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Edited by Frank Lynch and Alfonso de Guzman II
Ateneo de Manila University Press

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INSTITUTE OF PHILIPPINE CULTURE
Four Readings an
Philippine Values
Third Edition, Revised and Enlarged
Edited by Frank Lynch and Alfonso de Guzman II
IPC PAPERS No. 2
ATENEO DE MANILA UNIVERSITY PRESS
Quezon City
The Institute of Philippine Culture is an organization that studies local problems
of education and economic development and hopes to promote a better
understanding of the Filipino way of life.
Its approach is broadly interdisciplinary, for it knows that only the combined
efforts of many arts and sciences can hope to reveal some part of the mystery
that is man.
It starts with the assumption that there are, in fact, shared and patterned
ways of thinking and doing, of valuing and feeling, that are characteristically
Filipino.
It operates on the principle that these qualities, with their local and other
variations, can be discovered through patient investigation prosecuted in an
orderly fashion by members of various social-science and humanities disciplines
working in close cooperation with one another.
It is inspired by the conviction that the knowledge derived from this effort
will be of transcendental importance for all those who must reckon with the
cultural backgrounds of the Filipinos they serve.
The IPCPapers is the main channel through which the institute disseminates
research findings on those aspects of the Philippines with which it concerns
itself.
For more information, write to:

The Publications Editor
Institute of Philippine Culture
Ateneo de Manila
P. 0. Box 154, Manila D-406
Philippines
Copyright 1970 by the Ateneo de Manila

Contents
Preface to the Third Edition .v
Preface to the Second Edition.vii
Social Acceptance Reconsidered

Frank Lynch.1
Reciprocity in the Lowland Philippines

Mary R. Hollnsteiner.65
The Manileno’s Mainsprings

Jaime C. Bulatao.89
Filipino Entrepreneurship in Manufacturing

John J. Carroll.115
Maps
The Philippines .64
Southeast Asia Inside back cover
179382
Preface to the Third Edition
The challenge we spoke of in 1964—to achieve planned national progress with¬

out coercion—confronts us still, looming larger than ever. Indeed, in the inter¬
vening years the experience of grave economic stress, political uneasiness, and
widespread social unrest seem to have made the average educated Filipino
more anxious than ever to find out who and what he really is. Greater num¬
bers of the nation’s leaders now press their search for that cultural fulcrum
that will provide the best base for acceptable programs of social and econo¬
mic development.
In the face of the problems that these reactions imply, it is easy, even
convenient, to find fault with those who came before us, or to point the fin¬
ger of blame at those who currently hold the greatest political and economic
power in the country. But there is another tactic, another strategy, an ap¬
proach which we have favored from the start of our own corporate research
activities.
Given the historical situation in which we found ourselves in 1960, we at
the Institute of Philippine Culture felt that our best contribution might be to
seek knowledge about the Philippines and the Filipino and to pass that know¬
ledge on to those who stood to benefit most from it—the planners and imple¬
mentors of programs of social and economic change. Four Readings was a
first step, as it were, in the execution of that self-appointed task, and at this
time we are inclined to believe that that first step took us in the right direc¬
tion. For today, after two revisions and half a dozen reprintings, students of
Philippine culture—among them the planners and implementors we especially
had in mind—still find the insights and partial findings of our social scien¬
tists fresh and relevant.
We should add at this point that while we feel we have contributed to the
knowledge of our country and our people, we also feel, far more keenly and
assuredly, a deep sense of gratitude to those many associates and friends who
have kept intellectual touch with us through their criticism. It is largely be¬
cause of the trouble they took on our behalf that “Social Acceptance” was re¬
considered, “Reciprocity” rewritten, and “Manileno’s Mainsprings” and
“Filipino Entrepreneurship” restyled.
For this edition, the authors were asked to rethink what they had earlier
written, while we the editors strove to assure improved clarity of expression as
well. But this was not enough. It was also necessary that the printed page be
spruced up, as it were, to combine accuracy, orthodoxy of scholarly apparatus,
a pleasant prospect for the reader’s eyes, and language that would not intimi¬
date the educated layman. Thus the innovations in format and the general
typographical design, the latter made possible by typesetting the pages of this
publication right on the IPC premises. For these changes, hopefully to the rea¬
der’s taste, we relied on the technical competence and endless patience of our
typesetters Paulita L. Casal, Fermina T. Dumaual, and Faustina V. Limgenco,
and on the artistic eye and deadline-beating ability of our managing editor,
Julian E. Dacanay, Jr.
Thus we present this new and enlarged edition of Four Readings, a practical
restatement of our belief that there is a middle ground between what one
writer calls “heartless social science and thoughtless social action.” In these
perilous times, there is no doubt that we must act decisively, but let it be
with a measure of reflection and the saving grace of a sense of humor.
Frank Lynch
Alfonso de Guzman ii
Quezon Gty
October 28, 1970
Preface to the Second Edition
In a freedom-conscious nation such as the Philippines, educators, business¬

