churches’ played any significant role for him.22 It is more
eastern sections explains the form applied in striking when one compares Lesser Poland with
Cracow well enough, despite the lack of a long Silesia and its great series of ducal Cistercian
nave.19 On the other hand, a seemingly necessary monasteries in Lubiąż (Leubus), Trzebnica
question arises: what was so special about the (Trebnitz), and Henryków (Heinrichau),23 or East
convent in Cracow that it received a unique Pomerania where Duke Sambor I founded a
central form? This issue becomes even more monastery in Oliwa.24 In this context Boleslaus'
apparent when one considers that all the other foundation is even more significant – and the
earliest mendicant churches in Poland, the Cracow church was only the beginning of his
Franciscan as well as the Dominican ones (the Franciscan foundations.
Friars Minor in Wrocław, Zawichost, Nowy The Friars Minor and the Poor Clares
Korczyn, and Kalisz, the Dominicans in Kraków, double monastery in Zawichost
Wrocław, Sandomierz, Sieradz, and Poznań), Other of Boleslaus' foundations for the
received completely different, quickly unified Franciscans were not researched as intensively,
plans with a long choir and a separate spacious however, at least one of them seems to be equally
nave.20 None of them has a transept. Moreover, the important. In 1245 Boleslaus' sister Salomea
church in Cracow in its Greek cross shape would became the first woman in Poland to join the Poor
be the smallest of them. Thus, it is highly probable Clares order. Salomea was not only the duke's
that from the very beginning the church had been sister, but also Coloman of Lodomeria’s widow,
designed to be composed of both, the cross-shaped former queen of Halych and the duchess of
eastern part and the long nave, but the second part Slavonia, over 30 years of age at the time.
was erected after a hiatus, perhaps connected with Sometime after Coloman's death, during the
Boleslaus' death. In any case, the Cracow friary Mongol invasion in 1241, she took her veil at the
should be considered a typical royal monastery
founded by the ruler as a place of his eternal rest.
18Szczęsny Skibiński, Pierwotny kościół Franciszkanów w Długosz (Ioannis Dlugosii Annales seu Cronicae incliti Regni
Krakowie [The original Franciscan church in Cracow] Poloniae, VI (Warszawa: PWN, 1981), 156). The exact
(Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu im. Adama location of the grave is unknown; it was probably destroyed
Mickiewicza, 1977). in the 14th century, when the new cathedral was constructed.
19 Andrzej Grzybkowski, “Centralne gotyckie jednonawowe Kazimierz Jasiński, Rodowód pierwszych Piastów [Genealogy
kościoły krzyżowe w Polsce” [The Central Gothic single-nave of the first Piasts] (Warszawa-Wrocław: PTPN, 1992), 265)
cross-shaped churches in Poland], in Między formą a considered Długosz's version as highly probable.
znaczeniem. Studia z ikonografii architektury i rzeźby 22 Józef Dobosz, Działalność fundacyjna Kazimierza
gotyckiej [Between form and meaning. Studies of icono- Sprawiedliwego [Kazimirus the Just's patronage] (Poznań:
graphy and architecture of Gothic sculpture], ed. Andrzej Instytut Historii, 1995).
Grzybkowski [Warszawa: DiG, 1997], 23–24. 23 Ewa Łużyniecka, Architektura klasztorów cysterskich. Filie
20 See Andrzej Grzybkowski, “Early mendicant architecture in lubiąskie i inne cenobia śląskie [The architecture of Cistercian
Central-Eastern Europe. The present state of research,” Arte monasteries. Daughter houses of Lubiąż and other Silesian
Medievale 1 (1983): 135–156; Andrzej Grzybkowski, “Das cenobia] (Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Politechniki Wrocław-
Problem der Langchöre in Bettelordens-Kirchen im östlichen skiej, 2002), passim.
Mitteleuropa des 13. Jahrhunderts,” Architectura: Zeitschrift 24 Dariusz A. Dekański and Leszek Wetesko, “Oliwa,” in
für Geschichte der Baukunst 13 (1983): 152–168. Monasticon Cisterciense Poloniae, II, eds. Andrzej Wyrwa et
21 The only source speaking about Kazimirus the Just’s burial al. (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Poznańskie, 1999), 268–269.
in the cathedral is the mid-15th century chronicle by Jan
175
PIOTR PAJOR
Fig. 4. Zawichost, former Franciscan and Clarisian church,

east wall of the choir and cloister wing. Photo by author. In 1255 Boleslaus issued a document in Zawichost
and its list of witnesses includes Adalbertus, frater
Franciscan chapter in Sandomierz.25 After this ordinis minorum domus de Zawichost.29
event Salomea and Boleslaus founded a monastery Adalbertus, Salomea's private confessor, was
in the town of Zawichost located in north-eastern mentioned many times as her companion. Jan
Lesser Poland, close to the border with Ruthenia Długosz, mid-15th century historian, thought that
and Lithuania. The convent was first mentioned both monasteries had been created at the same
1254,26 but scholars usually agree that it was time, but the deserted Clarisian one was destroyed
founded just after Salomea's accession. In 1255 in the early 15th c. along with the hospital.30
Boleslaus founded a hospital next to the cloister The preserved structural elements in
and endowed it generously.27 The nuns stayed in Zawichost include a church with a long rib-
Zawichost only until 1257, when their convent vaulted chancel with three bays and a single nave
was moved to Prądnik Valley.28 Their cloister was with a flat ceiling, as well as some remains of a
taken over by the friars who moved from single cloister wing within the walls of a later
Sandomierz, although some sources suggest that a building (figs. 4-6). This wing is connected with
group of friars had been present in Zawichost the church on the level of the eastern bay of the
already before that date. However, before 1257 a choir.
male monastery was only mentioned once.
25 See note 8. 29 Kodeks Dyplomatyczny Katedry Krakowskiej [The

26 KDM, II, no. 444. Diplomatic Codex of Cracow Cathedral] (Kraków: Akademia
27 KDM, I, no. 446. Umiejętności, 1874), no. 43.
28 KDM, I, no. 57. 30 See note 35.
176
Józef Jamroz, who researched the cloister and

the church during the reconstruction after
World War II damages, discovered the remains
of a cloister with a passage to the church and,
what is a crucial fact in this context, a
longitudinal room situated next to the choir, on
its northern side. This room, 6 meters long and
3 wide, had two doors – one leading to the
cloister’s passage and another to the next
chamber in the row, identified as the chapter
house. On the opposite side there was no door
to the choir, however, both spaces were
connected by a grilled window. On the southern
side of the choir was a parallel chamber, which
functioned as the sacristy, which had no direct
passage to the cloister on the north. Jamroz also
discovered the remains of a massive choir screen
separating the nave from the choir (fig. 7)31.
Many premises suggest that Boleslaus
and Salomea consistently were going to found
two cloisters in Zawichost – for both the Poor
Clares and the Friars Minor.

interior of the choir. Photo by author.

longitudinal section after Jamroz, “Kościół pofranciszkanski,”
216, fig. 98.
31 Józef Jamroz, “Kościół pofranciszkański w Zawichoście” Historii Sztuki i Kultury 10 (1948): 185–230.
[The former Franciscan church in Zawichost], Biuletyn
177
PIOTR PAJOR
A papal bull containing information about

taking over a recently completed monastery by the
friars was issued in April 1257 – one month after
Boleslaus' charter about the translation of the
nuns' convent to Prądnik Valley.32 The founders
must have requested the pope’s approval much
earlier – it is clear if one considers that the papal
acceptance of the nuns' transfer was sent in 1260,
so the whole process took three years.33 And, as it
was already stated, friars’ domus de Zawichost
were mentioned just in 1255; both original
monasteries were also known to Długosz. Jamroz,
reconstruction of the original ground plan after Jamroz,
referring to the results of his research, suggested
“Kościół pofranciszkański,” 217, fig. 99; 1. Friars' choir; that the nuns and the friars were to use the same
2. Nave; 3. Nuns' oratory; 4. Nuns' chapter house; 5. sacristy. church. He explained that the nave was intended
for secular people, the long choir for the friars, and
the aforementioned room with the window
opened to the choir interior was the nuns' oratory.
Jamroz believed that the primary male
cloister was situated on the southern side of the
church and connected with the sacristy.34 It was
demolished, along with the hospital building, in
the early 15th century. Długosz claimed that the
separate nuns' church had also been destroyed at
that time.35 In his narration this church was
dedicated to Saint Elisabeth, but such patrocinium
is unknown in older sources; its own charters call
the nunnery “monastery of Saint Damien order”36,
keeping quiet about the church.
Also important is that this theory explains
the church’s plan with a spacious, long choir,
typical for male mendicant churches in Central
Europe, e.g. the oldest group of Dominican
churches in Poland (Poznań, Sieradz, Wrocław).
Moreover, the church in Zawichost was
constructed on almost the same plan as another
Fig. 8. Prague, Franciscan and Clarisian monastery, ground friars’ church founded by Boleslaus in Nowy
plan after. Soukupová, Anežský klášter, 24, fig. 2; structures Korczyn, which took place a short time later.37
erected before 1245 marked blue.
32 Bullarium Poloniae, I (Rzym and Lublin: École française de 37Józef Frazik, “Kościół i klasztor Franciszkanów w Nowym
Rome 1982), no. 641b. Korczynie” [The Franciscan church and monastery in Nowy
33 KDM, I, no. 54. Korczyn], in Symbolae Historiae Artium: Studia z historii
34 Jamroz, “Kościół pofranciszkański,” 222. sztuki Lechowi Kalinowskiemu dedykowane [Symbolae
35 Długosz claimed that the nuns' church and monastery, Historiae Artium: Studies of the history of art dedicated to
which had been earlier damaged by Mongolians and Lech Kalinowski] (Warszawa: PWN, 1986), 235–256; Paweł
Lithuanians, were eventually demolished in 1412 by voivode Pencakowski, “Sanktuaria minoryckie w Zawichoście i
(palatinus) Michał of Czyżów, who took the stone to build his Nowym Korczynie. Dwie fundacje związane z księciem
castle. Joannis Dlugosz, Opera Omnia, IX, Liber Beneficiorum Bolesławem Wstydliwym i jego rodziną” [Friars Minor’s
Dioecesis Cracoviensis, ed. Alexander Przezdziecki, III sanctuaries in Zawichost and Nowy Korczyn: Two
(Cracoviae: Typographia Kirchmajeriana, 1864), 309–310. foundations connected with Boleslaus the Chaste and his
36 E. g. KDM, II, no. 446. family], Kwartalnik Architektury i Urbanistyki 37 (1992):
178

the shaft in the choir. Photo by author.
According to this theory the church must have

been mostly completed in 1257, only 12 years after
establishing the convent.38
133–143. century], II (Warszawa: PWN, 1971), 787–788. Such

38 Maria Pietrusińska, “Zawichost: Kościół i klasztor Klarysek interpretation was accepted also by authors who did not
i Franciszkanów” [Zawichost: Church and Convent of the believe in the existence of a double monastery or did not voice
Poor Clares and Franciscans], in Sztuka polska przedromańska this question, e.g. Andrzej Grzybkowski, Gotycka
i romańska do chyłku XIII wieku [Polish art: Pre- architektura murowana w Polsce [Stone Gothic Architecture
Romanesque and Romanesque art until the end of the 13th in Poland] (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu
179
PIOTR PAJOR
which was an absolutely singular act, especially in

the middle of the 13th century. However, since
that time, no one noticed that such manner of
foundation had a very clear precedent, even
though this monastery became one of the most
important royal cloisters in Europe.
Before 1231 Agnes of Prague and King
Wenceslaus I, children of the Bohemian King
Premysl Ottokar I, established a house of Poor
Clares in Prague, the first one in Central Europe.
The first nuns came from Italy, but shortly after
(in 1234) some girls of noble families and Agnes
herself joined the order as well. At first there had
only been a female cloister connected with the
hospital, but after 1237 a male cloister was added.
In its final form, completed circa 1245, the whole
complex consisted of a church with one
asymmetrical aisle and a long choir.40 The female
cloister was situated on its northern side, with the
nuns’ oratory on the tribune inside the nave and
Fig. 10. Grodzisko near Skała, contemporary ground plan an additional Virgin Mary chapel constructed
after Adam Miłobędzki, Architektura Polska XVII wieku along the presbytery, connected with Agnes’
(Warszawa: PWN 1980), 417, fig. 167. private oratory (fig. 8).41 The friars’ cloister had
been located on the southern side of the church.
In 1258 Boleslaus and Salomea's mother, Duchess In this layout especially the location of Agnes'
Grzymisława, was buried in the Zawichost oratory is striking. As it was demonstrated by
church,39 but it is impossible to determine whether Caroline Bruzelius, in the first period of the order’s
or not this is a sign of wider dynastic necropolis history and particularly before the translation of
conception. the Assisi convent from San Damiano Church to
Jamroz's interpretation seems convincing. Santa Chiara, there was no one pattern of the nuns'
On the other hand, he states that Boleslaus and oratory position.42 Many of the first convents were
Salomea founded a double Franciscan monastery,
Warszawskiego, 2014), 38, 39. On the other hand, appearance of churches, including a ban on vaulting the
Pencakowski (“Sanktuaria minoryckie,” 121–127) thought church, except for the presbytery; see Richard A. Sundt,
that Długosz was right about the existence of two separate ““Mediocres domos et humiles habeant fratres nostri”:
churches, including the Clarisian one, destroyed in the 15th Dominican Legislation on Architecture and Architectural
century. In his interpretation the preserved church was Decoration in the 13th Century,” Journal of the Society of
always used by friars only and had been raised in two phases; Architectural Historians 46 (1987): 394–407.
originally the whole church had only consisted of the present 39 “Rocznik Małopolski,” 169.
nave and the long choir was added after 1257 on the occasion 40 Soukupová, Anežský klášter, passim.
of the funeral. This premise was based on the alleged stylistic 41 The functional plan of the extended monastery was
difference between simple, vault-less, plain nave and the rich, reconstructed this way by Helena Soukupová, who discarded
vaulted choir, but he noted that both parts of the church are the older theory, which considered the Virgin Mary chapel as
bounded and built with the same bricks. However, such a the nuns’ oratory. However, it was indicated by Carola Jäggi,
‘difference’ was typical and common for mendicant churches, Frauenklöster im Spätmittelalter. Die Kirchen der Klarissen
where the choir was a space for the friars, and secular people und Dominikanerinnen im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert
could only enter the nave. Cf. Wolfgang Schenkluhn, (Petersberg: Michael Imhof Verlag, 2006), 202–203) that
Architektur der Bettelorden: Die Baukunst der Dominikaner Soukupová’s interpretation is doubtful.
und Franziskaner in Europa (Darmstadt: Primus Verlag, 42 Caroline Bruzelius, “Hearing is Believing: Clarissan
2000), passim. Moreover, during the 13th century both the Architecture, ca. 1213-1340,” Gesta 31, no. 2 (1992): 83–91;
Franciscans (in the general chapter in 1260) and the Caroline Bruzelius, “Nuns in Space: Strict Enclosure and the
Dominicans formulated a number of rules about the Architecture of the Clarisses in the Thirteenth Century,” in
180
located in preexisting buildings and their monastery. Theoretically it could be a

functional plans had to be adapted to their layouts. manifestation of a political alliance with the
Moreover, even later the communication between Premyslids, but such an alliance did not exist.
convents was limited and there were no widely Boleslaus was maintaining close relations with
followed patterns. In this way, if Jamroz's Hungary and the Arpads which had been
reconstruction is correct, on a basic level the established by his father. They dominated his
monastery in Zawichost was more than similar to politics, but also had a more personal level. He
the Prague one, with a big church with a long married the daughter of King Béla IV – Kunegund.
choir in the center, nuns' cloister on the northern Even before this marriage Salomea had been
side, and friars' cloister on the southern side. In Coloman's wife. In this context it is surprising that
both complexes a hospital, endowed in place of the they chose the Bohemian, and not Hungarian,
nunnery, was an important part.43 pattern. It should be mentioned at this point that
The uncommon location of the oratory on the extension of the Prague monastery was
the north side of the choir is also analogous, completed in 1245. In the same year Salomea
although in Prague it was an exclusive space for received her veil during the chapter of Bohemian-
Agnes, not for all the nuns. Such placement of the Polish province in Sandomierz, and the person
oratory seems to have been useful for the Clares; a who gave her the nun's habit was the Provincial
window situated close to the altar made the liturgy Superior Remundus.45 Boleslaus and Bishop
audible for them. But most importantly, in both Prandota of Cracow were present and some
cases, the Prague and the Zawichost foundations, delegation of Bohemian friars must have been
the personal context was the same – in both there too. Even if the concept of the Prague
examples a ruler founded a double Franciscan monastery was not translated this way, it was
monastery for his sister who joined the Poor probably well known to Boleslaus as a significant
Clares. foundation by his Bohemian rival; it was clearer
The Prague convent quickly became a true because of the parallel relation between both
royal monastery. It was founded as a royal rulers and their sisters as well as a suitable frame
mausoleum, but during the following decades its for piety of highborn women.
significance increased even more. The monastery What should be stressed is the fact that the
became a kind of a symbol of the Premyslid Zawichost monastery’s similarity to the Prague
dynasty. As it was demonstrated by Helena monastery is limited only to the plan and function.
Soukupova, the successors of Venceslaus I, It is enough to treat Zawichost as an 'iconographic
Premysl Ottokar II, and Venceslaus II, copy' as it was defined by Richard Krautheimer.46
consistently founded double Franciscan On the other hand, this does not indicate any
monasteries in those towns where they gained strictly artistic connections. Contrary, heavy,
direct rule. It seems that the double monasteries in multiplied composite shafts with massive frontal
Cheb, Znojmo, and Opava were treated as symbols half-columns with bell capitals covered by huge
of the Premyslids’ domination because of their impost blocks, as well as a vault supported by
similarity to the royal monastery in the capital prominent transverse arches and a mixed wall
city.44 This political aspect, however, cannot be the boundary with bricks and stone (figs. 5, 9) have
key to understanding the meaning of Zawichost not much in common with the far more Gothic
Clare of Assisi: A Medieval and Modern Woman, ed. Ingrid pofranciszkański,”) noted that this solution was similar to the
Petersen (New York: Franciscan Institute, 1996), 53–73. Prague one.
43 It was noticed early that the hospital’s income was in fact 44 Helena Soukupová-Benáková, “Premylovské mauzoleum v
being collected by the convent, which at that period was not klástere blahoslavené Anezky na Frantisku,” Umění 24
allowed to possess its own property. See on this especially (1976): 193; Jäggi, Frauenklöster im Spätmittelalter, 110–111.
Janina Stoksik, “Powstanie i późniejszy rozwój uposażenia 45 See note 8.
klasztoru Klarysek w Krakowie w XIII I XIV wieku” 46 Richard Krautheimer, “Introduction to an “Iconography of
[Establishing and later development of the Clarissian convent Mediaeval Architecture,” Journal of the Warburg and
in Cracow’s funding], RK 35 (1961): 94. Jamroz, “Kościół Courtauld Institutes 5 (1942): 1–33.
181
PIOTR PAJOR
forms of the Prague monastery. The style of the kilometers from Cracow. According to both the
Zawichost church was compared locally with the translation document and younger Clarissian
Cistercian church in Mogiła near Cracow and in a tradition the reason for this action was the danger
wider context with the Cistercian monastery in of Lithuanian and Mongolian attacks on
Maulbronn, which generally seems accurate.47 Zawichost. Although, if that was the case, it is
It should be mentioned that Zawichost hard to understand why Boleslaus and Salomea did
was not the only double Franciscan monastery in not translate the convent to Cracow or
the 13th-century Poland. Another one was created Sandomierz, which were the capitals of his
in Gniezno. A friary was established in 1259 by duchies. The chosen location was a secluded place,
Duke Boleslaus the Pius, perhaps as his burial situated near a significant route from Cracow to
place. Shortly after 1280 this monastery was Silesia on the bottom of the valley, but far away
expanded with a nunnery founded by Boleslaus' from any town. Moreover, the convent was
nephew and successor, Przemysł II.48 Personal and situated on a small platform on the peak of a rock,
dynastic connections seem to be decisive again. just on the verge of a high cliff, where there was
The most important inhabitant of the new convent simply no space for a complex that would be in any
was Duchess Yolenda, who was Boleslaus the Pius’ way comparable to the one in Zawichost (fig 10).
widow and sister of Kunegund, Boleslaus the Privileges, which Boleslaus granted to the
Chaste’s wife. The disposition of the monastery, convent, were also unusual. The nuns received
with the friary north-east of the church, nunnery permission to build a castle and locate a town.
in front of its western façade, and nuns' oratory in In the translation act the new location is
a room along the nave was different; Stanisław described as locus tuciores, which translates to
Pasiciel suggested the disposition of the double ‘safe’ or ‘well defensive’ place. This care for the
monastery in Znojmo as its pattern.49 nuns’ safety, however, does not explain such an
Lapis Sanctae Mariae – a new convent in extraordinary location outside any town. The
Prądnik Valley answer is probably connected with the name of
Regardless of its origin, the female convent this place, and the monastery itself. The
in Zawichost did not survive. Twelve years after translation act informs that the new place was
the foundation of the monastery and only two popularly called Scala, which literally means 'the
after the creation of its hospital, in 1257, Boleslaus Rock.'50 This name was adapted by the monastery,
moved the nuns to a new location on the top of a called Lapis Sanctae Mariae – Rock of Saint Mary.
high rock in the valley of Prądnik, about 30 The name was used in all the convent's documents
47 Scholars who suggested that churches in Mogiła and 49Pasiciel, Zespół klasztorny, 100.
Zawichost were constructed by the same workshop are 50See note 28; “Hinc est, quod nos Bolezlaus (…) monasterium
Pencakowski (“Sanktuaria minoryckie,” 130) and Krystyna dicti ordinis per nos olim in Zawichost fundatum et congruis
Białoskórska, “Le caractère et les idées du décor sculpté dotatum prouentibus, de conensu Venerabilis patri domini
architectonique des monastères cisterciens polonais du XIIIe Prandote Cracouiensis episcopi, et baronum terre nostre
siècle et sa position en regard des traditions et de la spiritualité propter crebros insultus gentilium in locum tuciorem, qui
de l'ordre,” in La vie quotidienne des moines et chanoines Scala wlgariter dicitur, duximus transferendum (…) et
réguliers au Moyen Age et Temps modernes: Actes du ceterarum guerrarum emergentes molestias in dicto loco
Premier Colloque International du L.A.E.H.C.O.R., castrum forte edificare valeat (...).” The original diploma of
Wrocław-Książ 30 novembre-4 décembre 1994, I-II the act is still possessed by the monastery (since the 14th
(Wrocław: Institut d'Histoire de l'Université de Wrocław, century in Cracow) and dated to 2 March 1257. Probably in
1995), 615–649. Massive, multiplied hanging shafts, very the early 14th century this date had been forged to 1262 (in
similar to the ones in Zawichost, are present in the mid-13th Latin numerals MCCLVII “V” was altered to “X”), which was
century choir of the parish church in Sławków, but different discovered by Bolesław Ulanowski, O założeniu klasztoru św.
details point towards an inspiration rather than a direct Andrzeja w Krakowie i jego najdawniejszych przywilejach
workshop connection. [On establishing the St. Andrew's Monastery in Cracow and
48 See Stanisław Pasiciel, Zespół klasztorny franciszkanów i its earliest privileges] (Kraków: Akademia Umiejętności,
klarysek w Gnieźnie [Franciscan and Poor Clares monastery 1885), 29–30. Earlier the document was published in KDM
complex in Gniezno] (Gniezno: Muzeum Początków Państwa with the false date.
Polskiego, 2005), 16–63.
182
and on its seal. Also the town, the location of different structures. It should be also stressed that
which the nuns were entitled and which was the castles of Przeginia and Skała were never listed
finally located in 1267, received the name Skała51. together.54 In fact it is unclear what “Przeginia”'
The monastery’s name is probably the key meant in this case. It could refer to the name of a
to understanding this action. We know several village, which it contemporary is, but Janusz
sources which reference Skała castle being raised Kurtyka suggested that until 15th century it had
circa 1228 by Henry the Bearded, the duke of been used as the name of a whole forest complex
Silesia. Moreover, in 1235 Konrad of Masovia, north-west of Cracow.55 Therefore the possible
during the war of Cracow, kidnapped and locations of castle Skała are both a place called
imprisoned the juvenile Boleslaus and his mother. Grodzisko, where the convent from Zawichost
Henry rescued them and gave them safe shelter in was moved to, as well as an archaeological site in
the castle Skała,52 where they spent four years the village Sułoszowa, situated a few kilometers
while remaining legislatively active; we know of a farther, where remains of an early castle are
document signed by Boleslaus, written up in located. Another possible (but less probable)
Skala.53 Thus it seems that the convent’s name location is castle Pieskowa Skała situated near
being the same as the castle’s was not a Sułoszowa56 (fig. 11).
coincidence. Numerous scholars proposed different
The exact location of castle Skała is interpretations. In newer literature two main
unclear. It is not even certain how many castles theories were formulated by Mieczysław Rokosz,
Henry constructed in the valley. Some scholars who suggested that Henry the Bearded raised two
suppose that the castles of Skała and Przeginia, castles – Skała on Grodzisko and Przeginia in
which are known from several sources, are the Sułoszowa,57 and Stanisław Kołodziejczak, who
same place, but others consider them to be two
51 See location act KDM, I, no. 75. the 16th century) was identified with castrum Scala in early
52 See Benedykt Zientara, Heinrich der Bärtige und seine Zeit: research, however at that time the site of Sułoszowa, located
Politik und Gesellschaft im mittelalterlichen Schlesien c. 300 meters from Pieskowa Skała, was not known yet.
(München: Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2011). Pieskowa Skała was mentioned for first time in 1315 as
53 KDM, II, no. 412. Peskenstein. It seems probable that the castle had functioned
54 Some narrative sources, from Lesser Poland the Annals of in Sułoszowa until the beginning of the 14th century and then
Cracow Chapter (“Rocznik kapituły krakowskiej,” in MPH, was moved to Pieskowa Skała. Stanisław Kołodziejski,
Series Nova, V, Najdawniejsze roczniki krakowskie i (Średniowieczne budowle obronne na terenie Jury
kalendarz, ed. Zofia Kozłowska-Budkowa (Warszawa: PWN, Ojcowskiej w świetle wyników nowszych badań [Medieval
1978), 75) and The Krasińskis’ Annals (“Rocznik Krasińskich,” defensive structures in the area of the Ojców Jurassic System]
in MPH, III, 132) and from Silesia the Compiled Silesian (Ojców: OPN, 2006), 31–32) thought that that this source
Annals (“Rocznik śląski kompilowany,” in MPH, III, 3, 677), relates to Sułoszowa too and the castle of Pieskowa Skała was
mention castle Przeginia and places in its neighborhood erected in the mid-14th century during the reign of Kazimir
during a battle between the armies of Henry the Bearded and the Great.
Konrad of Masovia, which took place in 1228. Other Silesian 57 Mieczysław Rokosz, “Grodzisko skalskie nad Prądnikiem
sources (“Kronika polska” [The Chronicle of Poland], in MPH, albo tzw. Pustelnia błogosławionej Salomei w XIII wieku”
III, 592; “Kronika książąt polskich” [The Chronicle of Polish [Grodzisko of Skała by the River Prądnik or So Called Blessed
Dukes], in MPH, III, 485–486) place the same event close to Salomea's Hermitage in the 13th century], Prądnik. Prace i
castle Scala. Jan Długosz, in his mid-15th century chronicle, Materiały Muzeum im. Prof. Władysława Szafera 10 (1995):
connected both versions and wrote about Henry the 19–43. Rokosz treated as proof for the preexistence of the
Bearded’s castle situated on the rock called Skała in castle a phrase from the translation act saying that nuns are
Przegninia (“...rupis, que dictur Skala, in Przegina...”); Ioannis allowed to castrum edificare (see quotation in note 49). In the
Dlugossi Annales seu cronicae incliti Regni Poloniae, Liber scholar’s opinion it should be translated as “to reconstruct the
quintus. Liber sextus, eds. Zofia Budkowa et al. (Varsaviae: castle” and means that the castle had existed earlier, because
PWN 1973), 280–281. otherwise there would be nothing to reconstruct. However,
55 Janusz Kurtyka, Tęczyńscy: Studium z dziejów polskiej elity such a translation was criticized by other scholars, who
możnowładczej w średniowieczu [The Tęczyńskis: a study in rightly claimed that word “edificare” means “to construct” or
the history of the Polish high noble elite in the Middle Ages], “to raise” only and does not suggest existence of any older
(Kraków: Secesja, 1997), 118. structures.
56 Pieskowa Skała (at present retaining the form given to it in
183
PIOTR PAJOR
Fig. 11. Deployment of the castles in Prądnik near Skała.

Drawing by Piotr Knapik.
Fig. 12. A church in Grodzisko, contemporary view.

Photo by author.
184
Fig. 13. Medieval structures

discovered in Grodzisko during the
excavations after Domogalla and
Mościcki, “Application,” 415, fig. 7.
sanctuary (figs. 10 and 12). Fifty years ago

archaeologists excavated parts of the foundations
thought that there only was one castle in beneath the church which were dated to the 13th
Sułoszowa and in Grodzisko there was no century.60
settlement before the Poor Clares’ arrival.58 The problem is that those foundations
On the other hand, the latest excavations at make an outline of a small, single-nave church
Grodzisko revealed remnants of a massive stone with a shallow apse; the whole structure was only
building and a wall surrounding the whole 9 meters long and 7 wide (fig. 13).61 It is simply
plateau, however, there are no cause to recognize unbelievable that this structure could be the
them as Henry's former castle or structures raised convent church; it had no separated spaces for
by nuns.59 The question of the church is more nuns, priests, and secular men, and it is known
problematic. Presently in Grodzisko there are a from several sources that a small group of friars
small church, a priest's house, and some chapels was still present in the convent62 and that it was a
constructed in the late 17th century as Salomea`s destination of pilgrimages.63
58 Stanisław Kołodziejski, Castrum Skala – zamek księcia Grodzisku k. Skały” [The research into the early medieval
śląskiego Henryka Brodatego pod Krakowem [Castrum Skala complex in Grodzisko near Skała], Sprawozdania z posiedzeń
– Silesian Duke Henry the Bearded’s castle near Cracow], in komisji naukowych PAN Oddział Kraków 13 (1969): 334–
Kultura średniowiecznego Śląska i Czech [Medieval culture in 336. Archeologist Andrzej Żaki, who consulted those works,
Silesia and Czech Republic], II. Zamek, ed. Krzysztof placed the church generally in the 13th century; Andrzej
Wachowski (Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Żaki, Archeologia Małopolski wczesnośredniowiecznej
Wrocławskiego, 1996), 101–111. [Archaeology of early medieval Lesser Poland] (Kraków
59 Witold Domogalla, “Historia i przeobrażenia przestrzenne 1974), 407–408.
grodu, zamku i klasztoru ss. Klarysek pod Skałą” [History and 61 Witold Domogalla and Włodzimierz Mościcki,
development of the early keep, castle, and Clarissian convent “Application of geophysical resistivity methods to recognition
near Cracow] (PhD diss., Politechnika Krakowska Kraków, of anthropogenic morphology – a case history of the Blessed
2005). Salomea castle in Grodzisko near Skała (Małopolska province,
60 The excavations were led by architects Wiktor Zin and South Poland),” Geologia 32 (2006), 415.
Władysław Grabski, who dated the original church to the 62 They were mentioned in several documents, e.g. Salomea's
11th century (sic!); Władysław Grabski and Wiktor Zin, Last Will, set down in 1268 (KDM, I, no. 76).
“Badania nad wczesnośredniowiecznym zespołem w 63 In 1267 a papal legate gave an indulgence to pilgrims
185
PIOTR PAJOR
because he had known and remembered this

neighborhood and its defensive properties.64 But it
is still not a full explanation of such a decision. So
far no one has tried to view Skała as a kind of a
votive foundation, but in my opinion this thesis
deserves consideration. Boleslaus wrote nothing
about his motives in the translation act, but
described this place as safe and easily defended.
Another significant fact is its name, the same as
the name of the castle which was, for a time, a safe
place for Boleslaus himself. The duke’s desire to
commemorate such a crucial episode from his life
would explain the unusual localization.
Furthermore, this foundation cannot be regarded
as successful. Since Salomea's death in 1268 the
convent had many troubles. Around 1290 it was
robbed and ruined by unknown soldiers and never
rebuilt. The convent was eventually translated to
Cracow circa 1316, where it remains to this day.
The question of a possible pattern for Skała
is still open, however, it seems that there was
simply no similar solution within the Franciscan
movement at that time. At this point the
Königsfelden monastery near Brugg in
Switzerland should be mentioned. This double
Franciscan monastery was founded in 1309 by
Elisabeth of Carinthia at the place where her
Fig. 14. Königsfelden, Franciscan and Clarisian monastery, husband, German King Albert I, was murdered
reconstitution after Kurmann-Schwarz, “... ein vrowen (fig. 14).65 This case is quite different than Skała,
chloster,” 153, fig. 1.
but it can be viewed as a similar Franciscan
Thus the excavated church foundations seem to be foundation in an unusual place, outside of any
the remnant of a castle chapel, and this could be town, having an extraordinary, strictly votive
treated as evidence for its existence at this character.
location. Conclusion
Another and perhaps more probable Boleslaus the Chaste's patronage of the
possibility is that results of the excavations were Friars Minor and the Poor Clares is a part of the
misinterpreted, and what was recognized as a great phenomenon of gaining a very significant
medieval wall is simply the foundation of a role in Central European monarchies by the
baroque church. On the other hand, the plateau of Franciscans in the earliest period of their history.
Grodzisko rock is so small that it is hard to imagine Nevertheless, the three foundations
a bigger convent church in any other part of it. analyzed in this paper seem to be unique in the
Nevertheless, some scholars agreed that context of the whole region. In particular the
Boleslaus moved the monastery to this place, cruciform shape of the original Franciscan church
in Cracow, which eventually became Boleslaus
visiting the convent; KDM, I, no. 73. gemeinsame Nutzung der Kirche,” in Glas, Malerei,
64 Kołodziejski, “Castrum Skala.” Forschung: Internationale Studien zu Ehren von Rüdiger
65 Brigitte Kurmann-Schwarz, ““... ein vrowen chloster sande Becksmann (Berlin: Deutscher Verlag für Kunstwissenschaft,
Chlaren orden und ein chloster der minneren Bru(e)der 2004), 151–163.
orden...”: Die beiden Konvente in Königsfelden und ihre
186
and Salomea's mausoleum, and the Clarissian them St. Andrew Church.69 This action concluded
hermitage in Prądnik Valley, have no direct the experimental character of Salomea's convent,
analogies in monastic architecture of the 13th at first as a part of a double monastery and as a
century. The double monastery in Zawichost has a hermitage after the first translation; since that
very close prototype in Prague, but it seems to be time the nuns have possessed their own church
a very early transfer of a Bohemian idea, which at located near the Franciscan monastery, which is
that time was virtually unknown in other regions. the most common solution. It was also the end of
Perhaps the reasons why those a Franciscan episode in the main stream of the
foundations outside Cracow did not survive came Piasts’ patronage.70 In 1320 Wladislaus was
down to specific features and difficult conditions – crowned in Cracow Cathedral as the king of
the danger of raids in Zawichost and isolation and Poland. Since then the cathedral had also been the
lack of water in Lapis Sanctae Mariae. In Cracow place of royal burials during the following 400
the idea of close relations between the Franciscans years, becoming the only truly significant royal
and the court survived longer. The successor of church.
Boleslaus, Duke Leszek the Black, had not been a
very active patron and mostly supported the
Dominicans, whose church he chose as his burial
place.66 At the same time Boleslaus' widow, St.
Kunegund of Hungary, founded a new Clarissian
nunnery in the town of Stary Sącz (along with a
separate Franciscan monastery) and joined it
herself.67 After Boleslaus' death the throne of
Cracow became the goal of a civil war between the
Piasts again, but the dark horse of this conflict was
Bohemian King Venceslaus II. After his and his
son Vencelsaus III’s death Cracow was taken over
by Duke Wladislaus the Short. Some actions taken
by Wladislaus should be treated as an attempt at
continuing Boleslaus the Chaste's patronage. At
the beginning of his rule Wladislaus buried his
two young, departed sons in a Franciscan church.
The Friars Minor also played a significant role in
his court. It seems that a number of
historiographical works concentrated on Cracow
and legitimizing Wladislaus' authority had been
ordered by the court and prepared right in the
Franciscan monastery.68 Wladislaus also
transferred the Poor Clares to Cracow and gave
66 Perhaps Leszek founded a new portal and stained glass for Krzysztof Pawłowski (Kraków: PAU, 2013) and the lost
the Dominican church in Cracow, see Lech Kalinowski, “Die Annales Polonorum Deperditi; see Drelicharz,
ältesten Glasgemälde der Dominikanerkirche in Krakau,” in “Mittelalterliche Krakauer Annalistik.”
Bau- und Bildkunst im Spiegel internationaler Forschung. 69 It is unsure when exactly the Poor Clares took over the
Festschrift zum 80. Geburtstag von Prof. Dr. Edgar Lehmann church, but they already possessed it in 1318 (KDM, I, no.
Präsident des CVMA Nationalkomitees in der DDR (Berlin: 157).
VEB Verlag für Bauwesen, 1989), 114–124. 70 The hypothesis by Crossley (Gothic Architecture, 88–89),
67 See Paul Crossley, Gothic Architecture in the Reign of which proposes that the convent church in Stary Sącz was
Kasimir the Great. Church Architecture in Lesser Poland erected after 1320 by the workshop of Cracow cathedral on
1320-1380 (Kraków: Państwowe Zbiory Sztuki na Wawelu the initiative of Wladislaus the Short or his wife Hedwig, is
1985), 88. tempting, but there is no good justification for it in the
68 Especially Dzieżwa's Chronicle (Kronika Dzieżwy, ed. sources.
187
PAULINE MONASTERIES IN MEDIEVAL not have sufficient funds for the up-keep of the
CROATIA: SOURCES OF MONASTIC WEALTH. buildings.1 It was not until 1308 that Cardinal
THE CASE OF THE BLESSED VIRGIN MARY Gentilis de Montafiore decided that the criterion
ON GARIĆ HILL IN SLAVONIA had been met and gave the Paulines permission to
adopt the Rule of St. Augustine.2 After the initial
period of poverty and humble eremite abodes, the
SILVIJA PISK Pauline monasteries in the Hungarian kingdom
during the Middle Ages became rich and
The Pauline Order was officially recognized in the influential.
year 1308, even though the Pauline hermits urged This is a process that can be well observed
Pope Urban as early as the mid-13th century to in cases of several Pauline monasteries in Slavonia,
acknowledge the order and give them permission especially throughout the 545 preserved
to adopt the Rule of St. Augustine. This did not documents from the Pauline monastery of The
happen because Paul, the bishop of Veszprém, Blessed Virgin Mary on Garić Hill.3 The initial idea
found – after visiting the hermits – that their of this paper was to present all ten Pauline
accommodation did not comply with the Pope's
main rule. Namely, in his opinion, the hermits did
 Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Jahrhunderts,” in Beiträge zur Geschichte des Paulinerordens,
Zagreb; spisk@ffzg.hr. ed. Kaspar Elm (Berlin: Duncker und Humblot, 2000), 11–22;
1 Gregorius Gyöngyösi, Vitae fratrum eremitarum Ordinis József Török, “Die Paulinerliturgie in Ungarn,” in Beiträge zur
sancti Pauli Primi Eremitae, ed. Ferenc Levente Hervay Geschichte, 125–134; Beatrix Fülöpp-Romhányi, “Die
(Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1988), 10, 43–45. There is also a Pauliner im mittelalterlichen Ungarn,” in Beiträge zur
theory that the monasteries did have enough funds to support Geschichte, 143–156; Zoltán Bencze, “Das Kloster St. Lorenz
themselves, but that this was merely used as an excuse by bei Buda (Budaszentlörinc) und andere ungarische
Bishop Paul in order to keep the Pauline eremites under the Paulinerklöster. Archäologische Untersuchungen,” in
bishop's ruling. Cf. László Holler, “A new interpretation on Beiträge zur Geschichte, 157–190; Gábor Sarbak, “Die
the formation-process of the Pauline order. Some remarks on Anfänge des Paulinerordens und die Entwicklung der
a charter of Paul, bishop of Veszprem from 1263,” in Der Ordensgesetzgebung,” Studia Claromontana 27 (2009): 15–26;
Paulinerorden: Geschichte, Geist, Kultur, ed. Gábor Sarbak Marek Chmielewski, “Duchowość paulinow w świetle
(Budapest: Szent István Társulat, 2010), 94–101. najstarszych traktatów ascetycznych,” [Pauline spirituality in
2 On December 13, 1308 Cardinal Gentilis granted the the light of the oldest treaties of ascetic], Studia Claromontana
approval of the religious community and bestowed the rule of 27 (2009): 71–102; Veronika Kucharská et al., “Pavlinski
Saint Augustine. Since then, the eremites were officially called samostan Blažene Djevice Marije na Gariću (Moslavačka gora)
fratres sancti Pauli primi eremite. On December 16, 1328 Pope i njegova uloga u regionalnoj povijesti” [Pauline monastery of
John XXII solemnly affirmed the rule of St. Augustine to the Blessed Virgin Mary at Garić (Moslavačka gora) and its role in
Paulines, and his successors continued to do the same, regional history] (PhD diss., Filozofski fakultet Zagreb, 2011),
granting various privileges. MonVatHung, series I, I-VI, eds. 16–23; Silvija Pisk, “Mittelalterliche Paulinerklöster im Gebiet
Asztrik Várszegi et al. (Budapest: Szent István Társulat, 1887- des heutigen Kroatien (mittelalterliches Slawonien) und der
91), 2:180–182. Slowakei,” in Slovakia and Croatia, Historical Parallels and
About the formation and acknowledgment of the Pauline Connections (until 1780), eds. Veronika Kucharská et al.
Order, see also: Tamás Guzsik, “Kritische Fragen zur frühen (Bratislava: Department of Slovak History, Faculty of
Paulinerarchitektur in Ungarn,” in Der Orden der Pauliner Philosophy, Comenius University, 2013), 428–430.
OSPE: seine Geschichte, seine Aufgaben, seine Stellung, 3 Documents from Garić monastery are kept at the HR-HDA-
Symposion auf Burg Schlaining vom 16. bis 19. September 647; Cf. Rajka Bućin and Miljenko Pandžić, “Izvori za povijest
1982, eds. Julius Dirnbeck and Wolfgang Meyer (Eisenstadt: Moslavine u fondovima i zbirkama HDA” [Sources for the
Burgenländische Landesmuseum, 1984), 133–154; József history of Moslavina in the Croatian State Archives' funds and
Török, “History of the St. Paul Order (A critical study),” Folia collections], Zbornik Moslavine 9/10 (2006/2007): 17–37.
Theologica 7 (1996): 179–184; Stanislaw Świdziński, Most documents from Garić monastery were published in CD,
“Einführung in das Thema des Symposiums über die I-XVIII; Elemér Mályusz, “A szlavóniai és horvátországi
Spiritualität des Paulinermönchtums,” in Beiträge zur középkori pálos kolostorok oklevelei az Országos Levéltárban”
Spiritualität des Paulinermönchtums, ed. Stanislaw [The charters of the medieval Pauline Monasteries of Slavonia
Świdziński (Friedrichshafen: Amt für Geschichte und Kultur and Croatia in the Hungarian National Archives], LK 9, 3–4
des Bodenseekreises, 1999), 11–19; Stanislaw Świdziński, (1931): 284–315; 10, 1-2 (1932): 92–123; 10, 3-4 (1932): 256–
“Organisation und Verfassung des Paulinerordens,” in 286; 11, 1-2 (1933): 58–92; 12 (1934): 111–154; 13, 1-4 (1935):
Beiträge zur Spiritualität des Paulinermönchtums, 216–224; 233–265; MHEZ, 5-7. About Lukinović’s criterion for
Kaspar Elm, “Eremiten und Eremitenorden des 13. selecting the documents see: MHEZ, 5, ii and iii.
189
SILVIJA PISK
monasteries located in Slavonia,4 but that kind of jurisdiction – along with the monastery in Remete
research would be exceptionally vast and time- – over the Slavonian Pauline monasteries. The
consuming. In Croatia, despite a large number of Pauline monastery on Moslavina Hill was active
medieval documents, historians conduct very few until, at the latest, the 1540s, when the monks
research studies on the medieval Pauline Order, moved the archives and most probably left the
unlike the case in Hungary. Aside from the Garić monastery due to the Ottoman threat. Even
monastery, not one of the Slavonian Pauline though there had been attempts to renew it, this
monasteries has a fitting, contemporary historic never took place, and because of its good
monograph, which would be based on a detailed geographical position it remained intact until
analysis of documents, relevant available archeological research started in 2009.8
literature, and which would include, ideally, Soon after they were first mentioned in the
definite results of archeological research. This is records, the Paulines from Garić monastery started
the reason for focusing on the Garić monastery. with the acquisition of estates. It should be
The Garić monastery lays on a square emphasized here that during the course of the
plateau surrounded by water, in a hidden swale three centuries while the monastery was active,
near Debelo brdo on Moslavina hill. However, in the Paulines acquired property by either inheriting
the vicinity, already in the mid-13th century, it or receiving it as a donation, and since the early
there were castles and villages by the names Garić, 15th century also by purchasing or leasing it out.
Moslavina, Gračenica, and Bršljanovac, and as The first possession they acquired was in
years passed, the number of settlements increased. close vicinity to the monastery, and in the coming
The monastery also had good road links to all the centuries their land spread from the Moslavina hill
neighboring villages, and since roads leading to tops to Lonjsko polje (nowadays a nature park).
Slavonia, Hungary, Čazma, and Zagreb passed The records say that at one period of time they also
through the area, a Pauline monk could easily set owned a fairly distant estate near the Chapel of
out to any destination he wanted.5 The Holy Trinity in the province of Dubrava.9 The
The documents mention, as early as 1257, first recorded donation to the monastery dates
a boundary line with the hermits on Moslavina from 1273,10 and the last one to the Garić
Hill.6 According to the records, the monastic monastery was carried out on May 28, 1505 by a
church of The Blessed Virgin Mary was first woman named Jelena and her family. Namely,
mentioned in 1273.7 In the early 15th century the
monastery gained the ranking of a vicarage, and
during the course of the century came to share
4 I.e. The Blessed Virgin Mary in Dubica, The Blessed Virgin Pauline Monasteries in North-western Croatia,” in Der
Mary on Moslavina Mountain, The Blessed Virgin Mary in Paulinerorden: Geschichte, Geist, Kultur, ed. Gábor Sarbak
Remete, St. Benedict in Bakva, St. Peter on Zlat, All Saints in (Budapest: Szent István Társulat, 2010), 439–458.
Streza, St. Helen in Šenkovec, The Blessed Virgin Mary in 5 For more details regarding the Garić monastery see: Pisk,
Lepoglava, The Blessed Virgin Mary in Kamensko, and St. “Pavlinski samostan.”
Anne in Dobra Kuća. For more details regarding Paulines 6 CD, 5, 54: “…inde rivulus idem ducit superius versus
monasteries in Slavonia, see Milan Kruhek, “Povijesno- orientem ad heremitas.”

topografski pregled pavlinskih samostana” [Historical and 7 CD, 6, 55, 56.
topographical overview of Pauline’ monasteries], in Kultura 8 Cf. Pisk, “Pavlinski samostan,” 176–179. For more details
pavlina u Hrvatskoj, 1244-1786 [The culture of the Pauline regarding the archeological excavations in Garić monastery,
order in Croatia], eds. Đurđica Cvitanović et al. (Zagreb: see: Pleše, “Arheološki kontekst”; Pleše, “Mikleuška (Bela
Globus. Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, 1989), 67–94; Pisk, Crkva), Pavlinski samostan Blažene Djevice Marije – izvještaj
“Mittelalterliche Paulinerklöster,” 431–434; Pisk, “Pavlinski o provedenim konzervatorsko-restauratorskim građevinskim
samostan,” 29–36; Tajana Pleše, “Arheološki kontekst radovima u 2013. godini” [Mikleuska (White Church), the
srednjovjekovnih pavlinskih samostana u sjeverozapadnoj Holy Virgin Mary Pauline monastery - a report on the
Hrvatskoj” [Archaeological context of late medieval Pauline conservation and restoration construction work in 2013] (MS,
monasteries in North-western Croatia] (PhD diss., Filozofski Archive of the Croatian Conservation Institute), 9–31.
fakultet Zagreb, 2010); Pleše, “Medieval Monastic 9 CD, 17, 5.
Architecture of the Pauline Order in Continental Croatia,” 10 CD, 6, 55, 56.
Studia Claromontana 27 (2009): 601–618; Pleše, “Medieval
190
Pauline monasteries in medieval Croatia: Monastic wealth sources
they had donated to the monastery their parts of years it went on like this, until the Bishop of
the estate Beketinec.11 Zagreb demanded that the tithe be given to his
The Pauline estates included primarily diocese. Thus the Paulines turned to the pope and
vineyards, plough land, meadows, woods, mills, asked that he allow them to keep the levy to
and fishermen's jetties on the river Lonja. Still, it themselves, since they were poor. The pope took
should be emphasized that the majority of the land every aspect of this into consideration, as well as
that Garić monastery acquired were in fact the fact that “the monks continuously serve Our
vineyards. Even the first registered donation to the Lord,” and he granted the Paulines the right to
monastic church in 1273 included vineyards. This claim one-ninth and one-tenth (the tithe), i.e. he
document states that a man named Ladislav, in denied the Bishop of Zagreb the right to collect the
order to save his soul, donated two vineyards tithe, and he also specified the sanctions for those
“fratribus sancti Augustini de Gresenche apud who would not comply.16 During the ecumenical
ecclesiam beate virginis.”12 Further donations also council held in Constance in 1417, Pope Martin V
very often included vineyards, both cultivated and issued a new bull, at the request of King Sigismund,
uncultivated. However, Pauline monks had confirming the privileges that the Garić Paulines
evidently planted new vineyards on the hills of had received in the bull of Pope Boniface IX in
Moslavina.13 The bull that Pope Boniface IX issued 1404.17
in 1404 confirms this.14 Other records also confirm that wine-
The Paulines from the Garić monastery growing was amongst their primary sources of
turned to Pope Boniface IX concerning the issue of income.18 There are some documents from which
paying tithes to the Zagreb diocese.15 It is is evident that there were disputes over unpaid fees
deductible from the papal bull (1404) that some for the wine.19 Also, they had traded wine for real
parts of the land donated to the Garić monastery estate, i.e. people paid them for wine by giving
were in fact often uncultivated and overgrown, so their estate as a deposit. Unfortunately, there is no
the Paulines cleared it and planted new vines. A preserved urbarium for the Moslavina monastery,
large number of new vineyards was created this whereas there is one in Streza, fully preserved. It is
way, and the peasants, who did all this work, were almost certain that the Pauline peasants had
obligated to pay the monastery the tithe. For 12 similar duties in both monasteries.20 In the
11 See e.g. HR-HDA-647, fasc. 8, 2; Mályusz, “A szlavóniai,” 17 Mályusz, “A szlavóniai,” doc. 163, 10 (1932), 3-4; MHEZ 5,
13, 1-4 (1935), doc. 467. 535–537; Pope Martin V (1417-1431). For more details
12 CD, 6, 55–56. During the 13th century, the Paulines are regarding Pope Martin V, see: Steimer and Parker, Dictionary
sometimes called the brothers of St. Augustine. of Popes and the Papacy, 97, 98.
13 Even today the Moslavina region is most famous for its 18 According to Fülöpp-Romhànyi, large Pauline monasteries
wines and wine-growing. would normally specialize in one of the three largest revenue
14 Pope Boniface IX (2 November 1389 – 1 October 1404). For sources (milling, wheat, or viticulture). Beatrix Fülöpp-
more details regarding Pope Boniface IX see: Bruno Steimer Romhànyi, “Die Wirtschaftstätigkeit der ungarischen
and Michael G. Parker, eds., Dictionary of Popes and the Pauliner im Spätmittelalter (15.-16. Jahrhundert),” in Der
Papacy (New York: The Crossroad Publishing Company, Paulinerorden: Geschichte, Geist, Kultur, ed. Gábor Sarbak
2001), 16, 17. (Budapest: Szent István Társulat, 2010), 181.
15 Church tithe (lat. decima) is a one-tenth part of something, 19 E.g. it was established that before Christmas 1429 Peter and
paid as a contribution to Catholic priests to support them. Gaspar’s Kastelan peasants drank a substantial amount of
According to canon law of the Catholic Church, tithing rests monastic wine and paid only for a part of it – with fake money.
upon the Divine Law (iuris divini). Cf. Antun Dabinović, HR-HDA-647, fasc. 5, 49; Mályusz, “A szlavóniai,” doc. 230,
Hrvatska državna i pravna povijest [Croatian state and legal 11 (1933), 1-2. See also: HR-HDA-647, fasc. 5, 44 and HR-
history] (Zagreb: Matica hrvatska, 1940), 384, 385, 436, 437; HDA-647, fasc. 5, 64. For more details regarding the Kastelan
Mihajlo Lanović, Privatno pravo Tripartita [Tripartite family, see Pavao Maček and Ivan Jurković, Rodoslov plemića
personal law] (Zagreb, 1929), 264–268. i baruna Kaštelanovića od Svetog Duha [Genealogy of the
16 Kamilo Dočkal, “Samostan Blažene Djevice Marije u Gariću” nobles and barons Castellan de Sancto Spiritu] (Slavonski
[Monastery of The Blessed Virgin Mary on Garić hill] (MS in Brod: Hrvatski institut za povijest, Podružnica Slavonski Brod,
the Zagreb Archdiocese Archive), 61, 62; Mályusz, “A 2009).
szlavóniai,” 10, 1-2 (1932), doc. 56; MHEZ 5, 215, 216; HR- 20 Urbarium of Streza from 1477 is kept in the Archives of
HDA-647, fasc. 3. 12; Mályusz, “A szlavóniai,” 10, 1-2 (1932), HAZU (Croatian Academy of Science and Arts) under the
doc. 59. name Registrum super privilegiarum omnium possessionus
191
SILVIJA PISK
Urbarium from Streza monastery (which had Puklenc, which consisted of plough land,
fewer vineyards in its possession) from 1477, there meadows, and vineyards, and also one mill.24 In the
is an entire chapter (and a large number of document dated April 25, 1408, the former ban of
provisions) dedicated to vineyards and wine. The Slavonia, Paul de Pechi, donated to the Altar of St.
provisions regulated the levies in general, but also Paul the Apostle (which the ban himself had
mention a number of practicalities. The serfs had ordered to be made in the monastic church on the
to give a part of the yield (gornica, a sort of tax paid Garić Hill) a part of his land between the river
in wine), which usually meant every ninth bucket Gračenica and the monastery estate, as well as a
of wine must. The Urbarium from Streza also mill. With this endowment he wanted to redeem
included some advice regarding the harvesting of the soul of his sister, Margaret, widow of Nikola de
grapes, which probably is not specific just for Pukur.25 By an endowment that was drawn up in
Streza. That is to say, a prior had to issue a permit castro nostro Broschanoch (Bršljanovac) on
so the harvesting could begin, and first on the December 12, 1438, John de Prata from
schedule were monastery vineyards – while the Bršljanovac donated to the Garić monastery two
peasants were sober. It was not relevant for the peasant tenements in the village Bršljanovac and
grapes to be fully ripe. Also, it was suggested that two deserted mills on the brook Kutinica
on the third day after the harvest monks take the (Cothennicha).26
must from the peasants, so they would not mix it Whether the monks renewed the deserted
with water and thus ruin the wine.21 mills on Kutinica is not known, since we know
Apart from vineyards, the monastery made nothing on the subject except the facts stated in the
profits from the mills too. According to available above-mentioned endowments and in the court
sources, the Garić monastery had in its possession records. So for example, the investigative files from
at least five mills on the rivers Gračenica and 1463 reveal that one of the Pauline mills is called
Kutinica.22 In the year 1332 a man by the name Kamethnicz. Namely, the document says that a
Ivan (son of Nikola and grandson of Ugrin) Pauline miller from the mill Kamethincz was
donated to the monastery his part of the estate almost murdered, but a crowd that had gathered
which included vineyards, forests, waters, around saved him.27 We cannot be certain if the
meadows, plough land, and one water mill on the mill Kamethincz is in fact one of the five mills
river Gračenica in the Gračenica area, near the mentioned in the documents. It is also impossible
brook called Stupna.23 In the year 1391 John to determine the exact turnover from the milling
Chupor de Monozlo donated to the Pauline business, but it was clearly profitable, since among
monastery in Moslavina a part of his estate
claustri fratrum heremitarum de Streza. It was originally Vjesnik Kraljevskog Hrvatsko-slavonsko-dalmatinskoga

published by Tkalčić, then Josip Adamček, although fairly Zemaljskoga arkiva 5 (1903): 201–219; Josip Adamček,
subjectively, wrote about it in his essay Kultura pavlina u “Pavlini i njihovi feudalni posjedi” [The Paulines and their
Hrvatskoj [The culture of the Pauline order in Croatia], while feudal estates], in Kultura pavlina u Hrvatskoj, 1244-1786, 48–
Mira Kolar Dimitrijević wrote a detailed and impartial 50; Mira Kolar Dimitrijević, “Urbar pavlinskog samostana u
analysis. This is the oldest urbarium from the northern part of Strezi 1477. godine” [Urbarium of the Pauline monastery in
continental Croatia, but also the only urbarium from which it Streza 1477], Podravina 2-3 (2003): 103–123.
is evident that the Paulines had run the estate in a secular 21 Kolar Dimitrijević, “Urbar pavlinskog samostana,” 113.
manner. Hence, the prior acted as a landlord. The Urbarium 22 There are mentions in the literature that the Garić
consists of two parts; the urbarium and a list of estates, and the monastery possess only one mill (located at the Gračenica
urbarium itself has six parts: on the earnings of the estates in stream). Fülöpp-Romhànyi, “Die Wirtschaftstätigkeit der
general; on the villages and peasant tenements directly under ungarischen Pauliner im Spätmittelalter,” 190.
monastic rule; on gornica (one-ninth part of wine yield); on 23 CD, 10, 2–3; cf. DAP 3, 316.
forests belonging to the monastery and the earnings from 24 CD, 17, 335–336; Cf. DAP, 3, 316.
trading wood; on plough-land, meadows, and vineyards 25 Mályusz, “A szlavóniai,” 10, 1-2 (1932), doc. 77; DAP 3, 318;
cultivated by monks and their peasants, the so-called MHEZ 5, 314, 315.
allodium; on the privileges enjoyed by certain vassals, and on 26 HR-HDA-647, fasc. 5, 98; Mályusz, “A szlavóniai,” 11, 1-2
the contracts with foreigners regarding exploiting the land. Cf. (1933), doc. 263.
Ivan Krstitelj Tkalčić, “Urbar bivšeg pavlinskog samostana u 27 HR-HDA-647, fasc. 6, 19; Mályusz, “A szlavóniai,” 12, 1-4
Strezi” [Urbarium of the former Pauline monastery in Streza], (1934), doc. 346.
192
the preserved documents we often find complaints and to the St. Michael the Archangel church in
regarding the mills.28 Podgorje, along with the money left to her by her
The Moslavina Pauline monastery owned a late husband Korard. She also mentioned that
number of peasant tenements and hamlets, as well whoever legally owned these estates must pay, for
as manor houses in some villages – in Romačin Dol, the sake of her own and Korard's souls, a
Beketinec, Kosovac, and Remetinec.29 In the compensation of 20 gold forints to the brother
monastic settlement of Ljubljana, the Garić hermits and a compensation of five gold forints to
Paulines leased out their wine cellar, so it is clear the St. Michael the Archangel church. In the
that this was one of the ways of supporting meantime, the aforementioned estates could be
themselves in other villages as well.30 used as their own by the brother hermits and
Unfortunately, the documents do not reveal the Pastor Egidius. In addition, she had left the monks
extent of these undertakings. three books, a tunic, an ox, a cow, and one chest. 33
A devise was one of the common ways of Stephen left the Garić Paulines four forints
obtaining land and other material possessions for and a breviary (with the option that the chaplain
the Pauline monastery on Moslavina Hill, yet it pastor of St. John, Barnabas, could purchase it for
remains unknown just how much the monastery the price of three forints). He also left to the
profited from the deaths of its benefactors.31 This monastery a good tunic and a horse (valued at four
goes particularly for material possessions, because forints), as well as an additional forint for burial
if no last will and testament were preserved, or if preparations as he has chosen the monastery as his
there was no record of a dispute in case the final resting place. To the Pauline brothers George
devisor's will was not carried out, the documents and Fabian he left one forint, while George
tell us nothing. Among the documents from the received a pillow with a leather cover as well.
Garić monastery there are only three fully Three regular and three decorative pillows were
preserved last will and testaments: those of Helen, left explicitly to the vicar of the Garić monastery,
the chaplain of the Garić castellan Stephen, and who was also entrusted to decide who would
Stephen Chupor de Monozlo.32 receive a hat, two sheets, and other items.34
Helen left the estates located near Kutinica According to the testament of Stephen
and the Lukačevec estate to the Garić monastery Chupor de Monozlo he left the Kosovac estate to
28 E.g. CD, 12, 139, 140; CD, 16, 398, 399, 400; Mályusz, “A 424; Lujo Margetić, Srednjovjekovno hrvatsko pravo: obvezno
szlavóniai,” 9, 3-4 (1931), doc. 21; HR-HDA-647, fasc. 5, 123; pravo [Croatian medieval law: law of obligations] (Zagreb,
Mályusz, “A szlavóniai,” 11, 1-2 (1933), doc. 293; HR-HDA- Rijeka: HAZU, 1997), 319–377; Lujo Margetić, Zagreb i
647, fasc. 4, 12; Mályusz, “A szlavóniai,” 10, 1-2 (1932), doc. Slavonija: izbor studija [Zagreb and Slavonia: a selection of
111. Fülöpp-Romhányi does not exclude the possibility that studies] (Zagreb, Rijeka: Adamić, 2000), 251–350; Lujo
the Paulines led certain disputes regarding mills in order to get Margetić and Magdalena Apostolova Maršavelski, Hrvatsko
rid of the competition. On the milling and disputes regarding srednjovjekovno pravo: vrela s komentarom [Croatian
mills, see: Fülöpp-Romhányi, “Die Wirtschaftstätigkeit der medieval law: sources and commentary] (Zagreb: Narodne
ungarischen Pauliner im Spätmittelalter,” 155–162. novine: Pravni fakultet u Zagrebu, 1990), 124–126.
29 Cf. Pisk, “Pavlinski samostan,” 80–100. 32 The main literature about the kindred Chupor de Monozlo
30 HR-HDA-647, fasc. 6, 61; Mályusz, “A szlavóniai,” 12, 1-4 can be found in Pavao Maček, “Rod biskupa Demetrija
(1934), doc. 398. Čupora. Prilog rodoslovlju Čupora Moslavačkih” [Family of
31 The bibliography about last wills and inheritance can be bishop Demetrius Chupor], Tkalčić: godišnjak Društva za
found in: Zoran Ladić, “Oporučni legati pro anima i ad pias povjesnicu Zagrebačke nadbiskupije 12 (2008): 277–313;
causas u europskoj historiografiji. Usporedba s oporukama Zrinka Nikolić Jakus, “The Čupor of Monoszlo – an Example
dalmatinskih komuna” [Legacies pro anima and ad pias causas of Noble Kindreds in the Area between the Sava and Drava
in European historiography. Comparison with the wills of Rivers,” in Slovakia and Croatia, 231–237; Zrinka Nikolić
Dalmatian communes], Zbornik Odsjeka za povijesne znanosti Jakus, “Obitelj Čupor Moslavački” [The Čupor of Monoszlo],
Zavoda za povijesne i društvene znanosti Hrvatske akademije Radovi Zavoda za znanstvenoistraživački i umjetnički rad u
znanosti i umjetnosti 17 (1999): 17–29. About legal aspects of Bjelovaru 4 (2011): 269–300.
inheritance and wills in Slavonia, see: Lujo Margetić, Hrvatsko 33 HR-HDA-647, fasc. 5, 120; Mályusz, “A szlavóniai,” 11, 1-2
srednjovjekovno obiteljsko i nasljedno pravo [Croatian (1933), doc. 289, 290.
medieval family and inheritance law] (Zagreb: Narodne 34 HR-HDA-647, fasc. 7, 24; Mályusz, “A szlavóniai,” 13, 1-4
novine, 1995), 275–339; Lujo Margetić, Prikazi i diskusije (1935), doc. 429.
[Reviews and discussions] (Split: Književni krug, 2002), 408–
193
SILVIJA PISK
the Garić monastery, as well as 20 forints. Some complaint, it is evident that they had suffered
literature suggests that the Garić Paulines received damage when it came to property and, in addition,
a huge amount of money in this will, 600 forints to 1,000 forints. Namely, Margaret's relatives took
be precise.35 However, Stephen Chupor left the from the house, among other things, five barrels of
aforementioned amount to the nearby Franciscan wine, two barrels of vinegar, 100 bags of salt, 20
monastery of the Holy Virgin Mary in Varallya.36 iron plates, 30 buckets of flour, 40 buckets of
Others testaments can be reconstructed grains, and a large amount of food worth around
mainly from files on registering property, or from 100 forints. Apart from that, they also took a vast
documents about legal battles – if the testament number of wheat sheaves, 50 buckwheat sheaves,
was being disputed.37 Last wills and testaments 30 sorghum sheaves, 50 oat sheaves, 17 oxen, 18
were a way the monastery could get land, peasant cows, five bull calves, three two-year old calves,
tenements, movable assets (things and animals), three one-year old calves, six horses with two foals,
but also money. Secular and ecclesiastical persons 160 geese, 50 ducks, eight peacocks, 200 wagons of
from different social groups gave endowments to hay, 1,200 buckets of wine, 28 empty barrels, 19
the monastery. For example, a chaplain of the decanters, and five cupboards. They also
Garić castle left to the Garić monastery, among confiscated the money for paying the levies to the
other things, four forints, while Zagrebian bishops state, amounting to 200 gold forint coins. Whether
John Albeni and Osvald Thuz each left 50 forints.38 the Paulines received any compensation, the
These are the only fully preserved last wills of the documents do not say.40
Zagrebian bishops from the 15th century (at the One of the ways for a monastery to become
same time the oldest preserved), so it is safe to say wealthier was by conducting mass for the souls of
that Zagrebian bishops had a tendency to still living benefactors. One can only guess how
remember the Garić monastery on their death bed. much money those individuals paid for this
Aside from the high ecclesiastic officials, service. For instance, it is known that the Paulines
the poorest social groups were inclined to leave the bought one estate for 330 forints, and paid for it
care of their afterlife in the hands of Paulines from from the fund for holding masses for the Chupor-
the Garić monastery. There is only one known case Monozlo family.41 This is only one example, one
of a peasant leaving his property to the Church in cannot guess the exact number of such funds, or
Slavonia, and it is noted that he left it precisely to the amount of money held there.
the Garić white monks: in 1411, Jacob, son of Related to this, and also worth mentioning,
Marijaš (a serf to the Garić Paulines) devises to the is the granting of indulgences. The Garić vicar,
monastery his vineyard, in his name and in the Stephen, turned to the Roman Curia regarding the
name of his wife Ana.39 privilege of granting indulgences. In March 1471
Andrew Kapitan de Desnica's widow, the Roman Curia granted the vicar a right to grant
Margaret, wanted to leave to the monastery an (a plenary) indulgence for a period of 100 days to
especially large endowment. But, disgruntled all those who come to feast days of the Garić
relatives prevented the execution of the last will, church (especially Marian feasts)42 and contribute
so the Paulines filed a lawsuit. According to their financially to the renovation of the buildings and
35 Fülöpp-Romhányi, “Die Wirtschaftstätigkeit der 39 HR-HDA-647, fasc. 4, 2.

ungarischen Pauliner im Spätmittelalter,” 169. 40 HR-HDA-647, fasc. 6, 43; Mályusz, “A szlavóniai,” 12, 1-4
36 HR-HDA-647, fasc. 7, 44, 45; Mályusz, “A szlavóniai,” 13, 1- (1934), doc. 374. For more details regarding the Kastelan
4 (1935), doc. 449, 450, 452. family see: Hrvatski biografski leksikon [Croatian biographical
37 E.g. HR-HDA-647, fasc. 6, 37; Mályusz, “A szlavóniai,” 12, lexicon], eds. Nikica Kolumbić et al. (Zagreb: Leksikografski
1-4 (1934), doc. 366; HR-HDA-647, fasc. 6, 43; Mályusz, “A zavod Miroslav Krleža, 1983-2009), 7: 42.
szlavóniai,” 12, 1-4 (1934), doc. 374 and 12, 1-4 (1934), doc. 41 HR-HDA-647, fasc. 7, 18 and 20; Mályusz, “A szlavóniai,”
375. 13, 1-4 (1935), doc. 423, 424.

38 Ivan Krstitelj Tkalčić, ed., Povjestni spomenici slobodnog 42 “…in nativitatis, annunciacionis et assumptionis beate
kraljevskog grada Zagreba = Monumenta historica liberae Marie virginis, visitacionis eiusdem Marie ad Helisabeth et
regiae civitatis Zagrabiae metropolis regni Dalmatiae, Croatiae ipsius eeclesie dedicacionis festivitatibus et celebritatibus.”
et Slavoniae, vol. II (Zagreb, 1894), 72–74, 516–521.
194
procurement of goods and supplies for the Besides land and estates, the monastery
church.43 was endowed with various movable assets and
The monks were undoubtedly making considerable amounts of money. The donators
money from the annual fair outside the monastery. came from very different backgrounds and social
It was the most important feast day, dedicated to classes: there were peasants, chaplains, middle and
the main altar in the monastic church. The fair lower nobility, but also high ecclesiastical officials
outside the Garić monastery was organized such as the Bishop of Zagreb, or Tiburcius, a
annually on March 25, or the day before, to personal doctor to King Béla IV. Still, some of the
celebrate the Annunciation.44 Unfortunately, the donations, particularly big endowments, were
terms of participation at the fair are unknown. often disputed and the Paulines had to go through
According to the Urbarium found in Streza, it is long legal battles, with uncertain outcomes.
known that the villici had, for example, the right Profit from the annual fair outside the
to choose pots from the exhibitors first, but had to monastery is also worth mentioning.
show these to the Paulines, who kept the right to Unfortunately, what the profit amounted to is
take some of the pots they wanted.45 Similar rules unknown. It is also not known to whom the
probably applied in case of the Garić fair, too. Paulines granted indulgence for a period of 100
Conclusion days after donating to the Church, as it remains
The Garić monastery, in its 300 years of unknown how much money they gave. It is
existence, evolved from a small and poor hermits’ presumed that the amounts differed, depending on
community to a prominent landlord, having in its the social status and class of the donator, as was the
possession numerous properties: plough land, case with other endowments.
meadows, forests, vineyards, fish ponds, and mills. Comparative studies on all ten of the
They gained land and other possessions mostly Pauline monasteries in Slavonia would help to
from endowments/donations or by inheritance. improve the understanding of the issue of monastic
Some of the contributors conditioned their wealth and how it was attained. However, despite
donations by asking that a mass be held for their a large number of preserved documents, the
soul, or served at a specific altar. In the second half Pauline monasteries in Croatia, unfortunately, are
of the 15th century the Paulines also begin buying not in the focus of interest of Croatian
estates and land, and prior to that, they regularly Medievistics, so we shall have to wait a while for
obtained real estate by leasing it out. All this is new facts and parallels, further conclusions, and
evidence that the monastery had enough money at comparisons to Hungarian monasteries.
its disposal.
They were earning most of their money
from vineyards, because aside from having enough
wine for their needs, they were also selling it.
Undoubtedly, the milling business followed suit.
The Moslavina Pauline monastery owned a
number of peasant tenements and hamlets, and
manor houses in some of the villages. They would
sometimes lease out some of the manor houses, or
parts of these (for example, the basement), and in
this way increased their wealth.
HR-HDA-650 (Pavlinski samostan Lepoglava), fasc. 21, 15; documents from Lepoglava. About the indulgences, see:
Mályusz, “A szlavóniai,” 3, 1-4 (1925), doc. 53 (Lepoglava). Dominik Budrović, “Pregled obnovljenih oprosta” [Overview
43 HR-HDA-650, fasc. 21, 15; Mályusz, “A szlavóniai,” 3, 1-4 of the indulgences], Bogoslovna smotra 39, 2-3 (1970): 203–
(1925), doc. 53 (Lepoglava). The document was written during 204.
papacy of Paul II. None of the authors who wrote on the 44 HR-HDA-647, fasc. 5, 105; Mályusz, “A szlavóniai,” 11, 1-2
Pauline monastery had used it for reference. They clearly (1933), doc. 271.
overlooked it, since it is preserved among a set of preserved 45 Kolar Dimitrijević, “Urbar pavlinskog samostana,” 115, 116.
195
THE SPIRITUAL ENVIRONMENT AND Conventual Franciscans in Český Krumlov (1357)
ARTISTIC PATRONAGE OF SOUTH BOHEMIA and the monastery of the Augustinian canons in
IN THE 14TH CENTURY Třeboň (1367). While they were not the only
foundations in the Rosenberg dominion, those
four monasteries played an important role in
ZLATA GERSDORFOVÁ South Bohemia during the Middle Ages.
The monastery in Vyšší Brod (fig. 3) was
South Bohemia was a fascinating area within the founded by the one of the most significant
Kingdom of Bohemia. This region borders Bavaria members of the House of Rosenberg, Vok I,
and Austria and due to this fact, different cultural allegedly as thanks for rescue from drowning in a
influences met here in the Middle Ages and river. In fact, this Cistercian monastery was
beyond.1 South Bohemia also holds an important founded as a family mausoleum for the family of
position in cultural activities of the Kingdom of Krumlov and the Rosenberg family. 3 The last
Bohemia thanks to the fact that this area has not member of the family, Petr Vok, was also buried
been fragmented neither administratively nor there in 1611. 4 It is a working Cistercian
politically, unlike other regions. There were monastery so far, settled by monks from
compact territorial possessions of the House of Wilhering in Austria. The Vítkovci family was
Vítkovci 2 (fig. 1). This family belonged to the linked to Austria in many ways; they were
oldest and the most significant dynasties in the connected with the Austrian nobility by many
Kingdom of Bohemia; heraldry of individual house marriages particularly in the thirteenth and
branches can even be found in the arm gallery of fourteenth centuries and their homesteads and
the Lauf Castle near Norimberk. We can see very dominions were situated on both sides of today’s
often that this family reached for the crown in borderline.5
Czech history. Among the most significant The foundation of the monastery in Zlatá
branches of this house there is a family of Český Koruna was initially the monarch’s initiative. 6
Krumlov and their heirs the Rosenberg family. This Cistercian monastery was originally called
Thus, the residential town of the Rosenberg family “Sancta corona” after a thorn relic, from Christ’s
was Český Krumlov for three hundred years (fig. crown of thorns, which was donated to the
2). All the branches of the House of Vítkovci had monastery. Allegedly it was founded in the middle
a rose in the coat of arms; the Rosenberg family of the territorial possessions of the Vítkovci family
had a red rose in a silver field. to moderate their territorial expansionism. The
During the thirteenth and fourteenth mother monastery was the monastery of
century some significant monasteries closely Heiligenkreuz in Austria. This is the time when
connected to the Rosenberg family were built in the Czech king Přemysl Otakar II also rules over
South Bohemia. They were Cistercian monasteries
in Vyšší Brod (1259), Zlatá Koruna (1263) and also
the monastery of the Poor Clares and of the

Department of Archaeology, University of West Bohemia in 4 Zuzana Thomová, “Lokalizace a nedestruktivní průzkum
Pilsen; zlata.gersdorfova@seznam.cz. rožmberské hrobky v cisterciáckém klášteře Vyšší Brod”

1 Jiří Kuthan, “Jižní Čechy. Kulturní provincie na pomezí [Localization and non-destructive survey of Rosenberg vault in
země” [South Bohemia. Cultural province on the border of the the Cistercian Monastery], in Rožmberkové: rod českých
country], Jihočeský sborník historický 62 (1993): 30–49. velmožů a jeho cesta dějinami [The Rosenbergs family: czech
2 Matthias Pangerl, “Die Wittigonen. Ihre Herkunft, ihre nobles and its journey through the history], ed. Jaroslav Pánek
ersten Sitze und ihre älteste Genealogie,” Archiv für (České Budějovice: Národní památkový ústav, 2011), 242–245.
österreichische Geschichte 51 (1873): 79–94; Vratislav 5 Vratislav Vaníček, “Die Familienpolitik der Witigonen,” in
Vaníček, “Vzestup rodu Vítkovců” [Rise of the Vítkovci Böhmisch-österreichische Beziehungen im 13. Jahrhundert,
family], Folia historica bohemica 1 (1979): 93–108. eds. Marie Bláhová and Ivan Hlaváček (Prague: Charles
3 Milan Hlinomaz and Vlastimil Kolda, “Vyšebrodský klášter University in Prague, 1998), 85–106.
– nekropole Rožmberků” [Vyšší Brod Monastery - Necropolis 6 Martin Gaži, ed., Klášter Zlatá Koruna: Historie, památky,
of the Rožmberk family], Jihočeský sborník historický 42 lidé [Monastery of Zlatá Koruna: History, monuments,
(1973): 77–82. people] (České Budějovice: Národní památkový ústav, 2007).
197
ZLATA GERSDORFOVÁ
Fig. 1. The possessions of the House of Vítkovci in South

Bohemia in thirteenth century (map by Zlata Gersdorfová).
Fig. 2. Český Krumlov. The residential town of the

Rosenberg family (photo by V. Isajenko).
198
The spiritual environment and artistic patronage in South Bohemia
Fig. 3. Vyšší Brod. Cistercian monastery (photo by Zlata

the Austrian lands and strives for the Kingdom of Gersdorfová).
Hungary. Maybe that is why it was the daughter
Clares and of the Conventual Franciscans was
house of an Austrian monastery. During one revolt
founded as a double monastery. 8 The huge
of the Vítkovci family against the king Přemysl
premises contained monasteries for men and
Otakar II (when the Vítkovci family actively
women and a house for beguines (figs. 4, 5). These
supported the Austrian party) in the thirteenth
monasteries in Český Krumlov were some of the
century the monastery was demolished in the
last foundations of these orders in Bohemia. It was
wars. 7 Despite being a royal foundation, the
the only monastic area in the town and it had an
monastery was in the sphere of cultural influence
irreplaceable social role. The festival of displaying
of the Rosenberg dominion. The Rosenberg family
relics was held here annually and there is quite an
practically gained direct control over the
exceptional document about it which has survived
monastery during the Hussite Wars when they
to present. This monastery was functionally
appropriated most of its possessions.
interconnected to the Rosenberg family residence
In Český Krumlov, the residential town of
the Rosenberg family, the monastery of the Poor
7 Lukáš Reitinger, “Sporné místo Chrumnowe a “zkáza Krumlov/Krumau], Průzkumy památek 6 (1999): 69–86; Zlata
Vítkovců” roku 1277” [The disputed place of Chrumnowe and Gersdorfová, “Theatrum fidei Crumloviensi: sakrální prostory
“the doom of the Witigons” in 1277], in Český Krumlov: od Českého Krumlova ve světle slavností ukazování ostatků
rezidenčního města k památce světového kulturního dědictví v oktáv svátku Božího Těla” [Theatrum fidei Crumloviensi.
[Český Krumlov: from the residence town to the World The sacred spaces of Český Krumlov in the light of the relics-
heritage site], ed. Martin Gaži (České Budějovice: Národní showing in the Feast of Corpus Christi] (PhD diss., Charles
památkový ústav, 2010), 57–76. University in Prague, 2013).
8 Helena Soukupová, “Klášter minoritů a klarisek v Českém
Krumlově” [Minoriten- und Klarissinnenkloster in Český
199
ZLATA GERSDORFOVÁ
Fig. 4. Český Krumlov. The monastery of the Poor Clares and

of the Conventual Franciscans (photo by Zlata Gersdorfová).
Fig. 5. Ground plan of the monastery of the Poor Clares and

of the Conventual Franciscans in Český Krumlov
(Soukupová, “Klášter minoritů,” 70).
200
and its location in the town plan is also very However, we have no records of this kind at all
relevant (see the next text in this volume). from the fourteenth century. Furthermore, an
The last important foundation worth attempt to link the work of the Master of Vyšší
mentioning is the foundation of the Augustinian Brod cycle or the Master of the Třeboň Altarpiece,
monastery in Třeboň, which is one of the first two the most significant personalities of Czech art
monasteries of this order in the Kingdom of of the fourteenth century, to a particular artist’s
Bohemia. The Rosenberg family founded it name has been unsuccessful so far. 14 There are
immediately after they had gained Třeboň in only a few sculptures documented from the
1367. 9 Magnificent works such as the Master of fourteenth century, usually from indulgence
the Třeboň Altarpiece were designed for this documents. These are a pieta and Madonna
monastery; the Master was one of the most sculpture from the Minorite Monastery (the
significant European Gothic painters of the second Monastery of Conventual Franciscans) in Český
half of the fourteenth century. Krumlov, a sculpture and a picture of the Mother
The situation for learning about medieval of God from a Krumlov castle chapel and from the
art in South Bohemia (as well as in Bohemia in monastery in Vyšší Brod. We are only able to link
general) is complicated by the fact that only little these mentioned pieces of work to particular
work from that time is still in existence. Most of it sculptures by coincidence - a pieta from the
was destroyed during the Hussite Wars, when Krumlov monastery, the so called “Krumlovská
radical Utraquists were destroying church madona” and several sculptures from the round of
furnishings, or they were lost during next the Master in question. 15 This is largely a
centuries. Another problem is the absence of coincidence since determining the origin of these
written sources when it is not always possible to surviving pieces of art is very difficult and this
link an artist to a particular piece of work, since issue lies at the brink of artistic-scientific research
we know practically nothing about the person which mainly deals with style analysis.
except for their name. Even interpreting the Petr I of Rosenberg, a member of the elite
sources themselves is very difficult, since it is of the Kingdom of Bohemia, was a very important
possible to interpret any representation (from a person in South Bohemia in fourteenth century.16
picture and all its different forms to sculpture He held the position of highest chamberlain and
work) as “pulchro opere imago”. 10 While we do judge of the Kingdom of Bohemia. One of his sons
not know the name of any medieval sculptor from fell with Jan Lucemburský in 1346 in the Battle of
the Rosenberg dominion area, we have records of Crécy. Petr I married Viola Těšínská, a widow of
several painters. A priest and painter from the the king Václav III, which shows us that he was
Monastery of Augustinian Canons in Třeboň is one of the most significant Czech lords. But he
mentioned in 140411 and there is also a painter Jan only had children with his second wife Kateřina,
in Třeboň in the second half of the fifteenth
century.12 Records of painters Jindra and Vít from
Český Krumlov come from the same time period.13
9 Jaroslav Kadlec, Klášter augustiniánských kanovníků 13 František Mareš, “Materiálie k dějinám umění, uměleckého
v Třeboni [Convent of the Augustinian Canons in Třeboň] průmyslu a podobným” [Materials to the history of art, art
(Prague: Karolinum, 2004). industry and similar], Památky archeologické 16 (1893-1895):
10 More on this topic: Milena Bartlová, “Imago: k pojetí obrazu 146.
v předhusitské a husitské době” [Imago. On the concept of 14 Latest summary of attempts to identify the Master of the
image during the Pre-Hussite and Hussite period], Umění 40 Třeboň Altarpiece is by Jan Royt, Mistr Třeboňského oltáře
(1992): 276–279. [Master of the Třeboň altarpiece] (Prague: Karolinum, 2006).
11 Kadlec, Klášter augustiniánů, 73–74. 15 Roman Lavička deals with medieval sculpture from the
12 František Mareš and August Sedláček , Soupis památek Rosenberg dominion in detail: Roman Lavička, “Středověké
uměleckých a historických v Království českém 10: Politický sochařství v rožmberském dominiu” [Medieval sculpture in
okres Třeboňský [The inventory of monuments and historical the Rosenberg possession], in Rožmberkové, 530–543.
art in the Czech Kingdom 10: the district Třeboň] (Prague, 16 Anna Kubíková, Petr I. z Rožmberka a jeho synové [Peter I.
1900). of Rosenberg and his sons] (České Budějovice: Veduta, 2011).
201
ZLATA GERSDORFOVÁ
Petr I ordered a magnificent collection of

panel paintings which is known as the cycle of the
Master of Vyšší Brod. The donor himself is
pictured there with a model of the monastery in
his hands. Although Petr I did not found the
monastery, he supported it very generously. He is
pictured wearing a ducal cap and an ermine cloak
– the clothing designated only for the highest
aristocracy (fig. 6). After all, his position as Petr of
Rosenberg, “primus inter pares,” was confirmed in
a document of Jan Lucemburský. Petr I died in
1347 and it is said that before his death he retired
to the monastery in Vyšší Brod.18 The year of his
death is considered as a date of origin of the work
of the Master of Vyšší Brod. 19 It is a cycle of 9
paintings which show joyful events of Christ’s life
(Annunciation, Nativity, and the Adoration of the
Magi), Passion scenes (Christ at the Mount of
Olives, Crucifixion, and Lamentation) and
mystical scenes (Resurrection, Ascension, and
Pentecost). These paintings formed an unknown
Fig. 6. Petr I of Rosenberg. Detail of the altarpiece (painting
composition. While it could have been an altar, it
“Nativity”) from Master of Vyšší Brod, around 1350 (Pešina,
Mistr vyšebrodského cyklu, Tab. 7). also could have been a choral divider 20 or the
panels could have been on the inner or outer side
whose origin is shrouded in mystery to this day. 17 of choral pews. 21 A distinct Marian iconography
It was her and her sons who finished the founding suggests that the panels were designated for a
work of Petr I. During his reign the administrative monastic church dedicated to the Assumption of
system of dominium was consolidated. It was his Mary. Other pieces of art which are attributed to
connection with the reigning dynasty that allowed this Master suggest that his sphere of activity was
an extraordinary cultural boom in South Bohemia probably at the court in Prague. We do not know
because the pieces of art, which were designated his origin, but a restoration and a style analysis
for the monasteries and residences in South confirmed a link to an Italian training for painters.
Bohemia, belong to the top examples of the Gothic Together with Master Theodoric of Prague, this
art of this period in the Kingdom of Bohemia.
17 There are speculations that she may have come from the 19 Jaroslav Pešina, Mistr vyšebrodského cyklu [(Master of the
dynasty of Vartenberk or Prüschenk of Harddegg. Anna Hohenfurth Cycle] (Prague: Odeon, 1987), 11–13.
Kubíková deals with this matter in detail: Anna Kubíková, “K 20 This opinion is supported mainly by Jana H. Hlaváčková,
původu druhé manželky Petra I. z Rožmberka, paní Kateřiny” although it is not generally accepted by the academic
[On the parentage of Catherine, the second wife of Peter I of community without objections. See: Jana H. Hlaváčková,
Rosenberg], in Per saecula ad tempora nostra: sborník prací k “Panel Paintings in the Cycle of the Life of Christ from Vyšší
šedesátým narozeninám prof. Jaroslava Pánka [Per saecula ad Brod,” in King John of Luxembourg (1296-1346) and the Art
tempora nostra: Proceedings of the sixtieth birthday of prof. of His Era, ed. Klára Benešovská (Prague: Koniasch Latin
Jaroslav Panek], eds. Jiří Mikulec et al. (Prague: Historický Press, 1998), 244–255.
ústav Akademie věd ČR, 2007), 112–117. 21 For the permanent exhibition in the monastery in Vyšší
18 This may be a trope of the chronicles which was embodied Brod was made perspective reconstruction of images
in historic tradition by a Rosenberg archivist V. Březan – see: placement in the interior of the monastery church. Based on
Václav Březan, Rožmberské kroniky krátký a summovní the spatial aspects and specifics of Cistercian liturgy it was
výtah od Václava Březana [The short summary of the found that were only two possibilities of paintings locations –
Rosenberg chronicles from Václav Březan], ed. Anna on a choral divider or as the main altar. The author of these
Kubíková (České Budějovice: Veduta, 2005). drawings is the author of this paper.
202
painter defined the basic

development of the Czech
art in the middle of the
fourteenth century.
In this connection,
the festival of displaying
relics which is held
annually in Český Krumlov
at the Feast of Corpus
Christi seems rather
noteworthy. We can find
an interesting detail in the
Master of Vyšší Brod’s
Crucifixion (fig. 7). It is the
blood running from
Christ’s side which stains
the Virgin Mary’s veil. 22
We can also find a similar
iconographic motif in the
picture of Crucifixion from
Vyšší Brod (fig. 8) which is
related in style and
technique to the so-called
panel from Protivín (fig. 9),
which will be mentioned
later. Both pictures seem to
originate from the same
workshop. 23 Given the
strong emphasis put on the
Eucharist, the panel of
Crucifixion from Vyšší
Brod (if it really was meant
for the monastery in Vyšší Fig. 7. Master of Vyšší Brod – Crucifixion. Tempera on
Brod) may have been a part of the Corpus Christi wood, around 1350 (Pešina, Mistr
vyšebrodského cyklu, Tab. 35).
altar, which was quite common in Cistercian
monasteries. Another possibility is that it may Even though a liturgical calendar of Český
have been placed on the True Cross altar, which Krumlov did not deviate from similar celebrations
was usually established behind a rood screen in held in bigger towns, this Feast of Corpus Christi
Cistercian monasteries. It is not a coincidence that was exceptional in many regards. In the National
a motif of blood on Mary’s veil appears in this Library in Prague there is a manuscript which
panel as well as in the Master of Vyšší Brod’s cycle. describes this feast in detail. It is written in the
The Rosenberg family owned this veil as a German language and is a detailed description of
relic and it was annually shown at the feast along one particular festival (probably from the summer
with other relics.
22This motif is derived from the text of Pseudo-Anselmus’ ikonografie [Dictionary of biblical iconography] (Prague:
Dialogue between St. Anselmus and Virgin Mary. See Karolinum, 2007), 207.
development of this motive: Jan Royt, Slovník biblické 23 Royt is inclined to this opinion. Jan Royt, “Mistr
Třeboňského oltáře,” in Rožmberkové, 472–476.
203
ZLATA GERSDORFOVÁ
Monastery of Conventual Český