men, religious leaders, and public administrators share a basic concern: dis¬
covering ways and means to influence people freely to choose as they would
in conscience have them choose. This may sound like double-talk, and in a
sense I suppose it is. But it well expresses a challenge facing the Philippines
today, namely, to achieve planned progress without coercion.
The response to this challenge will require an understanding of the
people’s thinking and believing, their liking or disliking, willing or refusing,
acting or drifting. It is heartening that the need for this kind of knowledge
is recognized by those whose duty or desire it is to change the Filipino’s
ways. Yet to date these agents of change have done little to fill the need.
Most active perhaps have been market-research personnel, but their in¬
vestigations have been relatively few and confined for the most part to the
discovery of consumer preferences. Furthermore, companies sponsoring
this research are understandably reluctant to make their findings public
property. A potentially significant study of the underlying causes of po¬
verty and production, begun in 1960 by the Council on Economic and
Cultural Affairs, Inc., is now at the stage of data analysis, but a report is
not yet available. Many publications of the Community Development
Research Council (University of the Philippines) are obliquely concerned
with values but none has focused on the problem.
Of course almost everyone that has ever written about the Filipino has
had something to say about his usosy costumbres, his indole, his character,
or his way of life. One can start with early Spaniards Plasencia and Alzina,
go on to the bilious Caspar de Belen, to Modesto de Castro and Maximo
Kalaw. He will come finally to such contemporary critics as Delfin Batacan,
I. V. Mallari, E. P. Patanfie, Alfredo Roces, and Carmen Guerrero-Nakpil.
In the writings of all these authors he will come across observations with
the ring of truth, and find himself agreeing wholeheartedly with what is
said. But when he asks if he can safely accept their statements as a basis for
national policy and planning, he soon realizes how far we are from any
tested truths regarding Philippine value orientations.
I cannot say how far the papers in this volume take us in our quest.
What I do know is that they take us in the right direction. For their authors
start with the assumption that what they say should be more than mere
opinion, and preferably well-proven fact. Each has used the tools of his
trade to get at some part of the truth, yet all admit the tentativeness of
many of their conclusions. In short, they write as social scientists.
Mary R. Hollnsteiner is, like myself, a social anthropologist and a full¬
time staff member of the Institute of Philippine Culture. Her contribution
originally appears as IPC Papers, No. 1, now out of print, but is included
here in revised form. Jaime Bulatao, S.J., a clinical psychologist, is director
of the Ateneo Central Guidance Bureau and chairman of the Department
of Psychology. Both he and John Carroll, S.J., an associate professor of
sociology at the Ateneo, are associates of the IPC.
Filipinos and others have said that these essays show some insight into
Philippine culture, and to judge from their popularity (this is the fourth
printing) they have helped fill the need I spoke of above. Yet insight and
insult are closely allied and only charity makes the difference. I hope the
reader will find in these papers a palatable mixture of keenness and kind¬
ness.
Frank Lynch
Ateneo de Manila
January 11, 1964
Social Acceptance Reconsidered
Frank Lynch
My earlier essay on social acceptance, written and first published in 1961, has
long needed clarification and updating. To satisfy this two-fold requirement I
offer the present article, in which the original statement, now preceded by an
explanatory introduction, is preserved as a kind of baseline and starting point.
Following it are new sections on what we have learned about the subject since
1961, and what remains to be found out.
Background of the 1961 Statement
History of the essay

Sometime in the third quarter of 1960, Mary Hollnsteiner and I were
invited to give papers at the Fourth Annual Baguio Religious Acculturation
Conference (BRAC), to be held at Baguio City in late December of that year.
Specifically, we were asked to present our ideas on the value systems of the
average lowland Filipino. Since I had been gathering and processing informa¬
tion and opinions on the question for about 10 years, and since Mary was just
completing a study she had undertaken on the various kinds of reciprocity
The original essay on which this article builds was the revised version of the first part of
a paper read at the Fourth Annual Baguio Religious Acculturation Conference (BRAC),
Baguio City, December 29-31, 1960. First published in the conference proceedings
(1961), it later appeared as well in Philippine Studies 10 (l):82-99. After this it became
the lead article in two editions of Four Readings on Philippine Values (“IPC Papers,”
No. 2). Hereafter, all references to the 1961 statement will be cited as Lynch 1970c since
the entire statement is included in this, the larger article.
FRANK LYNCH, S.J., is presently Program Coordinator of the Institute of Philippine

Culture (IPC), Ateneo de Manila, and professor of anthropology at the same university.
He has an M.A. in anthropology from the University of the Philippines and a doctorate in
the same subject from the University of Chicago. Since 1949, Fr. Lynch’s major academic
interest has been the study of Philippine values, religion, and social organization.
Lynch, Frank. Social acceptance reconsidered. In Four readings on Philippine values

(“IPC Papers,” No. 2). Third edition, revised and enlarged. Frank Lynch and Alfonso de
Guzman II, editors. Quezon City, Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1970. Pp. 1—63.
2 Frank Lynch
known and practiced in Obando, Bulacan, and its vicinity, we agreed to come
to Baguio for the BRAC meetings.
Present at the meetings, in addition to BRAC’s founder, the late Laurence
Lee Wilson, were about 80 men and women, of whom three-fifths were Amer¬
ican missionaries. They were in Baguio to mix a year-end respite with serious
reflections on the cultural problems they had met and were meeting in their
lives and work in the Philippines. At the close of three very active days Mary
and I returned to Manila determined, not only to write the promised pub¬
lishable versions of the talks we had given, but also to organize a summer
course that would answer in some fashion the need for better intercultural
understanding so often felt and expressed by good-willed Filipinos and Amer¬
icans such as our newly made Baguio friends.
In the months that followed (January—April 1961), most of my energies
were spent on the latter goal. With the dedicated cooperation of a full-time
staff assembled for the purpose, assisted generously by faculty members who
participated part time in the project, we managed to arrive at the summer
months of May and June with a new course designed to fill the need we had
sensed and spoken about at Baguio. Entitled “Understanding the Philippines
and America,” this offering attracted over 100 students that first summer,
many of whom had been at the BRAC meetings the previous December.
Meanwhile Mary had completed her write-up of the talk she had given on
reciprocity. It was published in the July 1961 issue of Philippine Studies, but
by arrangement with that journal’s editor, Horacio de la Costa, we were
allowed to use the plates later to run off a separately bound edition of the
same article as “IPC Papers, No. I.”1 We got additional mileage from the
same plates by holding them for use in setting up the proceedings of the
Fourth Annual BRAC, for the publication of which I had accepted responsi¬
bility. For my article on social acceptance, as well as for three other papers
that appeared in the 1960 BRAC Proceedings, the procedure was reversed.
Philippine Studies generously paid for the setting up of the articles, but
allowed the BRAC prior use of the plates to produce the published proceed¬
ings.2
I have gone into such detail because the history of the article on social ac¬
ceptance introduces and explains the audience and purpose for which I wrote
it. To some extent, it also helps explain the sources and methodology.
Audience and purpose

My audience both at Baguio in December 1960 and at the Ateneo de
Manila the following summer was composed mostly of American missionaries.
This fact influenced the writing of the article in two ways: first, though the
article reports primarily and essentially on an exercise in social observation
(Brown 1963:35), and on the results of an exploratory or formulative study
Social Acceptance Reconsidered 3
(Selltiz et al. 1967:51—65), comparative illustrative material was introduced
from American culture to help the American listeners (and readers) appre¬
ciate better the phenomena being described; second, because most members
of the audience were clerics or religious, and not social scientists, I was not at
pains to spell out for them the nitty-gritty details of method and sources.3
In addressing this audience, my purpose was primarily “to present an opin¬
ion regarding a wellspring of certain frequently observed patterns of Filipino
behavior” (Lynch 1970c:8, below). Further, this “wellspring” (social accept¬
ance) was set in the context of a tentative scheme entitled llAn outline (not
“77ie outline” or simply “Outline”) of lowland Philippine values” (Lynch
1970c: 17—20). The essay was therefore exploratory in nature, reporting ob¬
servations, insights, and formulations regarding behavioral norms. It was hoped
that this preliminary statement would lead to descriptive and explanatory
research—as indeed it did.
Methodology
As in many exploratory studies, the investigation that produced the social
acceptance article made use of three methods: (a) a review of the pertinent
literature; (b) conversations with Filipinos and others who had practical ex¬
perience with, and reflective ideas about, Filipino behavior; and (c) the anal¬
ysis of “insight-stimulating” cases, or examples, drawn from my own expe¬
rience and that of others (Selltiz et al. 1967:53).
In these readings, interviews, and analyses the goal was to identify values
operative in Philippine culture, describe how they seemed to interact with
one another, and what relative importance and position each apparently had
in the total value system. All this, of course, led at most to a tentative formu¬
lation suitable for more accurate description and testing. Of use in construct¬
ing our outline of Philippine values, and in assigning social acceptance to its
appropriate place within it, was the fourfold test that Robin Williams em¬
ployed (1960:409—410) to judge the importance of a value in a culture. His
questions about the extensiveness, duration, and intensity of the value, and
the prestige of its carriers, were in fact included in the social acceptance arti¬
cle in partial explanation of the study’s methodology.
Sources of the essay

In the concrete, on what literature, conversations, and case analyses did I
base the statement first published in 1961? To begin with, my interest in the
questions dated back to 1949, when the study of concrete manifestations of
Philippine and American values became the subject of monthly meetings by
some 15 Filipinos and Americans whom I had known in the Philippines
(1946-49) and with whom I then lived in the United States. This formal
and systematic inquiry involved the group’s preparation of file sheets
4 Frank Lynch
(generalizations and anecdotes) on many aspects of both cultures, and their