Český Krumlov. 24 Without this
manuscript we would only know
these celebrations as a reference
from some indulgence documents.
These documents are related either
to certain relics (thorns from the
Christ’s crown, the Last Supper
Tablecloth, the True Cross, Virgin
Mary’s bloodied veil) or certain
sacral premises (a castle chapel, a
hospital, and a monastic church).25
Visitors of these feasts were given
indulgences so high that they were
equal to a pilgrimage to Jerusalem
which shows the importance and
the extent of the festivals. When
the celebrations were being held,
the liturgical areas of the
monastery, the town (the parish
church) and the noble residence
(the castle chapel) were connected
in a very interesting way. The
celebrations were held from the
early 50s of the fourteenth century
up to 1417, when they were held
for the last time probably because
of the increase in supporters of
Utraquism in the South Bohemian
dominion and their different
perception in regards to doctrinal
Fig. 8. Crucifixion of Vyšší Brod. Round of the Master of the
matters and respect for relics. 26
Třeboň Altarpiece? Tempera on wood, around 1380 ((Royt, On the eve of the festival, the remains (in
Mistr Třeboňského oltáře, Tab. 68). valuable reliquaries) were transferred from the
Minorite Monastery, to the Church of Corpus
1393) which is written in the final pages of Christi.
necrologium of the Minorite Monastery (the
24The manuscript is generally regarded as a set of rules which Francisci Crumloviensis continente of which final fol. 139r-
stated course of the celebrations. Its name, Ordo 141r describe, as mentioned before, course of celebrations of
ostendendarum reliquiarum Crumlovii in festo corporis showing relics. Specific dating proceeds from a direct notion
Christi cum proclamationibus bohemicis et germanicis is a of Urban’s VI Papal bull in fol. 140v on which basis an
little misleading. Apparently, this is a later title based on the indulgence document for the church in Český Krumlov was
content of the manuscript; however, it is not necessarily true issued by a Prague archbishop Jan of Jenštejn on 3.1.1392.
since the first page of the manuscript (and thus a title) is 25 Gersdorfová, “Theatrum fidei,” 40–41.
absent and the record about course of the celebration begins 26 For example, different perception of Virgin Mary’s veil relic
in the middle of a sentence. This manuscript is a part of a by Catholics and Utraquists was described by Šroněk “The
necrologium of the Minorite Monastery (the Monastery of Veil of the Virgin Mary: Relics in the Conflict between
Conventual Franciscans) Martyrologium praecedente Roman Catholics and Utraquists in Bohemia in the fourteenth
calendario Necrologium monasterii fratrum minorum sancti and fifteenth Centuries,” Umění 57 (2009): 118–139.
204
Fig. 9. Panel of Protivín. Madonna between St. Bartholomew

and St. Margaret. Round of the Master of the Třeboň
Altarpiece? Tempera on wood, around 1390 (Royt, Mistr
Třeboňského oltáře, Tab. 69).
Fig. 10. Wall painting in the cloister of the monastery of

Conventual Franciscans in Český Krumlov, around 1480
(drawing by Zlata Gersdorfová).
205
ZLATA GERSDORFOVÁ
The next day there was a procession coming out of When comparing the monasteries in
the monastic church and going through the town Český Krumlov and Prague, we have two
to the parish church and then coming back to the conventions of completely different religious
cemetery nearby the monastery where the orders which nonetheless played a similar role
remains were announced in Czech and German. during the celebrations. The cloisters, which
Then the indulgences were bestowed. Pilgrims usually fall into closed enclosure, were in both
were divided into four groups – prelates left for cases freely accessible to the public. Concerning
celebrating mass, the second group went to the the Prague monastery of Na Slovanech, this was
monastic convent, the third stayed at the cemetery assumed for a very long time on the basis of a
where they attended preachments and the nobles manuscript describing the celebrations in Český
probably went to the castle chapel. During these Krumlov. It is confirmed not only by an
celebrations, the convent of the Minorite iconographic program of a cycle of wall paintings
Monastery was open to laymen, which is very which is directly related to the program of
unusual. In the cloister, medieval wall paintings displaying relics, but also by the discovery of a
are preserved in many layers and they definitely description of this typological cycle in the
prove that they were presented to the general ambulatory of Emmaus Monastery in the notes of
public. The only completely uncovered wall a Swedish student of Charles University. 29
painting is on the west wall in the northwest part However, these are two monasteries that were
of the convention. It is an iconographic motif based on a completely different functional
deesis with symbols of an alliance between the arrangement and established for completely
Rosenberg family and the Lords of Harddegg (fig. different reasons. Introducing the Poor Clares and
10). Some researchers identify the coats of arms as Minorites into the residential town of Český
those belonging to Peter I of Rosenberg and his Krumlov was copying a contemporary model of
wife Kateřina, who founded the monastery with patronage of Mendicant orders, especially the
her sons.27 According to identification on the left Minorites. It was also related to creating the social
coat of arms we think she originated from the network of the town; the monastery Na Slovanech
Prüschenk family, although there are no was given Slavic liturgy, which confirmed the
contemporary sources that would confirm this legitimacy of the ruling Luxembourg dynasty in
speculation. Given the heraldic position of the relation to the Přemyslids, thanks to a reference to
coats of arms, however, they are most likely a cultural element of Czech society – i.e. the Slavic
symbols of alliance belonging to Eliška of language. The interior decoration of the
Rosenberg and her husband Jindřich Prüschenk of ambulatory halls, which was open to pilgrims on a
Harddegg. It was unusual for the convent to be feast day, passed on the information about the
open to the lay public in the Middle Ages. We can unity of the scene with the history of salvation of
find one analogy in Bohemia – during the festival mankind and giving historical scope to the shown
of showing the remains, which was held in Prague, remains. Although something similar could also be
the ambulatory of the monastery Na Slovanech expected in Český Krumlov, restoration
was open like this. In the local cloister there is a explorations of the ambulatory did not reveal any
significant typological cycle of wall paintings to intact paintings from the fourteenth century. 30
the north of Alps.28 The surviving work on the west wall more likely
27Kubíková, “K původu,” 112–117. Emauzského cyklu” [Notes on the iconography of the

28 Karel Stejskal, “Malby v klášteře Na Slovanech a jejich Emmaus Cycle], in Emauzy: benediktinský klášter, 290–308.
vztah k evropskému malířství” [The paintings in the Na 29 Margarette Anderson-Schmitt, “Eine mittelalterliche
Slovanech Monastery in the european context], in Emauzy: Beschreibung der Fresken im Emauskloster zu Prag,” Umění
benediktinský klášter Na Slovanech v srdci Prahy [Emmaus: 43 (1995): 224–231.
Benedictine Slavonic Monastery in the Heart of Prague], eds. 30 Karel Stretti, Zpráva o orientačním průzkumu maleb v
Klára Benešovská and Kateřina Kubínová (Prague: Academia, ambitu kláštera řádu křížovníků v Českém Krumlově [The
2007), 220–266 and Jan Royt, “Poznámky k ikonografii Report of indicative Survey of paintings in the cloister of the
Monastery of Ritters of Crusaders order with red star in Český
206
shows just the presentation of the founders and torture of Christ were shown at the festivals in
donors of the monastery rather than an elaborate Český Krumlov as well as in Prague. We do not
theological conception of painting decoration. know how they became the possession of the
The emperor and Bohemian King Charles Rosenberg family or whether they were a gift from
IV established the festival of displaying the most the emperor. In any case it says a lot about the
valuable imperial relics in the early 1350s in meaning of the celebrations and about the self-
Prague.31 His collector’s passion for the remains of presentation of the House of Rosenberg which saw
saints and his peculiar religiosity were influenced its residential town as “imitatio Pragae” and the
by his upbringing at the French court. There he festivals in Český Krumlov were very similar to
came to know a developed cult of relics of the those held in Prague; their course is often
torture of Christ. He built the castle Karlštejn near reconstructed on the basis of the mentioned
Prague as a treasury intended for the imperial manuscript from Český Krumlov.
treasure and the valuable remains. When showing Český Krumlov can be compared to Prague
remains in Prague, the remains were transferred in another respect as well. It is generally known
from the castle and temporarily put in the so called that the foundation of the New Town by Charles
Imperial chapel in the monastery of Na Slovanech. IV was sacralised through the elaborated position
There are hypotheses which identify a of churches and shrines, including the monastery
chapel in the castle in Český Krumlov, alleged to of Na Slovanech. 34 Urban planning in Český
be built as a reliquary room in the manner of Krumlov had to adjust to an older business route
Prague celebrations. Some researchers even class which went through the city. The dedication and
this chapel as a Saint-Chapelle kind. 32 These are position of sacral areas in the town (the castle
bold claims, but according to findings within an chapel, the parish church, the hospital church and
architectural-historical research of the castle in the monastery) were thoroughly thought-out.
Český Krumlov, there used to be a different room, Two buildings especially dominated the town –
which was used as a safe room and a the castle as a profane element and the parish
kunstkammer. 33 Even the most valuable remains church as a sacral element. In both cases, however,
from neighbouring monasteries were still they were a symbol of aristocratic representation
deposited there and not returned to them, which and legitimacy. The castle faced the city with its
is proven by a castle inventory from 1418. This monumental south facade, its most perfect part
was the case for the so-called Zavis Cross which represented by the castle chapel and the palace. A
comes from the second half of the thirteenth presbytery protruding from the mass of the palace
century and contains wood from Christ’s True was not just a visualisation of lordly piousness, but
Cross or crystal remains panel made in the shape also an expression of its sacral legitimacy.35
of a rose. The same remains connected to the
Krumlov] (Prague, 1999) manuscript from Archive of the Chapelle only because of a small fragment of Passion
National Heritage Institut (Národní památkový ústav) in decoration (or rather one stained glass with a veraicon – an
České Budějovice, Nr. AČ 2193. alleged imprint Christ’s face into cloth) and a fact that the
31 Zorana Opačić, “Charles IV and the Emmaus Monastery: relics related to the Christ’s death by torture were supposed
Slavonic Tradition and Imperial Ideology in Fourteenth- to be put in there. However, they were kept in a different
Century in Prague” (PhD. diss., Courtauld Institute of Art, room, according to a castle inventory from 1418.
London, 2003). 33 Zlata Gersdorfová, “Sakrální prostory českokrumlovského
32 Jiří Kuthan and Jan Royt, “Hradní kaple v Krumlově jako hradu” [The sacred spaces of the Castle Český Krumlov] (MA
Sainte-Chapelle” [Castle chapel in Krumlov like Sainte- Thesis, Charles University of Prague, 2012), 73–81.
Chapelle], in Český Krumlov: od rezidenčního města, 443– 34 Klára Benešovská, “Emauzy a Nové Město pražské: otázka
454. Comparing the castle chapel to the Sainte-Chapelle is architekta” [Emmaus and the Prague New Town: The
bold, however, it is not actually based neither on sources nor Question of the architect], in Emauzy: benediktinský klášter,
on the legal position of the chapel (for a definition of the term 77–92; Vilém Lorenc, Das Prag Karls IV.: Die Prager Neustadt
“Sainte-Chapelle kind of a chapel” see: Claudine Billot, Les (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1982).
Saintes-Chapelles royales et princieres (Paris: Editions du 35 Protruding presbyteries have their own symbolism and it is
Patrimoine Centre des monuments nationaux, 1998). In not a coincidence that we can often find them on the facades
literature, the small castle chapel is compared to the Sainte- of mansions. A copybook case essay on this topic was written
207
ZLATA GERSDORFOVÁ
the earthly element of

the town – is basically
parallel to an axis of the
main religious buildings
and institutions within
the town, i.e. the parish
church and the
monastery.
According to
documentary materials
the double monastery of
the Poor Clares and the
Conventual Franciscans
was founded in 1350 or
rather 1357. 36 There are
sources suggesting that
the monastery had
existed even before the
date of consecration of
Fig. 11. The principal axis of the town Český Krumlov
around 1350 (drawing by Zlata Gersdorfová on
the monastic church. The year 1357 is a very
the cadaster from 1826). symbolic date that supposedly refers to the
legendary founding of the eternal city Rome, if it
After the foundation of the monastery in is read backwards – 753 – 1357. Not long after the
the Old Town c. 1350, the two was structured into church was supposed to be officially founded and
three functional parts; the parish premises, the taken over by the Minorites, the monastic church
castle, and the monastic compounds where a was consecrated to honour Mary, the mother of
manorial residence had a prominent position Jesus, and the Corpus Christi. It was in 1358 on the
dominating the town below. The symmetry of feast of the Corpus Christi, the Thursday after the
religious buildings was extended by an attempt to Trinity, which fell upon the 31st of May that year
balance the structure of the street network. and which we can draw graphically as follows: 13
Basically, the square, as one of the most important 5 8. 5. 31. Similar patterns, both numerical like this
social areas, shows the only element of symmetry one and words were supposed to provide
in the whole town. As mentioned before, a protection to the building and its inhabitants as
potential locator did not have too much space for well as legitimizing the act of foundation. The date
developing greater ideas since a significant part of for the Corpus Christ feast day was not chosen by
the settlement had to conform to the passage of the chance. Besides breaking the date down
old business route. However, despite its apparent symmetrically, we can find other relations in it –
asymmetry, the square is strongly connected to the it was related to other significant local feast days;
main composition axes of the whole town. The St. Vitus’ Day and St. Peter’s Day (perhaps
axis of the town square – Hrádek, i.e. the axis of
by Eva Richtrová, “Rezidence Alberta ze Šternberka ve 36The Minorites took over the monastery that year. As we
Šternberku na severní Moravě” [The residence of Albert of know from other indicia. See a document from 1347:
Šternberk in Northern Moravia], in Korunní země v dějinách Urkundenbuch der Stadt Krummau in Böhmen, I, eds.
českého státu III: Rezidence a správní sídla v zemích České Valentin Schmidt and Alois Picha (Prague: Verein für
koruny ve 14. a 17. století [Lands of the Bohemian Crown in Geschichte der Deutschen in Böhmen, 1908), Nr. 87:23 and
the History of the Czech State III: The residence and results of dendrochronology, the convent had existed before
administrative seats in the countries of the Czech Crown in – the dendrochronological analysis of a transom in a gable
the 14th and 17th centuries] (Prague: Charles University of wall between the presbytery and a nave showed that the
Prague – Togga, 2007), 171–185. transom came from wood cut down in 1349/1350.
208
intended as a reference to
Peter I. of Rosenberg, whose
improvement of the whole
town is indisputable). There
is another interesting
relation in connection to
other dates: the 24th of April
is the day when the Rome
was supposedly founded,
twenty days later
Constantinople was founded
and exactly twenty days later
it was the date of
consecration of the monastic
church in Český Krumlov.
The whole formation
of the town of Český
Krumlov is a real piece of art
with respect to functional
and artistic points of view
and urban planning, which
only emphasizes the unusual
terrain. Relations between
individual buildings stress
their importance in the town
system where the earthly
axis is not inferior to the
sacral one and vice versa. In
fact, they complement and
accentuate each other; the
monastery is linked to a
dominant feature of the
whole town promontory, i.e.
Hrádek. When the St.
George’s Chapel of Horní
hrad, is linked to the
monastery and the monastic
church and parish church of
Fig. 12. Master of the Třeboň Altarpiece. Resurrection of
St. Vitus, the geometry and ground plan create
Christ, tempera on wood, around 1380 (Royt, Mistr
together a figure of an almost equilateral triangle Třeboňského oltáře, 113).
(fig. 11). The dominance of the manorial
residence, which is included in this geometrical of that time.37 It is proven not only by pieces of art
calculation of sacral places, could not be stressed but also by founding the Monastery of
more. Augustinian Canons in Třeboň, which belonged to
It is certain that the Rosenberg family Contemplative orders and pointed to changes of
reacted to the current cultural and spiritual milieu period piety, the devotio moderna movement.
37This is also proven by a press belonging to a significant one of his last letters from Avignon to the Rosenberg family
reformatory preacher Jan Milíč of Kroměříž, who addressed in 1374.
209
ZLATA GERSDORFOVÁ
Apart from the Minorites, it was mainly 1380. Restoration researches were unable to
this order that influenced the spiritual atmosphere confirm hypotheses of the painters’ French origin,
of the South Bohemian court. Many pieces of art but rather confirmed the full connection with
were created for this monastery, such as the home art (at least concerning the painting
paintings of the Master of the Třeboň Altarpiece.38 technology). This painter apparently worked for
This painter belongs to the most significant artists the archbishop Jan of Jenštejn, who founded the
of the international style in the European context. first Augustinian church in Roudnice nad Labem,
Only three panels painted on both sides have been Bohemia, where the Master of the Třeboň
preserved – Christ at the Mount of Olives, the Altarpiece repeatedly created artistic pieces. After
Resurrection of Christ (fig. 12) and placing Christ all, the Augustinian canons came to Třeboň from
in the Tomb. The central scene of the altar was Roudnice nad Labem. The work of this Master
perhaps the crucifixion (you can see Crucifixion influenced a large artistic movement in Central
from the Saint Barbara’s chapel nearby in Europe and there are even responses in France and
Jindřichův Hradec; this scene is also attributed to in Rhineland.
this painter or to a member of his circle). Some A picture of the Madonna between St.
researchers think that the remains shown during Bartholomew and St. Margaret, today known as so
the Feast of Corpus Christi in Český Krumlov were called panel of Protivín (fig. 9),39 is enrolled in an
part of the altar or the treasure of the monastic castle inventory from 1674 and then repeatedly in
church in Třeboň on the basis of the saints inventories from 1752-1779. The author is a
depicted in the back panels. In addition, the choice painter close to the Master of the Třeboň
of the saints pictured on the back side of the panels Altarpiece. The question is where the picture was
is not done at random. St. Giles refers to originally placed. It may be “pulchro opere imago
consecration of the church, St. Mary Magdalene to virginis Marie gloriose” which is repeatedly
the consecration of the altar in the monastic captured in indulgences documents that are
church and St. Jerome and St. Augustine were connected to the castle chapel of St. George in
patrons of the Order of the Augustinian canons. Český Krumlov. 40 It may also be a sculpture;
The Master of the Třeboň Altarpiece’s painting magnificent sculptures of the Master of Krumlov
style is based on the Franco-Flemish tradition, Madonna (fig. 13), gorgeous pieces of art of so-
although the painter’s work is based on artistic called beautiful (international) style, are still in
tradition of his home. All the Passion scenes have existence up to now. Henry III of Rosenberg, the
a distinctively sacred character. The painter contemporary head of the family, was in touch
worked with diagonals in the scene compositions, with top personalities of the Czech royal and
which optically lead the viewer to the centre of archbishopric courts and contacts to the
the altar. The characters are dematerialized, their kingdom’s top elite; this influenced various orders
body cores are denied, and they are unclearly realised in the Rosenberg dominion. 41 Besides
anchored in space. The light is very important relations to the cultural milieu of Prague, which
here. The painter practically suppresses space- was dependant on the position of the Rosenberg
time relations in favour of a spiritual image of a family at court or on their stays in Prague, close
painting. Abstract (as the portrayal of the nature) bonds to neighbouring countries (Bavaria, Austria,
and realistic (as trees and birds) features South Moravia), which in certain periods
intermingle. This piece of art was created in about constituted homogenous artistic territory to a
38 Royt, “Mistr Třeboňského oltáře,” 41Here we can mention the construction of the monastery
39 Roman Lavička, “Madona mezi sv. Bartolomějem a sv. Sancta Corona in Zlatá Koruna and the brother of Petr Parléř’s
Markétou (tzv. Protivínská deska)” [Madonna between St. brother (one of the builders of the St. Vitus Cathedral in
Bartholomew and St. Margaret (so called Panel of Protivín)], Prague) who participated in its realisation or the realisation
in Rožmberkové, 481. of a presbytery vault of the parish church in Č. Krumlov
40 Gersdorfová, “Sakrální prostory,” 38–45. realised by brother of builder, which worked for Václav
Králík z Buřenic - a patriarch of Antioch).
210
certain extent, played an important role

during the whole Middle Ages.
The Rosenberg family used art as a
tool for representing themselves and
legitimizing their power; this can be seen
in surviving sources, artistic works, and
operating liturgical premises, however
partial their re-construction. On the other
hand, we are unable to find an unequivocal
cult or semantic level of Rosenberg
acquisitions and foundations. Even a very
pragmatic method of attempted with
Oldřich II, who did not hesitate to pawn
many pieces of arts and jewellery,
including relics, failed to show a close
relationship he would have had with
them. In some respects, we can call Český
Krumlov “imitation Pragae” nevertheless
on a completely different semantic level.
Firstly, it was transferred legitimization of
power, which is connected to a medieval
conception of a government provided by
mercy of God. It was definitely an act of
demonstration intended as period piety,
not a thought-out policy such as the one
Charles IV had.
Fig. 13. Madonna of Krumlov. Master of Madonna of

Krumlov, 1390-1400 (Lavička, “Středověké sochařství,” 535).
211
Artistic Connections;
Art and Technology
in the Monastic Milieu
MARBLE WORKS AND MARBLE FLOORS IN Recently, geological and archaeometrical
MEDIEVAL HUNGARY IN THE LATE 12TH studies of the large number of preserved white and
CENTURY. FRAGMENTS OF A CHOIR SCREEN gray marble fragments from the Eger Cathedral
AND OPUS SECTILE FROM THE MEDIEVAL around the year 1200 confirmed their local origin
CATHEDRAL OF EGER AND ITS ARTISTIC and drew attention to the mines located in the
CONNECTIONS1 Bükk (Beech) Hills. Unlike Gerecse red marble,
which enjoyed widespread use, the use of white
marble in Eger after its discovery at the end of the
KRISZTINA HAVASI 12th century still remained a local phenomenon.4
In Esztergom during the final period of
In medieval Hungary towards the end of the 12th rebuilding, the interior and former parts of the
century many cathedrals from the era of St. cathedral were certainly “encased” with marble as
Stephan were in the process of being rebuilt; some well. The walls and pillars of the sanctuary and the
undergoing modification, others renewal, or still nave (probably with the choir connected) were
others nearing completion.2 In this renewal also covered with (red) marble. In addition, the
process it is remarkable that the completion and preserved details of the variety of patterns
renewal of two of the superior such structures – incrustation and opus sectile floors have been
Esztergom and Eger – with excellent marble works associated with the preferred sites and routes of the
and the use of large-scale elegant and exclusive cathedral’s liturgy (figs. 1-2). In the art historical
marble material are connected with the discovery research well-known red marble works of the
of local marble mines. Esztergom Cathedral and the completion of the
The beginning of the use of the red marble cathedral’s renovation could be indicated by the
mines in the nearby Gerecse Hills, which is also western decorated doorway, which is included in
the starting point of the workshop activities of the the foyer.
processing of this stone material, can be seen in the The Porta Speciosa is dated by the common
context of the late 12th-century construction of ruling years (between 1185-1196) of King Béla the
Esztergom Cathedral, which was first rank in the III (1172-1196) and Archbishop Job (1185-1204),
country and closely related to the royal center.3 illustrated together on the tympanum.5
1 This paper is the annotated version of the presentation of the Művészettörténeti kérdések és természettudományos
conference. The study was prepared in the framework of the vizsgálatok. Fragments from the Eger Medieval Cathedral
research program and with the support of HAS RCH Institute around 1200. Art Historical Questions and Archaeometrical
of Art History, and OTKA PD 112, 126th (Contributions to the Examinations,” Archeometriai Műhely 4 (2009): 65–70;
History of Art of the Arpadian Age I) and the HAS János Krisztina Havasi, “A középkori egri székesegyház az 1200-as
Bolyai Research Scholarship. évek elején. Király, püspökök és újjáépülő székesegyházak a
 PhD, Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Research Centre for
korabeli Magyarországon” [The medieval cathedral of Eger in
the Humanities, Institute of Art History, Budapest; e-mail: the early 1200s. King, bishops and rebuilt cathedrals in that-
havasi.krisztina@btk.mta.hu. time Hungary], I-II (PhD Diss., Eötvös Loránd University,
2 Recently about the topic comprehensively, additional Budapest, 2011), 208-222; Pál Lővei, “Uralkodói kőanyagok. A
literature: Béla Zsolt Szakács, “Cathedrals in the Early 13th király és az elit díszítőkő használata a középkori
Century in Hungary,” in Secolul al XIII-lea pe meleagurile Magyarországon [Stone for rulers. The use of decorative stone
locuite de către români [The 13th century on lands inhabited by Kings and magnates in medieval Hungary], in In medio
by Romanians], ed. Adrian Andrei Rusu (Cluj-Napoca: Mega, regni Hungariae. Régészeti, művészettörténeti és történeti
2006), 179–205. kutatások az “ország közepén. Archeological, art historical and
3 Pál Lővei, “Virtus, es, marmor, scripta. Red Marble and historical researches ‘in the middle of the kingdom’,” eds. Elek
Bronze Letters,” Acta Historiae Artium XLII (2001): 39–55; Pál Benkő and Krisztina Orosz (Budapest: MTA BTK Régészeti
Lővei et al., “Vörös és fehér díszítőkövek, kristályos és Intézet, 2015), 79–101.
metamorf mészkövek, márványok (Műemléki kutatások 5 Ernő Marosi, “Einige stilistische Probleme der
természettudományos diagnosztikai háttérrel 1) [Red and Inkrustationen von Gran (Esztergom),” AHA XVII (1971):
white decorating stones, crystalline and metamorphic 171-228; Ernő Marosi, Die Anfänge der Gotik in Ungarn.
limestones, marbles. Monument researches with the help of Esztergom in der Kunst des 12–13. Jahrhunderts (Budapest:
scientific diagnostic methods 1], ME LVI, no. 1 (2007): 75–82. Akadémiai Kiadó, 1984), 59–67; Imre Takács, “Az 1200 körüli
4 Krisztina Havasi, “Reneszánsz márványdombormű töredékei márványművesség néhány emléke” [Marble masonry
az egri várból” [Fragments of a renaissance marble relief from monument around 1200], in Maradandóság és változás
Eger castle], ME LV (2006): 104–105; Krisztina Havasi, “1200 [Permanence and mutability], eds. Szilvia Bodnár et al.
körüli kisarchitektúra a középkori egri székesegyházból. (Budapest: MTA Művészettörténeti Kutatóintézet, Képző- és
215
KRISZTINA HAVASI
Fig. 1. Esztergom
(Gran), St.
Adalbert
Cathedral.
Fragments of
decorative marble
floor, Last quarter
of 12th century
(Photo: K. Havasi,
2002).
Iparművészeti Lektorátus, 2004): 39–52; Krisztina Havasi, “A (Pilis) in Esztergom (Gran)], ME LVII (2008): 192-198; Havasi,
pilisszentkereszti ciszterci apátság töredékei Esztergomban” “A középkori egri székesegyház az 1200-as évek elején,” 190–
[The fragments of the Cistercian Abbey of Pilisszentkereszt 207, fig. 455-461; Lővei “Uralkodói kőanyagok,” 79–101.
216
Marble works and marble floors in medieval Hungary in the late 12th century
Situated in the northeastern part of the Hungarian

Kingdom, the Eger Diocese was one of the most
prestigious in the country. The post of the Eger
bishop – already in the 12th century – often served
as a springboard for the Archdiocese of Esztergom.
Another important historical fact that draws
attention to the role of the cathedral ca. 1200 was
the fact that the successor of King Bela III, King
Imre (Emerich), interrupted the 12th century’s
burial tradition of the Árpád dynasty when he
selected Eger Cathedral as a burial place.6
The remains of the mid-16th century
destroyed Eger Cathedral were discovered during
archaeological research. The Romanesque part of Fig. 2. Esztergom (Gran), St. Adalbert Cathedral, one of the
the cathedral deriving from the early 12th century reconstructed patterns of marble floor. Last quarter of 12th
century (Drawing by Dezső Várnai, Forster Centre, Museum
is made up of a sanctuary, introduced with of Architecture, Archive).
powerful prismatic pillars and ending with three
semicircular apses. This polychrome ashlar-wall In addition to the early 12th-century remains, the
chancel is the only in situ part of the earlier carved stone fragments, some capitals, and pillar
cathedral that remains standing at any and rib fragments with early Gothic character
considerable height. Its spatial features and point out to the renewal and restructuring of the
structural elements were subsequently preserved internal building of Eger Cathedral at the end of
and incorporated into the late medieval rebuilding the 12th century. The form of pillars, capitals, and
of the cathedral. Although the nave, with its ribs indicate the reception of the early Gothic style
exterior buttresses, is the result of a late 13th – in medieval Hungary. The ornamentation of the
early 14th century rebuilding, its ground-plan capitals represents a certain degree of originality in
preserved the contours of its Romanesque art around 1200. The rib vaulting and the pillar
predecessor. The former pillars of the Romanesque types reflect the most-widespread and common
church refer to the dense layout of the foundation practices of the period as seen for example at the
remains. In the eastern part, on the wider stage Cathedral of Alba Iulia and the church of the
before the sanctuary, a stronger pillar formation Cistercian Abbey at Pilisszentkereszt, both begun
and ruins could be observed. Here it could be at the end of the 12th century. However, the
assumed that there was an arched arcade relationship of the pillar fragments and its direct
demarcation, perhaps with a vault as well. In correlation between the remains of the foundation
addition, according to the surviving remains of the traces of the cathedral nave are now uncertain, so
staircase among the sanctuary sections, the floor of is difficult to judge whether these fragments
the main Romanesque sanctuary could have been indicate the entire reconstruction of the
raised, compared to the lower nave and aisle.7 Romanesque nave or the renewal of only certain
section(s) around 1200.8
6 Havasi, “A középkori egri székesegyház az 1200-as évek Havasi, “A középkori egri székesegyház az 1200-as évek
elején,” 143–163, 222–224. elején,” 11–32.
7 Krisztina Havasi, “1200 körüli faragványcsoport töredékei a 8 Havasi, “1200 körüli faragványcsoport,” 129–131, 160–161,
középkori egri székesegyházból” [Carved stone fragments fig. 1-3; Havasi, “A középkori egri székesegyház az 1200-as
from Eger’s medieval cathedral around 1200], Agria. Az Egri évek elején,” 163–169, fig. 345–367.
Múzeum Évkönyve XXXIX (2003): 123–129, fig. 25–26;
217
KRISZTINA HAVASI
Fig. 4. Fragment of a white marble cornice with figure of

grape picking Pan from Eger Cathedral, ca. 1200. Eger
Castle Museum (Photo: Attila Mudrák, 2007).
This small architectural element was built from

different materials with different characteristics,
white marble and a red-colored stone (andesite
tufa), which also expressed the polychromy (figs.
4-7). The blind niches most often were ca. 30 or 60
Fig. 3. Eger (Erlau), Medieval Cathedral. Remains of
cm (in medieval scale: one and two feet) wide and
destroyed marble carvings and marble floor pieces about
1200 in the northern nave of the cathedral. Excavations framed, and their profiles give the marble niches a
of Károly Kozák, 1967 (Forster Centre, Archive). classical air (figs. 6-7). Whereas the niches carved
in red stone are without ornamentation, some of
The most demanding part of the renewal of the white marble niches have decorative borders.
the cathedral ca. 1200 was the high quality of the The tympanum of one of the larger scale niches is
interior architecture (figs. 3–11). The fragments decorated with an incrusted motif too.9
were found, without exception, in secondary On the cornices were various styles of
positions. Their sites are linked to the destruction ornament. The quality of the red and the white
layers of the 16th-century cathedral, but it is elements were different. High quality inhabited
certain that the building group had been partially scrolls could be found on the white marble
disrupted during the rebuilding of the nave in the cornices (fig. 4). Among the animals and birds
early 14th century. Among the fragments can be appears a figure of Pan, who is picking grapes.
recognized a thin-walled, small architectural detail Among the red cornices two versions could be
crowned by a cornice consisting of variously sized differentiated: one with flat designs and decorative
blind niches. tendril-palmette ornament, and on the other a
more fluid grapevine-shoot ornament (fig. 5).
9 Havasi, “1200 körüli faragványcsoport,” 113–186; Havasi, “A
középkori egri székesegyház az 1200-as évek elején,” 170–224,

fig. 368–415.
218
Fig. 5. Fragment of a red antesite-tuff cornice from Eger

Cathedral, ca. 1200. Eger Castle Museum
(Photo: K. Havasi, 2004).
The first group of “red” cornices

represented a somewhat provincial shadow; its
local connection can be seen on the Romanesque
churches in the region of Eger.
The parallels of the latter version (fig. 5) Fig. 6. Eger, Medieval Cathedral. Fragments of blind niches
can be seen in the late Romanesque ornamentation of the small architecture, carved from white marble and red
andesite-tuff. Eger, Castle Museum (Photo: K. Havasi 2001).
in medieval Hungary, for example in some
carvings of the former Benedictine abbey Ercsi or
the site of the cathedral (figs. 3, 8-9). This opus
the Cathedral of Alba Iulia.10
sectile would have originated from a richly
The reconstruction of the fragmented
decorated and polychrome pavement, which
smaller architectural elements is problematic. It is
would in all probability have born some
certain, however, that the white marble and red
relationship to the choir screen and the renewal of
stone pieces ornamented different sections. It can
the cathedral around the year 1200. The decorative
be assumed that the high quality marble fragments
pattern on one part of the reconstructed floor is
decorated the main facade. This small structure
created by dividers and is composed of alternating
might have separated the chancel and the canons’
white and pink mandorla-shaped marble pieces
choir, in other words it might have been a choir
connected with white and black elements.11 A
screen which isolated the main liturgical locations
similar pattern, a classical astragal, appears as a
from the rest of the church. Further aspects in the
frame decoration on one of the incrusted white
analysis of the cathedral decoration include white
marble fragments (fig. 10 a). Another pattern with
marble blocks with inscriptions carved into their
semi-circle motifs also appears on the fragments of
main surfaces (fig. 11). A large number of white,
marble (covering?) plates and on the floor
grey, pink, black, and red marble fragments of
decoration (fig. 10 b).
various sizes and shapes have also come to light on
10 Havasi, “A középkori egri székesegyház az 1200-as évek 11 Havasi, “1200 körüli faragványcsoport,” 131–135, fig. 20–24;
elején,” 171–175, 208–220, fig. 379–382; Ernő Marosi, Havasi, “A középkori egri székesegyház az 1200-as évek
“Bemerkungen zum neuen Fund von Steinskulpturen aus dem elején,” 109–207, fig. 416–439.
Kloster Ercsi,” AHA LII (2011): 207–208.
219
KRISZTINA HAVASI
a
Fig. 8. Opus sectile floor-pieces from Eger Cathedral
(reconstructed pattern), ca. 1200. Eger, Castle
Museum (Photo: K. Havasi, 2007).
Fig. 9. Opus sectile floor-pieces from Eger Cathedral

(reconstructed pattern), ca. 1200. Eger, Castle
Museum (Photo: K. Havasi, 2007).
This decorative circular pattern, which is larger

according to surrounding patterns, could indicate
b
an important place of the liturgy.
Fig. 7. a-b. Eger, Medieval Cathedral. Fragments of blind
niches of the small architectural elements, carved from white In Eger Cathedral were found opus sectile
marble. Eger, Castle Museum (Photo: a: K. Havasi 2001; floor samples and fragments made from a variety
b: A. Mudrák, 2014). of colored marble elements, which – surprisingly –
show close similarities to the decorated floor
It is remarkable that this pavement pattern appears fragments found in Alba Regia (Székesfehérvár)
in the same area in the same size engraved in the from the 11th century. It is a remarkable
white marble. This suggests that the floor and relationship, despite the fact that the same patterns
incrustation makers were closely related (figs. 8, were used in decorative flooring throughout the
10). In addition, a number of other fragments, centuries (figs. 12-13). The fragments of the
varied and with geometric patterns, and more decorated floor of the basilica of Alba Regia
white and gray marble floor tiles are also known founded by King Stephen I were found in the area
(fig. 9). Among them it is important to point out of the main nave and represent the earliest details
the fragments that refer to the approximately one of the ground level of the church from the 11th
meter large circular pattern(s) [medallion or rota] century.
of the former floor composition.
220
Fig. 12. Alba Regia (Székesfehérvár), Royal Provostal