discussion. This cooperative effort continued with more or less regularity till
1953, when 1 prepared a paper entitled “The Psychology of the Christian
Filipino,” my first attempt to sum up our joint impressions. 1 used it as part
of my contribution to a Philippine area course offered at Fordham University
in the summer of that year.
During my years at the University of Chicago (1954—56, 1958—60), par¬
ticularly as an associate of the Philippine Studies Program and as co-director
of research for the Area Handbook on the Philippines (1956), I continued
this dialog with Filipinos and Americans on the subject of Philippine values,
and it became one focus of my Bikol research in the years 1956—58. This
preoccupation had, in fact, never been far from my mind in the years 1949-
60, so that I found the invitation of the BRAC program committee quite
compatible with my own research interests.
The resulting social acceptance article was based on other data as well.
Available literature, old and new, about the Philippines and Filipinos, about
Americans and the United States, had been consulted (see footnotes to the
essay’s text, below). Moreover, the analysis done in January—April 1961 of
some 60 Tagalog dialogs, judged by a panel of Filipinos to be typical lowland
Filipino exchanges, supported the preliminary conclusions we had reached.
If these were not enough to convince us that social acceptance should be
proposed as an extremely important value for most Filipinos, we had also had
the satisfaction of that most comforting of all reassurances, namely, a high
score in the prediction of Filipino reactions in a variety of situations in which
social acceptance was either threatened or enhanced.
To summarize, then, the proposition that social acceptance is of para¬
mount importance in the lowland Philippines grew out of over 10 years of
explicit probing of the question in study sessions and interviews, in literary
analyses, and in studies of the content of typical Tagalog dialogs. With all
that, however, I must repeat that the resulting statement should not be mis¬
taken for the firm conclusion of a descriptive or explanatory study. It is
rather to be read as the initial report of one returned from a leisurely, wide-
ranging scouting trip through the fascinating, at times bewildering, territory
of Philippine values. It proposed as important a number of landmarks, re¬
peatedly observed and noted, that helped orient at least one traveler, reducing
to tolerable limits the confusion he had first felt in that vast and colorful
land. For those who had never made the trip—and most members of the
original audience had not—it offered the advice of a returned traveler, to be
taken as a starting point. For those more experienced in the ups and downs,
ins and outs, of values research, it presented some tentative ideas to inaugu¬
rate the dialog which has happily developed from it.
Text of the 1961 Statement*
In our saner moments, we humans accept the fact that we are different
from one another. And in our leisure moments many of us enjoy getting a
closer look at these differences, either first hand through travel, or second
hand through reading and conversation. Yet for all that, and with all the good
will in the world, we remain incipient Professor Higginses, for whom all the
world is Eliza Doolittle: unconsciously perhaps but nonetheless intently, we
are out to remake the world to our image, and if tolerance keeps our creative
urge in check today and tomorrow, we know that come next week we may
be more critical and exacting than ever.
Evaluation and Values
What is this urge that lies within us, this tendency to censure and correct,
to rate and score, to prune, crop, trim, and transplant? It is the expression of
a basic and essentially human faculty, that of evaluation. It is a sign that we
are human, for only humans make this critical response to their environment
(Smith 1958:8). This intelligent reaction involves the recognition of a funda¬
mental contrast between good and evil, truth and falsity. It involves as well
the presence and operation of standards or criteria of judgment. Finally, if
the judgment is to be relevant, it supposes a knowledge of the peculiar cir¬
cumstances in which the evaluation must be made.
Thus if I see a man strike a child with some vehemence, it is likely that as
a human being I will pass some judgment, however kind and charitable,on
the action. For I am convinced that actions such as these may be good or bad,
and that there is a great difference between the two; further, I believe that
there are some conditions under which it is good and others under which it is
bad for a man to strike a child so; finally—not knowing the circumstances of
the particular case—I may presume that the man has some good reason for
this violence (because he is the father, perhaps, and the child is being cor¬
rected for an action which might possibly endanger its life, or—if I am a
*See footnote on Page 1. This section is the article previously entitled “Social Accept¬
ance” which appeared in two editions of Four Readings on Philippine Values (“IPC
Papers,” No. 2). It is reproduced here in its entirety, with minor alterations in style-nof
content. Thus the one explanatory footnote of the article is retained while all the other
notes (footnotes for purposes of documentation) have been written in brief form into
the main text, and the full reference transferred to the appropriate section at the end of
the entire article. Sequence of paragraphs was also altered as were the opening lines of
some paragraphs. Section headings were supplied for greater clarity. Finally, the numer¬
ical superscripts which appear here are new explanatory notes prepared by the author in
1970. These numbers follow the sequence of those of the larger article, and the corre¬
sponding notes are included in the section on notes at the end of the entire article.
6 Frank Lynch
stranger to their culture-for some reason I do not yet understand). But in

any event as a human I am instinctively concerned, critical, and responsive.
And the measure of my response will be the system of values which I hold
dear, values which are a part of my culture, part and parcel of the way of life
that I have learned.
The various meanings given to the term “value” can be illustrated in a
specific instance in which they are at work. The working student who is a
houseboy by day and a collegian by night is motivated by any number of
values, implicit or explicit, among them college education, social mobility,
the possibility of self-improvement through education, the desirability of
certain statuses and roles and the undesirability of others. All of these are
values in the sense of standards used in the making of a decision—in this case,
to work his way through college as a houseboy-but they are influences of dif¬
ferent sorts. College education and social mobility are aims or goals toward
which the young man strives. The possibility of improving one’s lot through
education is for him a belief, or conviction. The rating that he gives to his
probable future status without a college degree, his temporary status as a
houseboy, and the status he is likely to enjoy when he has won his degree,
proceeds from a structural principle by which statuses are distinct and un¬
equal in prestige, and a conviction that the status of a college-degree holder is
higher than that of one without such a diploma, and that the status of a
houseboy is lower than either. Somehow these various principles, aims, and
convictions are played off against one another, and the young man decides
that the temporary status drop he suffers as a part-time houseboy will be
more than compensated by the goal he is convinced he will attain. His total
value system is his standard for decision, and his decision is to work his way
through college.
No values uniquely Filipino4

Our concern here is with the value system found in the lowland Philip¬
pines, with the principles, aims, and convictions that seem to be at work in
the behavior one observes in this society. One should not expect every value
to be uniquely Filipino, because notable differences in value systems are
caused not so much by differences in the individual values as by the differ¬
ences in ranking and emphasis. The compounds H20 and H202 contain the
same elements, but water and hydrogen peroxide have quite different quali¬
ties, as many blondes can testify. To cite the analogy of Kluckhohn and Kelly
(1945:102), the musical notes A, B, and G are the same notes regardless of
how they are played, but the total effect is quite modified by any change of
order. In similar fashion two value systems can have markedly different total
casts, or slants, because of the peculiar way in which the individual values are
weighted and combined in each system.
follows, then, that when we speak of certain values as being characteris-
/fuc of Philippine society, we do not mean that these conceptions of the desir¬
able are found only in the Philippines. On the contrary, it will be seen that
almost all the values explained in the pages that follow constitute elements in
the value systems of other nations, including the United States. But the em¬
phasis placed on pleasant interaction, for example, and the means taken to
assure it, are quite noticeably different in the two cultures. Thus, the Ameri¬
can considers clear understanding of differences a desirable prelude to dis¬
cussion, and he is at pains to identify the point at which cleavage begins be¬
tween himself and his discussant. He achieves peace frequently by agreement
to disagree. The Filipino is likely to seek the same interpersonal harmony by a
blurring of the differences, and by agreement not to disagree—at least openly.
Hie American rates integrity (defined as “let your speech express your mind
exactly”) higher than interpersonal tranquility, whereas the Filipino sees_ao
reason why conflict should be courted when silence or evasive speech will
preserve the peace.5
Identifying values and themes