Church, in situ remains of marble floor in the main aisle
(around the pulpit/ambo), eastern from the tomb chamber of
St. Stephen, 11th century. Archaeological research: Alán
Kralovánszky (Archive Photo).
b
Fig. 10. a-b. White marble fragments from Eger Cathedral, Among the floor details in situ remains also
ca. 1200. Eger, Castle Museum (Photo: K. Havasi, 2007). are known (fig. 12). The decorative floor in Alba
Regia only adorned one part of the nave and could
have a liturgical significance. The rest of the nave
was covered with limestone tiles and terrazzo. This
special decorative work was located in an
important area – supposedly an ambo/pulpit –
raised in front of the choir, as well as the location
of the burial chamber, found in the middle of the
nave – in medio ecclesiae. The latter could be
identified as a location of burials and the relic cult
of the 1083 canonized King Stephen.12 This part of
the decorated floor according to the wear tracks
Fig. 11. Eger Cathedral, white marble elements with was used until the late Middle Ages.
inscriptions, ca. 1200. Eger, Castle Museum (Photo:
K. Havasi, 2002).
12 Alán Kralovánszky, “Szent István király székesfehérvári Piroska Biczó, “Das Marienstift Stuhlweißenburg,” in Europas
sírjának és kultuszhelyének kérdése” [St. Stephen's grave and Mitte um 1000. Beiträge zur Geschichte, Kunst und
the matter of Székesfehérvár cult place], in Szent István és kora, Archäologie, II, eds. Alfried Wieczorek and Hans-Martin Hinz
eds. Ferenc Glatz and József Kardos (Budapest: MTA (Stuttgart: Konrad Theiss Verlag, 2000), 621–624; Piroska Biczó,
Történettudományi Intézet, 1988), 166–172; Alán “Archäologische Beobactungen zur Baugeschichte der
Kralovánszky, “Szent István király székesfehérvári sírja és Stiftskirche Unserer Lieben Frau zu Székesfehérvár,” AHA XLII
kultuszhelye” [St. Stephen's grave in Székesfehérvár and the (2001): 285–287; Havasi, “A középkori egri székesegyház az
place of worship], Folia Archaeologica XL (1989): 155–173; 1200-as évek elején,” 198-207, fig. 441–451.
221
KRISZTINA HAVASI
a b
Fig. 13. Alba Regia (Székesfehérvár), Royal Provostal Church,
fragments of decorative floor. White, grey, and green marble
pieces and roman tegulas, found in the main aisle near the and a half meter large medallion(s] or rota(s).14 We
tomb chamber of King St. Stephen, 11th century. know that during the construction of the basilica
Archaeological research: Alán Kralovánszky, 1970 (Archive of Alba Regia in the 11th century a large number
Photo, Székesfehérvár, Szent István király Museum). of Roman limestone carvings and as spolia huge
granite column shafts were used.15 Together with
Samples of the opus sectile floor also could the Roman tegulas used for a floor, the research has
be varied in Alba Regia. To the engraved white and assumed the Roman, Pannonian origin of the
gray marble pieces recarved Roman tegulas and marble.
bricks were added.13 Curved floor tiles were also Future examination of these materials
found, which refer to a composition of a nearly one could contribute to clarifying this assumption, if in
fact the use of recycled Roman materials from the
nearby environs can be expected. It is also a
13 From the 11th century building of the Basilica of Alba Regia the porphyry rota kept from the former building from
of Székesfehérvár, a number of mosaic eyes and smaller Constantine the Great’s era, which played a role in the Pope’s
ornamental mosaic details are known (Székesfehérvár, St. and Emperor's coronation liturgy since Emperor Otto I. See:
Stephen's Museum). Their techniques and implementation, Dorothy Glass, “Papal Patronage in the Early Twelfth
however, (mainly they are mosaic fragments on the gold Century. Notes on the Iconography of Cosmatesque
basement) refer to the former decoration of the vertical wall Pavements,” Journal of Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 32
(main sanctuary?); Melinda Tóth, Árpád-kori falfestészet (1969): 386–390; Percy Ernst Schramm and Florentine
[Árpádian Age mural painting], Művészettörténeti Füzetek 9 Mütherich, Denkmale der deutschen Könige und Kaiser. I. Ein
(Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1974), 23–25, fig. 18; Melinda Beitrag zur Herrschergeschichte von Karl dem Großen bis
Tóth, “A művészet Szent István korában” [The art in St. Friedrich II. 768–1250 (München: Prestel Verlag, 1962), 62,
Stephen Age], in Szent István és kora [St. Stephen and his Kat. 66, 140–141; Sible de Blaauw, “Papst und Purpur.
Age], eds. Ferenc Glatz – József Kardos (Budapest: MTA Porphyr in frühen Kirchenausstattungen in Rom,” in
Történettudományi Intézet, 1988), 115–121; Klára Mentényi, Tesserae. Festschrift für Josef Engemann, Jahrbuch für Antike
“Romanische Steinmetzarbeiten der Stiftskirche der Jungfrau und Christentum, Ergänzungsband, XVIII (Münster:
Maria in Székesfehérvár (Die Geschichte der Skulpturen im Aschendorff, 1991), 36–50; Peter Cornelius Claussen,
19. Jahrhundert),” AHA LII (2011): 75–77, Abb. 49. It is likely “Renovatio Romae. Erneuerungsphasen römischer
that the ornamental floor in Székesfehérvár was without Architektur im 11. und 12. Jahrhundert,” in Rom im hohen
mosaic ornament (opus tesselatum). Mittelalter. Studien zu den Romvorstellungen und zur
14 The presence of the larger medallion (rota, or Rompolitik vom 10. bis zum 12. Jahrhundert in Reinhard Elze
omphalion/όμφαλος) in the floor decoration both in Eger and zur Vollendung seines siebzigsten Lebensjahres gewidmet,
Székesfehérvár should be considered not only because it is eds. Bernard Schimmelpfennig and Ludwig Schmugge
very decorative, but also because of its iconological meaning. (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 1992), 96–97.
It seems that with this privileged location some highlight of 15 About all of this with additional literature: Mentényi,
the liturgy was emphasized inside the marble paneling zone. “Romanische Steinmetzarbeiten,” 34–49.
See, inter alia, in the middle of the nave of San Pietro in Rome,
222
possibility that there were “imported” marble The dating of the decorative opus sectile
together with the decorated floor makers, as was floor of Eger to ca. 1200 and its place in the
the case at contemporary imperial construction building process are defined by the church
sites with marble floors for example in Magdeburg furnishings and interior architectural features. So
Cathedral of Emperor Otto I (963–973)16 and it is dated at least one and a half centuries later, as
Bamberg Cathedral of Emperor Henry II (1007– the Alba Regia. The latest finds from south-eastern
1024). The decorative flooring of the eastern Hungary and Transylvania (such as Kutaspuszta or
sanctuary of the 1012 consecrated Bamberg Bizere and other monasteries in the Maros-Valley)
Cathedral, because of the close historical and start to fill up this one and a half centuries.18 They
dynastic connections, could be taken into will refine our knowledge on the appearance and
consideration as a possible model for the Alba use in the 12th century of this uncommon
Regia.17 The use of transported materials from the technology and its masonry in medieval Hungary.
Mediterranean, mainly from Italy (Rome and However, the model role of the Alba Regia in this
Ravenna) on the transalpine, imperial construction area, because of other relationships, is not
sites and closely related notion of translatio and negligible. In 1937, in the western part of Eger
renovatio, is well known. Cathedral in the middle of the nave, under the
16Inter alia: Hiltrud Kier, Mittelalterliche Schmuckfußboden, Haus der Bayerischen Geschichte, 2002), 196–198. The
unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des Rheinlandes. archaeological contexts suggest that parts of the decorative
Kunstdenkmäler des Rheinlandes (Düsseldorf: Rheinland flooring in the nave were disturbed before the fire in 1081.
Verlag, 1970), 123–124, Abb 35; Ernst Schubert. “Der Dom After the fire the floor was covered with limestone tiles.
Ottos des Großen in Magdeburg,” in Bernward von Hildesheim Additional floor tiles were found from filling up the eastern
und das Zeitalter der Ottone, I-II, eds. Michael Brandt and Arne crypt, which collapsed in 1185. According to Sage it may
Eggebrecht (Hildesheim – Mainz am Rhein: Bernward Verlag – indicate that after the fire in 1081 and augmentation of the
Philipp von Zabern, 1993), 34–39. In the case of Magdeburg, the eastern crypt, parts of the exclusive flooring were recycled and
eastern crypt (1049) as an expansion of the cathedral from the reused in Georgenchor: Nelo Lohwasser, “Fußbodenplatten
Ottonian era was covered with a decorated floor. Its pattern was des Heinrichsdom,” in 1000 Jahre Bistum Bamberg, 1007-
very similar to the remains known from Bamberg and the rural 2007: Unterm Sternenmantel: Katalog [der Jubiläum-
Lower Rhine in the 11th century. The cathedral of Otto I itself sausstellung, 12. Mai - 4. November 2007, ed. Luitgar Göller
is full of antique spolia. The marble of the floors refers on the (Petersberg: Imhof, 2007), 410–411 (Kat. No. 16); Christian
one hand in the case of the black tiles to local materials Forster, “Karolingische und romanische Bauskulptur und opus
(Schiefer), on the other hand, to the secondary use of Roman sectile,” in Kloster Lorsch. Vom Reichskloster Karls des
material. According to the fragments’ subtitles, the research Großen zum Weltkulturerbe der Menscheit, ed. Anette Zeeb
indicated that is it likely that their origin is not from Italy, but (Petersberg: Imhof, 2011), 241–257.
from Trier, and from there (as also from Aachen of 17 Katalin B. Nagy and Melinda Tóth, “Kutaspuszta Árpád-kori
Charlemagne) the Roman, the Constantine the Great-era templomának díszítése” [Church decoration from Árpádian
archetype of the used pattern is known. See: Rainer Kuhn, “Die Age in Kutaspuszta], in A középkori Dél-Alföld és Szer, ed.
Kirchen des Magdeburger Domhügels,” in Aufbruch in die Tibor Kollár (Szeged: Csongrád Megyei Levéltár, 2000), 244–
Gotik 1209. Der Magdeburger Dom und die späte Stauferzeit, I, 250, Fig. 9; Havasi, “1200 körüli kisarchitektúra,” 65–70;
ed. Matthias Puhle (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 2009), 39–53; Havasi, “A középkori egri székesegyház az 1200-as évek
Abb 4 and Kat. I. 12, 18–19 (Bd. II). elején,” 190–207.
17 As a parallel to the contemporary constructions of King 18 Nagy and Tóth, “Kutaspuszta,” 244–250, fig. 9; Zsuzsa
Stephen and as a theoretical model it is not uninteresting that Heitelné Móré, “Monostorok a Maros mentén” [Monasteries
during the excavation of Bamberg cathedral’s nave marble along the Maros river], in Paradisum plantavit. Bencés
tiles of various shapes were found. They were by the monostorok a középkori Magyarországon. Benedictine
archeologist reasonably related to the early floor level of the Monasteries in Medieval Hungary, ed. Imre Takács
cathedral, consecrated in 1012. According to the material (Pannonhalma: Pannonhalmi Bencés Főapátság, 2001), 268-
studies of marble fragments of Bamberg remains they 270, fig. 3; Ileana Burnichioiu and Adrian Andrei Rusu,
originate mainly from Greek territories (Phrygia, Thasos, Mozaicurile medievale de la Bizere. Medieval mosaics from
porphyry: Sparta). Most likely they are antique spolia, Bizere. Die mittelalterlichen Mosaiken von Bizere (Cluj-
recycling of the marble tiles of the opus sectile marble floor Napoca: Mega, 2006); Ileana Burnichioiu and Adrian Andrei
from the ancient Mediterranean area. Walter Sage, “Die Rusu, “Medieval Floor Mosaics at Bizere Monastery. A Brief
Ausgrabungen im Bamberger Dom,” in Kaiser Heinrich II. Survey,” Trans R XX, 2 (2011): 3–13; Ileana Burnichioiu, “The
1002-1024. Landesausstellung 2002, Bamberg, 9. Juli bis 20. decorative heritage of Bizere monastery. Fragments of the
Oktober 2002, Veröffentlichungen zur bayerischen opus sectile,” in this volume.
Geschichte und Kultur 44, eds. Josef Kirmeier et al. (Augsburg:
223
KRISZTINA HAVASI
pavement level one tomb chamber was found. The representative and referential elements reserved
chamber is ashlar walled and vaulted. In the for particularly respected persons such as rulers
chamber is a tomb chest made up of large slabs of and founders. Such an architectural form could
stone. The burial chamber was vaulted by a testify to the advanced selection of the burial site
segmented barrel vault, the entrance was in the and raises the question of the role of the king as a
western part, and a straight staircase led down to founder along with the bishop. The choice of
it. The ashlar walls of the tomb chamber are made source may have been influenced by that part of
of the same materials and have the same surface the legend of King St. Stephen that refers to his
handling as the Romanesque parts of the cathedral foundation at Alba Regia. “...in ipsa regalis sedis
still in evidence today. The tomb chamber would civitate, que dicitur Alba, sub laude et titulo
therefore appear to have been built either during virginis eiusdem perpetue, famosam et grandem
the 12th century or the early 13th century, basilicam opere mirifico, celaturis in chori pariete
forming an organic part of the Romanesque distinctis, pavimento tabulis marmoreis strato
cathedral. The construction of the tomb chamber construere cepit…”20 Indeed, the standard image of
with its “marble pieces” built into the foundations the donor overseeing the suitable decoration of his
– probably workshop waste of the decorative church may have extended to King Stephen having
pavements and marble works – makes it possible had the choir walls, screens, and pavements
that it dates to the time of the decoration of the covered in marble. And this marble floor in Alba
cathedral, around 1200. Based on historical sources Regia as the work of St. Stephen was certainly a
it is most probably the burial place of King Imre, “tangible" reality for the late 12th-century people in
who died in 1204. In the Árpadian Age a similar the areas related to the tomb of Saint Stephen, the
ashlar walled, vaulted tomb chamber positioned in holy King.
an important place of the church could be found in
Alba Regia where the first holy king of Hungary
rested.19
Finally, a few words about the founders.
During the reconstruction of Eger Cathedral at the
turn of the century (between 1198 and 1217)
Katapán was the bishop of Eger. Of his career we
know that earlier he was provost of Alba Regia and
that he served as counselor in the royal court of
both Béla the III (1172–1196) and Imre (1196–
1204). Apart from Eger’s prominent position
among the dioceses it was probably bishop
Katapán’s close contacts with the court that
contributed to Imre being buried in Eger, thus
breaking the tradition of royal burials in Alba
Regia. The choice of memorial is represented by a
tomb chamber in the central aisle of the nave. In
this setting the tomb contained relics, and took a
form that combined all the necessary
19 About the detailed examinations, documentation, building 20Legenda maior Sancti Stephani regis (around 1080). About
archaeological and art historical questions of the tomb the foundation of the basilica of Alba Regia: Scriptores Rerum
chamber: Krisztina Havasi, “A középkori egri székesegyház Hungaricarum tempore ducum regumque stirpis Arpadianae
emlékei a XII-XIII. század fordulójáról” [The relics of gestarum, ed. Emericus Szentpétery, II (Budapest: Magyar
medieval cathedral of Eger at the turn of the 12th and 13th Tudományos Akadémia, 1938), 385.
centuries] (MA Thesis, Budapest Eötvös Loránd University,
2004), 40–50; Havasi, “A középkori egri székesegyház az 1200-
as évek elején,” 143–163.
224
SOME REMARKS ON FRAGMENTARY monastery. Their art historical classification is
CAPITALS FROM THE MONASTERY made difficult by the fact that practically no key
OF BIZERE monument for the region is preserved and the
written sources also do not reference foundation
or building dates.3 Under such circumstances
ERNŐ MAROSI stylistic criticism and archaeological typology in
the classical sense provide the last refuge.
In the last two decades archaeological However, one cannot be sure whether, when
investigations, following earlier studies of the judging artistic qualities, specific formal features
local history and monasticism of medieval indicate regional peculiarities or chronological
Hungary, have contributed much to our signs. This is a typical dilemma for the initial
knowledge about a series of disparished studies of recently discovered material.
Benedictine monasteries in the south-eastern part
of the Hungarian Lowland. Destroyed buildings
could be successfully located and identified. The
archaeological finds are mainly of the 12th and
13th centuries (up to the Mongol invasion of
1241/42), from the flourishing period of
Benedictine monastic culture in the Maros
(Mureş) Valley.1 They seem also to fill a gap in
the history of the medieval art of this region. The
excavations at the site of the Bizere monastery in
2003 brought to light a high quality mosaic Fig. 1.
pavement,2 a unique example of its kind from
medieval Hungary, and numerous architectural The following preliminary remarks
fragments from both the church and the characterize the difficulty of the historical
evaluation as well as the dating of a group of
 Institute of Art History, Hungarian Academy of Sciences, architectural stone-carvings, found among the
Budapest; Emeritus Professor at the Institute of Art History ruins of the destroyed cloister of Bizere. Few of
at Loránd Eötvös University of Budapest. these carvings, still laying on the tile pavement of
1 A concise introduction to the history and historical
the monastery rooms, are documented by photos
geography of the region, with a critical survey of both
written sources and earlier literature: László Koszta, “Dél- made during the excavation.4
Magyarország egyházi topográfiája a középkorban” [The The fragments belong to a series of large
Ecclesiastic Topography of South Hungary in the Middle imposts, capitals and columns now conserved
Ages], in A középkori Dél-Alföld és Szer [The Medieval together with other finds of Bizere monastery in
South Great Plain and the Szer Monastery], ed. Tibor Kollár
(Szeged: Csongrád Megyei Levéltár, 2000), 41–80 (about the the deposits of the Arad Museum Complex
Bizere monastery, see 55–59); from the archaeological point (Complexul Muzeal Arad)5 making evidently
of view: Zsuzsa Heitel-Móré, “Monostorok a Maros mentén” parts of an arcaded construction, perhaps of the
[Monasteries along the Maros river], in Paradisum plantavit. cloister.6
Bencés monostorok a középkori Magyarországon.
Benedictine Monasteries in Medieval Hungary, ed. Imre
Takács (Pannonhalma: Pannonhalmi Bencés Főapátság, 3 György Györffy, Az Árpád-kori Magyarország történeti
2001), 267–274 (for Bizere, see 268–269). This study is földrajza [Historical Geography of Hungary in the Age of the
dedicated to the memory of both authors. Árpáds] (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1963), 173–174;
2 See Ileana Burnichioiu and Adrian Andrei Rusu, Hervay F. Levente, O. Cist., “A bencések és apátságaik
Mozaicurile medievale de la Bizere. The Medieval Mosaics története a középkori Magyarországon. Benedictine Life in
from Bizere. Die mittelalterlichen Mosaiken von Bizere Medieval Hungary,” in Paradisum plantavit, 484–485.
(Cluj-Napoca: Mega, 2006); Ileana Burnichioiu and Adrian 4 Burnichioiu and Rusu, Mozaicurile medievale, figs. 11, 22, 23.
Andrei Rusu, “Medieval Floor Mosaics at Bizere Monastery: 5 My thanks are due to Ms. Ileana Burnichioiu together with
A Brief Survey,” Trans R XX, no. 2 (2011): 3–13; Xavier members of the Arad Museum Complex staff for offering me
Barral i Altet, “Les mosaïques de pavement romanes de access to the Arad deposit.
Bizere: un programme iconographique et décoratif 6 The first information about the cloister: Ileana Burnichioiu,
occidental de style très original aux portes de l'Orient Ileana Burnichioiu, “Fragments from the Abbey of Bizere:
byzantin,” in this volume: 239–248. the Lavabo in the Cloister,” EJST 9 (2013): 222, 227–228;
225
ERNŐ MAROSI
Fig. 4.
Fig. 2.
Fig. 5.
The upper part of the square imposts

measure about 1 ft (between 33 and 37 cm) (fig.
1) and they may correspond to large supports of
21 to 25 cm. It seems that the series of columns
were alternated with quadratic pillars in the
corners. The stone material of these architectural
features was varied: they were made of different
Fig. 3. types of sandstone (figs. 1-2, 4), travertine (fig. 4),
and so-called “white marble” (fig. 3) indicating
Ileana Burnichioiu, “Lavatorium-ul abaţiei Bizere – de la that they were probably chosen for a
arheologie la reconstituire” [The Lavabo of Bizere Abbey ‒ polychromic effect.
From Archaeology to Reconstruction], AUA hist. 17, no. 2
(2013): 101–102.
226
Some remarks on a fragmentary capital from the monastery of Bizere
Capital fragment of a free sculpted

travertine animal figure fit together with on
fragmentary impost in a reconstitution attempt
(fig. 4). The same type of capital with animals on
corners (fragments of three of them are found)
was made by sandstone (fig. 5). Many of the
imposts in travertine or sandstone are decorated
with different patterns (undulating scrolls with
alternating leaves, axially composed large
palmettes) in a concave profile and an articulated
plate of a concave strip between two small tori
(figs. 1-2, 4-6).
The decorations of the imposts have a soft Fig. 6.
character as the edges are rather smooth or blunt,
rather than being sharply distinguished from the
background. This same quality (and stone
material) seems to also characterize the gothic
capitals, which are composed of crochet capital
types with sharp leaves or with crochets (fig. 7-
8). In the lower part of the animal a fragment of a
strigillated leafs can be seen indicating that it
might have originally belonged to an upper row
of capital decoration, above a wreath of leaves.
According to our opinion, the rich
sculptural and polychromic decoration of the
Bizere cloister can be dated to the first half of the
13th century. This was the period – due to reform
initiatives of Benedictine monasteries – when,
beginning with the most important houses,
regular-shaped cloisters were built in Hungary.
These patterns were borrowed from the
Cistercians; the Cistercians’ centralized Fig. 7.
organization was also preferred by the
Benedictine reform in Hungary since the time of
Pope Innocent III.7
7 Ernő Marosi, “Bencés építkezések a 13. században”

[Benedictine building activity in the thirteenth century], in
Paradisum plantavit, 275–288, 651–658; and Ernő Marosi,
“Die Baukunst der Benediktiner im Ungarn der Árpádenzeit
- Zum Problem der ‘Ordensbauschulen,’” AHA XXXVIII
(1996): 15–30. The letter of Pope Honorius III (1225) about
the Benedictine reform containing the expression Paradisum Fig. 8.
plantavit (used as the title of the 2001 exhibition) was also
published in Hungarian translation in the catalogue:
Paradisum plantavit, 564–566.
227
ERNŐ MAROSI
the animal figure suggests a square arrangement

corresponding to the shape of the impost, but
the small diagonal leaf fragment suggests that it
could have belonged to a capital above a
cylindrical column shaft. Its most striking
stylistic and technical feature consists of the
free rendering of the form and in the pierced
structure contradictory to the static function of
a block capital; this represents evidently a kind
of tour de force of the mason, which gives an
insight into the meaning of medieval
architectural vocabulary. To explain this rare
quality, it is necessary to look back on the
Fig. 9.
history of the typology of medieval capitals.
The little capital fragment of Bizere A commonly held opinion amongst
surely does not reflect Cistercian simplicity and medievalists is that richly decorated (mainly
austerity, representing instead a curiosity in its foliated) orders were preferred in the Middle
subject matter and, in its formal treatment as an à Ages9 both as spolia and in contemporary
jour stone sculpture, a superfluity – condemned imitations as well.10 Most of the examples show a
by both St. Bernard and the legislation of the capital covered with foliage, which is also the
order as signs of the corruption of monks. The main subject matter of rare extant collections in
animal supporting the impost, almost resembling medieval model books.11 Discussions concerning
a reptile, was possibly meant to be a lion, as its the date of the earliest model drawings clearly
swept tail can prove. Such a predilection by the show the continuity of these exempla from the
Benedictines for the use of figural ornaments can Carolingian tradition into the 11th century.
be observed also in other Hungarian Benedictine Compared to the prevailing Corinthian and
cloisters of the same period: e.g. in the figural Composite capital types the Ionic order played a
sculptures of Somogyvár Abbey and in the rather subordinated role.
column figures of Pusztaszer Monastery. They
differ also in their formal treatment: instead of 9 Ernő Marosi, “Pilaszter, Az optikai érzékelés és a
sharply articulated gothic details, more softly perspektivikus térértelmezés kérdése az építészetben.
carved Romanesque decorative patterns can be Pilaster. The Question of Optical Perception and
Perspectival Spatial Analysis in Architecture,” in
seen.8 Perspektíva. Perspective, eds. László Beke and Miklós
Our fragment appears to be part of a Peternák (Budapest: Műcsarnok, 2000), 155–160.
peculiar block capital supporting an impost. The 10 Willibald Sauerländer, “Die gestörte Ordnung oder ‘le
form of the support is not certain: the position of chapiteau historié,’” in Studien zur Geschichte der
europäischen Skulptur im 12.-13. Jahrhundert, eds. Herbert
Beck and Kerstin Hengevoss-Dürkop (Frankfurt am Main:
8 Ernő Marosi, Die Anfänge der Gotik in Ungarn. Esztergom Heinrich, 1994), 436–437; cf. Carlo Bertelli, “Traccia allo
in der Kunst des 12.-13. Jahrhunderts (Budapest: Akadémiai studio delle fondazioni medievali dell’arte italiana,” in Storia
Kiadó, 1984), 133–136. For Somogyvár, see: Szilárd Papp and dell’arte italiana. Dal medioevo al Quattrocento, vol. 5
Koppány Tibor, “Somogyvár,” in Paradisum plantavit, 353– (Torino: Giulio Einaudi, 1983), 23–25; Salvatore Settis,
358. See also Sándor Tóth, “A 11-12. századi Magyarország “Verbreitung und Wiederverwendung antiker Modelle,” in
Benedek-rendi templomainak maradványai” [Remnants of Studien zur Geschichte der europäischen Skulptur, 351–366.
the Benedictine Churches in 11th-12th centuries of 11 See Eliane Vernolle, “Un carnet de modèles de l’an mil
Hungary], in Paradisum plantavit, 251–254. For the originaire de Saint-Benoît-sur Loire (Paris, B.N. lat 8318 +
Pusztaszer monastery, see: Ernő Marosi, “Szermonostor Rome, Vat. Reg. lat. 596),” Arte medievale 2 (1984): 23–56;
gótikus kerengőjének szobrai” [The Sculptures of the Gothic cf. Robert W. Scheller, Exemplum. Model-Book Drawings
Cloister of the Szer Monastery], A középkori Dél-Alföld és and the Practice of Artistic Transmission in the Middle Ages
Szer, 107–122; Melinda Tóth and Imre Takács, (ca. 900 – ca. 1470) (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University
“Szermonostor,” in Paradisum plantavit, 383–389. Press, 1995), cat. no. 3, 98–108.
228
One of the few examples of the latter is

contained in the illustrated pages of the 10th-
century Sélestat Vitruve manuscript (fig. 9). Here
we have to do with profile drawings of architrave
moldings with inscriptions naming their parts
and, on the near-by page, the schematic drawings
of an Ionic and a Doric capital. Both appear to be
decorated with rosettes, with the difference being
the presence of the Ionic volutes. Generally, the
Ionic capital in the Sélestat manuscript is a good
parallel to the exterior articulation of the gateway
of Lorsch Monastery in Germany (fig. 10). It is
conceived as a kind of conically-shaped vessel. A Fig. 12.
number of 7th-century capitals in the crypt of the
Notre-Dame Abbey in Jouarre, France (fig. 12)
are evidently based on this type with the
exception of one piece, that in front of the
sarcophagus of the abbess Theodochilde, shows
volutes (meant as belonging to the Ionic or
perhaps Composite order) on its corners,
evidently derived from vessel handles (like early
medieval chalices). In the room above the Lorsch
gateway, painted pilaster capitals are rendered in
a similar form (fig. 11). Fig. 13.
Fig. 10.
Fig. 14.
Fig. 11.
229
ERNŐ MAROSI
Abbot Suger of Saint-Denis (e.g. his sardonyx

chalice now in the National Gallery of
Washington – fig. 14) show the same way of
mounting precious stone objects of Antiquity as
we have already seen in the Jouarre Composite
capital. This proves at the same time the
importance of the principle of the distinction
between core (chalice) form and additional
foliage, going back at least to the Vitruvian (IV.1,
9–10) myth of the invention of the Corinthian
capital by Callimachus.
In his splendid analysis of the genesis of
the Romanesque historiated capital, Willibald
Sauerländer used the expression “disturbed order”
Fig. 15. for his interpretation of the sculptural decoration
in Romanesque architecture because of the use of
Thus, in the application of the architectural “pseudo-columns” (as he interprets this type of
orders of Antiquity during the Middle Ages, there statue-column) in spite of the biblical prohibition
appear to be several dominating tendencies, of the sculpted image as well as the fact that the
which seem to continue even into the later capitals derived from Late Antique tradition were
centuries of the Middle Ages. The first of these used to represent didactic histories. In the same
peculiarities is that the capital shapes were colloquium organized by the Frankfurt
understood as independent decorative forms, not Liebieghaus Karl Clausberg also stressed the
primarily determined by technical or structural importance of the edge-position of the
laws. Therefore not only model books, but also Romanesque figure (corresponding to the
paintings of architecture (mainly in the “pseudo-columns” of Sauerländer).13 Both of these
decoration of manuscripts since Carolingian recent fundamental contributions help us to
times) are rich treasures of architectural outline the art historical position of the capital
invention, being less limited by the actual fragment of Bizere.
technical conditions of buildings. The Two additional examples may have been
compositional freedom and the ideal appearance influential for the Bizere fragment. One of them
of the ornaments were transmitted in an is the protome-capital of Antiquity, also
exemplary way not only by painted models, but represented by several spolia borrowed from
also by similar representations in the minor arts. Roman buildings and re-used in medieval
The early 9th-century reference in a letter of constructions. This is the case, for example, with
Einhardus to the ivory columns of a casket made the Roman capitals adorned with military
by Eigil as helping in the interpretation of trophies on the corners in secondary use in the
difficult passages in Vitruvius’ scenography is a later part of the San Lorenzo Church fuori le
well-known example of the role of ivory mura in Rome (fig. 15).
carvings,12 also witnessed in Carolingian and Different types of capitals with half-
Ottonian ivory sculpture. For the ideal formal length human or animal figures (heads,
freedom of the ornament one can find models in heraldically stylized eagles, lions, sheep, etc.)
Romanesque goldsmiths’ works, in, for example, belong to this category.
the feet and capital ornaments of bronze
candlesticks (fig. 13) and crosses. The vessels of
13 Karl Clausberg, “Kanten, Profile & Atlanten. Zur Fraktal-
12Julius von Schlosser, Schriftquellen zur Geschichte der Topologie mittelalterlicher Skulptur,” in Studien zur
karolingischen Kunst (Wien: C. Graeser, 1892), 6–7. Geschichte der europäischen Skulptur, 469–482.
230
The fitting of these figural elements into the historical continuity and iconographic meaning
compositional system of the Corinthian/ (in the sense of animal symbolism).
Composite order also plays an important role in
scenes of historiated capitals.
The other important model for the capital
fragment from Bizere could be atlant figures,
which followed Antique models since
Carolingian times (e.g. on a rare Carolingian
example in the parish church of St. Martin,
Zyfflich – fig. 17 and a painted capital on a
calendar page in the Lorsch Gospels in Alba Iulia
– fig. 18). There are numerous such examples in
Romanesque and Early Gothic decoration. Since
the early 11th century examples of figure capitals
demonstrating the technical skill of detaching
figures from the relief ground (e.g. Saint-Benoît-
sur Loire, crypt of Saint-Bénigne in Dijon – fig.
19) grew up until the late 12th century when we
can find series of rich cloister decorations (e.g.
Arles, St. Trophime; the cloisters in Monreale,
Cefalù – figs. 20-21). Thus our little fragment
appears to be sufficiently embedded in the
history of European Romanesque art, except for
its brave sculptural technique, and the free
carving of the figures on its edges – either
atlantes or animal protomes – expressing the
great ambition of the mason.
In Hungary, all the artistic conditions
Fig. 16.
necessary for producing a capital like the Bizere
fragment were in place at the supposed time of
the construction of the cloisters of Hungarian
Benedictine monasteries that is since the late
12th century on. The use of classical types of
Corinthian and Composite capitals was
introduced at the same as the skill of free carved
acanthus leaves in the early 12th century. The
cathedral of Esztergom and the royal priory in
Óbuda were probably the first places in Hungary
to use this style, following Lombard-Comasque
models as well as imperial buildings in the
Middle Rhine region (Speyer, Mainz).14 Fig. 17.
Following this trend different types of
protome capitals were introduced in Hungarian As the starting point of this supposed series Tóth
Romanesque architecture. Their art historical dated a small capital with ram heads and festoons
context was recently vividly discussed in the from Pécs Cathedral to about 1100.15
thesis of the late Sándor Tóth, in particular their
15 Sándor Tóth, “A székesfehérvári szarkofág és köre” [The
Sarcophagus from Székesfehérvár and its Circle], in

14 Marosi, Die Anfänge der Gotik, 14–22. Pannonia Regia. Művészet a Dunántúlon 1000-1540. Kunst
231
ERNŐ MAROSI
Fig. 20.
Fig. 21.
Fig. 18.
For defining the formal and typological
tradition a capital fragment with a lamb protome
has a key position. It was identified as belonging
to a group of fine sculptures from the Óbuda
priory and therefore dated to the second half of
the 12th century.16 However, the Hungarian
National Museum’s record of provenience of this
piece was recently proved incorrect by the
publication of a measured drawing showing it
among stone sculptures excavated in the 1930s in
the royal palace of Esztergom,17 and thus
belonging to the group of capitals kept in situ in a
Romanesque room of the aforementioned palace.
Fig. 19.
16 Tóth, “A székesfehérvári,” 110, cat. no. 1–55; Tóth, Román
und Architekur in Pannonien 1000-1541, eds. Árpád Mikó kori kőfaragványok, 42.
and Imre Takács (Budapest: Magyar Nemzeti Galéria, 1994), 17 Dezső Várnai’s drawing is reproduced by Konstantin
82–86, cat. no. I-33, 91–92; and Sándor Tóth, Román kori Vukov, “Szemelvények az esztergomi vár kőtárainak
kőfaragványok a Magyar Nemzeti Galéria Régi magyar történetéből” [To the History of the Lapidary Collections of
gyűjteményében [Romanesque Stone Carvings in the Esztergom Castle], in Az Esztergomi Vármúzeum Kőtárának
Collection of Old Hungarian Art of the Hungarian National katalógusa [Catalogue of the Lapidarium of Esztergom
Gallery] (Budapest: Magyar Nemzeti Galéria, 2010), 42-45, Castle], eds. Gergely Buzás and Gergely Tolnai (Esztergom:
cat. no. 7, 118–119. Esztergomi Vármúzeum, 2004), 80.
232
According to the state of research

Northern-Italian artistic relationships played an
important role in the art of Esztergom (both in
the cathedral and the royal palace building) since
the mid-1180s, not only in the transmission of
the “Antelami style,” but also perhaps by
ushering in the first influences of Parisian Early
Gothic. For the pilaster capital with lamb
protomes in question (fig. 22) Endre Raffay has
found a convincing analogy in a column capital
on the upper part of the bell tower (Ghirlandina)
of Modena Cathedral, for both style and dating.18
He also emphasized that this style was not only
limited to the circle of the Magistri campionesi of
Emilia, but was present in the cloister of Fig. 22.
Monreale as well. A capital without an exact
location of origin and with a hypothetical
provenance from Southern Italy currently in The
Cloisters Collection of New York (fig. 23)19
belongs evidently to the same style widespread in
the 12th-century Mediterranean region.20 What
seems to be the most important for our analysis is
that the Esztergom pilaster capitals and (mainly)
their Italian parallels represent the norms of
technical skill, which are mirrored in the Bizere
fragment. With a much discussed column capital
from Zagreb (fig. 24) (with the evidently false
Fig. 23.
indication of a provenance from Medvedgrad
Castle and the lack of the architectural context of
the town itself21) we can witness a transformation
similar to that of our piece. In this artistic circle
capitals with atlant figures supporting the abacus
or impost (e.g. from the cathedral of Kalocsa II –
fig. 2522 and in the church of Aracs Monastery –
fig. 2623) are also known.
18 Endre Raffay, Esztergom, Vértesszentkereszt (Újvidék –

Novi Sad: Forum, 2006), 6, 28–38.
19 Lisbeth Castelnuovo-Tedesco, “Romanesque Sculpture in
North American Collections XXIII,” Gesta 24 (1985): 161.

20 The problem was analyzed in great and accurate detail by
Fig. 24.
Tóth, Román kori kőfaragványok, 42–45.
21 Marosi, Die Anfänge der Gotik, 136; cf. Mirko Valentić,
Kameni spomenici Hrvatska XIII-XIX stojeća [Stone

monuments from 13th-19th centuries in Croatia], (Zagreb:
Povijesni muzej Hrvatske, 1969), 87, cat. no. 50; Tóth, székesegyházból” [In the Wake of a Disparished Cathedral.
Román kori kőfaragványok, 42 and note 102. Recent Fragments from the 13th-century Kalocsa Cathedral],
22 Géza Entz, “Les pierres sculptées de la cathédrale de A középkori Dél-Alföld és Szer, 318–322.
Kalocsa,” Bulletin du Musée Hongrois des Beaux-Arts 28 23 Endre Raffay, “Az aracsi templom” [The Church in Aracs], in
(1966): 48, fig. 36; Imre Takács, “Egy eltűnt katedrális A középkori Dél-Alföld és Szer, 449–474 (in particular 459,
nyomában. Újabb töredékek a 13. századi kalocsai 469).
233
ERNŐ MAROSI
Fig. 8. Capital fragment of crochet type in sandstone from

Bizere monastery, Arad Museum. Photo by I.
Burnichioiu.
Fig. 9. Vitruvius manuscript, 9th century, Bibliothèque
Humaniste, Sélestat, MS 17 (https://www. bibliotheque-
humaniste.eu/anglais/10_2manus.htm, 20.10.2015).
Fig. 10. Ionic pilaster capital, 9th century, Lorsch
Monastery gateway (Photo by I. Burnichioiu).
Fig. 11. Painted pilaster capital, 9th century, room above
Lorsch Monastery gateway.
Fig. 12. Ionic capital, 7th century, Crypt Notre-Dame,
Jouarre (http://www.jouarre.fr/index.php/son-histoire/2-
commune/votre-mairie/71-histoire-de-jouarre-2, 20.10.
2015).
Fig. 13. Candlestick of Gloucester, detail, London,
Victoria and Albert Museum (https://upload. wikimedia.
Fig. 25.
org/wikipedia/commons/5/5a/VA23Oct10_116-crop.jpg,
20.11.2015).
Fig. 14. Sardonyx chalice from Saint-Denis, Washington,
D. C., National Gallery (https://www.nga.gov/collection/
highlights/chalice-of-the-abbot-suger-of-saint-denis.
html, 20.11.2015).
Fig. 15. Late Roman capital in secondary use, Rome, San
Lorenzo fuori le mura (https://hiveminer. com/Tags/
history%2Cpleiades%3Adepicts%3D423025, 22.11.2015).
Fig. 16. St. Mark the Evangelist, Gospel Book, 11th
century, Oxford, Bodleian Library, Douce MS 292
(Source: http://bibliotheca-laureshamensis-digital.de/
view/bodleian_msdouce292/0142/image, 22.11.2015).
Fig. 17. Capital with atlantes, 9th century, Zyfflich, St.
Fig. 26. Martin.
Fig. 18. Lorsch Gospel Book, Calendary page, Alba Iulia,
List of illustrations Batthyaneum (Source: http://www.bibnat.ro/ expozitie-
virtuala/Codex-Aureus-c1-ro.htm, 22.11.2015).
Fig. 1. Impost in sandstone from Bizere Monastery, Arad Fig. 19. Crypt capital, 11th century, Dijon, Saint-Benigne
Museum. Photo by F. Mărginean. (https://www.flickr.com/photos/51366740@N07/8466671
Fig. 2. Fragmentary column and impost in sandstone 317, 22.11.2015).
from Bizere Monastery, now Arad Museum. Photo by F. Figs. 20-21. Capitals, 12th century, cloister of Monreale
Mărginean. Cathedral (http://cenobium.isti.cnr.it/monreale/capitals/
Fig. 3. Fragmentary base of column in “white marble” E/E13Sh37, 22.11.2015; I. Burnichioiu).
from Bizere monastery, Arad Museum. Photo by I. Fig. 22. Pilaster capital, 1180s, royal palace, Esztergom.
Burnichioiu. Fig. 23. Column capital, southern Italy, 12th century,
Fig. 4. Fragmentary impost and zoomorphic capital in New York, Metropolitan Museum, The Cloisters
travertine discovered together at Bizere monastery, Arad Collection (Castelnuovo-Tedesco, “Romanesque
Museum. Photo by I. Burnichioiu. Sculpture,” 161).
Fig. 5. Fragmentary impost and zoomorphic capital in Fig. 24. Column capital, early 13th century, Zagreb,
sandstone from Bizere monastery, Arad Museum. Povijesni Muzej Hrvatske (http://www.romanika.net/
Experiment to integrate capital fragment with a common hrvatski-povijesni-muzej-zagreb, 20.19. 2015).
impost. Photo by A. A. Rusu. Fig. 25. Console with atlantes, early 13th century,
Fig. 6. Fragmentary impost in sandstone from Bizere Kalocsa, archbishop’s palace (Takács, “Egy eltűnt,” 320,
monastery, Arad Museum. Photo by I. Burnichioiu. fig. 27).
Fig. 7. Capital fragment of crochet type in sandstone from Fig. 26. Pilaster capital with atlant, 13th century, Arača,
Bizere, Arad Museum. Photo by I. Burnichioiu. monastery ruins.
234
LES MOSAÏQUES DE PAVEMENT ROMANES Ces pavements sont exécutés en mosaïque
DE BIZERE : UN PROGRAMME de tesselles, matériau et technique qui font donc
ICONOGRAPHIQUE ET DECORATIF référence à la décoration des sols de l’Antiquité,
OCCIDENTAL, AU STYLE TRES ORIGINAL, mais aussi en plaques de pierre ou marbre.
AUX PORTES DE L’ORIENT BYZANTIN
XAVIER BARRAL I ALTET
Au début du XIIe siècle, dans un poème adressé à

la Comtesse de Blois Adèle, fille de Guillaume le
Conquérant et épouse d’Etienne de Blois écrit par
Baudri, abbé de Saint-Pierre de Bourgueil qui
deviendra par la suite archevêque de Dol-de-
Bretagne, Baudri y décrit la chambre de la
comtesse. Il s’agit d’une vaste salle aux murs
couverts de riches tapisseries. Sur la voûte, la
décoration imite le ciel avec les constellations. On
y distingue les signes du Zodiaque, les noms et le
cours des étoiles ainsi que les planètes. Le
pavement en mosaïque figure une grande
mappemonde sur laquelle se détachent les mers,
les fleuves, les montagnes et les villes. Baudri écrit
au début du XIIème siècle, c’est à dire au moment
même où beaucoup d’églises en Occident (tout au
moins en Italie et en France) se dotent de
pavements figurés luxueux ainsi que de peintures
murales et de plafonds décorés.
Un des aspects les plus importants de
l’édifice religieux roman. Si peu d’édifices ont
conservé leurs pavements d’origine, il reste
cependant en Italie de nombreuses églises qui
présentent encore leurs mosaïques médiévales
comme à Venise, Rome, Otrante (fig. 1),
également en Sicile ainsi qu’en Italie du Nord
(figs. 2-4), notamment à Pavie ou à Plaisance. En
France également, ce type de décor était très
présent dans les édifices les plus importants du
XIIème siècle, qu’il s’agisse de Cluny ou de Saint-
Denis, en Provence dans le monastère de
Ganagobie, à Moissac ou à Saint-Sever. Les textes
nous disent d’ailleurs qu’un édifice n’était pas
terminé sans avoir auparavant été orné d’un
pavement. Quel en était le but? Essentiellement
de doter le sol d’un décor qui puisse remplacer Fig. 1. Otranto. Cathédrale, pavement de la nef centrale.
l’idée du tapis étalé sur toute la surface du sol. 1 (Erich Lessing/Art Resource, NY http://www.artres.com,
12.03.2015).
 Emeritus Professor, Universités de Rennes2 et de Venise

Ca'Foscari.
1 Xavier Barral i Altet, Le décor du pavement au Moyen Âge: française de Rome 429 (Rome: École française de Rome,
les mosaïques de France et d’Italie, Collection de l’École 2010).
235
XAVIER BARRAL I ALTET
Fig. 2. Reggio Emilia. Museo civico, pavement

de la cathédrale - detail (I. Burnichioiu).
Fig. 3. Pavie. San Teodoro, mosaïque de la nef