How do we arrive at these values, what basis have we for saying that this or
that is a value in a culture? The process involved is one of arguing back from
what we observe, and what we observe will include what people do and say
or do not do and say, the choices they make or refuse, and the things they
punish and reward.6 To identify the more important values in a culture we
can employ the fourfold test of Robin Williams, namely:
(1) Extensiveness of the value in the total activity of the system. What
proportion of a population and its activities manifest the value?
(2) Duration of the value. Has it been persistently important over a consi¬
derable period of time?
(3) Intensity with which the value is sought or maintained, as shown by:
effort, crucial choices, verbal affirmation, and by reactions to threats
to the value—for example, promptness, certainty, and severity of sanc¬
tions.
(4) Prestige of value carriers—that is, of persons, objects, or organizations
considered to be bearers of the value. Culture heroes, for example, are
significant indexes of values of high generality and esteem (Williams
1960:109-110).
Sometimes at the overt, and always at least at the covert, level—down
underneath as it were—there are values of an extremely basic nature.7 Such a
value (which may be an aim, a principle, or a conviction) can be expressed as
a proposition. Framed in this manner, it is “a postulate or position, declared
or implied, and usually controlling behavior or stimulating activity, which is
tacitly approved or openly promoted in a society.” Propositions of this sort.
8 Frank Lynch
which Opler (1948:120) calls themes, conform to the definition of values

given earlier, for they are norms or standards for decision and choice. Their
influence may operate, however, below the level of awareness.
It is with a theme, a very basic and wide-ranging value, that we are con¬
cerned in this essay. Not with all themes, be it noted, but with one lowland
Philippine theme that is more easily discovered and described.
At this point I am constrained to remind the reader that this essay devel¬
ops one theme in a set of basic values held by most inhabitants of the lowland
Philippines. The modal portrait should then, represent as faithfully as possible
the 80 per cent who live in rural settlements of 1,000 or less, and not neces¬
sarily the minority living in large urban centers. For there is, as might be ex¬
pected, a difference in values between those lowland Filipinos who are urban,
well-educated, and economically secure, and the bulk of the population
which is our primary consideration.* It is unfortunate that those most likely
to be reading this paper are those least likely to be accurately portrayed. My
apologies.
Purpose and Context
Our purpose is not to pass judgment on this theme or its supporting values.
It is rather less ambitious than that: first, to present an opinion regarding a
wellspring of certain frequently observed patterns of Filipino behavior-;
second, and more important perhaps, to demonstrate a way of thinking about
observed patterns of behavior which, though it may not give us many answers,
will at least stop us from thinking we have all the answers.
At the outset it may help to place this basic value in context. It is one of
the themes that express conditions of human existence considered not only
attainable but highly desirable—the principal constituents of the Good Life
here on earth. These aims, arranged in the order of descending importance
(as I see it) are the following: (Fj to be accepted by one’s fellows for what
one is, thinks oneself to be, or would like to be, and be given the treatment
due to one’s station; (2) to be economically secure, at least to the extent of
ordinarily being free of debt; (3jto move higher on the socio-economic scale.
Social acceptance, economic security, and social mobility—these are in my
opinion, three basic aims that motivate and control an immense amount of
Filipino behavior. I shall here consider only the first and most important of
these themes.
*This rural-urban difference is often leveled, however, by an urban institution which is

deserving of more than casual study: the placing of early child care almost completely in
the hands of poorly educated maids reared in, or recently arrived from, the provinces.
Beliefs in witches, ghosts, and the like may persist in the most externally sophisticated
households, if each new arrival is indoctrinated by relatively ignorant and credulous
household help.8
The Theme of Social Acceptance
I have already suggested that social acceptance is enjoyed when one is