(I. Burnichioiu).
236
Les mosaïques de pavement romanes de Bizere : un programme iconographique et decoratif occidental
Fig. 4. Pavie. San Pietro in Ciel d’Oro. Mosaïque de

l’absidiole de droite (I. Burnichioiu). La fonction première de ces pavements est
d’être suffisamment solides pour supporter les
Ce sont donc des mosaïques qui reprennent les innombrables passages des religieux et visiteurs.
techniques anciennes, antiques, de décor du sol, Par conséquent, les éléments les plus fragiles
avec des tesselles, c’est à dire des cubes de pierre caractéristiques de la mosaïque murale, comme les
dure juxtaposés pour former un décor et petits cubes de pâte de verre ou les cubes dorés,
enfoncées sur des couches préliminaires de ne seront jamais utilisés sur les pavements, sauf
mortier. La différence par rapport à la mosaïque dans des cas très exceptionnels, dans des endroits
antique tient notamment au style très de l’édifice peu exposés au passage des personnes.
caractéristique de la période romane avec des La réalisation des mosaïques de pavement est le
différences de style pour chaque région. La résultat d’une exécution collective, comme celle
chronologie couvre tout le XIIème siècle, de la peinture murale. Ce travail doit se faire par
néanmoins dans certaines régions, ces mosaïques étapes successives étant donné que les cubes ne
apparaissent de manière très précoce au cours du peuvent être enfoncés que dans un mortier frais,
premier art roman. Les tesselles sont beaucoup encore humide. Il est donc nécessaire de délimiter
plus grosses que celles de la mosaïque antique, ce des portions de sol d’un ou de deux mètres carrés,
qui donne un aspect plus irrégulier à ces décors. qui pourront être travaillées pendant que le
Quant aux couleurs, elles sont moins nombreuses mortier est frais. Sur ce mortier, le dessin que l’on
que sur les mosaïques antiques et sont limitées le veut figurer est représenté afin de déposer ensuite
plus souvent au nombre de trois ou quatre dont le selon des contours préétablis l’ensemble des
blanc et le noir auxquelles vient s’ajouter l’ocre tesselles. Là encore, il y a un ordre à suivre: on
rouge. commence par placer les cubes qui constituent les
237
contours du décor avant de placer ceux du cet univers d’animaux plus ou moins inconnus,
remplissage. Pour ce qui est de ce domaine d’autres monstres totalement imaginaires
particulier de la technique, on retrouve au Moyen peuplent les sols décorés, comme les centaures, les
Age des procédés tout à fait équivalents à ceux de animaux à plusieurs têtes, monstres hybrides qui
l’Antiquité. La spécificité de ce travail va donc de procèdent de la juxtaposition de deux animaux
pair avec un coût particulièrement élevé. En fait, différents. Cet intérêt de l’iconographie romane
il est important de souligner qu’en raison du coût pour les décors zoomorphes a un rapport étroit
élevé de ces mosaïques, souvent les avec la géographie, puisque tel animal, par
commanditaires ont décidé de ne décorer qu’une exemple, évoquera un endroit connu ou inconnu
petite partie du sol de l’église, et bien sûr la partie de la terre.2
la plus sacrée, c’est à dire le chœur. Parfois même, On voit également se développer au sol les
dans les églises monastiques ou dans les représentations géographiques, notamment les
cathédrales, ces pavements illustrés seront cartes du monde, avec les différents continents
cantonnés à des lieux qui ne sont pas accessibles symbolisés par différents animaux, séparés par des
au grand public, notamment autour de l’autel. mers ou des fleuves. De ces cartes du monde vont
Pour cette raison, la commande de ce type dériver les images cosmologiques ; ainsi, comme
de pavement représente à l’époque un événement le précise la description de Baudri de Bourgueil
d’envergure que seuls les principales évoquée plus haut, à côté des images
communautés pourront se permettent géographiques, c’est tout le cosmos qui est
d’entreprendre. Les édifices moins importants représenté, avec les planètes et les constellations.
devront se contenter de pavements en opus sectile De ce cosmos vont également dériver d’autres
c’est à dire en plaques de marbre juxtaposées, voir images comme par exemple les signes du
même en plaques de pierre ou de terre cuite. Très zodiaque, ou les personnifications des mois de
rapidement, les décors qui associent tesselles et l’année et des saisons qui représentent le
plaquettes de marbre seront abandonnés en raison mouvement du cycle de l’année. Les
de leur coût trop élevé au profit d’une fabrication représentations des travaux des mois, qui suivent
sérielle qui, à partir du milieu du XIIIe siècle, le cycle des saisons, sont variables d’une région à
imposera les carreaux de céramique vernissée. l’autre.
Les thèmes iconographiques des Outre ces registres d’images profanes, on
mosaïques de pavement appartiennent pour trouve sur les pavements romans des illustrations
l’essentiel à quelques grands registres. Tout directement issues de l’Antiquité et de la
d’abord, l’art roman accorde un intérêt particulier mythologie antique, comme Thésée et le
aux images extraites des bestiaires, c’est à dire aux Minotaure, par exemple. Accompagnant ces
décors animaliers, qui peuvent à leur tour être représentations, l’histoire contemporaine prend
classés en plusieurs registres, parmi lesquels les également place sur les sols des églises romanes: il
animaux réels, d’une part, les animaux s’agit le plus souvent d’histoires légendaires, récits
fantastiques et imaginaires, d’autre part. Pour ce d’exploits plus ou moins historiques en rapport
qui est des animaux connus, il s’agit à la fois avec des conquêtes, évocations de personnages
d’animaux côtoyés dans la vie quotidienne ainsi particuliers.
que d’animaux réels mais inconnus physiquement On aime figurer sur le sol des images
car ils ne vivent pas en Occident comme par tirées de la littérature épique et populaire, comme
exemple les éléphants. Quant au registre des la légende du roi Arthur, le récit de l’Ascension
animaux imaginaires, il s’agit dans la plupart des
cas de monstres dont on imagine l’existence, 2 Xavier Barral i Altet, “Il mosaico pavimentale del duomo
parfois hybrides comme le basilic (formé d’un romanico di Casale Monferrato: osservazioni
corps de reptile et d’un buste et d’une tête sull’iconografia,” dans Arte e carte nella diocesi di Casale, dir.
d’oiseau), ou bien d’animaux qui proviennent de Alessandro Casagrande and Gabriella Parodi Travaglia,
la mythologie antique, tel le sphinx. En parallèle à Provincia di Alessandria: i tesori delle sue diocesi 3
(Alessandria, 2007), 156-173.
238
d’Alexandre, le roman de Renard et bien d’autres. représentations des mois de l’année, souvent dans
Les images de la vie quotidienne des plus des médaillons circulaires, accompagnées
puissants entrent dans ce même cadre, avec d’inscriptions qui précisent à la fois le mois et
principalement des scènes de chasse. l’activité figurés. En parallèle à ces illustrations,
Dans les églises, à coté de ces différents les signes du zodiaque s’insèrent également dans
registres qui appartiennent tous au domaine des médaillons à côté de ceux des mois.
profane, intervient l’iconographie proprement A Otrante, on retrouve l’idée du tapis
religieuse, bien que le registre de la vie publique déployé sur le sol où les scènes ne se suivent pas
du Christ qui implique la représentation du Christ dans un ordre rigide les unes après les autres. Des
lui-même, de Dieu, ou de la Vierge Marie soit décors analogues se situent dans les nefs latérales.4
toujours exclu de manière systématique des Devant le chœur, à la manière d’un grand tapis
décors de pavements afin de ne marcher sur des solennel, on rencontre une représentation du
représentations du Christ. Bestiaire dans lequel s’insèrent dans la partie basse
On y trouve donc des images religieuses les personnages d’Adam et Eve et au sommet, le
extraites de la Bible, mais limitées à l’Ancien roi Salomon. Après ces épisodes historiques
Testament. Il arrive parfois, à titre exceptionnel, bibliques, ce sont des images plus ou moins
que l’opposition entre l’Ancien et le Nouveau imaginaires qui y sont figurées : un centaure qui
Testament soit évoqué avec, par exemple les attaque un autre animal à double queue, des
représentations des symboles des évangélistes, animaux en lutte dans des médaillons, des
comme à Saint-Paul-Trois-Châteaux, mais elles épisodes extraits du roman de Renard (l’âne qui
sont très rares et limitées à l’environnement de joue d’un instrument de musique, des animaux
l’autel. On trouve également au sol, très souvent, faisant des acrobaties). Le résultat d’ensemble
des vies de saints, surtout lorsqu’il s’agit de saints donne un univers foisonnant, très coloré, dans un
locaux. style propre à l’art roman du XIIe siècle,
Dans la plupart des églises, le décor du sol notamment par l’irrégularité de la juxtaposition
peut à la fois se considérer dans sa globalité et des cubes de mosaïque. Dans les sols des églises
dans le détail, grâce à un découpage du médiévales on distingue toujours des zones
programme en différentes scènes. On a le cas par terrestres et les zones marines dans une
exemple, à Otrante, de la représentation d’un conception géographique du décor qui correspond
grand arbre sur un pavement qui couvre la totalité à la vision du monde des hommes de l’époque.
de la nef, tandis que tout autour de lui s’organise La France, l’Italie, la Rhénanie ou la
l’ensemble du décor (fig. 1).3 Si l’observation de Catalogne sont les principales régions de
cette mosaïque depuis un point haut permettrait développement de la mosaïque de pavement
d’en embrasser la totalité, il est important de médiévale.5 Mais la technique de la mosaïque de
noter qu’aucun visiteur médiéval ne pouvait avoir pavement pour décorer le sol notamment des
une telle perception du décor et qu’il n’est églises, n’est pas limitée au Moyen Age aux seules
possible d’en percevoir qu’une petite partie à la régions comprises dans les actuelles France et
fois. Italie. Il est évident cependant, par la
Autour de l’arbre se développent d’abord disproportion existante entre le nombre
divers thèmes profanes, comme la construction de d’exemples conservés dans ces deux pays et ceux
la tour de Babel  épisode intéressant par ailleurs
pour la connaissance de la construction médiévale 4 Xavier Barral i Altet, Otranto (mosaico della navata sinistra)
 l’image du roi Arthur, des luttes d’animaux ou e Conques (timpano): osservazioni su un poco noto parallelo
des décors végétaux. On rencontre également les iconografico del Giudizio universale, dans Tempi e forme
dell’arte. Miscellanea di Studi offerti a Pina Belli D’Elia, dir.,
Luisa Derosa et Clara Gelao (Foggia: Claudio Grenzi Editore,
3 Christine Ungruh, Das Bodenmosaik der Kathedrale von 2011), 94-103.
Otranto (1163-1165): Normannische Herrscherideologie als 5 Xavier Barral i Altet, “Pavement,” dans Dictionnaire
Endzeitvision, Studien zur Kunstgeschichte des Mittelalters und critique d’iconographie occidentale (Rennes: Presses
der Frühen Neuzeit 9 (Affalterbach: Didymos-Verlag 2013). Universitaires Rennes, 2003), 659-663 (avec bibliographie).
239
que nous connaissons ailleurs, que c’est dans ces sculpture.9 Il y a, en Grèce et dans l’Orient
régions que cette technique a connu une byzantin, à Constantinople même, un certain
préférence de la part des commanditaires et du nombre de pavements, des XIe, XIIe et XIIIe
public de l’époque. Mais, au-delà de l’Occident siècles, exécutés en opus sectile ou tessellatum,
européen, la mosaïque de pavement de tesselles qui intègrent un décor figuré de source
s’est aussi développée dans les zones orientales de occidentale au sein de sols organisés sur la base de
la Méditerranée au cours des XIe et XIIe siècles et compositions locales, de cercles et de
même au-delà. En Grèce et au Moyen Orient, compositions enlacées ou centrées.
dans ce que l’on peut appeler les rives orientales C’est au sein de toute cette problématique
de la Méditerranée, existait au haut Moyen Age que les mosaïques de pavement médiévales de
une tradition de la mosaïque de pavement de Bizere occupent une place singulière, car les
l’Antiquité tardive peut-être plus forte encore mosaïques découvertes dans l’église du monastère
qu’en Occident. Une tradition qui va connaître de Bizere10 se trouvent situées géographiquement
une continuité dans deux directions, celle des aux confins du monde médiéval occidental et aux
pavements figurés d’une part et celle des portes des régions dans lesquelles on décèle la
pavements géométriques à compositions de présence des formes artistiques du monde
plaques de l’autre. Cette dernière, avec ses byzantin.
imbrications de rosaces, ou cercles enlacés, semble Grâce aux fragments conservés on peut
avoir eu une certaine répercussion en Occident deviner une grande composition organisée sur la
que l’on a probablement exagéré à partir du base d’une quadrillage oblique formé de bandes au
pavement du Mont-Cassin et de ceux de Sicile, et décor géométrique et végétal frappées d’un carrée
certainement à propos de ceux de Venise.6 aux intersections. Ces carrés sont ornés d’un
C’est concrètement par la présence quatre feuilles. Les cases triangulaires générées
d’éléments figurés sous forme d’opus tessellatum par la composition générale sont ornées de thèmes
ou de marbres taillés et incrustés que les végétaux ou animaliers. On y voit des rinceaux de
pavements du Moyen Age byzantin se rattachent feuillages, des animaux et des monstres, parmi
à l’Occident.7 Les pavements des églises du Moyen lesquels on identifie probablement un chien au
Age byzantin ont une histoire et des traditions museau très long, peut-être un basilic - animal
propres jusqu’à une date même tardive,8 certes, composé d’un corps de coq et d’une queue de
mais l’importance et l’impact qu’ont certainement reptile-, qui dans ce cas présente une tète de félin
eus les pavements des églises d’Occident au cours ou de chien, un autre monstre hybride de deux
des XIe et XIIe siècles, n’aurait pas laissé
indifférent les commanditaires byzantins au
moment même de l’arrivée dans ces régions, d’un
art roman en provenance de France et d’Italie qui
9Par exemple, Mosche Barasch, Crusader figural sculpture in
the Holy Land. Twelfth century examples from Acre
nous a laissé bien des témoignages, notamment Nazareth and Belvoir Castle (New Jersey: Rutgers University
dans le domaine de l’architecture et de la Press), 1971.
10 Ileana Burnichioiu and Adrian A. Rusu, Mozaicurile
medievale de la Bizere. The Medieval Mosaics from Bizere.

6 Xavier Barral i Altet, Les mosaïques de pavement Die mittelalterliche Mosaiken von Bizere (Cluj-Napoca:
médiévales de Venise, Murano, Torcello, Bibliothèque des Mega, 2006); Ileana Burnichioiu and Adrian A. Rusu,
Cahiers archéologiques 14 (Paris: Picard, 1985). “Medieval Floor Mosaics at Bizere Monastery: A Brief
7 Xavier Barral i Altet, “Un programme iconographique Survey,” Trans R XX, no. 2 (2011): 3-13. Voir egalment sur
occidental pour le pavement médiéval de l’église du Christ les problematiques du monastère: Adrian A. Rusu and Ileana
Pantocrator de Constantinople,” Convivum. Exchanges and Burnichioiu, eds., Mănăstirea Bizere, I (Cluj-Napoca: Editura
Interactions in the Arts of Medieval Europe, Byzantium, and Mega, 2011); Ileana Burnichioiu, “Lavatorium-ul abaţiei
the Mediterreanean II, no. 1 (2015): 218-233. Bizere – de la arheologie le reconstituire” [The lavatorium of
8 Alessandra Guiglia Guidobaldi, La decorazione pavimentale Bizere abbey – from archaeology to reconstruction], AUA
bizantina in età paleologa, dans L’arte a Bisanzio e l’Italia al hist., 17, no. 2 (2013): 101-121; Adrian A. Rusu, “Spatial
tempo dei Paleologi, 1261-1453, eds. Antonio Iacobini et organization and monastic life in Bizere abbey (Arad county,
Mauro della Valle (Rome: Argos, 1999), 321-358. Romania),” in this volume.
240
Fig. 5. Bizere. Mosaïque de la nef, vue d'ensemble

(F. Mărginean).
241
Fig. 6. Bizere. Mosaïque de la nef, détail (I. Burnichioiu).
Fig. 7. Bizere. Mosaïque de la nef, détail (I. Burnichioiu).
242
Fig. 8. Bizere. Mosaïque de l’absidiole de droite, opus sectile

et opus tessellatum (I. Burnichioiu).
243
animaux marins, et un centaure dont le torse On peut supposer et imaginer la volonté et

humain est complété par une tête d’animal. Enfin le désir du commanditaire local de posséder un sol
on identifie encore peut-être un griffon. Il s’agit en mosaïque dans la nef de son église monastique
par conséquent d’un programme iconographique, tel qu’il les aurait connus probablement, directe
au moins dans sa partie connue, pour l’essentiel ou indirectement, dans l’un des principaux
fait d’animaux et de monstres, distribués au sol monastères occidentaux. Les plus prestigieux
dans un contexte végétal et géométrique. d’entre eux signifiaient leur richesse artistique par
Toutes les caractéristiques de cette l’exhibition d’un sol en mosaïque.
mosaïque appartiennent pleinement à ce que l’on A Bizere, celui-ci ne peut pas être très
connait des mosaïques romanes occidentales, aussi ancien au cours du Moyen Age central. Son style
bien sur le plan iconographique que technique, fait penser, par rapport à ce qu’on sait des
avec l’utilisation d’un faible nombre de couleurs mosaïques romanes de l’Europe occidentale, à une
et l’association étroite dans un même pavement date vers la fin du XIIe siècle ou la première
d’opus tessellatum et d’opus sectile. Des plaquettes moitié du XIIIe. Ce sera l’archéologie à préciser
semi-circulaires, carrées ou rectangulaires ont été ces données chronologiques. Mais, sur le plan
découvertes en grand nombre ; certaines d’entre culturel, la mosaïque conservée à Bizere indique
elles encore insérés dans le pavement lui-même.11 clairement une appartenance artistique à l’art
La forme de ces plaquettes fait penser aux roman occidental, pour un complexe monastique
mosaïques de pavement de la région vénitienne situé d’une certaine manière aux portes de
mais elles ne sont pas rares ailleurs. La technique l’Orient byzantin.12 De ce point de vue, la
d’exécution de la mosaïque de tesselles est découverte de Bizere est essentielle pour
caractéristiques des mosaïques romanes comprendre la diffusion de la technique artistique
occidentales par l’irrégularité dans la pose des de la mosaïque de pavement romane de l’Occident
cubes mais aussi dans le format et la taille des vers l’Orient, du monde roman occidental vers
cubes eux-mêmes. Byzance.
Les animaux et les monstres, les éléments
végétaux, la composition et la technique des
mosaïques de Bizere se référent à l’art roman
occidental et à celui des mosaïques en particulier.
Rien de tel à Byzance, parmi les pavements
connus, ne justifierait une orientation vers
l’Orient de la Méditerranée des mosaïques de
Bizere. Les pavements qui pourraient lui être
portés en comparaison en Grèce sont eux-aussi
fruit de l’expansion des formules occidentales.
Si l’orientation culturelle des mosaïques
de Bizere paraît claire, leur style est assez insolite
et semble fruit d’une production locale assez
éloignée du style des grands ensembles connus et
de l’art monumental le plus prestigieux de la
période. Mais cela est habituel dans la production
des mosaïques de pavement, qui sont toujours
exécutées collectivement dans des contextes très
locaux.
11 See Ileana Burnichioiu, “Decorative heritage of Bizere 12Emilia Jamroziak and Karen Stöber, eds., Monasteries on
monastery. Fragments of the opus sectile,” dans cette the Borders of Medieval Europe. Conflict and Cultural
volume: 249-264. Interaction (Turnhout: Brepols, 2013).
244
THE DECORATIVE HERITAGE OF THE resumed after 2001, they continued to be recovered
BIZERE ABBEY. FRAGMENTS OF OPUS along with small tesserae (similar to those from the
SECTILE in situ floor mosaics found later, in 2003), pieces of
white and blue-grey limestone, and red marble with
various sections, having one or two polished faces
ILEANA BURNICHIOIU (figs. 1–3). Since the research of the site is not yet
completed, it is very possible that such discoveries
During eleven archaeological campaigns (1981, will continue to be made, especially in the eastern
2001–2009, and 2014) at the site of the former side of the former island of the abbey.
Benedictine abbey in Bizere, a great quantity of
archaeological material was gathered. This
collection mainly comprises fragments of sculpture,
of mosaic and of fresco, coming especially from the
eastern side of the island, where the most important
part of the ensemble was raised. 1 From this
collection, several carved pieces have been studied
for this volume,2 and the catalogue of the sculptures
is in progress. The two in situ mosaic surfaces,
Fig. 1. Tesserae and pieces of opus sectile discovered during
discovered in 2003 in the perimeter of the main the 2009 archaeological campaign.
church, were first presented in a brochure and then
in an article, 3 but they have been revisited in the
present volume. 4 Also published here are the first
analyses of the archaeometric material that was used
in the mosaics of Bizere. A brief report on the
fragments of fresco and paint, which makes use of the
results of lab analyses was published before, in 2013.5
Even from the first archaeological campaign
(1981) various tiles of mosaic called opus sectile, now
in the collection of the Arad Museum Complex, were
discovered. 6 Subsequently, when the research Fig. 2. Fragmentary limestone slabs discovered during
various archaeological campaigns.
 Lecturer, PhD, University “1 Decembrie 1918” of Alba Iulia; 5 Erika Nemes Feketics and Ileana Burnichioiu, “Analize ale
ileanaburnichioiu@yahoo.com. fragmentelor de frescă descoperite la Bizere în anii 2001-2009 (I)”

1 For the position and the organization of the space of the [Analysis of the fresco fragments discovered at Bizere between
Bizere Monastery (as much as can be currently ascertained), 2001 and 2009 (I)], AUA hist. 17, no. 2 (2013): 223-226.
see: Oana Toda, “Das Kloster auf der Flussinsel: Fern- 6 The journal of this first archaeological campaign, headed by
verbindungen und lokale Abgeschiedenheit im Fall der Abtei Mircea Rusu, was recovered and published posthumously in
Bizere?,” in this volume: 17–30, Abb. 2; Adrian A. Rusu, Adrian Andrei Rusu and Ileana Burnichioiu, eds., Mănăstirea
“Spatial organization and monastic life in Bizere abbey,” in Bizere [Bizere Monastery], vol. I (Cluj-Napoca: Mega Publishing
this volume: 91–112, figs. 2, 94. House, 2011), 129–131, after the references to the pieces of opus
2 Ernő Marosi, “Some remarks on a fragmentary capital from the sectile with photographs or drawings had been given in Adrian
monastery of Bizere,” in this volume: 229–238. A. Rusu et al., Biserici medievale din judeţul Arad [Medieval
3 Ileana Burnichioiu and Adrian Andrei Rusu, Mozaicurile churches from Arad County] (Arad: Complexul Muzeal Arad,
medievale de la Bizere. The Medieval Mosaics from Bizere. 2000); Zsuzsa Heitelné Moré, “Monostorok a Maros mentén.
Die mittelalterlichen Mosaiken von Bizere (Cluj-Napoca: Adatok” [Monasteries along the Maros River. Data], in Paradisum
Mega, 2006); Ileana Burnichioiu and Adrian Andrei Rusu, plantavit. Bencés monostorok a középkori Magyarországon.
“Medieval Floor Mosaics at Bizere Monastery: A Brief Benedictine Monasteries in Medieval Hungary. Exhibition at the
Survey,” Trans R XX, no. 2 (2011): 3–13. Benedictine Archabbey of Pannonhalma 21 March – 11
4 Xavier Barral i Altet, “Les mosaïques de pavement romanes de November 2001, ed. Imre Takács (Pannonhalma: Pannonhalmi
Bizere: un programme iconographique et décoratif occidental Bencés Főapátság, 2001), 268–269.
de style très original aux portes de l'Orient byzantin,” in this
volume: 239–248, figs. 5–8.
245
ILEANA BURNICHIOIU
Fig. 3. Fragmentary red marble slabs with polished surfaces.
Fig. 5. Detail from the southern panel of the mosaic on the

central nave, with the frame and trace of a strip of opus sectile.
opus sectile.7 The mixed technique is visible firstly

in the southern chapel of the basilica (fig. 4), where
the strip immediately next to the threshold is made
of small tiles of brick and stone placed in an oblique
position, with the openings between them filled
with tesserae. Further east, large bricks with sides of
about 28–30 cm have been fitted in a repetitive
floral design with a background of white tesserae.8
The existence of the mosaic tile can also be
considered certain in the mosaic of the central nave,
where at the eastern border of the western panel
there remained the obvious trace (even in its
Fig. 4. Detail from the mosaic of the southern chapel/apsis, at precarious state of conservation) of a strip that could
the western limit (towards the southern lateral nave). have initially been composed of slabs (fig. 5). Only
in these two places can we speak of evidence with a
The large quantity (still impossible to clear initial archaeological context, otherwise all of
estimate) of scattered mosaic fragments discovered the pieces were discovered isolated from each other
at Bizere were made from a variety of materials (figs. (fig. 7) or in later contexts that betray the successive
1–12). In the following pages I offer a perspective on recycling of materials on the island throughout the
this variety of materials, shapes, and colors, along Middle Ages. Such is the most obvious case of
with information regarding the technique and several rectangular limestone slabs, so-called “white
context of the discoveries, from which hypotheses marble,” reused along with fragmentary bricks for
regarding the chronology, placement, and design of the redevelopment of a cist discovered in a central
the mosaics in the initial phase can be offered. position in the funerary chapel, named M 111 9
Materials, techniques, shapes, and colors (figs. 8–9).
As previously observed, two types of
pavement mosaics from the Bizere abbey can be
associated with each other: opus tessellatum and
7 Burnichioiu, Rusu, “Medieval Floor Mosaics,” 8. 9Ileana Burnichioiu, “Capela funerară” [The funerary chapel],
8 See also Xavier Barral i Altet, “Les mosaïques,” 247, fig. 8. in Rusu and Burnichioiu, Mănăstirea Bizere, I, 70–71.
246
The decorative heritage of the Bizere abbey. Fragments of opus sectile
Fig. 6. Fragments of opus tessellatum and opus sectile mosaics

from Bizere in the preparation phase of the October 2014
exhibition (University “1 Decembrie 1918” of Alba Iulia).
247
ILEANA BURNICHIOIU
Fig. 7. Round tile in “white marble” at the moment

of discovery in 2004.
Fig. 10. Various pieces of mosaics made by brick and rocks

discovered in 2001 (Photo by Ancuţa Cotae).
Fig. 8. The cist of M 111 (inside of the funerary chapel) In the mosaic of the southern chapel white
covered by reused bricks and “white marble” slab. or black stone slabs (either square or rectangular)
alternate with those of square or rectangular
burned brick. The scheme is simple, and the shapes
do not vary much, even when the large painted
bricks of red color, which had been inserted in the
rest of the mosaic tapestry, are taken into
consideration (fig. 4). However, the collection of
pieces discovered during the archaeological
excavations, as we shall see, has much more varied
shapes and chromatics.
Among the brick pieces gathered over the
years, there can be found both ones that are
completely burnt (the majority), and ones that are
only partially burnt. In the context of their
discoveries they alternated with stone blocks,
depending on their position in the stratigraphy,
which had been ravished by treasure hunters and
agricultural works. There are both complete and
fragmentary pieces of 8-shaped tiles about 4.6–5
cm long (fig. 10/a), as well as rhomboidal slabs with
elongated corners (b, i), halves of discs (in large
number) (c), discs (d), rectangles (with a
trapezoidal section) (f), trapezoids (g), almond
shapes (e), and squares (k). These ceramic pieces
are mostly similar in shape and size to the stone
Fig. 9. “White marble” slabs from M 111: frontal and lateral ones, including several that were discovered in the
views with traces from the initial processing phase. mosaics in situ (the square, rectangular, and
248
rhomboidal with elongated corners shapes) (fig. the hypothesis that the tegular material from the
4).10 Two other fragments make a discordant note buildings and pavements had largely been made on
through their slightly sunken decoration, made by the island. The possibility that Roman spolia had
pressing the material before firing it with a mold been brought from another place, especially in the
with a repetitive interior pattern, consisting of case of the square bricks or the 8-shaped tiles,
groups of four triangles inscribed in squares, and should also be considered.
having towards the exterior circles with small The lithic material is even more varied
marginal decorations with lines or dots (fig. 11/j). than the tegular, and from this category about 40
The laboratory analyses of samples of samples have been analyzed in the laboratory in
tegular material from Bizere–originating from the 2009–2014. The analyses showed that many of the
in situ pavements of the portico and refectory, as mosaic fragments (tesserae and tiles) had been
well as smaller tiles of opus sectile discovered at made from metamorphic rocks such as marble,
various points of the site–gave an estimate of the marble,” magmatic rocks such as basalt, and
burning temperatures of around 800–900° C in the sedimentary rocks such as sandstone, limestone,
first analyses and then of ≤650–700 °C,11 and also
indicated the presence of sand, which most
probably came from the Mureș River. Thus, the Fig. 11/a–k. Types of brick tiles discovered at the Bizere site
quality and composition of the material support (1981, 2001–2014).
10 See also Xavier Barral i Altet, “Les mosaïques,” 247, fig. 8. 11 Bernadett Bajnóczi et al., “Archaeometric analysis of mosaic
tesserae and a ‘red marble’ decorative stone from the Bizere
Monastery (Arad County, Romania),” in this volume: 265–278.
249
ILEANA BURNICHIOIU
Fig. 12. Various slabs and opus sectile tiles in “white marble.”
250
and breccia. 12 However, the samples that have

been subjected to archaeometric analysis until now
do not comprise all the materials from which the
mosaics of Bizere have been made. Among those
delayed for another phase of analysis are two types
of rocks, which can be seen in fig. 6, and which
have the characteristics of so-called red porphyry
or Imperial Porphyry (Lapis Porphyrites, porfido
rosso antico) and of green porphyry (Lapis
Lacedaemonius, verde antico). The former was
extensively quarried in the Mons Porphyrites in
the Eastern Desert of Egypt and had oftentimes
ended up in medieval buildings and decorations
after being exploited from Roman ruins. 13 A
somewhat similar fate was shared by the green
porphyry originating from Lacedaemonia
(Laconia), also extracted from Roman sites to be
reused during the Middle Ages.14 In the case of the
Bizere abbey, the Roman-era place or places from
which the fragments of the two rocks might have
originated are yet undetermined. However, most
certainly, these Roman spolia had been brought to
the site to be used in mosaics.
Fig. 14. Detail from the mosaic of the southern chapel of the
basilica with tesserae of white limestone, red porphyry, red
marble, quartzite, and greenschist.
Until now, of the Imperial Porphyry there

have been discovered two slab fragments with
different thicknesses and polygonal shapes, as well
as several tesserae (fig. 13). These have
correspondences in the tesserae of a petal from the
repetitive motif of the mosaic in the southern lateral
chapel (fig. 14).
From the green porphyry there have been
recovered three fragmentary slabs with different
Fig. 13. Red porphyry: fragmentary slab and tesserae.
12 Corina Ionescu and Ioan I. Bucur, “Analiza unor roci Lucrezia Ungaro, eds., I marmi colorati della Roma imperiale
sedimentare [The analysis of certain sedimentary rocks],” in (Rome: Marsilio, 2002); Ben Russell, The Economics of the
Rusu and Burnichioiu, Mănăstirea Bizere, vol. I, 103–106; Roman Stone Trade (Oxford, 2013), (with bibliography);
Corina Ionescu and Lucreţia Ghergari, “Studii preliminare de Lorenzo Lazzarini, ed., Interdisciplinary studies of ancient
mineralogie şi petrografie asupra materialului tegular: stone. ASMOSIA VI. Proceedings of the sixth international
compoziţie şi microfabric [Preliminary mineralogical and conference of the "Association for the study of marble and other
petrographic studies on the brick material: structure and stones in antiquity,” Venice, June 15-18 2000 (Padova: Bottega
microfabric],” in Rusu and Burnichioiu, Mănăstirea Bizere, d'Erasmo, 2002).
vol. I, 107–116; Bajnóczi et al., “Archaeometric analysis,” 268– 14 Lorenzo Lazzarini, Poikiloi Lithoi, Versiculores Maculae: I
271; other analyses were made in 2015 by Brigitta Maria Marmi Colorati della Grecia Antica (Pisa-Rome: Fabrizio Serra
Kürtösi. I would like to take this opportunity to thank all for Editore, 2007); Ben Russell, “Stone quarrying in Grecia: Ten
the information provided. years of research,” in Archaeological Reports 63 (2017): 77–88.
13 The bibliography on the subject is rather vast, therefore, I am
limiting myself here to only a few titles: Marilda De Nuccio and
251
ILEANA BURNICHIOIU
with simple river stones (as in pebble mosaics),

even if the material was available in the immediate
proximity, on the River Mureș, or in the region.
The discoveries made thus far suggest the
preponderant use of “white marble” on the island
of the Bizere abbey. A portion of the “white
marble” material is made of shapes that are clearly
defined, or easily reconstructed (even when they
are fractured), another is too fragmentary to allow
for the identification of the initial forms. Especially
as, amongst the archaeological discoveries there
are also fragments of columns, capitals, and even a
column base made with so-called “white marble.”
From the first category the following have
been identified: tiles/8-shaped pieces, disc halves,
Fig. 15. Green porphyry: fragmentary slabs and tessera. rhomboidal pieces with elongated corners (sharing
analogies with some of those of burnt clay),
sizes and number of polished surfaces, in addition almond-shaped pieces (in large number), basic
to a tessera (fig. 15). From the three fragments of triangles of many types and sizes (of which some
slabs, only two of them seem to have become have an arched side), segments of circular arches
elements of opus sectile. about 5 cm wide (also numerous), rectangular and
Among the rock samples that have been square pieces of various dimensions (including
analyzed in the second phase there are tesserae of sizes that are similar to ordinary bricks), heart-
“red marble” (in fact, a red nodular limestone) shaped pieces, and small rectangular tiles with one
originating from the Gerecse Mountains concave edge and another that is rounded or
(Hungary). 15 However, although the number of straight. To these there is added the discoid slab
tesserae from this material is large (both from the in having a straight edge (figs. 12/r). The shapes
situ mosaics and among the isolated discoveries), mentioned above were not exclusively made of
until now only several fragments of crushed “white marble” or brick, but also of fragments of
material from massive slabs, which have varied breccia or other qualities of stone, which were
thicknesses and one or two polished surfaces (fig. 3), found among them. Among these were found: one
have been discovered. For now, only a few tiles of heart-shaped piece, a rhombus with straight edges,
sectilia made of “red marble” are known. We can, a fragment of small trapezoidal or triangular slab
however, draw another hypothesis from the (of breccia), small square slabs, rectangular
discovered samples, that they may be more trapezoid-shaped pieces, and a small tear-shaped
connected to stone inventory other than the piece (fig. 6).
mosaics (building parts, funerary slabs, etc.). From other fragmentary slabs of “white
A similar situation, to a certain extent, marble” with various polished surfaces there have
might be that of the river stones of various colors been found shapes that are not repeated in other
(red, yellow, white, etc.) from which ubiquitous materials, most of which have a marginal listel
tesserae exist (isolated and in the mosaic surfaces). (which forms an L in section: fig. 12/j), 16 others
Although the working site of the mosaics had with one or two beveled edges and/or with traces
acquired larger boulders (as shown by the remains from carvings specific to jointing or with one or
gathered during research), they seem to have only two straight grooves on one of the margins. In
been used for making tesserae. Similarly, we have 2004, from the disturbed stratigraphy above the
no clues yet on any floor arrangements made only mosaic of the central nave, a stone was recovered,
15 Bajnóczi et al., “Archaeometric analysis,” 275–276. 16These appeared in particular in 1981 and were drawn for the
volume published by Rusu et al., Biserici medievale, 167, fig. 30.
252
which has on its edge parts of two incised volutes

and a worn-out surface (as if it had been part of an
intensely frequented pavement in a secondary use)
(12/i). Another piece has at the end of its marginal
groove the trace of a drill hole, and another has the
remains of an iron holdfast securely lodged in its
mass (fig. 12/e, h).
In the second category of “white marble”
there are fragments of slabs with various sections,
in which there can be distinguished one to two
polished faces (figs. 2, 12/a). Their state of
conservation would allow us at most to suppose
that they had generally been used as primary
material for the mosaic decorations. Fig. 17. Blue-grey tesserae in a floral motif in the nave floor
mosaic.
As can be seen in the lot analyzed here
(figs. 2, 6, 12), some of the pieces of so-called
“white marble” have uniform tints of blue-grey or
just veins of blue-grey color. Such shades can also
be seen in isolated tesserae, as well as in groups of
tesserae that constitute details from in situ mosaics:
flowers (fig. 17), stalks, rhombuses, etc. In order to
a b
obtain more information on these, in 2014 several
Fig. 18. Pieces of tessellata (a) and sectilia (b) having the
samples were submitted to analysis in the same traces of mortar with crushed brick.
laboratory and compared to marble of the same
shade from sites in Hungary, especially with The large quantity of raw material jetsam
fragments from the Benedictine monastery in found all over the site confirmed the supposition
Pécsvárad. The author of the analyses also that the materials had been brought to the island
identified the possibility of the existence of Roman in a raw, semi-processed, or finished form, in the
spolia and introduced as a hypothesis the last case as Roman spolia.19 The manner in which
Proconnesian origin of the marble. 17 Without they were used can be seen partially in the mosaic
completely excluding such a theory, possibly surfaces in situ. During the archaeological research
thanks to some “imports” from Roman times that observation of the mosaics’ margins determined
could have then circulated as spolia with mixed that they were made with the well-known
provenience, there should alsobe considered a stratification from the Roman era: statumen, rudus
series of similitudes demonstrated in the previous (made by lime plaster), and nucleus; the stones of
petrographic analyses on the area of Porţile de Fier the mosaic are fixed in the lime plaster from the
(e. g., Bucova, Zeicani). 18 Also, it has to be bottom and in a layer with crushed brick. The same
considered that for the blue-grey of the tesserae, type of mortar was also encountered in isolated
the artisans could have had selected from the so- tesserae groups detached from the rudus, in
called “white marble” exactly those blue-grey addition to some tiles of opus sectile (fig. 18/a-b).
veins that corresponded chromatically. Equally This mortar with crushed brick does not seem to
important was their association with other colors, have been used exclusively, as some of the opus
which ensured a better contrast. sectile pieces have traces of lime and sand mortar.
17A report on this topic: Brigitta Maria Kürtösi, The Bizere blue. one can see the marble walls of a quarry that has blue-grey
Archaeometrical Investigation of Medieval greyish-blue Mosaic veins, see: H. W. Müller et al., Der Marmor in Römischen
Tesserae from Bizere Monastery, MSS. Dakien (Cluj-Napoca: Mega Publishing House, 2012).
18Bajnóczi et al., “Archaeometric analysis,” 265-278; for 19 On the layers of processing of the stone observed in the area
analyses of the Roman material, including in Bucova where of the basilica and cloister: Rusu, “Spatial organization,” 98.
253
ILEANA BURNICHIOIU
Fig. 19. Detail from Villard de Honnecourt’s volume (first half preserving a trace of the first processing stage (probably from
of the thirteenth century). the Roman era).
Although we are speaking of isolated fragments, on

which we have no information regarding their
association in situ, the multitude of slabs of white
and blue-grey marble, the white background of the
mosaic in situ, and the presence of a large number
of brick pieces, allow for the supposition that
white-grey and brick-red were predominant
chromatically also for the opus sectile areas.
After the inventory of the decontextualized
shapes and materials of mosaics tiles, some of the
questions that could be raised about them include:
In which areas of the abbey did they exist? What
were the models? In addition to floor mosaics, did Fig. 21. Isolated 8-shaped pieces combined with an edge piece
in the 2014 October exhibition (Alba Iulia).
wall mosaics also exist? and How long did the
mosaics survive after their execution?
The shapes of the isolated pieces of tessera
Considering the presence of the two floor
allow for various combinations using simple
mosaic surfaces preserved in situ, both with
geometry, allowing us to make some suggestions of
fragments of tessellata and sectilia, as well as
partial reconstructions of the design and hypotheses
because the basilica was the main liturgical space
for the future. To this end, a helping hand is offered
of the abbey, it can be considered that the pieces
by analogies with other mosaics that have been
that were discovered isolated originate primarily
better preserved in situ (from Roman to medieval
from the interior of basilica. The floor mosaics
examples, both of opus sectile and of mixed
were organized in panels that took into account at
technique) and other evidence such as the sketches
least the structure of the three naves, the pillars,
of Villard de Honnecourt (from the first half of the
the separation between the choir from the side
thirteenth century) (fig. 19). The almond-shaped
chapels, and the other arrangements pertaining to
pieces have contours that match the arched edges of
the cult. As the traces from the central nave and its
some of the rhombuses made of ceramic (fig. 20) or
dimensions suggest, a row of tiles was aligned
stone and could have been placed in rectangular
precisely between the mosaic with tesserae and the
frames, which were then completed at the corners
western columns of the central nave.
with trapezoid form having one arched side and two
straight ones (fig. 22/g).
Fig. 20. Isolated almond-shaped pieces combined with

fragmentary ceramic rhombuses including one piece
254
Fig. 22. Graphical suggestions for partial reconstruction of