taken by one’s fellows for what he is, nr believes he is, and is treated in ac-
cordance.with his status. Put negatively—and this is perhaps the best way to
express what I feel is the bare minimum of social acceptance for the
Filipino—social acceptance is had when one is not rejected or improperly cri¬
ticized by others. At the risk of undue and perhaps incorrect refinement of
the concept, I distinguish social acceptance from social approval by the fact
that the latter includes a positive expression of liking which does not seem
essential to social acceptance among Filipinos. This is a point I would not
argue, however, for I am fully aware that my distinction may be based less on
the Filipino’s failure to express this liking than my failure to observe it. It can
be said without fear of contradiction, nonetheless, that a Filipino is satisfied
with much more subtle expressions of acceptance than is the average Ameri¬
can.9 A Tagalog proverb states, Hindi baleng huwag mo akong mahalin;
huwag mo lang akong hiyain; that is, “It doesn’t matter if you don’t love me;
just don’t shame me.”
The Filipino does enjoy overt signs of approval and liking, of course.
Acceptance is especially sweet when it includes an outward manifestation of
approval that makes clear to the individual that he is liked by those with
whom he deals or—more important—by those to whom he is subject in one
way or another. It is a great source of satisfaction for anyone to be given a
pat on the back by his employer or teacher, and this seems clearly to be the
case for Filipinos. Anyone who has stood before a class of Filipino students
will easily recall the whoop of joy and relief that greets his smile of open
approval, particularly if he has first feigned disappointment in class or individ¬
ual performance. And as a matter of fact, in a society where (as many psy¬
chologist friends tell me) so much of one’s happiness depends on the nods re¬
ceived from any number of authority figures, it is not surprising that assur¬
ance of social acceptance or approval should be sought after so avidly and
appreciated so keenly.
To digress for a moment, is it possible that the pronounced tendency to
seek and expect signs from God and the saints, as well as from environmental
spirits, is sprung in part at least from the same other-directedness, the same
authoritarian orientation? If one believes in the existence of an invisible
world that is less than one step beyond the visible, and peopled principally by
spirits who are normally neither for nor against one, but dangerously able to
do no end of harm if aroused, it seems eminently logical to take all means
possible to discover what these spirits want one to do. Moreover, that God
and the saints and these other spirits should make their feelings known is not
something extraordinary, since the ideal authority figure should do no less.
10 Frank Lynch
Reports of apparitions, miracles, and signs are accepted by most Filipinos

with a casual equanimity that amazes the individual (Filipino or non-Filipino)
who was brought up in a more drab and less authoritarian manner.
Returning to the discussion of the prime theme—the goal of social accept¬
ance-let me clarify the fact that this happy state is not often conceived of in
explicit terms and deliberately pursued as such. The average Filipino does not
say to himself, “Above all else, I want to be socially acceptable to the co¬
members of my groups.” The desirability of social acceptance is for the mod¬
al Filipino an implied postulate, but a cultural theme nonetheless. Clearly rec¬
ognized as important and satisfying goals, however, are two intermediate
values which assist in the attainment of acceptance: smoothness of inter¬
personal relations, on the one hand, and sensitivity to personal affront (often
called amor propio), on the other.10
Intermediate value 1: smooth interpersonal relations (SIR)

/For the American newly arrived in the Philippines, the most striking quality
manifested by Filipinos is their pleasantness, and among Filipinos getting
their First full taste of American ways, a recurrent complaint is that Americans
are often “brutally frank.” These reactions are traceable to a clear inter-
cultural difference, for smoothness of interpersonal relations (or SIR), while
valued in both societies, is considered relatively more important by Filipinos
than by Americans.11 After expanding somewhat on the meaning of SIR, and
common ways of achieving it, I will propose an explanation for this difference.
SIR may be defined as a facility at getting along with others in such a way
as to avoid outward signs of conflict: glum or sour looks, harsh words, open
disagreement, or physical violence. It connotes the smile, the friendly lift of
the eyebrow, the pat on the back, the squeeze of the arm, the word of praise
or friendly concern. It means being agreeable, even under difficult circum¬
stances, and of keeping quiet or out of sight when discretion passes the word.
It means a sensitivity to what other people feel at any given moment, and a
willingness and ability to change tack (if not direction) to catch the lightest
favoring breeze.
SIR is acquired and preserved principally by three means: namely, paki¬
kisama, euphemism, and the use of a go-between. I will consider each in turn.
/Pakikisama. This is a Tagalog word derived from the root sama, “accom¬
pany, go along with.” At times the word pakikisama is used as synonymous
with what I understand by SIR; when so employed, the word is very fre¬
quently (almost predictably) translated as “good public relations.” But I
believe the term pakikisama is more commonly used with a meaning narrower
than SIR. In this more restricted sense it means “giving in,” “following the
lead or suggestion of another”; in a word, concession. It refers especially to
Jhe lauded practice pf yielding to the will nf the leader, or jnaj.ority so as to
make the group decision unanimous. No one likes a hold-out. •
This quality of pakikisama plays hob with public-opinion surveys in the
Philippines, and makes the experienced observer apt to ask many probing
questions about the survey methods used. Certainly a public-opinion poll in
this society is unlikely to be the voice of the people that Lundberg (1960:6—
12) thinks it might be elsewhere. Too often the survey reflects what the poll-
takers think or, to put it more accurately, what the respondents thought the
pollsters were thinking.12
A large local manufacturing company recently made a poll of their outlets
to discover from the retailers what the customers thought of their products.
The results were most gratifying—but they did not tally with what the boys in
sales had to say. A little investigation showed that most retailers had not an¬
swered the pollsters without first knowing what company they were working
for. A second survey, in which the pollsters identified themselves as from a
rival company, brought the same overwhelming results—in favor of the rival.13
In April 1961, to impress a class of Filipino and American students with
the operation of pakikisama in the interview, I asked each of them to inter¬
view a number of Americans and Filipinos, clearly expressing an opinion con¬
trary to the culturally expected position of the interviewee. They were then
to ask the respondent what he thought about the question, namely, the ad¬
visability of using a go-between to adjust interpersonal hard feeling. The results
of the 326 interviews indicate a highly significant association between being
a Filipino and going along with the opinion of the interviewer, even where
that opinion is contrary to the position one would expect the Filipino to
take-in this case, that a go-between is advisable. Americans, on the other
hand, resist the suggestion of the interviewer that a go-between is advisable.
Granted that the design of this student exercise is not a tight one, still I know
of no one familiar with American and Filipino ways who would question the
existence of the intercultural difference illustrated by the interview results.
Euphemism. Aside from going along with the other fellow, there are sev¬
eral additional common ways of achieving smooth interpersonal relations.
One of these ijL_euph£mism, which is the stating of an unpleasant truth,
opinion, or request as pleasantly as possible. |t is an art that has long been
highly prizedln Philippine society, and is no less highly regarded today. Harsh
and insulting speech is correspondingly devalued.
In 1604 Chirino noted of the Filipinos: “They are punctiliously courteous
and affectionate in social intercourse and are fond of writing to one another
with the utmost propriety and most delicate refinement”(Chirino 1604:279).
Loarca tells us as early as 1582 that taking vengeance for an insult received
was a very common practice, and further adds that there was a law that
“anyone who spoke disrespectfully of a chief, or uttered abusive language to
12 Frank Lynch
him, was liable to death” (Loarca 1582:127, 181). Plasencia, writing in 1589,
says that insulting words caused great anger among the Kapampangan, and if
two such quarreling parties refused to pay the fines levied for this kind of
behavior, they were expected to try to outdo each other in giving a public
feast, the one who spent most to be considered “the more powerful and
honorable” (Plasencia 1589:326—27). Juan Delgado wrote in 1754 that the
Filipino would rather suffer 100 lashes than a single harsh word, an opinion
echoed in Jose Rizal’s footnote to Morga: “The Filipino today prefers a
beating to scolding or insults” (Morga 1609:128—29).
Dr. Encarnacion Alzona expresses this commonly held value when she
s (1956:263-65):
The use of courteous language is an ancient attribute of our people. Bluntness or
brusqueness of speech is frowned upon, being regarded as a sign of ill-breeding. Thus, we
give the erroneous impression to foreigners, who do not understand our concept of good
manners, of being prolix or circumlocutory. As a matter of fact, it is the respectful and
polite way of introducing a serious subject which is the real object of the call or conver¬
sation. A low voice and gentle manner must accompany the courteous speech, following
the saying in Tagalog that
Ang marahang pangungusap (A gentle manner of speaking

Sa puso’y makalulunas. soothes the heart.)
Ang salitang matatamis (Sweet words win the heart
Sa puso’y nakaaakit, and dispel anger.)
Nagpapalubog ng galit.
Speaking in a harsh tone has been the cause of altercations, as the sensitive Filipino
interprets it as an expression of ill-feeling. Even menial workers resent it, and the wise
employer guards the tone of his voice in speaking to them, if he wants to preserve
harmony and good feeling between management and labor.
The use of euphemism is notable in a public or semipublic gathering where

there is need to express an opinion on the topic under discussion. Except
where the group is one whose members have learned to see the occasion (an
academic conference, or seminar, for instance, or a meeting of openly opposed
factions) as one in which straightforwardness is acceptable and desirable, the
participants may appear never to dispute the point at issue, or to find an issue
to dispute. So it will appear to the average American, at least. The preference
for social process (SIR) over social product (conference results and conclu¬
sions) is understandable in a system where the highest value is placed on the
pleasant word except when the exchange is between good friends or sworn
enemies. Under these circumstances, however, one may hear forthright speech
that is exceedingly direct, even by American standards.14
In the analysis of natural Tagalog dialogs, my colleagues at the Institute
of Philippine Culture joined me in identifying certain very common euphe¬
mistic devices at both the lexical and rhetorical levels. We found, for instance,
that siguro nga (“I guess so” or “could be”)was a common refuge taken
when one could not really agree with his conversation partner: weak agree¬
ment in lieu of disagreement. Self-depreciation was another frequently occur-
ing way of smoothing a situation in which envy and hard feeling might arise.
On the more complex level of the sequence of the whole dialog, we noted
that there was a pattern discernible where a request, correction, or complaint
was involved. The conversation opened with a “feeler,” to discover whether
or not the other party were busy or, more important, receptive. There
followed an introduction of the matter at hand, then the request or correction
was given. Especially if a correction had been given, there would follow an
integration—a friendly inquiry for the health of the family, or about some
personal concern of the individual just corrected. The blow of the correction
was softened by the assurance that the basic relation of alliance and loyalty
had not been disturbed by the correction (which, more often than not, was
blarped on pressure from “higher up”).
Z Go-between. Use of go-betweens is another common means of preserving
or restoring smooth interpersonal relations. This also has a long history in
the Philippines and even today enters into many facets of daily living. Here it
is not agreement, oblique speech, or remedial friendliness, but a third party
who is used to assuage a bruise, heal a wound, or prevent injury.
The go-between is used preventively in a number of common situations:
the embarrassing request, complaint, or decision is often communicated
through a middleman, to avoid the shame (hiya) of a face-to-face encounter.
/•For the American who feels bad that a Filipino acquaintance, for instance,
has shown so little trust in his kindness as to send a third party with a request,
I should add that this behavior is not necessarily prompted by a lack of confi¬
dence in the person so approached. It is often done as much for the one
approached as for the one who sends the middleman. It is so much easier to
explain matters to one not directly involved, especially when you know that
the go-between will do a much better job than yourself in breaking the news-
should it be disappointing.
The traditional marriage negotiations are conducted through go-betweens
and spokesmen for the two parties, the parties being not so much the prospec¬
tive bride and groom as their families and kinsmen. This custom is reported by
the earliest writers on the Philippines, and is in evidence today in all but the
most nontraditional centers (Lynch 1956:653—58).
Go-betweens are utilized not only to avoid possible embarrassment or bad
feeling, but also to remedy an existing state of conflict or tension. We are
familiar with extended negotiations that have been carried on through various
third parties in an effort to reconcile major political figures in the Philippines.
The same sort of activity is going on more quietly and less spectacularly in
almost every town in the nation, the object in view being reconciliation for
14 Frank Lynch
political, social, or personal reasons. And it has been going on that way for all
of Philippine history. Loarca, for example, stated in 1582 that the people of
Panay had no judges “although there are mediators who go from one party to
another to bring about a reconciliation” (Loarca 1582:141).
In family disputes, the same pattern obtains. Frequently, a relative who is
not involved in the difficulty becomes the middleman for two fellow-kinsmen
who are not on speaking terms with each other. This is considered his duty,
provided he has the other qualities that make him desirable as a go-between:
smooth speech and wit above all.
From what has been presented so far, it will be clear, I trust, that smooth¬
ness of interpersonal relations, attained through concession, euphemisnythe
use of a mediator, and other means, is highly and traditionally valued in
Philippine society, and found at work in almost all human encounters. That
this harmony of interaction should be relatively more important in the Phil¬
ippines than in the United States is traceable, I believe, to the differential
emphasis on individual responsibility and group solidarity in the two societies.
Traditionally, the American adult attains security through independence-
standing on his own feet, fighting his own battles, making his own way in the
world. In actual fact, this Horatio Alger character is often quite dependent on
the assistance of others, but the ideal, inculcated in early child training, is
that of the independent, achievement-oriented striver.15 So effective is the
childhood training that in later life, when hard reality has made appeal to
kinsmen a necessity at least occasionally, there remains the feeling that it is
not a good thing. Illustrative of this ambivalence is the report of Cumming
and Schneider (1961:501) on intensive interviews with 15 American adults
between the ages of 50 and 80.
We found some reluctance among our respondents to discuss instrumental activities
or mutual aid and an eagerness to discuss socio-emotional and ritual activities. In all 15
cases, initial questioning about aid among kinsmen elicited the belief that borrowing and
lending among kindred was a mistake. Further questioning, however, revealed that such
mutual aid had, in fact, taken place recently among 6 of the 15. Even exchange of serv¬
ice is discussed reluctantly. Kinship appears to include friendliness, rites of passage,
family reunions, and sociability, but ideally it does not include service or financial help,
although this may, through bad fortune, be necessary.
This fighting shy of dependence on kinsmen for assistance is expressed in