The mosaic 8-shaped pieces combine the most patterns of opus sectile.
easily (and in this regard, the multitude of Roman
and medieval analogies leave no room for doubt) However, even if the information seems to be
within several rectangular or circular panels, precise and their existence even plausible, it is not
either two-toned or monochrome (fig. 21). As edge known what exactly was discovered on site. In the
pieces for these panels, small tiles with a straight Museum in Arad there only arrived disparate
or rounded exterior edge have been discovered (in pieces of brick and white marble, not bound by any
one case, in 2007, they have even been gathered mortar, and in the later archaeological trenches no
together from the same archaeological layer), all of preserved surfaces in situ with this type of mosaic
white marble and with concavities adapted to the 8- have been identified.
shape (figs. 12/l, 21). In the journal of the 1981 The half- discs, numerous in both categories
campaign, Mircea Rusu, whose archaeological of material–brick and white marble–could have
section was located in the northern half of the been combined in the simplest manner, with the
basilica, noted that “…At each end of the mosaic straight edges front to front (fig. 22/b).
made of 8-shapes there was a rectangular tile also The larger triangles suggest one of the
of marble, 7.5 cm long and 4.7 cm wide.”20 simplest and most frequently encountered patterns
20 Rusu, Burnichioiu, Mănăstirea Bizere, 129. Its archaeological that it was located immediately north of the mosaic in the
section could not be identified precisely, but after all the central nave, discovered later on, in 2003.
descriptions and sketches had been made it was ascertained
255
ILEANA BURNICHIOIU
Apart from these shapes of relatively simple

geometry, there also exist several complete or
fragmentary pieces of stone that are more unique,
such as the heart- and tear-shaped pieces (fig. 6),
which complicate the hypothetical reconstructions.
Based on the examples of in situ mosaics in which
these shapes appear, they could possibly represent
the petals of floral motifs with small discs in their
centers (fig. 22/e). Other finished tiles were simply
rectangular or square (fig. 22/d); one of them was
only described in the 1981 journal of Mircea Rusu,
as having a side of 50–56 cm and being 4–5 cm
thick.22
Fig. 23. Possible model suggested on a sand bed in the The white marble circle segments found in
exhibition in Alba Iulia for the circle segments of white
marble and small pieces of brick.
rather large numbers during the archaeological
campaigns prove the presence of circular panels of
of opus sectile, resulting from their positioning mosaic (figs. 12/p; 22/h; 23). However, there are no
around a square slab (fig. 22/a). Other triangular clues concerning the pieces that filled the interior
pieces of various colors (white-grey marble or grey- areas of these circles. The white marble disc has a
purple rock), also large and based on an isosceles straight edge (fig. 12) betraying the fact that it was
triangle, could have been combined with each other fixed adjacent to a straight piece or a rectangular
(fig. 20/f). Additionally, the smaller triangles, panel, and not a circle. At the same time, all these
according to many analogies, could have alternated circular and discoid shapes recovered thus far,
with rhombuses (fig. 22/c), with which they would along with other curved tiles (figs. 12/m, o, h; 22),
have been placed between horizontal bands made of allow for the hypothetical existence of a form
rectangular or trapezoidal pieces. 21 Alternatively, found in other similar models of medieval mosaics
the smaller triangles–with one longer, arched side– that, in their central areas, with their liturgical and
can also be assembled with the 5 cm-wide marble symbolic significance, have shapes such as
segments, which could form a circle. Their medallions, rotas, and quincunx.23
placement would fit on the exterior of the circles; in
the spaces between the triangles square tiles 4 x 4 Fig. 24. View of the remains of the eastern side of the basilica
(2004) (Photo by F. Mărginean).
cm could have been inserted (figs. 22/h, 23).
21See such a pattern in Krisztina Havasi, “Marble works and 22See Rusu and Burnichioiu, Mănăstirea Bizere, I, 131.
marble floors in medieval Hungary in the late 12th century. 23 About the medallions, rotas, and quincunx in floor
Fragments of a choir screen and opus sectile from Eger decoration, see in this volume: Havasi, “Marble works,” 226,
medieval cathedral and its artistic connections,” in this note 14.
volume: 224–225, figs. 9, 12, 13.
256
After the first archaeological campaign in from the Roman era or for the medieval wall
1981, Mircea Rusu gave a series of reports to Suzana decorations of Bizere abbey?
Móré Heitel on his discoveries of decorative During the archaeological research
elements in the Bizere abbey. As a consequence, in conducted after 2001 there have been attempts to
the articles and in the introduction of the doctoral check whether other spaces of the abbey have ever
thesis of Heitel (published posthumously), the had polychrome mosaics, and the results were
sectilia pieces are mentioned: “tiles of marble with negative. Where more exigently assembled portions
anthropomorphic representations and vegetal of original floor have been discovered, they were
decoration, in the incrustation technique.” 24 only made of bricks.
However, also in this case, we do not know exactly
what floor artifacts displayed vegetal anthropo-
morphic representations, since they have not been
identified in the Museum in Arad. Thus, there exists
the possibility that this oral exchange of
information was miscommunicated, especially since
the journal of the archaeological campaign only
mentions one fragment of figural enameled tile of
mosaic,25 which was actually an enameled stove tile.
Similarly, the presence of the decoration in
the incrustation technique is still an open question.
There is proof of the material exposed here, of slabs
with details such as: grooves, marginal cuts at right
angles on the back of the pieces, incrustrated lines,
lateral beveling on the secondary and lateral faces,
and also scraps of nails or nail holes (fig. 12/e-j). Fig. 25. Detail of the refectory floor in 2003 (Photo by F.
Thanks to these details we can accept the Mărginean).
hypothesis that at least the basilica of the abbey
was decorated also with wall mosaics.
Nevertheless, even after so many archaeological
campaigns, there should be some reserve regarding
this hypothesis. The first argument against this
hypothesis would be that in the first stone row of
the elevation, namely at the choir and the southern
apse (fig. 24) and in other walls identified west and
south of the basilica (fig. 27/a), no traces were
identified (e. g., holes, mortar, pigments of color)
that could have been associated with mosaics or
other mural decorations (such as frescoes).
Another reason for caution is the ` origin of
the material in fragmentary tiles or blocks that
display clear signs of spoliation from other Roman Fig. 26. Detail of the opus spicatum floor in the northern side
buildings, which raises the question: For what of the portico in S13/2004 (Photo by F. Mărginean).
building(s) were these slabs with grooves, gripping
holes, bevels, and inlays prepared? For something Out of all the floors, the ones in the
refectory should be mentioned. They were set in
long rows partially combined with pairs of bricks
24Suzana Móré Heitel, Începuturile artei medievale în bazinul lower basin of the River Mureș] (Timișoara: Excelsior Art,
inferior al Mureșului [The beginnings of medieval art in the 2010), 15.
257
ILEANA BURNICHIOIU
close to those in opus figlinium (fig. 25); also here

the elevation fragments that were preserved (thus,
the inferior ones at the central pillars) only had
traces of white paint. Another that should be
mentioned are the opus spicatum floors of the
portico (fig. 26), preserved in many areas on the
eastern, southern, and western sides of the portico
and in adjacent spaces in the cloister (in the eastern
part).
Fig. 28. Section 122 from 2014 where the traces of a pillar from
the central nave can be seen, as well as the last floor from
inside the basilica made from fragmentary bricks and recycled
slabs of marble.
The only significant information on the mosaics,

besides the plethora of isolated pieces recovered
from the ravished layers, was the recovery from
the emplecton of the northern wall of the portico
b (set parallel to the basilica) of a scrap tesserae made
Fig. 27. a. Fragment of the northern wall of the portico cloister
of river stone, red marble, and even Imperial
(Photo by F. Mărginean); b. Scrap tesserae of river stone, red
marble, and red porphyry collected from the emplecton of the Porphyry (fig. 27/a–b).
northern wall of the portico. Final observations
In future research, the variety of opus
Relevant data on the decorations in general sectile tiles might grow and new data may be
would be expected from the northern side of the supplied by archaeometry and other methods of
portico and from the south-eastern side of the investigation of the materials. At this point, it is
basilica, where important spaces of the abbey obvious that the stone and brick slabs presented
could have functioned, such as the sacristy or the here fall into one of two large categories: 1) Roman
chapterhouse. However, the entirety of the spolia brought to the abbey island probably even
stratigraphy on the northern side of the portico from the beginning of the abbey or basilica; white
was ruined by burials and treasure hunting. marble slabs and blocks were observed already in
the foundation of the basilica (in 2003 and 2004);
2) pieces that had been specially processed on the
258
island for the new mosaics from the spolia or “new” the sixteenth century, the monastery does not
raw material. appear to have gone through flourishing intervals
The last category of tiles should be dated similar to that spanning from the twelfth century
along with the surfaces of mosaics discovered in to the beginning of the thirteenth.
situ. Regarding the dating of the mosaics in the The remains of the architecture and
ensemble, observations pertaining to the style and decoration are predominantly Romanesque, while
archeological context, along with general the latest elements of decorative architecture do
chronological limits supplied by the written not go beyond the early Gothic. Moreover,
documents, are available; all of these suggest their numerous fragments of decorated limestone or
relative establishment at the end of the twelfth construction elements originating from arches and
century and the beginning of the thirteenth. When vaults, some of which belonged to the main church
the research has advanced, it can be confirmed if and cloister, bear traces of serious burning. Some
they are contemporaneous with the project of the were later covered with white, blue, and light red
cloister in the second stage of the abbey. The initial paintings, a possible sign of the attempts made to
form of the abbey, which we assume to have been renovate them.
U-shaped, was modified and thus, between the Apart from the human loss, the abbey had
refectory 26 and the basilica a rectangular portico also lost the papers that brought it its privileges 28
around a courtyard appeared. and it can be supposed, from the way in which it
The years 1235 and 1236, in which the was built and how the materials on the island were
documents attest that the abbey was severely recycled, that its income was drastically reduced.
damaged by the people of the Bishop of Cenad in The written documents also mention the absence of
solidarity with the clerics of Arad,27 represent the abbots at Bizere at certain moments, the loss of
superior limit of the interval in which the monks properties, and unfriendly relations with the noble
here would have been permitted to accomplish families from the area.29 To the reasons determined
very exigent works, well rounded stylistically, and by the local circumstances, there have to be added
made by foreign artisans. The most important facts the general context within the Hungarian Kingdom
disclosed by the documents from 1236 summarize and the competition with other monastic orders.
the conflicts and the resulting state of the cult After another three centuries in which it seems that
place. A hoard of people sent by the bishop broke it only fought for its survival, the Bizere abbey
down the gates of the abbey, trying to imprison the collapsed and gradually fell into ruin. The site
abbot. During the conflict, the abbot and two became a treasure hunting ground and a quarry for
monks were killed, while others were injured or construction material until the twentieth century.
expelled. Another abbot, Cornelius, was installed A series of evidence shows that the mosaics
at the head of the abbey. Bizere was also robbed of suffered damage before the ruining of the basilica
a number of goods: from the sacristy, the enemies and the monastery. Furthermore, there are
took five expensive vessels and three letters of suspicions that their integrity was affected even
privilege. The poor condition of the monastic from the thirteenth century during the armed
complex is noted. After this blow, even though the conflict when the abbey attacked and robbed.
documents still mention Bizere and its abbots up to
26 Two dinars issued by the kings of Hungary–Stephen II 28 Ileana Burnichioiu, “Bizere abbey: A chronology,” in
(1116–1131) and Bela II (1131–1141)–were discovered under Mănăstirea Bizere [Bizere monastery], vol. I, eds. Adrian Andrei
the brick floor of the refectory. Rusu and Ileana Burnichioiu (Cluj-Napoca: Mega, 2011), 124.
27 The headquarters of the two institutions were about 20 and 29 Burnichioiu, “Bizere abbey,” 125–126.
100 km away, respectively, from the Bizere abbey.
259
ILEANA BURNICHIOIU
in the interior, made during the Middle Ages. At

several points (e. g., in the southern chapel) there
was even found remains of the last floor set on a
bed of yellow sand and pebbles, which ended up
partially covering the first row of blocks of the
elevation (fig. 28). The last floor discovered in the
southern half of the basilica is made of a very mixed
material: fragmentary bricks that alternate in places
with remains of marble slabs or malformed blocks—
everything in a very precarious arrangement. Such
repairs with recycled materials happened in other
spaces of the abbey that had initially had brick
floors, as can be seen on the southern edge of the
portico where a Romanesque block decorated with
a quatrefoil was used (fig. 29).
Taken from their context, these pieces of
opus sectile now display the prevalence of
geometrical and non-figural patterns. However,
originally, they were probably combined with
tessellata as in the in situ nave’s mosaic, which
included some zoomorphic representations.
Together they made a major contribution to the
general decorative ensemble of the basilica.
Within the region, the lot of opus sectile
from Bizere is the richest deposit of materials of this
Fig. 29. Detail of opus spicatum floor on the western side of type, which originates from a medieval site. Along
the portico repaired with a decorated block of stone. with the in situ surfaces, they represent one-of-a-
kind discoveries in Romania, although there are
clues to such decorations existing in other medieval
ecclesiastic centers,30 especially in the Valley of the
Lower Mureș River.
Fig. 30. Very unskillfully made white marble tile, extremely

different from the other similar pieces, which might suggest
some repair attempts of the mosaic.
At the moment of discovery, especially on

the southern and central panels of the mosaic of
the nave, there were traces of a fire. Even more
certain is that they had been affected by the burials
30Until now few pieces have been known that originate from Fortress (information from Adrian A. Rusu, who is taking
other medieval sites, such as the monasteries in Bulci and them into consideration for a repository).
Ahtunmonostor (both on the Lower Mureș) and the Oradea
260
ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF MOSAIC (clay) as raw material mixed with sand from the
TESSERAE AND A “RED MARBLE” River Mureş as temper. An apparent firing
DECORATIVE STONE FROM THE BIZERE temperature of ca. 900°C was proposed for most of
MONASTERY (ARAD COUNTY, ROMANIA)* the bricks.
In order to assess the material usage for
decorative elements in the Bizere monastery, we
BERNADETT BAJNÓCZI, DOROTTYA GYÖRKÖS, have studied additional artifacts, namely several
VIKTÓRIA MOZGAI, MÁTÉ SZABÓ, MÁRIA TÓTH** types of mosaic tesserae and tiles made of rock and
ceramic and found isolated. A “red marble”
Introduction decorative stone fragment and a brick were also
A large variety of building and decorative examined. Thirty-three samples including both
materials, including masonry blocks, bricks, slabs, rocks and ceramics (Table 1) were studied by
and mosaic tesserae made of rock and ceramic were means of optical and cathodoluminescence (CL)
discovered during archaeological research at the microscopy, X-ray diffraction (XRD), electron
medieval Bizere monastery (Frumușeni village, microprobe (EMP), and stable isotope analyses.
Arad County, RO). Most of the mosaic tesserae Based on the mineralogical, petrographic, and
were dispersed throughout the site, however, two geochemical characteristics the probable sources
surfaces of pavement mosaic, belonging to the (provenance) for the rocks were suggested, and the
basilica of the abbey, were found in situ.1 firing conditions (temperature) of the ceramics
Few building and decorative materials were established.
were previously mineralogically and Analytical methods
petrographically analyzed by Corina Ionescu and Petrographic analysis of the samples
Ioan I. Bucur. 2 Using polarized light optical (determination of mineralogical composition and
microscopy (OM), they studied four sedimentary texture/microstructure) was carried out on thin
rocks, i.e. one sandstone and three limestone sections of ca. 30 µm thickness using a Nikon
samples, 3 and suggested a local provenance for Eclipse E600 polarizing microscope. The
most of them. The authors presumed that photomicrographs and the grain size of particles
sandstone and limestone might have been were recorded by the SPOT (v4.6.4.2) software.
extracted ca. 30 and 65 km, respectively, east of the During petrographic analysis of the ceramics, the
Bizere site. In addition, fifteen samples of bricks amount of inclusions, their size categories, degree
from different parts of the Bizere monastery were of sorting, and roundness of the components were
studied by Corina Ionescu and Lucreţia Ghergari.4 determined in accordance with the guidelines of
The mineralogical composition of the bricks the Prehistoric Ceramic Research Group.5
indicated the use of a ferruginous red mudstone
* The rock and ceramic samples were provided by Ileana tres original, aux portes de l’orient byzantin,” and Ileana
Burnichioiu and analyzed in the framework of the project Burnichioiu, “The decorative heritage of Bizere monastery.
“Monastic Life, Art and Technology at the Bizere Monastery Fragments of opus sectile,” in this volume: 249–264.
(Arad County, Romania).” 2 Corina Ionescu and Ioan I. Bucur, “Analiza unor roci
** Bernadett Bajnóczi PhD, senior research fellow; Dorottya sedimentare [The analysis of certain sedimentary rocks],” in
Györkös junior research fellow; Viktória Mozgai junior Mănăstirea Bizere [Bizere monastery], vol. I, eds. Adrian
research fellow; Máté Szabó institute engineer; Mária Tóth Andrei Rusu and Ileana Burnichioiu (Cluj-Napoca: Mega
research fellow; Institute for Geological and Geochemical Publishing House, 2011), 103–106.
Research, Research Centre for Astronomy and Earth Sciences, 3 One sample came from the structure of a well, the second
Hungarian Academy of Sciences, H-1112 Budapest, Budaörsi one was a building material, and two others were mosaic
út 45, Hungary; bajnoczi.bernadett@csfk.mta.hu. tesserae.
1 Ileana Burnichioiu and Adrian A. Rusu, Mozaicurile 4 “Studii preliminare de mineralogie şi petrografie asupra
medievale de la Bizere. The Medieval Mosaics from Bizere. materialului tegular: compoziţie şi microfabric [Preliminary
Die mittelalterliche Mosaiken von Bizere (Cluj-Napoca: Mega mineralogical and petrographic studies on the brick material:
Publishing House, 2006); Ileana Burnichioiu and Adrian structure and microfabric],” in Rusu and Burnichioiu,
Andrei Rusu, “Medieval floor mosaics at Bizere Monastery,” Mănăstirea Bizere, vol. I, 107–116.
TR XX, no. 2 (2011): 3–13; see also, the papers of Xavier Barral 5 Prehistoric Ceramic Research Group, “The study of
i Altet, “Les mosaïques de pavement romanes de Bizere: un Prehistoric pottery: general policies and guidelines for
programme iconographique et decoratif occidental, au style analysis and publication,” Prehistoric Ceramic Research
261
BERNADETT BAJNÓCZI, DOROTTYA GYÖRKÖS, VIKTÓRIA MOZGAI, MÁTÉ SZABÓ, MÁRIA TÓTH
No. Description Material type equipment mounted on a Nikon E600 polarizing

Bizere-1 mosaic tessera hornfels microscope. The equipment operated at 5 to 9.5 kV
Bizere-2 mosaic tessera hornfels
accelerating voltage and 0.4 to 1.2 mA current.
Bizere-3 mosaic tessera marble
Bizere-4 mosaic tessera? quartzite Photos were obtained using a defocused electron
Bizere-5 mosaic tessera marble beam and a Nikon Coolpix 4500 digital camera
Bizere-6 mosaic tessera quartzite with automatic exposure.
Bizere-7 mosaic tessera? impure marble The mineral phases and the
Bizere-8 mosaic tessera? breccia microstructural characteristics of the selected rock
Bizere-9 mosaic tessera serpentine marble
samples were studied by a JEOL JXA-733 electron
Bizere-10 mosaic tessera hornfels
Bizere-11 mosaic tessera quartzite microprobe. Quantitative chemical measurements
Bizere-12 mosaic tessera sandstone (yellow) were performed using an Oxford INCA 2000
Bizere-13 mosaic tessera marble energy dispersive X-ray spectrometer (EDS)
Bizere-14 mosaic tessera sandstone (red) attached to the microprobe. Analytical conditions
Bizere-15 mosaic tessera greenschist were 20 kV accelerating voltage, 6 nA electron
Bizere-16 mosaic tessera sandstone (red)
beam, and 40 sec spectrum collection time. The
Bizere-17 mosaic tessera? quartzite
Bizere-18 mosaic tessera marble natural and artificial materials provided by the
Bizere-19 mosaic tessera brecciated limestone Taylor Co. (Stanford, California, USA) were used
Bizere-20 mosaic tessera crystalline limestone as standards for calibration. PAP correction was
Bizere-21 mosaic tessera? breccia automatically made by the Oxford Instruments
Bizere-22 decorative limestone INCA software.
stone?
Bizere-23 mosaic tessera basalt
Furthermore, mineralogical/phase
Bizere-24 mosaic tessera marble composition was determined on powdered samples
Bizere-25 mosaic tessera quartzite by X-ray diffraction using a Philips PW 1730
Bizere-26 mosaic tessera ceramic (grey-coloured) diffractometer with Bragg-Brentano alignment.
Bizere-27 mosaic tessera ceramic (sandwich- Instrumental parameters were as follows: CuKα
structured with outer red
radiation, 45 kV tension, 35 mA intensity, 0.05°-
rim)
Bizere-28 mosaic tessera ceramic (red-coloured) 0.01° 2Θ step size, 1 s time constant, 1° detector slit,
Bizere-29 brick brick (red-coloured) 1° divergence slit, PW-1050/25 goniometer,
Bizere-30 mosaic tessera basalt graphite monochromator, and proportional
Bizere-31 mosaic tessera ceramic (grey-coloured) counter detector. Data processing and analysis was
Bizere-32 mosaic tessera ceramic (sandwich- made by Philips APD and X’-pert software and
structured with an outer
red rim)
based on the PDF (Powder Diffraction File)
Bizere-33 mosaic tessera ceramic (red-coloured) database.
Table 1. List of the studied rock and ceramic samples from For stable carbon and oxygen isotope
the Bizere monastery site. measurements one limestone and six marble
samples were powdered and analyzed using the
In order to identify mineral phases, continuous flow technique with the H3PO4
different mineral generations, and the digestion method. 13C/12C and 18O/16O ratios of the
microstructure of minerals, selected samples were CO2 gas generated by acid digestion (one hour
studied by cathodoluminescence microscopy. This reaction time with phosphoric acid) were
method also provides information on the spatial measured using a Thermo Finnigan delta plus XP
distribution of trace elements and defects in continuous-flow mass spectrometer equipped with
minerals.6 Cathodoluminescence investigation was an automated GASBENCH II preparation device as
performed using Reliotron “cold-cathode” an inlet port. Although dolomite was also detected
Group: Occasional Papers 1-2 (3rd edition) (2010), http:// leletek példáján [Cathodoluminescence microscopy analysis
www.pcrg.org.uk/News_pages/PCRG%20Gudielines%203rd of Migration period pottery from Zalavár, Hungary],”
%20Edition%20(2010).pdf (accessed 20.12.2015). Archeometriai Műhely II, no. 2 (2005): 31–41.
6 Bernadett Bajnóczi et al., “Kerámiák vizsgálata katód-
lumineszcens mikroszkóppal, zalavári – kora középkori –
262
Archaeometric analysis of mosaic tesserae and a “red marble” decorative stone
in samples Bizere-3 and -5, only one hour reaction (fig. 1A). The xenoblastic carbonate grains have
time with phosphoric acid was applied and we straight to curved boundaries. The carbonate is
consider that the produced CO2 mainly comes mainly calcite, in some samples (Bizere-3 and -5) a
from calcite. The results are expressed using low amount of dolomite is also present. Opaque
standard δ notation relative to V-PDB for C and V- minerals were detected by optical microscopy,
SMOW for O in permil (‰). The reproducibility whereas other minerals (quartz, feldspar,
for both C and O isotope analyses is better than sphalerite (?), pyroxene (?), and gypsum) have been
0.15 ‰, based on replicate measurements of identified by XRD. The marble sample Bizere-13 is
standards and samples. anisotropic with a heteroblastic and foliated
texture, and shows alternating bands
of coarse- and fine-grained calcite.
All these marble samples show
reddish-orange to orange cathode-
luminescence with moderate to
strong intensity and homogeneous
distribution (fig. 1B).
Fig. 1. Photomicrographs of marbles. A: Cataclastic/mortar Bizere-7.

texture (larger crystals are embedded into a groundmass of
fine-grained calcite crystals) (sample Bizere-5, polarized light, Another white marble sample (Bizere-7)
one polarizator). B: Homogeneous orange luminescence has a different appearance. It is an impure marble
(sample Bizere-5, CL image). C: Heteroblastic texture, with with heteroblastic and isotropic texture. The
unoriented grains (sample Bizere-7, polarized light, one xenoblastic calcite grains are from <0.1 to 0.5 mm
polarizator). Among the calcite crystals (cal) tabular-rounded
jadeite (px) occurs. D: Inhomogeneous, patchy orange in size (fig. 1C). Besides calcite, chlorite, quartz,
luminescence both with dull and intensively luminescent pyroxene (jadeite according to EDS data), and
parts (sample Bizere-7, CL image). micas (biotite and chlorite), apatite and plagioclase
were also detected. The carbonate part of the rock
Results shows inhomogeneous, patchy CL with both dull
Rock samples and intense luminescent orange parts (fig. 1D).
Most of the studied mosaic tesserae consist
of metamorphic rocks such as marble, quartzite, δ13C (V- δ18O (V-PDB,
No. Sample
PDB, ‰) ‰)
greenschist, hornfels, and “serpentine marble” Bizere-3 marble 1.8 -2.7
(ophicalcite). Magmatic rocks (basalt) and Bizere-5 marble 1.8 -2.5
sedimentary rocks (sandstone, limestone, and Bizere-7 marble 2.3 -2.8
breccia) were also identified. Bizere-13 marble 1.5 -4.5
Marble. Most of the white marble samples Bizere-18 marble 1.8 -2.8
Bizere-22 limestone 2.8 -1.9
(Bizere-3, -5, -18, and -24) have a heteroblastic and
(‘red marble’)
cataclastic/mortar texture. The rock consists of Bizere-24 marble 1.9 -2.1
variously-sized grains, ranging from <0.05 to 0.5– Table 2. Stable isotope composition of the marble tesserae
0.7 mm. Large grains, up to 1 mm are also present and a limestone (“red marble”) sample.
263
Fig. 2. Photomicrographs of quartzite and hornfels (polarized

light, one polarizator). A–B: Oriented microstructure of Hornfels. The contact metamorphic rocks
quartzite with bands of fine- and coarse-grained quartz
crystals. Densely interlocking fine dark stripes, probably of are represented by hornfels (Bizere-1, -2, and -10).
organic origin, are present among the grains (A: sample Their greenish matrix is composed of fine-grained
Bizere-4; B: sample Bizere-25). C-D: Hornfels composed of (<0.05 mm), homogenously distributed chlorite,
fine-grained chlorite, quartz, feldspar, epidote, and opaque chloritized biotite, quartz, epidote, feldspar
minerals (A: sample Bizere-2; B: sample Bizere-10).
(mostly plagioclase), opaque minerals (magnetite),
and accessories such as zircon and apatite (fig. 2C-
Quartzite. The quartzite samples (Bizere-4,
D). Large voids are sometimes infilled with
-6, -11, -17, and -25) are macroscopically light or
epidote. Patches of fine-grained phyllosilicate
dark grey-colored and banded-foliated. The
and/or clay minerals are frequent. The
microstructure is oriented with less than 2 mm
mineralogical composition indicates that the
thick bands composed of fine- and coarse-grained
original material was most probably a clayey-
crystals of up to ca. 0.3 mm in size (fig. 2A, B).
calcareous rock, which recrystallized due to the
Densely interlocked fine dark stripes probably
thermal effect of an intrusive mass.
containing organic matter mark the orientation.
Greenschist. Only one tessera (Bizere-15)
Sample Bizere-11 shows a weakly oriented
proved to be made of foliated greenschist. It is
microstructure with bands composed of slightly
macroscopically composed of a green to brownish
elongated, 0.1 to 0.5 mm sized crystals of mainly
mass with scattered pink-colored minerals.
xenoblastic quartz. Muscovite or biotite lamellae
Microscopically, the rock contains a large amount
occur in samples Bizere-4, -6, and -25. Small
of elongated and deformed chlorite lamellae (fig.
amounts of feldspar, calcite, diopside,
3A). Amphibole (actinolite, hornblende), epidote,
muscovite/illite, goethite, and anhydrite were
feldspar (albite), quartz, and a small amount of
detected by XRD.
calcite also occur. Accessory minerals are titanite,
ilmenite, and apatite.
264
Fig. 3. A: Photomicrograph of greenschist showing deformed

“Serpentine marble” (ophicalcite). The chlorite lamellae (sample Bizere-15, polarized light, one
polarizator). B: Photomicrograph of “serpentine marble”
sample Bizere-9 is probably an ophicalcite, here
(ophicalcite, sample Bizere-9, polarized light, one polarizator),
referred to as “serpentine marble.” predominantly composed of chrysotile fibers and calcite
Macroscopically, the rock consists of coarse- grains. C-D: Basalt with zoned plagioclase phenocrystals
grained, whitish carbonate minerals in a mass of embedded into fine-grained groundmass composed mainly of
light green fibrous minerals, with some black- plagioclase (sample Bizere-23, C: polarized light, one
polarizator; D: Backscattered electron image). E-F: Basalt with
brown clasts. The rock is dominantly composed of clinopyroxene phenocrystals embedded into the fine-grained
a fibrous needle-like serpentine mineral, namely groundmass composed mainly of plagioclase (sample Bizere-
chrysotile (fig. 3B). Smaller serpentine fibers occur 30, C: polarized light, one polarizator; D: Backscattered
as subangular clasts. Among the serpentine clasts electron image). Abbreviations: ctl – chrysotile, cal – calcite,
fp – feldspar, plg – plagioclase, q – quartz, cpx – clinopyroxene,
and the serpentine fibers fine-grained calcite as
il – ilmenite.
well as crystalline limestone and marble clasts are
visible.
265
Fig. 4. Photomicrographs of sandstone and limestone

(polarized light, one polarizator). A: Yellow-brown sandstone In the groundmass small plagioclase laths show a
(subarkose, sample Bizere-12). B: Red sandstone (subarkose, quasi-fluidal texture, among them glass occurs.A
sample Bizere-14). C: Brecciated micritic limestone with small amount of quartz was also detected. The
bioclasts (foraminifera, bryozoa (?)) (sample Bizere-19). D:
Biogenic limestone with high amount of Bositra shell
accessory minerals are ilmenite and Ti-bearing
fragments (sample Bizere-22). iron oxide. The sample Bizere-30 has a porphyritic
intergranular texture. The phenocrystals, up to 0.5
These clasts have heteroblastic and isotropic mm in size, are mainly zoned clinopyroxene
texture, and are composed of calcite grains of 0.1 (diopside, augite), rarely biotite (fig. 3E-F). A high
to 0.5 mm in size with straight to curved grain amount of opaque residues, most likely resulting
boundaries. Opaque minerals are iron oxide and from mafic minerals (amphibole?) alteration,
chromite. Quartz and plagioclase were also occur. The fine-grained groundmass is composed
detected by XRD analysis. of feldspar crystals (mostly plagioclase), with rare
Basalt. The volcanic rocks are represented quartz. The accessory minerals are apatite and
by two mosaic tesserae made of basalt (Bizere-23 ilmenite. The XRD analysis detected small
and 30). The first sample has a porphyritic amounts of β-cristobalite, 10Å phyllosilicate
intersertal texture with tabular phenocrystals of (muscovite/illite), and amphibole.
zoned plagioclase, up to 0.5 mm in size. The latter Sandstone. Three types of sandstones occur
are partly brown-pigmented due to hematitic- among the studied mosaic tesserae: a yellow-
argillaceous (?) alteration (fig. 3C-D).
266
brown oligomict subarkose, i.e. quartz-rich arkose7 According to the textural classification, 10 the
(sample Bizere-12), a red monomict quartzarenite8 limestone is a wackestone.
(Bizere-16) and a red oligomict subarkose9 (Bizere- The red crystalline limestone (Bizere-20)
14). shows a mosaic texture and is composed of
The yellow-brown subarkose is anhedral calcite grains ranging from 0.05 to 0.1
dominantly composed of quartz and K-feldspar, mm in size. Disseminated opaque grains
with low amounts of biotite and muscovite (fig. (hematite?) occur sometimes, forming thin seams
4A). The rock is a well-sorted, grain-supported, (stylolite-like stripes). The mosaic texture as well
oligomict, and mature rock. The grains are 0.1 to 3 as the dark seams are signs of diagenesis. No
mm in size. The irregular, sometimes wavy grain intraclasts, peloids, and fossils are visible. Quartz,
contacts and the syntaxial overgrowths around feldspar, as well as fine-grained muscovite are
quartz grains are signs of diagenesis (pressure- present among the calcite grains. XRD analysis
solution). Accessory minerals are zircon, ilmenite, indicates the presence of vermiculite (?) and some
rutile, barite, and monazite. amphibole as well.
The red sandstones are well-sorted, grain- The light red fine-grained limestone
supported rocks. The red monomict quartzarenite (Bizere-22) contains a high amount, between 20
is composed of mostly quartz and subordinate and 50 vol%, of calcitic bioclasts (fig. 4D), such as
micas, whereas the red oligomict subarkose Bositra shells, Echinodermata, and Globochaete.
consists of quartz, K-feldspar, biotite, and The limestone is grain-supported. The brownish
muscovite (Fig. 4B). The grains are subangular to matrix is micrite pigmented by goethite/hematite.
subrounded and reach 0.5 mm in size. Scattered quartz and opaque minerals are present.
Disseminated hematite flakes and According to the textural classification, 11 the
accessory minerals such as rutile, apatite, and limestone is a packstone. The stable isotope
barite are present. In addition, XRD analysis composition of the limestone sample is shown in
detected small amounts of chlorite and pyroxene Table 2.
(?) in sample Bizere-14, and K-feldspar, Breccia. Among the studied mosaic
plagioclase, and calcite in sample Bizere-16. tesserae, two kinds of breccia with a variegated
Limestone. Limestones are represented by appearance (black-and-white color) occur (Bizere-
three different kinds of rock, a brecciated 8 and -21). Macroscopically they are composed of
limestone (Bizere-19), a red crystalline limestone white- and black-colored parts or clasts with
(Bizere-20), and a light red fine-grained limestone angular to subangular shapes (figs. 5A and 6A). The
(Bizere-22). black color is most probably due to organic matter.
The brecciated limestone (Bizere-19) has a In the sample Bizere-8 the angular clasts, from 0.5
brown, fine-grained (micritic) calcitic cement cm up to a few centimeters in size, are made of
among grey and white clasts. The brown color of homeoblastic marble. The latter consists of
the cement is due to ferruginous staining. The xenoblastic calcite grains less than 0.5 mm in size
clasts are composed of bulk micritic calcite as well and has granoblastic (grains with straight to curved
as patches and fossils filled in with sparitic calcite boundaries) and isotropic texture (fig. 5B). The
(fig. 4C). The bioclasts are foraminifera, green marble clasts show dull to moderate, patchy
algae, crinoid (?), and bryozoan (?) fragments. reddish-orange luminescence (fig. 5C). The black
Veinlets filled with calcite crosscut the fossils. matrix among the clasts is composed of calcite, Ti-
bearing iron oxide and phyllosilicates (fig. 5D).
7 Textural classification is according to: Robert L. Folk, 10 Robert J. Dunham, “Classification of carbonate rocks
Petrology of sedimentary rocks (Austin, Texas: Hemphill according to depositional texture,” in Classification of
Publishing Company, 1974). carbonate rocks – A Symposium. American Association of
8 Folk, Petrology of sedimentary rocks, 127. Petroleum Geologists Memoir 1, ed. William E. Ham (Tulsa,
9 Ibid. Oklahoma: AAPG, 1962), 108–121.
11 Ibid.
267
Fig. 5. A. Mosaic tessera made of breccia (sample Bizere-8). B.

Photomicrograph of breccia showing white marble clast in a The black matrix in between the white parts
black matrix (polarized light, one polarizator). C: Marble clasts contains a high amount of rounded or elongated
with dull to moderate patchy reddish-orange luminescence.
Bright orange luminescent crystals occur on the rim of the
calcitic clasts dominantly <0.05 to 0.15 mm in size.
marble clasts and among them in the matrix (CL image). D: Larger clasts up to 0.5 mm also occur and they
Marble fragments, bright Ti-bearing iron oxide crystals and clearly show a similar texture to the white marble
phyllosilicate flakes (backscattered electron image). parts. The black matrix is composed of quartz and
Abbreviations: cal – calcite, phyll - phyllosilicate. phyllosilicates (fig. 6C-D). According to XRD data,
the latter are probably corrensite and a 10Å
The iron oxide particles (with bright orange phyllosilicate.
luminescence) concentrate on the rims of the XRD also detected K-feldspar and
marble clast and also occur scattered in the matrix plagioclase. The rim of the white marble parts is
(fig. 5C-D). XRD indicated the predominance of frequently brown-stained.
calcite, and the presence of 10Å phyllosilicate, The larger clasts in the matrix also contain
hematite, β-cristobalite, plagioclase, and K- an inner brown zone, and brown staining occurs in
feldspar. the matrix as patches and circles (fig. 6C-D).
The white clasts in sample Bizere-21 are Brown staining is due to Ti-bearing iron oxide and
made of coarse-grained, homeoblastic, and titanite particles.
isotropic marble composed of xenoblastic calcite
grains up to 0.5 mm in size. The clasts are crosscut
by calcite veinlets (fig. 6B).
268
Fig. 6. A. Mosaic tessera made of

breccia (sample Bizere-21) B.
Photomicrograph of breccia showing
marble clasts and black matrix showing
places with brown staining (polarized
light, one polarizer). C–D: Marble
clasts in a matrix composed of quartz
and phyllosilicate. The bright patches
and circles are composed of Ti-bearing
iron oxide (backscattered electron
images). Abbreviations: cal – calcite, q
– quartz, phyll – phyllosilicate.
Fig. 7. Photomicrographs of ceramics

(polarized light images, one polarizer
and two polarizers, respectively). A-B:
Sample Bizere-27 is a sandwich-
structured ceramic with an outer red
rim, hiatal texture, and moderately-
sorted non-plastic components in ca.
25–30 vol%. C-D: Sample Bizere-33 is
a red-colored ceramic with hiatal
texture and poorly-sorted non-plastic
components in ca. 10–15 vol%.
Polycrystalline quartz grains or
quartzite rock fragments occur
abundantly. E-F: Sample Bizere-26 is a
grey-colored ceramic with serial
texture and moderately-sorted non-
plastic components in ca. 30 vol%.
Abbreviations: q – quartz, qtz –
quartzite, fp – feldspar.
269
Ceramics Discussion
The studied ceramics (Table 1) are diverse Provenance of the rocks
and include grey tesserae (samples Bizere-26, -31), The decorative stone made of light red
red tesserae (samples Bizere-28, -33), and biogenic limestone (sample Bizere-22) containing
sandwich-structured tesserae (samples Bizere-27, - a large amount of Middle Jurassic Bositra shell
32), as well as a red brick (sample Bizere-29). fragments is a red nodular limestone. It is usually
Microscopically, the ceramic mass consists called “red marble” in the art historical and even
of a dark brown-reddish brown, isotropic matrix. the architectural literature. 12 In historic times,
The texture is generally hiatal (fig. 7A-B), with two Lower and Middle Jurassic “red marbles” had been
grain size maxima: 10–150 (-250) µm and 300–600 mined for building and decorative purposes at
µm on average; in sample Bizere-33 it ranges up to several well-known occurrences such as the
1500 µm (fig. 7C-D). Only sample Bizere-26 has a Gerecse Mountains (Hungary), Menyháza/
serial texture, with the grain size from 10 to 100 Moneasa (Apuseni Mountains, Romania), Adnet
µm (fig. 7E-F). The amount of poorly to (Northern Calcareous Alps, Austria), and Verona
moderately-sorted non-plastic components is from (Southern Alps, Italy).13
10–15 up to 30 vol%. The non-plastic components Despite the fact that the
are mostly angular quartz (mono- and Menyháza/Moneasa deposit is located closest to
polycrystalline, the latter is a quartzite rock the Bizere monastery (ca. 100 km NE), it can be
fragment) and feldspar grains. Amphibole, micas safely excluded as a possible source due to the
(biotite, muscovite), chlorite, and hematite occur different age (Lower Jurassic) and the different
scarcely in the ceramics. Calcite and 10Å macroscopic and microscopic appearance of the
phyllosilicate (muscovite/illite) were detected by rock (red-yellow patched, microstylolitic, breccia-
XRD in all samples. Sample Bizere-31 contains structured limestone), 14 compared to the studied
very low amount of dolomite. Limestone, sample.
argillaceous, metamorphic, and volcanic rock “Red marble” of Middle Jurassic age occurs
fragments are rare. in the Gerecse Mountains as well as near Verona.15
To determine the provenance of the Bizere “red
marble,” petrographic analysis has to be combined
with stable isotope analysis. 16 The stable isotope
composition of the Bizere “red marble” (δ13C = 2.8
‰, δ18O = -1.9 ‰) fits into the range of δ13C and
δ18O values obtained for the Middle Jurassic
Gerecse red limestone, as well as for various
artifacts made of this limestone, e.g. medieval
architectural fragments from Ellésmonostor,
Bizere-27. Szermonostor, and Décse (Hungary)17 (fig. 8).
12 Pál Lővei, “A tömött vörös mészkő – “vörös márvány” – a with natural scientific background 1.)],” ME 56, no. 1 (2007):
középkori Magyarország művészetében [Massive red 75–82; Farkas Pintér and Bernadett Bajnóczi, “„Vörös
limestone – “red marble” – in the art of the medieval márvány” műtárgyak kőanyagának eredethatározása
Hungary],” Ars Hungarica XX, no. 2 (1992): 3–28. petrográfiai és stabilizotóp-geokémiai vizsgálatokkal
13 Farkas Pintér et al., “The provenance of ‘red marble’ [Provenance analysis of ‘red marble’ works of art using
monuments from the 12th–18th centuries in Hungary,” EJM petrographic and stable isotope analyses]”, in “Magyarország
16 (2004): 619–629. földjére küldtek”. Villard de Honnecourt és az érett gótika
14 Ibid., 623. megjelenése Közép-Európában. A klosterneuburgi Capella
15 Ibid., 619–629. Speciosa és Pannonhalma francia kapcsolatai, ed. Tibor Rostás
16 Ibid., 619; Pál Lővei et al., “Vörös és fehér díszítőkövek, (Budapest: 2014), 183–203.
kristályos és metamorf mészkövek, márványok (Műemléki 17 Pintér et al., “The provenance of ‘red marble’ monuments,”
kutatások természettudományos diagnosztikai háttérrel 1) 624, 626; Éva Kelemen et al., “Archeometriai vizsgálatok Békés
[(Red and white decorative stones, crystalline and megyei középkori templomok építőanyagain [Archeometric
metamorphic limestones, marbles (Monument investigation studies on building materials of Medieval churches of Békés
270
Fig. 8. Stable isotope composition of the Bizere “red marble”

Therefore, we suggest that the material of the decorative stone (sample Bizere-22) compared to the stable
isotope range of Lower and Middle Jurassic “red marbles”
Bizere “red marble” originates from a relatively from Hungarian, Austrian, and Italian quarries and the stable
distant occurrence located ca. 300 km NW in the isotope range of the archaeological objects made from Middle
Gerecse Mountains. The white limestone with Jurassic Gerecse “red marble” (modified after Pintér et al.,
filaments (sample FB-14e) already studied by 2004, including data from Kelemen et al., 2012; Pintér and
Bajnóczi, 2014, and unpublished data).
Ionescu and Bucur18 is most probably a faded “red
marble.” The filaments are Bositra shell fragments
Bucova, Zeicani, Poşaga, Sohodol, Ruşchiţa, Alun,
and we presume that this limestone also originates
Ocna de Fier, Râul Vadului, Căpâlna, Apoldu de
from the Gerecse Mountains. Compared to the “red
Sus, and Răşinari.19 The marble at Bucova, in the
marble” decorative stone, based on the geology of
Tarcu Mountains of the Southern Carpathians, has
the region, we can assume much closer sources for
already been exploited since Roman times.20 The
the most of the rock types found among the mosaic
Bucova marble shows either a mortar texture, with
tesserae from Bizere.
larger crystals up to 3.4 mm embedded into a fine-
Regarding the provenance of the white
grained mass, or a mosaic-granoblastic texture,
marbles there are several Precambrian and
with grains up to 3 mm and toothed grain
Paleozoic marble occurrences in the Apuseni
boundaries. Calcite is the main carbonate mineral
Mountains and the Southern Carpathians, namely
in the Bucova marble, but rarely dolomite occurs
County (Hungary)],” A Békés Megyei Múzeumok Közleményei Müller et al., Der Marmor in Römischen Dakien (Cluj-
35 (2012): 83–123; Pintér and Bajnóczi, “„Vörös márvány” Napoca: Mega Publishing House, 2012).
műtárgyak kőanyagának eredethatározása,” 183–203; Bernadett 20 Müller et al., “Marbles in the Roman province of Dacia,”
Bajnóczi’s unpublished data. 131-140; Harald W. Müller et al., “The single Roman marble
18 Ionescu and Bucur, “Analiza unor roci sedimentare,” 103–106. quarry in Romania,” in Archaeometry 98, Proceedings of the
19 Harald W. Müller et al., “Marbles in the Roman province of 31st International Symposium, Budapest, April 26 – May 3
Dacia,” in Archéomatériaux – Marbres et autres roches (Actes 1998, BAR International Series 1043 – Archaeolingua Central
de la Conférence internationale ASMOSIA IV, Bordeaux, European Series 1, vol. 2, eds. Erzsébet Jerem and Katalin T.
France, 9–13 Octobre 1995), ed. Max Schvoerer (Bordeaux: Biró (Oxford: Archaeopress, 2002), 685–689; Müller et al., Der
Presses Universitaires de Bordeaux, 1999), 131–140; H. W. Marmor in Römischen Dakien, 23–33.
271
Fig. 9. Stable isotope composition of the Bizere marbles

(sample Bizere-3, -5, -7, -13, -18, and -24) compared to the Further geochemical analyses have to be
stable isotope fields of marbles occurring in the Southern
Carpathians and the Apuseni Mountains performed, as it is known that the Zeicani marble
(Müller et al., 1999). has lower Fe and higher Y and La concentrations
compared to the Bucova marble.22
as well. Most of the Bizere marble samples (Bizere- The foliated marble (Bizere-13) has lower
3, -5, -18, and -24) have similar characteristics to δ18O value (-4.5 ‰) and the impure marble with
the Bucova marble, i.e. a cataclastic/mortar texture patchy luminescence (Bizere-7) has higher δ13C
with a 1 mm maximum grain size, and the presence value (2.3 ‰) compared to the Bizere
of dolomite was also detected in two Bizere marble cataclastic/mortar marbles samples (fig. 9).
samples (Bizere-3 and -5). The stable isotope Although their δ13C and δ18O values mostly
composition of the Bizere-3, -5, -18, and -24 overlap with the isotope fields of Bucova, Zeicani,
marble samples varies in a narrow range (δ13C = 1.8 and Ruşchiţa marble, the texture and mineralogy
to 1.9 ‰, δ18O = -2.1 to -2.8 ‰, Table 2) and fits suggest that the sources of Bizere-7 and -13
well into the stable isotope field of the Bucova marbles are most probably not these occurrences
marble (fig. 9).21 Therefore, Bucova, located ca. 150 (e.g. pink-colored Ruşchiţa marble contains
km SE from the Bizere site, can be regarded as a epidote 23 ). Therefore, further studies should be
potential source for the Bizere-3, -5, -18, and -24 carried out to determine their possible provenance,
marble samples. However, other possible sources and the reuse of marbles imported earlier from the
for the cataclastic/mortar marbles cannot be Mediterranean region should also be taken into
excluded. For example, the marble quarried at account.24
Zeicani (and Păucineşti) belongs to the same The basalt samples (Bizere-23 and -30) may
marble level at Bucova and only stable isotopic and originate from the Jurassic ophiolitic sequence
petrographic methods are not enough to make a cropping out in the Southern Apuseni
clear distinction. Mountains.25 The texture of basalts in the Southern
21 Müller et al., “Marbles in the Roman province of Dacia,” 24Ibid.

133; Benea et al., “The single Roman marble quarry in 25Emilio Saccani et al., “Tectono-magmatic setting of the
Romania,” 685–689. Jurassic ophiolites from the South Apuseni Mountains
22 Müller et al., “Marbles in the Roman province of Dacia,” (Romania): petrological and geochemical evidence,” Ofioliti
133; Benea et al., “The single Roman marble quarry in 26, no. 1 (2001): 9–22; Volker Hoeck et al., “The Eastern
Romania,” 685–689. Carpathians “ophiolites” (Romania): Remnants of a Triassic
23 Ibid., 131–140. ocean,” Lithos 108 (2009): 151–171; Corina Ionescu and
272
Apuseni Mountains ranges from aphyric to highly include several granitic-granodioritc intrusive
porphyritic. Phenocrysts are plagioclase and bodies that generated large contact zones,
clinopyroxene laying in a groundmass that consists containing hornfels and skarns, in the Permian
mainly of small clinopyroxene, plagioclase, and siliciclastic rocks and Mesozoic carbonates. 29
iron-titanium oxides. Some of the coarse-grained Several types of hornfels are known, ranging from
basalts have an intersertal structure. The ophiolitic calc-silicate to siliceous and aluminous. These
basalts and basaltic andesites are highly altered and hornfels contain biotite- or quartz-dominant
show a wide range of geochemical compositions.26 assemblages, or andalusite + cordierite ± corundum
The material of the mosaic tessera made of and actinolite + chlorite + epidote ± zoisite.30 The
greenschist (Bizere-15) may also have local origin studied tesserae made of hornfels also contain
as greenschist occurs in the Apuseni Mountains.27 chlorite-biotite, epidote, and quartz. Hornfels
For example, in the Drocea Mountains, east of around banatitic intrusions occur east from the
Bizere, the Jurassic ophiolitic volcanic sequence is Bizere site, in the Drocea Mountains and in the
exposed, e.g. at Juliţa, where some parts of sheeted Poiana Rusca Mountains. 31 Another possible
dykes are altered to greenshist facies.28 Greenschist source of the hornfels is the Highiş Mountains, also
may also originate from the alluvial pebbles of the close to and northeast of the Bizere site, where
River Mureş. granitoid intrusions of Variscan age occur. These
“Serpentine marble” (ophicalcite, Bizere- granitoids are surrounded by a contact zone
9), a special rock type found among the mosaic characterized by biotite-rich hornfels.32
tesserae, might also be related to the Jurassic Among the mosaic tesserae studied five
ophiolitic sequence, although up to now we have pieces were made of quartzite (samples Bizere-4, -
not found a description of this type of rock in the 6, -11, -17, and -25). Quarzite occurs in the Highiş
geological literature of the Apuseni Mountains. It and Drocea Mountains,33 as well as in the Poiana
is also possible that this rock does not have local Rusca Mountains. 34 Quartzite may come from
source, but originates from a distant occurrence alluvial pebbles of the River Mureş originating
located in the Dinarides, where serpentinized from erosion of these occurrences.
ultramafic rocks occur, therefore further studies The potential source of the sandstones
are necessary. (samples Bizere-12, -14, and -16) may be the Upper
For the source of the mosaic tesserae made Cretaceous Gosau succession of the Apuseni
of hornfels (Bizere-1, -2, and -10) one may think Mountains. The heavy mineral studies of the
of the Upper Cretaceous “banatitic” zone, Gosau sediments indicate low to high-grade
extending in a north-south direction in the metamorphic mineral assemblages, such as
western part of Romania, from the northern part staurolite-epidote-zoisite and zircon-tourmaline-
of the Apuseni Mts. to the Danube. The banatites rutile.35 Sandstones found at the Bizere site contain
Volker Hoeck, “Mesozoic ophiolites and granitoids in the Alexandru Codarcea et al., Geological map of Romania,
Apuseni Mts.,” Acta Mineralogica-Petrographica Field Guide 1:200,000 scale, 25. Deva sheet (Bucharest: Geological
Series IMA2010 Field Trip Guide RO2 20 (2010): 1–44. Institute, 1965).
26 Saccani et al., “Tectono-magmatic setting of the Jurassic 32 Giușcă et al., Geological map of Romania, 1:200,000 scale,
ophiolites,” 9–22. 15. Arad sheet (Bucharest: Geological Institute, 1965); Elemér
27 György Szakmány, written communication, 2016. Pál-Molnár et. al., “Mineralogy and mineral chemistry of
28 Ionescu and Hoeck, “Mesozoic ophiolites and granitoids in Variscan granitoids from Highiş Mts. (Apuseni Mts.,
the Apuseni Mts.,” 23. Romania),” Acta Mineralogica-Petrographica, Szeged 45, no.
29 Corina Ionescu, “Stage relations in the contact aureoles of 2 (2004): 49–54.
the Budureasa and Pietroasa banatitic intrusions (Apuseni 33 Giușcă et al., Geological map of Romania, 1:200,000 scale,
Mountains),” Studia Universitatis Babeş-Bolyai. Geologia 41 15. Arad sheet; Giușcă et al., Geological map of Romania,
(1996): 127–13; Gheorghe Ilinca, “Upper Cretaceous contact 1:200,000 scale, 17. Brad sheet.
metamorphism and related mineralization in Romania,” Acta 34 Codarcea et al., Geological map of Romania, 1:200,000 scale,
Mineralogica-Petrographica, Abstract Series 7 (2012): 59–64. 25. Deva sheet.

30 Ilinca, “Upper Cretaceous contact metamorphism,” 61. 35 Volker Schuller and Wolfgang Frisch, “Heavy mineral
31 Dan Giușcă et al., Geological map of Romania, 1:200,000 provenance and paleocurrent data of the Upper Cretaceous
scale, 17. Brad sheet (Bucharest: Geological Institute, 1964);
273
mostly zircon and rutile. Zircon in the sandstone feldspar, micas, and amphibole). Additionally,
can originate from the Upper Cretaceous banatitic Ionescu and Ghergari also detected pyroxene and
intrusions, whereas the possible source for rutile is garnet in the ceramics. We accept their suggestion
the erosion of Permo-Mesozoic sedimentary that sand, most probably originating from the
successions. 36 Ionescu and Bucur have already River Mureş, was used to temper the clay. The
studied a sandstone sample (FB-28f) from Bizere, phase composition determined by XRD, i.e.
which is composed of fine quartz grains, mica, and presence of calcite, chlorite, and 10Å phyllosilicate
iron oxide.37 They supposed a rather close origin (muscovite/illite) in the ceramics, suggests a firing
for the sandstone, the Ususău-Dorgoş area, located temperature of ≤650-700 °C for the ceramics and
25–30 km to the east of Bizere, where Cretaceous the brick sample.41 It is noticeably lower than the
(non-calcareous) sandstones appear. Red sandstone average firing temperature of ca. 900 °C estimated
pebbles are also found in the Pleistocene alluvium by Ionescu and Ghergari, although they also
of the River Mureş.38 estimated occasionally medium (800–850 °C) and
In contrary to the “red marble” (the red higher (900-850 °C) temperatures as well.
nodular limestone), the other two studied Conclusions
limestone samples (a brecciated bioclastic Different types of mosaic tesserae and tiles
limestone, Bizere-19, and a red crystalline from the Bizere monastery, such as pieces made of
limestone, Bizere-20) show no specific fossils some white marble, basalt, greenshist, hornfels,
indicating the possible age (lithostratigraphy) of quartzite, sandstone, and limestone, were prepared
the rocks. Several outcrops of Mesozoic and from rocks originating most probably from “local”
Neogene carbonates are known in the Southern sources — the Southern Apuseni Mountains,
Apuseni Mountains and the Poiana Rusca Poiana Rusca Mountains, and/or the Mureş Valley,
Mountains, 39 therefore a local origin is very that is the alluvial pebbles of the River Mureş, as
probable for these two limestone samples. well as the Southern Carpathians. The possible
The two black-and-white breccia samples local or distant sources of other tesserae made of
(Bizere-8 and -21) are unique among the studied white marble, “serpentine marble” and black-and-
rocks. According to the texture and mineralogy white breccia, are still to be identified. It is
they might be connected to the marbles, in which suggested that the material of the “red marble”
tectonic events presumably generated brecciation decorative stone, that is red nodular limestone,
and the cracks were infilled by organic matter-rich originated from a distant source, from the Gerecse
cement. However, description of the black-and- Mountains (Hungary).
white rocks has not yet been found in the literature
dealing with the local geology. Further studies are Acknowledgements
We are greatly indebted to Prof. Corina Ionescu for
to be performed for determination of the possible her suggestions and careful review of this paper. Dr. György
(local or distant) provenance. Szakmány is acknowledged for his help in the identification
Ceramic raw materials provenance and of rock samples and their potential sources.
firing conditions
Comparing our ceramic samples with the
bricks studied by Ionescu and Ghergari, 40 the
dominant minerals are similar (mostly quartz,
Gosau succession of the Apuseni Mountains (Romania),” 40 Ionescu and Ghergari, “Studii preliminare de mineralogie şi
Geologica Carpathica 57, no. 1 (2006): 29–39. petrografie,” 107–116.

36 Schuller and Frisch, “Heavy mineral provenance,” 29–39. 41 Based on Giuseppe Cultrone et al., “Carbonate and silicate
37 Ionescu and Bucur, “Analiza unor roci sedimentare,” 104. phase reactions during ceramic firing,” EJM 13 (2001): 621–
38 Information: György Szakmány, 2015. 634; Robert B. Heimann, Classic and Advanced Ceramics:
39 Giușcă et al., Geological map of Romania, 1:200,000 scale, From Fundamentals to Applications (Weinheim: Wiley-VCH
15. Arad sheet; Giușcă et al., Geological map of Romania, GmbH & Co., KGaA, 2010).
1:200,000 scale, 17. Brad sheet.; Codarcea et al., Geological
map of Romania, 1:200,000 scale, 25. Deva sheet.
274
FRIARS AT WORK: CRAFTSMEN OF THE depicted on a corbel in the abbey church of
DOMINICAN ORDER IN 16TH CENTURY Maulbronn or Johanes Lapicida recorded on a
TRANSYLVANIA door tympanum at Ebrach and dated ca. 1424.3
Perhaps a more accurate picture of this
phenomenon is the one rendered on an altarpiece
MIHAELA SANDA SALONTAI* panel from 1518 depicting the foundation of the
Cistercian Abbey of Neuberg an der Mürz (Styria)
The presence of skilled workers among the by St. Bernard, where secular craftsmen are
brethren of the religious orders has been a subject assisted by Cistercian lay brothers in building the
of research for many years, particularly in regards church (fig. 1).
to the builders of Cistercian abbeys. Recent The Order of Friars Preachers, also known
studies call into question the traditional image of as the Dominican Order, includes famous artists
the White Monks raising their buildings with such as the Italian painters Fra Angelico and Fra
their own hands, inspired by the twelfth-century Bartolomeo (alias Baccio della Porta), and the
writings of the Benedictine monk Orderic Vitalis architects Fra Sisto da Firenze and Fra Ristoro da
and perpetuated to modern days.1 In his account, Campi.4 Outside Italy, medieval documents
he relates that the Cistercians erected their first occasionally point to the presence of skilled friars
abbeys in lonely, wooded places by means of their who may have contributed to the construction,
own labor, a statement that lasted a great while in arrangement, planning, and decoration of houses
literature on Cistercian architecture. Moreover, of the order or took part in secular building
this situation is portrayed in late medieval votive enterprises. One of the names recorded in the
panels depicting the construction of Cistercian literature is Andreas of Poland, the friar credited
monasteries such as Maulbronn and Schönau, as the artisan of the stained glass windows of the
where the workforce consists entirely of Dominican churches of Pisa and Milan.5
Cistercian lay brothers. Most recent studies in the The available evidence on Dominican
field consider the late medieval representations of artisans and artists is scarce and interpretation of
Cistercian worksites as highly imaginative and the sources is not always easy. A well-known
historically questionable in that they portray a example in this respect is Brother Diemar, who is
situation that is not supported by documentary rendered on a capital in the north side choir of
evidence.2 It is assumed that the participation of the former Dominican church of St. Blasius in
lay brothers in such building activities only Regensburg along with an inscription bearing his
applied to temporary timber constructions while name (fig. 2). He wears the habit of the
for the lasting masonry structures, their Dominican lay brothers, with a long black
contribution mainly consisted in site supervision. scapular over a white tunic, and carries a big
Nonetheless, there are written references compass in his right hand. German art historian
and material evidence pointing to Cistercian lay Kurt Gerstenberg assumed that Brother Diemar
brothers skilled in various trades who contributed was the master builder of the choir completed as
to construction projects and artistic works. One early as 1254,6 probably due to the symbolic
such example is Brother Berthold, the mason
3 Kurt Gerstenberg, Die Deutschen Baumeisterbildnisse des
* PhD, Institute of Archaeology and History of Art, Mittelalters (Berlin: Deutscher Verlag für Kunstwissenschaft,
Romanian Academy, Cluj-Napoca, mssalontai@gmail.com. 1966), 35; Untermann, “Forma Ordinis”, 225; James France,
1 “Monasteries were erected in the wastes and woods by their Separate But Equal: Cistercian Lay Brothers (1120-1350)
own labour, and the names given, were by a wise provision, (Kentucky: Liturgical Press, 2012), 63–72.
of a sacred character, such as Maison-Dieu, Clairvaux, 4 Vincenzo Marchese, Memorie dei piu insigni pittori,
Bonmont and L’Aumône, and others of the same sort.” scultori e architetti domenicani, vol. 1 (Firenze: Presso
Thomas Forester, ed., The Ecclesiastical History of England Alcide Parenti, 1845), 21.
and Normandy by Ordericus Vitalis, vol. 3 (London: Henry 5 Gilles Meersseman, “L’architecture dominicaine au XIIIe
G. Bohn, 1854), 48; Matthias Untermann, “Forma Ordinis”: siècle. Législation et pratique,” Archivum Fratrum
Die mittelalterliche Baukunst der Zisterzienser (München- Praedicatorum 16 (1946): 179–180.
Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2001), 208. 6 According to Gerstenberg, Baumeisterbildnisse, 34, the
2 The subject was discussed and questioned extensively by choir was built around 1270-1275. However, recent research
Untermann, “Forma Ordinis”, 208–227. puts the completion of the choir about two decades earlier.
275
MIHAELA SANDA SALONTAI
significance of the compass representing

a professional attribute of medieval
master masons.
Fig. 1. Neuberg an der Mürz, altarpiece panel

depicting the foundation of the Cistercian abbey
by St. Bernard, right wing workday-side, 1518
(photo by author).
Wolfgang Schenkluhn, Architektur der Bettelorden. Die
Baukunst der Dominikaner und Franziskaner in Europa
(Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2000), 111;
Günther Binding and Matthias Untermann, Kleine
Kunstgeschichte der mittelalterlichen Ordensbaukunst in
Deutschland, 3rd edition (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche
Buchgesellschaft, 2001), 337, 343.
276
Friars at work: Craftsmen of the Dominican Order
However, without further evidence the image is

subject to interpretation and one might see in the
oversized instrument a less prosaic association
with the picture of God as Great Architect of the
Universe. This is a theme rendered as early as
1220 in the Bible Moralisée and evoked in the
writings of Thomas Aquinas and Albertus
Magnus. Furthermore, the compass is found in
medieval representations of the Liberal Arts,
mainly Geometry, or associated with more
general intellectual abilities; therefore in this
particular case it may well symbolize the clerk of
works.7
Legal framework
First, let us examine the premises for the
practice of various trades outlined by the
legislative framework of the Dominican Order.
The general regulations stated by the
constitutions as well as the particular rules set by
the provincial chapters should be considered the
primary sources in this respect. In a Dominican
priory, those responsible for all the manual work
were the lay brothers or conversi whose rule was
set forth in Chapter 15 (De conversis) of the
primitive constitutions.
These regulations stated their duties at
daily church offices and at feasts as well as the
behavior to be observed inside the convent and Fig. 2. Regensburg, former Dominican church of St. Blasius,
Brother Diemar (Kunsthistorisches Institut der Universität
which clothing to wear. Unlike their fellows
Köln, Abteilung Architekturgeschichte, Diathek).
clerics, the lay brothers were not supposed to
spend their time studying and could receive Furthermore, the constitutions give us no
dispensation from fasts, abstinence, and other indication about the involvement of the friars in
restrictions in view of their work.8 There is no building activities and the rule referring to
mention regarding the mandatory or permitted architecture and decoration divulges no particular
occupations for the lay brothers, nor does it say information in this respect. Since around 1235, a
whether or how many qualified workers were new provision was introduced that required the
required for a regular convent. election of a committee of three friars in each
convent, “without whose advice no edifices ought
to be constructed.”9 It seems that this rule had
7 On the symbolism of the compass in medieval and 9 Victor Mortet and Paul Deschamps, Recueil de textes
Renaissance iconography, see: Anthony Blunt, “Blake’s relatifs à l’histoire de l’architecture et à la condition des
Ancient of Days’: The Symbolism of the Compasses,” Journal architectes en France au Moyen-Âge (XIe−XIIIe siècles), 2nd
of the Warburg Institute 2 (1938-39): 54–55; Lonnie R. edition, vol. 2 (Paris: Éditions du Comité des Travaux
Shelby, “Medieval Masons’ Tools II. Compass and Square,” historiques et scientifiques, 1995), 247; Richard A. Sundt,
Technology and Culture 6, no. 2 (Spring, 1965): 240. “Mediocres domos et humiles habeant fratres nostri:
8 Heinrich Denifle, “Die Constitutionen des Prediger-Ordens Dominican Legislation on Architecture and Architectural
vom Jahre 1228,” Archiv für Litteratur- und Kirchen- Decoration in the 13th Century,” Journal of the Society of
geschichte des Mittelalters 1 (1885): 226–227; G. R. Galbraith, Architectural Historians 46 (Dec. 1987): 400. On both
The Constitution of the Dominican Order 1216 to 1360 Dominican and Franciscan building regulations see the
(Manchester: The University Press, 1925), 215, 252–253. recent study by Panayota Volti, “L’explicite et l’implicite
277
only been compulsory until 1241, yet it was when they moved from one convent to another.13
maintained in the Dominican provinces of Spain We learn that there were two kinds of tools: those
and Provence for a further decade. It has been belonging to the convent (which remained as
assumed that the role of these three advisory property of the house where the friar carpenters
friars was to ensure the compliance with the rules did their work), and respectively the friars’ own
on architecture and decoration set out in the tools, which they were allowed to carry with
order’s constitutions.10 Indeed, one might wonder them elsewhere. These regulations prove that the
whether these periti advisers were invested with friaries could possess their own tools and that the
further responsibilities such as the organization brethren counted among their number skilled
and supervision of the building site. Due to the friars. Most likely they were lay brothers who
scarce documentary evidence from the acts of the moved from one house to another according to
provincial chapters, little is known about the the needs they were called or sent for. On the
effect, the spread, or the duration of this rule. other hand, hiring an external workforce was a
The brethren’s involvement in preparing common practice that sometimes was subject to
and ensuring appropriate conditions for the special regulations as shown in the acts of the
construction of their convent was listed as a duty provincial chapter of the province of Rome (held
by master general Humbert of Romans (1254- in 1250 at Orvieto), which banned meat in the
1263) in his Opera de vita regulari. According to meals provided to secular workers.14 In 1298, the
his prescriptions, when works were to be done provincial chapter of Provence prohibited both
either to a new building or for repairs, the friars the hiring of women and their access to the
ought “to think and to take care of the provision construction site of a convent.15
and transportation of building material to the One may wonder how the friars gained
worksite such as timber, stones, tiles, sand, lime their skill in various crafts. In the first place, it
and others alike.”11 Furthermore, he established could relate to the age the lay brothers entered
the necessity of the election of a praefectus the order, which was established in Chapter 13
operum from the brethren whose task was to (De recipiendis) of the general constitutions at no
ensure the proper management of the labor; he less than 18 years old.16 By consequence, one can
also recommended appropriate measures for the assume that some of the lay brothers already
comfort of the craftsmen, particularly those mastered a craft by the time they entered a
coming from remote places.12 convent. The situation had been previously
Some aspects relating to the condition of covered in the Benedictine rule, which stated that
the Dominican artisans are revealed by the acts if a man had a trade before entering the
issued in 1248 and 1255 by the provincial chapter monastery he was permitted to continue at that
of Provence, which contain specific ordinances craft.17 A case in point is the Dominican convent
on work tools. The decrees stipulate that of Santa Maria Novella in Florence where, in
carpenters and other craftsmen were free to carry 1256, the prior received into the order, as
tools that they brought with them to the order conversi, the brothers Sisto and Ristoro along
with several sculptors, stone cutters, and
dans les sources normatives de l’architecture mendiante,”

Bibliothèque de L’École des Chartes 162 (Janvier-Juin 2004): 13 Sundt, “Mediocres domos,” 406.
51–74. 14 Mortet and Deschamps, Recueil, 247.
10 Sundt, “Mediocres domos,” 400. 15 “Item, cum in conventibus nostris, propter opera, interdum
11 Humbert de Romans, Opera de vita regulari, vol. 2 (Rome: operarios conducere et introducere oportebit, inhibemus de
A. Befani, 1889), 331. nullo modo mulieres ad hujusmodi opera conducantur, nec
12 “Ad ipsum etiam pertinet conducere operarios et servare et infra cepta monasterii hac occasione ingredi permittantur.”
sollicitare eosdem et cum sunt in expensis domus, in cibo et Mortet and Deschamps, Recueil, 247.
potu debito providere eisdem loco et tempore opportuno; et 16 Galbraith, The Constitution, 215.
si debent aliqui aliqua occasione jacere in domo, de loco et 17 Herbert A. Applebaum, The Concept of Work: Ancient,
lectis secundum dispositionem prelati ordinare.” Humbert de Medieval, and Modern (Albany: State University of New
Romans, Opera, 332. York Press, 1992), 195.
278
masons.18 In his nineteenth-century work on between 1524 and 1529.22 According to the latter
Italian Dominican painters, sculptors, and document, aside from the friars charged with
architects, Vincenzo Marchese assumed that the domestic work, at Bistrița (Bistritz/Besterce), Cluj
craft could be learned from skilled friars within (Klausenburg/Kolozsvár), Sibiu (Hermannstadt/
the order as well.19 Nagyszeben), and Sighișoara there are records of
Transylvanian friar-craftsmen as many as five building craftsmen; of them, two
The Dominican vicariate of Transylvania, were bricklayers (murator), two were
which was part of the Dominican province of stonemasons (lapicida), and one was a carpenter
Hungary, counted as many as nine houses of the (carpentarius). With the exception of friar
First Order and five nunneries up to the mid- Urbanus Lapicida, a canon brother in the convent
sixteenth century.20 For most of them neither the of Cluj, all of them were conversi, respectively:
conditions nor the date of their foundation is Michael murator (Sibiu), Laurencius murator
known. Written evidence about the size and (Sighișoara), Petrus lapicida (Bistrița) and
organization of the priories is only available for Laurencius de Silesia carpentarius (Bistrița). Apart
the third decade of the sixteenth century, i.e. from their names, nothing is known about their
shortly before the outbreak of the Reformation. work performed either for the houses of the order
As for the physical evidence, only a few buildings or elsewhere.
have survived and of these mainly the churches, Some other Dominican craftsmen are
which in their turn sustained more revealed in nineteenth-century writings
transformations over time. containing brief descriptions of structures no
The first Transylvanian Dominican friar longer extant.
presumed to master a craft was Nicolaus Pictor, a Local historian Friedrich Müller recorded
painter and probably a canon friar who lived in an inscription from the former chapter house of
1289 at St. Mary’s convent of Alba Iulia.21 Except the convent in Sighișoara mentioning a certain
for his name, we have no further indication of his friar Benedictus who served or assisted the
work either in Alba Iulia or elsewhere. masonry works from the year 1510.23
The following evidence concerning the Another literary source points to the
presence of skilled craftsmen among the Dominican Johannes Welther as master builder of
Transylvanian brethren dates back to the the parish church restored in 1506 in Șura Mică
beginning of the sixteenth century. The primary (Kleinscheuern/ Kiscsűr), a Saxon village near
sources in this respect are the city account books Sibiu.24
of Brașov (Kronstadt/Brassó), as well as a record
from the Dominican convent of Sighișoara 22 The share of the lay brothers was about a quarter of the
(Schäßburg/Segesvár) comprising the names of fellow members, counting as many as 44 fratres conversi
the friars living in the Transylvanian houses with various occupations. It is not known for all of them
what their duty within the community was. Always present
are the cook (cocus), the tailor (sartor), and the shoemaker
(sutor), while there are sporadic mentions of the harness
maker (corrigiator, Brașov), the miller (molendinator,
18 Meersseman, “L’architecture,” 179. Brașov), the guardian of the fishpond (magister piscinae,
19 Marchese, Memorie, 163–165. Bistrița), the smith (faber, Bistrița and Sibiu), the cooper
20 The houses of the First Order (convents or friaries) were (doleator, Sighișoara), the butcher (carnifex, Sighișoara), the
located in: Alba Iulia, Bistrița, Brașov, Cluj, Sibiu, Sighișoara, wainwright (curripar, Cluj), or the cellarer (cellarius, Cluj).
Sebeș, Vințu de Jos, and Odorheiu Secuiesc. Beside the friars’ Also registered among the conversi were the guardian of the
convents there were sisters’ houses of the Second Order of St. sick (infirmarius, Cluj) and the gardener (hortolanus,
Dominic (monasteries or nunneries) at Bistrița, Brașov, Cluj, Bistrița). Karl Fabritius, “Zwei Funde in der ehemaligen
Sibiu, and Sighișoara. Dominikanerkloster zu Schäßburg,” AVSL, Neue Folge 5
21 Ub, I, 160. Although sometimes in literature the canon (1861): 23–33.
brothers (canonici, since 1256 clerici) are only called “friars” 23 Friedrich Müller, “Archäologische Skizzen aus Schäßburg,”
(Galbraith, The Constitution, 114), it should be noted that at AVSL, Neue Folge 2 (1855), 421.
the least in the Transylvanian written records, each fellow 24 Wilhelm Wenrich, “Künstlernamen aus siebenbürgisch-
member of a convent was called frater; the lay brothers sächsischer Vergangenheit,” AVSL, Neue Folge 22 (1889): 45–
formed the body of fratres conversi (see footnote 22 below). 46.
279
Fig. 3. Bistrița, timber doorframe on the first floor of Fig. 4. Sighișoara, sacristy of the former Dominican church
the former Dominican cloister, west wing (currently (currently Lutheran church) (Photo by author).
Almshouse) (Photo by author).
These structures could have been built by
The entry in the church book, mentioning him as local workshops or, perhaps, by Dominican friars
“D[o]minus Johannes Welther, Ordinis like the aforementioned stonemason Benedict or
Dominicani ecclesiae Aedificator 1506,”25 would the carpenter Laurence of Silesia (figs. 3, 4). It
rather lead us to think of him as a master seems that craftsmen were more likely to be
workman or a clerk of the works. In any case, one displaced from one convent to another than their
can assume that he was a fellow member of the fellow lay brothers. Quite relevant in this respect
Dominican convent of Sibiu. is the case of master Laurencius murator, fellow
In absence of further evidence, tracing the of the convent of Sighișoara in 1525, who was
works of these friars remains a matter of missing from both the 1524 and 1529 friars’ lists
speculation. Some of the surviving structures, of names, leading to the assumption that his stay
such as the sacristy vault of the former there only lasted as long as required for
Dominican church of Sighișoara or the timber completing some works in the convent. On the
doorframe preserved in the former cloister of other hand, according to written sources at the
Bistrița, date from the early sixteenth century. end of the fifteenth century, the friars of
Sighișoara financed the construction of the
dormitory and paid the carpenters with money
from a private donation. This means that for
25 Johann Wolf, “Aus dem Kleinscheuerner Kirchenbuch,”
KVSL 5, no. 5 (May, 1882): 112.
280
major building endeavors the brethren hired

external labor force.26
Usually, the domestic facilities and the
workshops, which ensured the daily life and a
certain autonomy to the brethren, were housed
within the confines of the convent. Some of them
were integrated into the main cloister buildings,
like the kitchen and the cellar, while others were
set next to the infirmary in an adjacent cloister
yard. Although these rooms were part of a regular
house, there is little known about their display
within a monastic complex. One can presume that
workshops like the forge or the carpentry were
sheltered in outbuildings located in the domestic
courtyard.
An inventory report from the Dominican
convent of Cluj, drawn up in 1509 and published
in 1866 by Count János Eszterházy, includes a
record of facilities and working tools held by the
priory at the time. In the first line, it states that
the convent was built by the hard work of many
friars and could not have been achieved without
their common effort and the proper tools.27 In the Fig. 5. Cluj, former Dominican convent, detail of 1718 city
following lines it is said that the convent had all plan (Österreichisches Staatsarchiv Vienna, Kriegsarchiv,
the necessary working tools to break up the Festungen Inland c VI. a) Klausenburg No. 6).
stones into smaller pieces, to cut and shape the
stones, as well as to cut the wood and process the As we learn from the second book of
timber. Finally, the brethren also had the means Teophilus’ twelfth-century treatise De Diversis
to fabricate glass windows.28 This document Artibus, the making of glass required not only
reveals remarkable material and technological technical knowledge but also suitable premises
resources that probably were used primarily for and facilities. Setting up a glass workshop started
the construction and maintenance of their with the construction of a kiln divided into two
buildings. The presence of the stonemason parts, one of which was called “the work-oven”
Urbanus in 1524 clearly supports this evidence. It (clibanus operis); this was followed by a second,
also points to the existence of a glass workshop, smaller kiln called “the annealing oven” (clibanus
which was probably located within the convent’s refrigerii) and then by a third kiln “for spreading
area, perhaps in the cloister’s backyard (fig. 5). and flattening the glass.”29 Furthermore, the
author provides a detailed description of the
working process of different kinds of glass,
including the making and cutting of clear glass
26 Fabritius, “Zwei Funde,” 10. sheets for windows.
27 “Cum luce clarius pateat, structuras huius conuentus multis As far as Transylvania is concerned, there
laboribus per fratres ut plurimum esse erectos quod utique is little evidence about the craftsmanship of
fieri non potuit nisi per conueniencia et debita instrumenta.” medieval glass making aside from some artifacts
János Eszterházy, “A Kolozsvári Boldog-Asszonyról czimzett
Domonkosok, jelenleg Ferencziek Egyháznak Történeti és
uncovered through archaeological excavations
Epitészeti Leirása” [Historical and architectural description of and a few records from city account books. The
the former Our Lady’s Dominican, currently Franciscan,
church of Cluj], Magyar Sion 4 (1866): 584.
28 “Item habet instrumenta necessaria pro fenestris vitreis 29 Teophilus, De Diversis Artibus, ed. C. R. Dodwell (London:
fiendis.” Eszterházy, “A Kolozsvári,” 584. Thomas Nelson and Sons Ltd, 1961), 37–43.
281
earliest material evidence known thus far on the works. The city account books recorded services
use of stained glass windows seems to date back to provided by the friars preachers to construction
the beginning of the fourteenth century and sites especially in the third decade of the
comes from the Dominican convent in Vințu de sixteenth century. It was a period when the city
Jos (Unterwintz/Alvinc). Written sources was carrying out various building works that
referring to glass-makers and local production of included the fortifications, the town hall, and
window glass date back to the mid-fifteenth other public constructions. At the beginning of
century, leading to the assumption that by this the sixteenth century, the friars maintained a
time glazed windows were already in use.30 As brickyard that delivered tiles and masonry bricks
early as 1453 five glaziers (wytripari, syweges) are for the city. Their brick kiln is mentioned in 1524
recorded at Cluj and in 1496 a certain Gothard in an entry concerning the transportation of as
installed glass windows in the city hall.31 many as 950 brick units de fornace fratrum
Although there is no known material ordinis praedicatorum to a small tower under
evidence to support it, it can be presumed that the construction on St. Martin’s Hill (Martinsberg).34
Dominican glass workshop of Cluj was something The quantity of brick material supplied by
similar to the late medieval glass workshop the Dominican friars between 1521 and 1533 was
uncovered at Visegrád (Hungary), though perhaps quite large. According to the city accounts, in
somewhat smaller.32 It might have consisted of an 1521 the friars manufactured as many as 1,450
atelier provided with furnaces for melting the tiles and 13,900 bricks for the city, usually
glass and a kiln or a chamber for cooling the ensuring the transportation to the worksite as
objects. The workshop likely functioned well. For the year 1524 a total of 8,900 tiles and
according to the technological process described 16,750 bricks were delivered by the Dominicans;
by Teophilus and illustrated in an early fifteenth- of these, 13,000 brick units were meant for the
century Bohemian codex and later by the German town hall.35 In the following years, the convent
scholar and scientist Georgius Agricola in the continued to produce large quantities of brick for
twelfth book of his treatise De Re Metallica (fig. public building sites. Thus, in July 1532 Prior
6).33 Dominicus de Valle Rosarum received 28 florins
Working for the city for the brick delivery, and in October the convent
The Dominican convent of St. Peter and got another 6 florins and 35 aspers for as many as
Paul in Brașov deserves special attention with 6,700 masonry bricks manufactured for the city;
respect to the friars’ involvement in building one year later, in 1533, a supply of 800 fire bricks
is recorded for the construction of a furnace.36
30Adrian Andrei Rusu, “Sticlăria medievală din Transilvania.
Repere generale şi documente arheologice” [Medieval
glassware in Transylvania. General reference points and
archaeological documents], Ephemeris Napocensis 5 (1995):
304; Adrian Andrei Rusu, Investigări ale culturii materiale
medievale din Transilvania [Investigations on the medieval
material culture of Transylvania] (Cluj-Napoca: Mega, 2008),
117, 126.
31 Samuel Goldenberg, Clujul în sec. XVI. Producția și
schimbul de mărfuri [Cluj in the sixteenth century. The

merchandise production and exchange] (Cluj-Napoca:
Editura Academiei R.P.R, 1958), 164. 34 Quellen Kron., vol. 1, 568.
32 Orsolya Mészáros and Mátyás Szőke, “The Fifteenth- 35 Quellen Kron., vol. 1, 577.
Century Glass Workshop in Visegrád,” in Matthias Corvinus, 36 Quellen Kron., vol. 2, 243, 245, 293. Just to get an idea
the King. Tradition and Renewal in the Hungarian Royal about the Dominicans’ brickyard productivity at that time, it
Court 1458-1490. Exhibition catalogue, eds. Péter Farbaky should be noted that in 1777 the production capacity of the
and András Végh (Budapest: Budapest History Museum, city’s brickyard was standardized at 6,000 roof tiles annually.
2008), 345–347. Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Brassó, vol. 4, Chroniken
33 Georgius Agricola, De Re Metallica Libri XII, ed. Carl und Tagebücher 1143-1867 (Brassó: Druck von A. Gust,
Schiffner (Berlin: VDI-Verlag, 1928), 500–508. 1903), 319.
282
Fig. 6. Glassmaking, miniature from The Travels of Sir John

Mandeville, Bohemia, first quarter of the fifteenth century Thus far, it has been unknown how long
(© The British Library, Add. MS 24189, f.16r). the brickyard of the Dominican friars functioned
and where it was located. Its construction could
relate to a building campaign carried out in the
283
second half of the fifteenth century at the cities’ walls.38 One can assume that similar criteria
Dominican convent. Most medieval brickyards applied for the brickyard of the Dominicans in
were temporary facilities set up to serve a specific Brașov. The records reveal a sole property of the
building project, but occasionally they could be convent outside the city walls where this facility
maintained in operation for further purposes, and could possibly have been situated. It consisted of
the same probably happened with the friars’ an estate in the eastern neighborhood of
brickyard of Brașov.37 Blumenau, in the so-called Burghals in the
foothills of Tâmpa
Mountain (German:
Zinne), which was
donated in 1464 by two
local supporters named
Simon Clomp and
Christian Rod.39 From this
act of donation we learn
that it was a fairy large
property comprising a
garden, a fishpond, a barn,
stables, and other
outbuildings.
Apart from the
Dominican brickyard, the
city had its own brick
workshop recorded as
early as 1527, when
bricklayers were paid for
the preparation of a brick
kiln that was located in the
horreum laterum. Five
years later, the facility was
rebuilt and mentioned
Fig. 7. Israelites making bricks, miniature from the Flemish several times as the
Bible History, mid-fifteenth century (© The British Library, starting point for the shipping of brick material to
Add. 38122, f.78v).
the worksites; the city property on this brickyard
is certified in an account from 1535 mentioning
In principle, a brick manufacture required
the horreum laterum civitatis as the place where a
a large space for the preparation and molding, a
brick maker called Melchior carried out his
barn for drying, and a kiln for firing the bricks. In
work.40 The site of the brick workshop remained
addition, the source of raw materials (clay, sand,
unknown, however a report from 1704 mentions
water) ought not to be too far, in order to render
an ancient brickyard (Ziegelschoppen) that stood
the fabrication process more efficient (fig. 7). For
outside the city wall, in the north suburb and not
these reasons, as well as the danger of fire and the
far from the Langgasse, the main street of the
smell, brickyards were usually located outside the
Altstadt (Old Town) leading to St. Bartholomew
Church.
37 Brickyards were a source of income for monastic
communities. A good case in point is offered by the
Carmelite houses, which in 1368 received the right to keep 38 Terence Paul Smith, “The late medieval bricks and
the fornace laterum vel calcis ad usum monasterij after the brickwork of London Wall in Saint Alphage Garden,”
completion of their buildings and to sell the bricks or the London Archaeologist 10, no. 10 (Autumn 2004): 258.
lime to extraneis. Antoine du Saint Esprit, Directorium 39 Ub, VI, 162.
Regularium Tripartitum (Lyon, 1670), 241. 40 Quellen Kron., II, 36, 39.
284
Some decades later, in 1776, the

brickyard was rebuilt in
approximately the same area, on a
plot located on the Grassweg.41 The
latter could match the location of
the Ziegel-Ofen (brick kiln) marked
on a survey map from 1886, west of
the Altstadt (fig. 8).
Brick was not the only
building material the Dominicans of
Brașov supplied to the city.
According to the account books, in
the years 1520 and 1526 stone was
transported from the convent to
several worksites. It is unclear,
however, what kind of stone
material it was and if the convent
also ensured its extraction and
processing for use in construction.
The intense activity carried
out by the Friars Preachers for the
city’s construction sites took place at
a time when the head of the convent
was Prior Dominic of Valle
Rosarum, who seems to have played
an important role in the brethren’s
venture into the construction
industry.
In a record from 1529
referring to the reconstruction of a
timber fortification in the old castle
near Sachsenberg (today at
Fig. 8. Brașov, north and east suburbs on the 1886 survey
Dâmboviței Bridge, in Argeş County), Prior
map: 1 – Brickyard; 2 – Former location of the Dominican
Dominicus de Valle Rosarum is mentioned as convent (currently Catholic church rebuilt in eighteenth
being in charge of the architecture of the century); 3 – Inner-city; 4 – Burghals; 5 – St. Bartholomew
respective structure.42 The question then arises as Church. After Erich Jekelius, ed., Das Burzenland, vol. 3,
to what exactly did the prior do for this Kronstadt (Kronstadt: Burzenländer Sächsische Museum,
1928), Pl. 2).
construction? At first glance one would be
tempted to think of an architect in the modern
The meaning and accurate interpretation of the
sense of the word. Yet, his role seems to have
medieval terms architect and architecture has
been of a different nature.
been extensively discussed by Nikolaus Pevsner,
and more recently by Günther Binding, so we
will not dwell on the topic.43
41 Chroniken und Tagebücher, 303, 319.
42 “[...] munitionem ligneam in veteri arce intra tres
hebdomadas extructam [...] retro saxeum montem (ut vulgo 43Nikolaus Pevsner, “The Term “Architect” in the Middle
nominant) posita [...] Praefuit autem archytecturae isti doctor Ages,” Speculum 17 (Oct. 1942): 549–562; Günther Binding,
Dominicus professionis dominicanae huius monasterii prior Baubetrieb im Mittelalter (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche
et ceterarum omnium monasteriorum vicarius generalis.” Buchgesellschaft, 1993), 52–59; Günther Binding, Der früh-
Quellen Kron., II, 154, 157. und hochmittelalterliche Bauherr als sapiens architectus, 2nd
285
The clue to Friar Dominic’s participation the village of Ruja/Roseln in Sibiu County and he
in the aforementioned works is to be found in the was most likely of Saxon ancestry.
same city account, which states that the timber Conclusion
structure was built in three weeks by a team of The information available so far only
secular craftsmen. Nicholas was hired as master allows a brief evaluation of the Dominican friars’
carpenter, and he was assisted by seven fellow participation in the building activities of late
carpenters named Stephen, Martin, Peter, medieval Transylvania. For many of the names
Johannes Sabloss, Lucas Grüen with his son, and mentioned in written sources, such as the masons,
Simon Wynderlich.44 According to this record, bricklayers, and carpenters living in the houses of
the timber structure was part of an old castle and the order in 1524, the works they carried out
its reconstruction took place after it had been nonetheless remain unknown. Some other,
burned down, most likely during the 1529 anonymous brothers contributed with their skill
campaign of the Moldavian Voivode Petru to the manufacture of thousands of bricks and
Rareș.45 Also known under the names Oratia or tiles delivered by the convent of Braşov to the
Podul Dâmboviței (Dâmbovița Bridge), the castle city's construction sites. The documentary
was located southwest of Brașov on the road to evidence, however, only covers a short period of
the Wallachian market town Câmpulung, on the their presence in Transylvania, coinciding with
Dâmbovița River. the twilight of the medieval Catholic orders in
The medieval term architectura, which the province. For the period discussed, one may
occasionally was linked to artis carpentariae as notice that most Dominican craftsmen were lay
well, might indicate in this context the term brothers, with one exception represented by the
architecton in the sense given by St. Thomas stonemason Urbanus, recorded as canon brother
Aquinas as the one who directs and commands at Cluj in 1524. Given the short time of only a few
the hired craftsmen.46 It is most likely that Friar decades covered by the written records, it is hard
Dominic was the clerk who managed the to say whether the presence of skilled workers
construction site, supervised the building works was constant throughout the entire existence of
and the administration of money for wages, the Dominican Order in Transylvania, i.e. since
building materials, and meals, but nonetheless it the second quarter of the thirteenth century. One
remains unclear whether he played a role in the can only presume that in a time span of more
design as well. Prior Dominic owned the than two centuries, between Nicolaus Pictor
academic title of Sacrae Theologiae Baccalaureus attested as early as 1289 at Alba Iulia, and the
and at the time he was head of the Transylvanian masons, bricklayers, carpenters, and blacksmiths
vicariate. It was under his leadership that the recorded in 1524, there must have been some
brethren of Braşov delivered the large quantities other skilled craftsmen living in the
of tiles and bricks for the city’s construction sites. Transylvanian friaries. This assumption is
His name indicating the toponym de valle supported by a brief reference in a 1491
Rosarum points to his Transylvanian origins, from manuscript from the convent of Braşov
containing a tabula officiorum for the Dominican
church, where a certain frater lapicida is
mentioned among the officiants who performed
edition (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft,
1998), 249–282. the religious services.47 In the end we are faced
44 Quellen Kron., II, 157–160. with two peculiar situations in which we either
45 Leon Șimanschi, ed., Petru Rareș (București: Editura
know the names of the craftsmen but there is no
Academiei R.S.R., 1978), 95–96. Local chronicler evidence of their work, or we know of the work
Hieronymus Ostermayer mentioned that in the autumn of
1529, after the unsuccessful siege of Brașov, the Moldavian but the craftsmen’s names remain unknown as in
voivode burned down a bastion of timber “auf dem Burg”
and took twenty captives that were later redeemed by the
city. Chroniken und Tagebücher 1143-1867, 499.
46 “[...] qui dirigit et imperat ministris artis qui manu 47Friedrich Wilhelm Seraphin, Eine Kronstädter Handschrift
operantur.” Pevsner, “The Term,” 557, 560. des Jacobus de Voragine (Kronstadt: W. Gabony, 1901), 7.
286
the case of the Dominican brick makers of

Brașov.48
The involvement of the Mendicant Friars
in the building and construction trades is not yet
fully clarified. The evidence available thus far
rather points to random cases than to a common
situation and the presence of skilled stonemasons,
bricklayers, and carpenters within the convents
was a possibility but not necessarily a rule.
Concerning the Transylvanian Dominicans, not
all houses counted artisans among their fellow
members, nor did they have the same kind of
work facilities. Written evidence shows that
amongst the brethren there were friars skilled in
various trades and the houses could hold specific
work tools and appropriate facilities. In the
construction field, the friars were able to supply
building materials and provide services to secular
worksites in some cases. The latter furnished an
additional source of income to the convent,
which in the case of the Dominicans of Brașov
was not negligible. In the current state of
knowledge it is hard to ascertain the level of
involvement on the part of the friars in
construction sites of the order or their skill level
and ability to carry out works of greater
complexity.
As shown above, beyond the spiritual life
there was a significant lucrative part, of material
and economic character, which reveals a lesser
known side of the lives of Transylvanian friars.
The available data leaves much unsaid and still
raises many questions, yet the topic deserves
further research, especially in the field of
archeology, which may bring additional
information in order to broaden our knowledge of
the complex landscape of the medieval monastic
world.
48 In the names’ list of the Dominican friars of Braşov in 1524

there is none to suggest a possible brick maker, usually called
in medieval documents laterator. At that time, the city
account books recorded several local artisans such as:
Stephen laterator in 1527-28, Melchior laterator in 1535 or
Fabian laterator in 1536, who manufactured both bricks and
tiles. Quellen Kron., II, 36, 384, 433.
287
ABSTRACTS
MONASTIC LANDSCAPE
OANA TODA, The river island monastery: long distance connections and micro-regional isolation in the case of Bizere
abbey?
The Bizere abbey appeared and functioned, along with several other monastic foundations, in direct connection to
the watercourse of the Mureș River. The location of this archaeological site was, most likely, an island during its
active days and favored the development of a particular archaeological landscape. Various types of data (archival,
cartographic, archaeological, geological, and geophysical) allowed valuable assertions to be made about the
relationship the abbey shared with the river in terms of both local and long distance communication possibilities.
These also made it possible to retrace the watercourse configuration prior to the Habsburg river regulations and to
comment on the negative impact the river eventually had on the site, due to its accelerated hydromorphology.
Moreover, Bizere abbey is, so far, the only medieval site of the region where archaeological research has retrieved
data pertaining to the topic of inland navigation and water transport. Remains of boats and at least one possible
mooring location, along with other features, are proof of the practical solutions the Benedictines employed in order
to make good use of, and even profit from, a location that, at times, could have become quite unfriendly.
Key-words: inland navigation, water management, watercrafts, historical hydromorphology, Transylvanian salt.
BENCZE ÜNIGE, Reconstructing a monastic landscape: the case of Cârţa (Kerc, Kerz) abbey
The study deals with the reconstruction of a monastic landscape of the easternmost Cistercian abbey in Europe,
which is located today in central Romania, in the region called the Land of Făgăraş, which during the Middle Ages
belonged to the border region of Transylvania of the Hungarian Kingdom. The research synthesizes the data from
written sources, cartographic and archaeological data, as well as the results of non-invasive surveys, such as a
geophysical survey, and extensive field walking. Results unveiled the existence of an elaborate water system
(including traces of stream regulation, water channels, ditches, a mill site, and at least one fishpond), which was most
probably developed and used by the Cistercian monks during different periods of time. Since the monastic buildings
were situated in the floodplain of the Olt River and rich mountain streams ran through the area the water had to be
regulated, controlled, and drained. The exact dating of the landscape features could not be carried out because these
features were destroyed in 2014 by the establishment of a fishery.
Key-words: monastic landscape, Cârţa monastery, Cistercian Order, monastic water management.
ANDREJ JANEŠ, Shaping a monastic landscape in medieval Slavonia

The remains of the Benedictine abbey of St. Margaret are situated 500 m south of the village Bijela, south-east of
Daruvar (central Croatia), on a 120 m long and 85 m wide oval elevation. On the south-eastern side, the hill sharply
descends into the Brzica Stream.
During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the Benedictine Monastery of St. Margaret, on the western
slopes of Papuk, was one of the order's most important centers in medieval Slavonia. Although the exact date of the
foundation and construction of the monastic complex is still unknown, Bijela Abbey has the best recorded history.
The number of known documents mentioning the monastery, from only ten in the fourteenth century increases
significantly to a total of seventy in the fifteenth and sixteenth century, documenting the transformation of a priory
into a flourishing abbey. In its beginnings the monastic community in Bijela was subordinated to the abbey of St.
Margaret of Garab in Srijem. The old abbey had vast estates in Slavonia, on the border of the Zagreb and Pécs dioceses,
and organized the community in Bijela as a priory and grange to manage that estate. The abbey`s possessions
encompassed a large area on the western edges of Papuk Mountain.
This paper will present the possibilities of studying topography, Franciscan cadastre, contemporary maps,
and written sources as a tool for mapping the structure of the abbey’s estate, with a market town, villages, parish
church, mills, fish ponds, quarries, and distribution of arable land and woods.
Key-words: monastic landscape, Bijela Abbey, Benedictine Order.
289
ABSTRACTS
SPATIAL ORGANIZATION OF MONASTIC COMPLEXES
ERIC FERNIE, Monastic buildings: Questions of function and design from an Anglo-French perspective
The paper will begin with an examination of the meanings of the words ‘function’ and ‘design’ and in particular their
application to the practical and presentational aspects of buildings. They will be applied first to the monastic church,
concentrating on those characteristics which distinguish it from churches for the laity. In this context the English
eccentricity of the monastic cathedral will be examined.
The pair of opposites will then be used to explore aspects of the claustral buildings. These include the
relationship of the chapter house to the main sanctuary of the church and the status and purpose of the sculptural
decoration on its façade. The multiple openings on the façades of many chapter houses are assessed for their practical
and symbolic value, and the openings are then compared with other entrances in the east walk, namely those into
the book-room, the slype, the day stairs, and the parlour, which involves the role of the prior. The round and
polygonal chapter houses of Norman England are then introduced, along with their iconography and the question
of the extent to which centralised chapter houses are found on the Continent. This part of the investigation will also
refer to Villard de Honnecourt’s diagram of a chapter house. With the reredorter, the chief question will concern
the large size of some examples, with the refectory it will be its location on the St Gall Plan, while the kitchen will
be discussed in terms of the contrast between standard types and the highly sophisticated designs of some examples
in western France. In the case of the cloister the arrangement of walkways at Saint-Riquier is considered.
The paper concludes with a comparative assessment of the claustral building types and their parallels in
secular contexts.
Key-words: medieval cloister, chapter house, monastic architecture, medieval England.
BÉLA ZSOLT SZAKÁCS, The early phase of cloister architecture in Central Europe
The topic of medieval cloisters has been the subject of a number of important conferences (see Gesta 1973, Der
mittelalterliche Kreuzgang 2004, and The Journal of the British Archaeological Association 2006). The Hungarian
materials have been discussed by Ernő Marosi in 2001. However, the problem has not been investigated in the Central
European context.
Although the idea of the cloister is clearly manifested in the Sant Gallen Plan, the earliest standing cloisters
date from the first half of the eleventh century in Western Europe. Opposed to Western Europe, where cloisters
were common in the eleventh through twelfth centuries, monasteries in East Central Europe were usually lacking
the cloister before the late twelfth century. The early monasteries were often built with wood (especially in Bohemia
and Poland), and later stone constructions did not follow a severe regular plan (see e.g. Feldebrő or Pásztó in
Hungary). In many cases the full cloister was built only in the thirteenth century (Mogilno in Poland or St. George
Monastery in Prague) or even later (Kladruby, Teplice). Cistercian abbeys were among the first abbeys built with a
cloister; however, this is not as regular as was previously supposed and many of the early Cistercian foundations did
not have cloisters for a period of time. Thus, they probably had less impact on other monastic buildings than was
previously suspected. An important wave of cloister building was the activity of the royal Benedictine abbeys in
western Hungary between 1210 and 1240. This can probably be connected to reform movements, although the papal
letter of 1225 seems to be too late to be the major inspiration source. In other orders (e.g. Premonstratensians) and
other territories, such as Bohemia and northern Hungary, cloisters from a somewhat earlier period cannot be
excluded. Bizere might have been one of these early examples. The earliest datable cloisters in Bohemia and Hungary
were attached to cathedrals and collegiate churches that might have served as prototypes for the monastic cloister as
well. This was just the opposite to the practice of Western Europe where cathedral monasteries were built less
frequently and often later than was usual among the monastic orders. This phenomenon may shed some light on the
difference between the roles monastic and secular churches played in East Central Europe. We should remember
that bishops, members of the royal court, were always incomparably more important figures than any of the abbots;
and the size of monastic churches was usually much below the Western standard. It would not be surprising, then,
if the secular church played a leading role in cloister architecture, too.
Key-words: monastic architecture, medieval cloister, monastic orders, religious architecture, East Central European
monasticism.
290
ABSTRACTS
ADRIAN ANDREI RUSU, Spatial organization and monastic life in Bizere abbey (Arad County, Romania)
The results of the archaeological excavations at the former Benedictine abbey of Bizere are represented now by a
series of buildings’ remains and approximately ten thousand artifacts. Even so, the archaeological research is far from
being exhausted allowing more working hypotheses regarding the spatial organization and monastic life. Therefore,
at this stage everyday life at Bizere is recomposed from artifacts intended for intellectual activities, constructions
related to water management, various types of crafts (stone and masonry workshops, ceramic production, smithy,
glass production), games, and pilgrimage. Isolated artifacts offer clues and generate discussions on shapes and
functionality, as well as on their origin and production place.
Key-words: Benedictine monastery, monastic life, monastic architecture, monastic archaeology.
TAJANA PLEŠE, Comparative ground-plan analysis of Pauline monasteries in Late Medieval Slavonia
The latter half of the thirteenth century in the territory of Slavonia was defined by a turbulent political and economic
situation. However, it was also the time of the initial expansion of the newly constituted Pauline Order that began
with the arrival of recently gathered hermits in Dubica. This was a crucial moment for the order, as it had to obtain
additional property in the attempt to secure its legality. Through many benefits from the Crown and numerous
bequests from powerful noble dynasties and politically influential individuals, the order was rapidly strengthened.
By the beginning of the fifteenth century, the Pauline monks had founded ten monasteries in Slavonia alone.
Because of their transformation during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries into the Baroque style,
change of purpose from sacral to profane or military, or their complete disintegration, knowledge of late medieval
Slavonian Pauline monasteries was scarce up until the end of the twentieth century. To amend this lack of
information, the Croatian Conservation Institute begun a large-scale archaeological excavation project on Slavonian
Pauline monasteries founded prior to the Battle of Mohács. Eight monasteries (Moslavina highlands, Remete, Zlat,
Streza, Šenkovec, Lepoglava, Kamensko, Donja Vrijeska) have been ascertained and (partially) examined, while two
are still only known on the basis of archival data (Dubica and Bakva).
The objective of this paper is to present an overview of the characteristics of Slavonian Pauline monasteries'
spatial organization, deduced in compliance with the results achieved thus far through archaeological excavations.
Key-words: monastic architecture, monastic archaeology, Pauline Order, Croatia.
VALÉRIE SERDON-PROVOST, Architectural design and the cult of Holy Relics in Saint-Vanne abbey (Verdun)
The subject of this conference proposal comes from the results of a newly excavated suburban monastery, the Saint-
Vanne Abbey in Verdun: located on a hilltop at the crossroads of major roads and rivers during Antiquity and the
Middle Ages, the former abbey was later incorporated inside a major modern fortress (sixteenth century), the High
Citadel of Verdun, and thus left untouched by contemporary buildings. The paper will summarize the results of the
two first seasons of excavations, whose main objective was the global understanding of the site's layout, from the
earliest ecclesiastical occupation (first half of the seventh century) to the different building and occupation phases of
the monastery in the Gothic era (fifteenth century), with an emphasis on the most magnificent period, under
Richard's abbacy (eleventh century). The function of spaces (place of worship and burial ground) will be especially
considered, in relationship with the local cult of Holy Relics. A comparison with other monasteries of the greater
Mosan area (today's Belgium) will be made, regarding their architectural and stylistic character.
Key-words: monastic archaeology, monastic architecture, the cult of Holy Relics, medieval Verdun.
ARTISTIC PATRONAGE AND SOURCES OF MONASTIC WEALTH
BEATRIX F. ROMHÁNYI, Church and Salt. Monasteries and Salt in the medieval Kingdom of Hungary (11th–13th
centuries)
In medieval Hungary the kings often supported monastic institutions by salt donations. Although—unlike in many
Western European provinces—salt mines were and remained until the end of the Middle Ages royal property, the
participation in the salt trade was a major income source for quite a number of monasteries. The best known source
for this is the Bereg treaty from 1233 by which Bizere Abbey also received a certain quantity of salt. The ecclesiastic
and particularly the monastic participation in the salt trade was significant especially from the late eleventh until
the mid-thirteenth century. According to the charter evidence mainly Benedictine and Cistercian abbeys, as well as
291
ABSTRACTS
the military orders, had a privileged position. The paper deals with certain political and economic aspects of the
Bereg treaty and with the monastic participation in the Arpadian-Age salt trade.
Key-words: monastic wealth sources, monastic royal privileges, salt trade, Arpadian-Age.
PÉTER LEVENTE SZŐCS, Monasteries under private patronage within the social and economic topography: Centers,
residences, estates. Several case studies from medieval Hungary
The social and economic relation between private monasteries has proven to be an important issue in assessing their
function and role. In this sense, several cases from medieval Hungary were selected, in order to analyze the position
of monastic sites within the structure of estates of that micro-region, especially the relation between the monasteries
and the landed properties of the patrons. Furthermore, sources on the residence of the patrons will be reviewed in
context with the monastic site. Several abbeys were connected to earthen fortifications or to other types of castles as
well. These features and the topography revealed through this analysis suggest that the site of private monasteries
had a more or less a central character. Aside from the obvious advantages offered by this position, the abbeys became
more vulnerable towards the patrons. The patrons, according to custom, were directly involved in the administration
of the monastic estates. Moreover, they were able to use the economic resources of the monasteries not only for the
abbey, but also for their own benefits and purposes—sometimes even by expropriating their lands.
Key-words: private monasteries, monastic topography, monastic patronage.
PIOTR PAJOR, A Turn to Fratres Minores. The Franciscans in 13th-century Lesser Poland and the patronage of Duke
Boleslaus the Chaste
The time around the middle of the thirteenth century was a period of popularization of the mendicant orders in the
whole of Central Europe including Lesser Poland, which was one of the duchies existing after the feudal
fragmentation of Poland. The Franciscans in particular, who arrived in Cracow during the apostolic mission led by
the Saxon province, were quickly taken under the patronage of Duke Boleslaus the Chaste, who founded a church
as his mausoleum in Cracow, although his predecessors were buried in Cracow Cathedral. The duke also founded
cloisters in Nowy Korczyn and Zawichost; his sister, Salomea, became the first Polish St. Clara’s nun; his wife,
Kunegund of Hungary, as a widow established and joined the convent in Stary Sącz. In this way Franciscans became
the most important order, protected by the local ducal family. The same process took place in other Polish provinces
and had significant consequences. For instance, in Silesia the local branch of the Piast dynasty was strongly connected
with the Cistercians, but Duke Henry the Pious and his heirs of the Wrocław throne were buried in Franciscan
churches. This turn to the Mendicants in the Piast dukes’ patronage seems to be much more complex than in, for
example, Bohemia. In Lesser Poland this phenomena is even more visible because of some extraordinary examples,
such as the central—Greek cross—plan of the Franciscan church in Cracow or the relocation of the first Clarissan
cloister from Zawichost to the isolated site near the former castle of Scala. Comparative analysis of the role of the
Franciscan cloisters in Boleslaus the Chaste's patronage and propaganda will be the main subject of the paper.
Key-words: mendicant orders, Bohemia, Boleslaus the Chaste's patronage.
SILVIJA PISK, Pauline monasteries in medieval Croatia: Sources of monastic wealth. The case of the Blessed Virgin Mary
on Garić Hill in Slavonia
The Pauline Order was not officially recognized until 1308, even though Pauline eremites had tried to get recognition
from Pope Urban IV as well as authorization for using the Rule of St. Augustine since the mid-thirteenth century.
Recognition never happened, as Paul, the bishop of Veszprém, determined that the eremite accommodations did not
fulfill the Pope's main requirement after visiting and inspecting them; it appeared that the eremites did not have
enough resources to support themselves. It was not until 1308 that Cardinal Gentilis de Montafiore assessed that this
requirement was fulfilled and granted the Paulines the freedom to use the Augustine’s Rule. After the initial poverty
and modest hermit-like accommodations, Pauline monasteries throughout the later Middle Ages transformed into
wealthy and distinctive monasteries.
This process can be tracked very easily by looking through examples of Pauline monasteries, especially
through the 545 medieval manuscripts from the Holy Virgin Mary Monastery of Garić. During its 300 years of
existence, the monastery progressed from a small and poor hermit-like community to a significant feudal power with
numerous estates, which included ploughlands, grasslands, forests, vineyards, fishing ponds, and mills. The estates
were acquired through donations, leasing, and purchasing. Even though they tended to the estates themselves at
292
ABSTRACTS
first, maintenance became impossible without the use of peasants, servants, and other help after the expansion. This
work will describe the course of monastic development and the Pauline’s ascent from poverty to riches.
Key-words: Pauline Order, monastic wealth sources, Croatia.
ZLATA GERSDORFOVA, The spiritual environment and artistic patronage in South Bohemia of the 14th century
The contribution deals with the both spiritually and materially rich environment of the dominion of the Rožmberk
Lords, the most powerful noble dynasty in Bohemia. Thanks to their contacts and position in the Czech Kingdom,
South Bohemia along with its monasteries (Cistercian monasteries in Vyšší Brod and in Zlatá Koruna, the
Augustinian canonical monastery in Třeboň, and the monastery of Conventual Franciscans and Poor Clares in Český
Krumlov) are associated with magnificent pieces of medieval Bohemian art that count among the top representatives
of Gothic art in Bohemia and in Europe in general (the Madonna of Český Krumlov, works of the Master of Vyšší
Brod, works of the Master of the Třeboň altar piece, e.g.). This contribution attempts to outline both the spiritual
and the cultural background of these works' origin, mirroring the piety that reflected the respect for relics. In this
context, it is important to point out the relics of the Corpus Christi Feast, which was, in the manner of Prague
festivities, held annually in the residential town of the Rožmberk dynasty, the city of Český Krumlov, and
interconnected both functionally and spiritually the individual monasteries of South Bohemia.
Key-words: the Rožmberk Lords, Bohemia, medieval Bohemian art, medieval piety, the cult of relics.
ARTISTIC CONNECTIONS; ART AND TECHNOLOGY IN THE MONASTIC MILIEU
KRISZTINA HAVASI, Marble works and marble floors in medieval Hungary in the late 12th century. Fragments of a choir
screen and opus sectile from the medieval cathedral of Eger and its artistic connections
In medieval Hungary towards the end of the twelfth century many cathedrals from the eleventh century were in
the progress of being rebuilt or approaching completion. Remarkably, the completion and superior renewal of two
such architectural works—at Esztergom and Eger—with excellent marble works and the large-scale use of an elegant
and exclusive marble material, are connected to the simultaneous identification of the local marble quarries.
In Esztergom the interior of the Cathedral was certainly “encased” with marble as well. The walls and the
pillars of the nave, which probably connected the choir, were also covered with marble. In addition, the preserved
details of the variety of incrustation patterns and opus sectile floors have been associated with the preferred sites and
routes of the cathedral’s liturgy. In the art historical research the famous red marble works of the Esztergom
Cathedral and the completion of the cathedral’s renewal are dated to the common ruling years (1185–1196) of King
Béla III and Archbishop Job, illustrated together on the tympanum of the Porta Speciosa.
The relics of the renewal of the Eger Cathedral at the end of the twelfth century—the turn of the year
1200—are represented by some early gothic pillar, rib, and capital fragments as well as by a large number of fragments
of architectural details, carved in outstanding quality from white marble and red andesite. From these series of blind
niches of various sizes and entablatures unfolds the articulated barrier architecture (probably the choir screen). To
all this a varied sampled opus sectile floor was associated. The ornamental small architecture partially accompanied
by inscriptions and incrustations could be related to the elevated level of the main sanctuary and choir of the
cathedral, as well as the vaulted burial chamber at the west end of the nave, which certainly represents the burial
memory of King Emeric (1196–1204). A possible antecedent and iconographic model of the decorated marble choir
and decorative floor at Eger could be the Deanery Church of Alba Regia founded by King Stephen, which got its
decoration with the founder’s burial (1038) and his canonization (1083). The close connection between the chamber
and the barrier architecture in Eger also raises the question of the king’s role as a builder. However, next to the king,
the most important role was that of Bishop Katapán (1198–1217), who was an important person at the court of King
Béla and his son. He started his career as provost of Alba Regia, in the 1190s he advanced to the chancellor's office,
and from there to the bishop's chair. The bishop could have played a part in Emeric's decision to interrupt the royal
burial series in Alba Regia by choosing to be buried in Eger Cathedral.
Key-words: medieval art, marble decoration, opus sectile, Esztergom, Eger, Alba Regia, Arpadian Age.
293
ABSTRACTS
ERNŐ MAROSI, Some remarks on fragmentary capitals from the monastery of Bizere
This paper is the first to deal with a collection of carved fragments discovered during archaeological research at
Bizere monastery. It is mainly about fragments of zoomorphic capitals probably originating from the most important
area of the monastery: the main church and cloister. The author tries to find European stylistic connections and has
dated them to the first half of the thirteenth century.
Key-words: zoomorphic capitals, medieval art, medieval sculpture.
XAVIER BARRAL I ALTET, Les mosaïques de pavement romanes de Bizere: un programme iconographique et décoratif
occidental de style très original aux portes de l'Orient byzantin
La découverte des mosaïques de pavement médiévales de Bizere est un évènement notable pour les études d’Histoire
de l’art du Moyen Age. En effet, il s’agit de l’exemple de décoration du sol en opus tessellatum situe le plus à l’Est du
territoire européen, aux confins du monde byzantin. Son étude permet, sans conteste, de situer ces pavements dans
l’orbite culturelle et artistique du monachisme occidental. Le style, très particulier, n’incite pas à proposer l’arrivée
dans ces territoires d’équipes d’artisans mosaïstes provenant directement des grands chantiers occidentaux. Mais le
répertoire et les caractéristiques générales de ces pavements font supposer la présence d’artisans ayant eu des contacts
avec l’Occident roman; ils devaient probablement répondre a la volonté d’un commanditaire souhaitant situer les
réalisations artistiques de Bizere à la hauteur de celles des grands monastères de l’Ouest. Au-delà des considérations
de technique, de style et de chronologie, la question des rapports avec les pavements en mosaïque de Byzance est
également évoquée.
Key-words: mosaïques de pavement, opus tessellatum, opus sectile, l’art du Moyen Age.
ILEANA BURNICHIOIU, The decorative heritage of Bizere abbey: fragments of the opus sectile
The Bizere monastery gradually fell into ruin during the sixteenth century and the site became a treasure hunting
ground and a quarry for construction material. Consequently, all that was left for scholarship was fragmentary,
difficult to patch together, and dependent on the archaeological investigations. This type of research first began in
1981 and carried on between 2001 and 2009, and in 2014, retrieved a notable quantity of mosaic, sculpture, and
fresco fragments. This paper is dealing specifically with isolated opus sectile fragments. It analyzes the variety of
materials and shapes, technical aspects, and tries to identify some elements of the original design. This study is
connected to articles dedicated to mosaics discovered in situ at Bizere as well as to the archaeometric analysis of
mosaic tesserae in this volume.
Key-words: medieval art, medieval mosaics, sectilia, Benedictine abbey.
.
BERNADETT BAJNÓCZI, DOROTTYA GYÖRKÖS, VIKTÓRIA MOZGAI, MÁTÉ SZABÓ, MÁRIA TÓTH, Archaeometric analysis
of mosaic tesserae and a ‘red marble’ decorative stone from the Bizere monastery (Arad County, Romania)
A large variety of building and decorative materials, including mosaic tesserae, were discovered during the
archaeological excavation of the medieval Bizere monastery. In order to assess the material usage for the decorative
elements of the monastery, several tesserae made of rocks and ceramics and a “red marble” decorative stone were
studied using optical and cathodoluminescence microscopy, X-ray diffraction, electron microprobe, and stable
isotope analyses. Most of the studied tesserae consist of metamorphic rocks such as white marble, quartzite,
greenschist, hornfels, and “serpentine marble” (ophicalcite). Magmatic rocks (basalt) and sedimentary rocks
(sandstone, limestone, and breccia) were also identified. Based on the geology of the region we can assume that most
of the rocks have a local source in the Southern Apuseni Mountains or in the Poiana Rusca Mountains. Moreover,
the Mureş Valley, that is the alluvial pebbles of the Mureş River, could also be a possible source for the rocks. Some
of the white marbles may originate from the Southern Carpathians (Bucova/Zeicani). The “red marble” found at the
site is a bioclastic nodular limestone containing a large amount of Middle Jurassic Bositra shell fragments. Its
petrographic and stable isotope characteristics point to a distant source, the Gerecse Mountains in Hungary. The
possible local or distant sources of some white marble mosaics and other unique tesserae made of “serpentine marble”
and black-and-white breccia are still to be identified. The ceramics studied are diverse in appearance including grey,
red, and sandwich-structured mosaic tesserae and a red brick. All but one was made from clay intentionally tempered
with sand, most probably from the Mureş River. The phase composition of the ceramics suggests a firing temperature
of ≤650-700 °C.
294
ABSTRACTS
Key-words: roman and medieval marble, decorative rocks and ceramics, optical and cathodoluminescence
microscopy, X-ray diffraction, electron microprobe, stable isotope analyses.
MIHAELA SANDA SALONTAI, Friars at work: Craftsmen of the Dominican Order in 16th-century Transylvania
The purpose of this study is to examine the presence of friar-artisans within the Transylvanian Dominican convents,
and their involvement in carrying out works for the houses of the order and for lay communities. Starting with the
regulations set by the Dominican constitutions and the provincial chapters in regards to the friars’ participation in
building activities, the study will focus on written evidence for the presence of skilled workers among the
Transylvanian brethren. The main sources for the topic are the early sixteenth-century city account books of Braşov
(Kronstadt/Brassó) as well as two records from the priories of Sighişoara (Schäßburg/Segesvár) and Cluj
(Klausenburg/Kolozsvár). The documents reveal names of lay brothers skilled in construction trades and point to the
ownership of appropriate tools and working facilities by the convents, but bring no reliable evidence about the friars’
work. A case example of prolific cooperation between the local communities and the Dominican brethren of Braşov,
who provided building materials and management assistance to the city’s construction sites, is also discussed.
Key-words: Dominican convents, friar-artisans, medieval architecture, medieval Transylvania.
295
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AAASH Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae. Budapest: Magyar Tudományos

Akadémia.
AB Analele Banatului. Serie nouă. Arheologie-Istorie. Timişoara: Muzeul Banatului.
ACi Analecta Cisterciensia. Rome.
AHA Acta Historiae Artium Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae. Budapest: Magyar Tudományos
Akadémia.
AMN Acta Musei Napocensis. Cluj-Napoca: Muzeul Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei.
Apulum Apulum. Acta Musei Apulensis. Alba Iulia: Muzeul Național al Unirii.
AUA hist. Annales Universitatis Apulensis. Series Historica. Alba Iulia: Universitatea “1 Decembrie
1918”.
ÁÚO Codex diplomaticus Arpadianus continuatus/Árpádkori új okmánytár [Documents from the
Árpád Age], XI, ed. Gusztáv Wenczel. Pest, 1873.
AVSL Archiv des Vereins für Siebenbürgische Landeskunde. Neue Folge. Hermannstadt: Verein
für Siebenbürgische Landeskunde.
BAM Brukenthal Acta Musei. Sibiu: Muzeul Național Brukenthal.
Banatica Banatica. Reşița. Muzeul Banatului Montan.
CCA Cronica Cercetărilor Arheologice din România. București: cIMeC.
CD Codex diplomaticus Regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae, I-XVIII, eds. Tadija Smičiklas et
al. Zagreb: Jugoslavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, 1907-1990.
CDH Georgius Fejér, ed. Codex Diplomaticus Hungariae ecclesiasticus ac civilis , I-XI. Budae,
1829-1844.
CDTrans Codex diplomaticus Transsylvaniae. Diplomata, epistolae et alia instrumenta litteraria res
Transsylvanas illustrantia. Erdélyi okmánytár. Oklevelek, levelek és más írásos emlékek
Erdély történetéhez, I-III. Eds. and trans. Zsigmond Jakó, Géza Hegyi, and András W.
Kovács. Budapest: A Magyar Országos Levéltár, 1997, 2004, 2008.
CommArhHung Communicationes Archaeologicae Hungaricae. Budapest: Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum.
DAP Documenta artis Paulinorum: a magyar rendtartomány kolostorai, I-III Eds. Béla Gyéressy
et al. Budapest: Magyar Tudományos Akadémia, 1975-1978.
DHA Diplomata Hungariae antiquissima, vol. I: 1000-1131. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1992.
DIR.C Documente privind istoria României. Seria C. Transilvania. Veacul XIV [Documents
Concerning the History of Romania. C. Transylvania. Fourteenth Century], vol. IV (1341-
1350). Bucureşti: Editura Academiei Române, 1955.
EJM European Journal of Mineralogy. Stuttgart.
EJST European Journal of Science and Theology. Iași: “Gh. Asachi” Technical University.
EM Erdélyi Múzeum. Cluj-Napoca: Erdélyi Múzeum-Egyesület.
HAG Hrvatski arheološki godišnjak. Zagreb: Ministry of Culture Directorate for the Protection of
the Cultural Heritage.
HR-HDA Hrvatski Državni Arhiv [Croatian State Archives]. Zagreb.
HS Hungarian Studies. A Journal of the International Association for Hungarian Studies.
Budapest.
IANSA Interdisciplinaria Archaeologica – Natural Sciences in Archaeology. Olomouc.
JBAA Journal of the British Archaeological Association. Covent Garden: British Archaeological
Association.
KDM Kodeks Dyplomatyczny Małopolski [The Diplomatic Codex of Lesser Poland], I-II. Kraków:
Akademia Umiejętności, 1876, 1886.
KVSL Korrespondenzblatt des Vereins für Siebenbürgische Landeskunde. Hermannstadt: Verein
für Siebenbürgische Landeskunde.
LK Levéltári közlemények. Budapest: Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár.
MAQ Medium Aevum Quotidianum. Gesellschaft zur Erforschung der materiellen Kultur des
Mittelalter. Krems-Budapest.
MÉ Művészettörténeti Értesítő. Budapest: Magyar Tudományos Akadémia.
297
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
MFME A Móra Ferenc Múzeum Évkönyve. Szeged.

MHEZ Monumenta historica episcopatus Zagrabiensis, I-VII. Eds. Andrija Lukinović et al. Zagreb:
Kršćanska sadašnjost: Hrvatski državni arhiv, 1992-2004.
MLATB-DB Monastic Life, Art and Technology at the Bizere Monastery (Arad County, Romania ).
Online database, http://diam.uab.ro/bizere/guest_free.php?fx=lista_fise_guest.
MOL DF/ Magyar Országos Levéltára, Diplomatikai Fényképgyűjtemény. Budapest: Magyar Nemzeti
MNL OL DF Levéltár, Országos Levéltára, Diplomatikai Fényképgyűjtemény.
MOL DL/ Magyar Országos Levéltára, Diplomatikai Levéltár. Budapest: Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár,
MNL OL DL Országos Levéltára, Diplomatikai Levéltár.
MonVatHung Monumenta Vaticana historiam regni Hungariae illustrantia , series I-VI. Eds. Asztrik
Várszegi et al. Budapest: Szent István Társulat, 1887-91.
MPH Monumenta Poloniae Historica, II-III. Ed. Augustyn Bielowski. Lwów, 1872, 1878.
MRT Magyarország régészeti topográfia [Archaeological Topography of Hungary], I-XI. Budapest:
Akadémiai Kiadó, 1966-2012.
PRT László Erdélyi and Pongrác Sörös, eds. A Pannonhalmi Szent Benedek-Rend története [The
History of the Benedictine Order in Pannonhalma], vol. VIII. Pannonhalma: Pannonhalmi
Főapátság, 1903.
Quellen Kron. Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Kronstadt in Siebenbürgen . Vol. 1. Rechnungen aus 1503-
1526. Vol. 2. Rechnungen aus 1526-1540. Kronstadt: Druck von Römer und Kramner, 1886,
1889.
RA Emericus Szentpétery, ed. Regesta regum stirpis Arpadianae critico-diplomatica, I/1.
Budapest: Magyar Tudományos Akadémia, 1923.
RHEF Revue d'histoire de l'Église de France. Paris: Société d'histoire religieuse de France.
RK Rocznik Krakowski. Kraków: Towarzystwo Miłośników Historii i Zabytków Krakowa.
Skyllis Skyllis: Zeitschrift der Deutschen Gesellschaft zur Förderung der Unterwasserarchäologie
e.V. Regensburg.
SPFFBU Sborník Prací Filozofické Fakulty Brněnské Univerzity/Studia Minora Facultatis
Philosophicae Universitatis Brunensis. Brno.
Studii Studii. Revistă de Istorie. București: Institutul de Istorie.
Trans R Transylvanian Review. Cluj-Napoca: Academia Română, Centrul de Studii Transilvane.
Ub Franz Zimmermann et al., eds. Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte der Deutschen in
Siebenbürgen. Hermannstadt - Bucharest: Ausschuss des Vereins für siebenbürgische
Landeskunde - Editura Academiei Române, 1892-1991.
VAMZ Vjesnik Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu. Zagreb: Arheološki muzej u Zagrebu.
VHAD Vjesnik Hrvatskoga arheološkoga društva. Nova serija. Zagreb: Arheološki muzej u Zagrebu.
VMMK A Veszprém Megyei Múzeumok Közleményei. Veszprém.
Ziridava Ziridava. Studii şi cercetări. Arad: Buletinul Complexului Muzeal Arad.
298
LIST OF AUTHORS
Pál LŐVEI, Institute for Art History Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest
e-mail: lovei.pal@btk.mta.hu
Ileana BURNICHIOIU, Department of History, Archaeology and Museology, University “1 Decembrie 1918” of Alba
Iulia
e-mail: ileanaburnichioiu@yahoo.com
Oana TODA, Department of History, Archaeology and Museology, University “1 Decembrie 1918” of Alba Iulia
e-mail: oanatoda@yahoo.com
Bencze ÜNIGE, Department of Medieval Studies, Central European University

e-mail: bunige@yahoo.com
Andrej JANEŠ, Department of Land Archaeology, Croatian Conservation Institute

e-mail: ajanes@h-r-z.hr
Eric FERNIE, Professor, retired director, Courtauld Institute, London

e-mail: eric.fernie@courtauld.ac.uk
Béla Zsolt SZAKÁCS, Department of Art History, Pázmány Péter Catholic University, and Department of Medieval
Studies, Central European University, Budapest
e-mail: szakacsb@ceu.edu
Adrian Andrei RUSU, Institute of Archaeology and Art History, Romanian Academy, Cluj-Napoca
e-mail: aarusu@gmail.com
Tajana PLEŠE, Department for Archaeology, Croatian Conservation Institute, Zagreb

e-mail: tplese@h-r-z.hr
Valérie SERDON-PROVOST, Lorraine University - MSH – CRULH, 3, Nancy Cedex France

e-mail: valerie.serdon @univ-lorraine.fr
Beatrix F. ROMHÁNYI, Department of Medieval History, Károli Gáspár Calvinist University, Budapest
e-mail: t.romhanyi @gmail.com
Péter Levente SZŐCS, Satu Mare County Museum

e-mail: peterszocs@gmail.com
Piotr PAJOR, Institute of Art History, Jagiellonian University in Cracow

e-mail: piotr.pajor88@gmail.com
Silvija PISK, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zagreb, Croatia
e-mail: spisk@ffzg.hr
Zlata GERSDORFOVA, Department of Archaeology, University of West Bohemia in Pilsen

e-mail: zlata.gersdorfova@seznam.cz
Krisztina HAVASI, Institute of Art History, Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest

e-mail: havasi.krisztina@btk.mta.hu
299
LIST OF AUTHORS
Ernő MAROSI, Institute of Art History, Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest; Emeritus Professor at the
Institute of Art History at Loránd Eötvös University of Budapest
Xavier BARRAL I ALTET, Emeritus Professor, University of Rennes 2 and Ca' Foscari University of Venice
Bernadett BAJNÓCZI, Institute for Geological and Geochemical Research, Hungarian Academy of Sciences
e-mail: bajnoczi.bernadett@csfk.mta.hu
Dorottya GYÖRKÖS, Institute for Geological and Geochemical Research, Hungarian Academy of Sciences
e-mail: gyorkos.dorottya@mta.csfk.hu
Viktória MOZGAI, Institute for Geological and Geochemical Research, Hungarian Academy of Sciences
e-mail: mozgai.viktoria@csfk.mta.hu
Máté SZABÓ, Institute for Geological and Geochemical Research, Hungarian Academy of Sciences
Mária TÓTH, Institute for Geological and Geochemical Research, Hungarian Academy of Sciences
e-mail: totyi@geochem.hu
Mihaela Sanda SALONTAI, Institute of Archaeology and History of Art, Romanian Academy, Cluj-Napoca
e-mail: mssalontai@gmail.com
300

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Monastic Life, Art, and Technology

in the 11th – 16th Centuries

Mega Publishing House

Cover: Sebastian Ispas

Copyright © 2015, “1 Decembrie 1918” University of Alba Iulia

Ünige BENCZE, Reconstructing a monastic landscape: the example of the Cistercian

SPATIAL ORGANIZATION OF MONASTIC COMPLEXES

Tajana PLEŠE, Comparative ground-plan analysis of Pauline monasteries in late medieval

ARTISTIC PATRONAGE AND SOURCES OF MONASTIC WEALTH

Adatok” [Monasteries along the Maros River. Data], in

of monastic complexes,” “Monastic wealth

 Department of History, Archaeology and Museology,

Bizere? Where did the masters come from? With

essential to comparative studies on different topics

colleagues from the Department of Medieval

Monderlaker Dam neu zulegenden, Sporn, 45 x 42.5 cm, 10.04.2015, http://mapire.eu/en/map/secondsurvey.

Abb. 1. Standort der Abtei Bizere auf einer Landkarte aus

Abb. 2. Ehemaliges Flussbett und alte Nebenarme des Mureș

Abb. 4. Schnitte der Bodenwiederstandsmessung aus dem

Abb 5. Durch Wassererosion verursachte Schäden an der

zur Abtei transportiert wurden. Eine Analyse der

Abb. 8. Darstellung des östlichen Profils des

Nordseite der Trennmauer zwischen den beiden

der Nähe des Flusses befinden würden.

um ein einteiliges Boot handelt, genauer gesagt

Abb. 11. Funde eiserner Klammern, die für das Befestigen

archäologischen Grabungen in den Jahren 194850

14Antal Lukács, Ţara Făgăraşului în evul mediu (secolele

not the topic of the present paper I wish to briefly enlist

4. Hypothetic outline of the outer precinct based on field

precinct based on field observations; 7. Possible branch of the

This brook led to a plateau-like

the ruins of the monastery as well as of a mill and fishpond.

site of a possible mill and take into

towards the east is visible on

Fig. 5. Orthophoto with the location of the suspected

“Church and Salt. Monasteries and the Salt in the Medieval

Fig. 6. Electrical resistivity distribution along the

Geophysical survey or disturbed soil can be identified with this

Fig. 7. Electrical resistivity distribution along the sections

lines: presumed walls, detected either on magnetic

The light blue lines denote possible earlier

Grabovu i njezin odnos prema benediktinskom samostanu u

VHAD 9 (1907), 204; Ivan Ostojić, Benediktinci u Hrvatskoj 14–15.

samostan,” 18. samostan,” 23.

Fig. 1. Figure 1. Map of Benedictine monasteries in late

Fig. 2. DEM of the site of the

Fig. 3. Aerial photo of the site (photo by

Fig. 4. Ground plan of the abbey by G. Szabo from

Fig. 5. 3D model of the entrance (model by M. Vuković).

Fig. 6. Ground plan of the excavated part of the church

Fig. 7. Examples of architectural elements found at the site:

Hungarian noble residences and their social context from the

eds. Roberta Gilchrist and Harold Mytum, (Oxford, BAR

Fig. 8. Features of the priory/abbey and the location of the

Fig. 9. Remains of a presumed medieval watermill

Fig. 10. Medieval features and sites around the priory/abbey

“Benediktinski samostan,” 76. godine [Conscription of settlements and inhabitants in

Slavonia in 1698] (Osijek: Zavod za znanstveni rad JAZU,