other ways, among them the reluctance to seek the support of relatives in
personal disputes with third parties. It is not expected that relatives should
immediately take sides and rally around a kinsman who has had a disagree¬
ment or a fight with some outsider; settling the matter is his business. In
effect, this means that among Americans a serious argument between two
private citizens ordinarily involves only the principal pair.16 It also means
that, since these flare-ups are contained by a cultural code of nonintervention,
there is ordinarily relatively little danger of tension and conflict spreading
beyond the two individuals with whom it started. Consequently, there need
not be any particular emphasis on behavior that would make the likelihood of
these disputes a remote one.
The situation is quite different in Philippine society, for the average Filipino
considers it good, right, and just that he should go to his relatives in material
need, and that he should seek them out as allies in his disagreements with
outsiders. Security is sought not by independence so much as by inter¬
dependence.
Correlated with this interdependence is the group’s acceptance of respon¬
sibility for the actions of the individual member. Although relatives may
regret very much that matters have come to such a pass, and may reserve to a
later date their own punishment of a troublemaking kinsman, they will
ordinarily back him up in a dispute. The opposing principal will bring his own
group into the fray, the resulting conflict being one which—especially in a
small community—can cause considerable and possibly long-lasting damage to
the social, political, and economic life of the residents. In other words, when
two Filipinos have a serious fight, there is much more at stake than when two
Americans break off relations. This fact is, in my opinion, one reason why
smooth interpersonal relations are more highly cultivated in the Philippines
than in the United States. . . • ,
Intermediate value 2: sensitivity to personal affront (amor propio) ^

I should like to restate the relation between smooth interpersonal relations
(SIR), which is an intermediate goal, and social acceptance, which is a thematic,
or ultimate, goal. By being agreeable with others, even under trying circum-
stances, the Filipino grants a measure of social acceptance to those he deals
with, and in the very display of courtesy himself gains or enhances his accept¬
ance as a good member of society. Hence the reward of social acceptance is it¬
self held out to encourage the granting of it to others.
Contrary behavior is sanctioned in two ways. First, there is the general and
^universal social sanction of shame, orhiya. The'second is amor propio, which
is more restricted in scope and functions to protect the individual against loss
of social acceptance or to rouse him to regain it once it has been lost or
diminished. This sensitivity to interpersonal discourtesy or insult is a value
related particularly to the theme of social acceptance.17
Hiyd. The meaning of this term can be illustrated by a series of connected
examples taken from the office scene. The employe who would like to borrow
some money from his employer may hesitate to approach him because “I am
ashamed” (nahihiyd akd). Again, he may view the action as socially acceptable
but, on making his request, be refused in a discourteous manner. In this event
he might later say of himself, “I was ashamed” (nahiyd akd), and of his
16 Frank Lynch
employer, “He shamed me,” or “He put me to shame” (hiniya niya ako). If,
while he was asking for the loan, a fellow employe innocently entered the
office and joined them, the worker might break off his request and leave at
the first opportunity, explaining later that he did so because “I felt ashamed,”
or “I was made to feel ashamed” (napahiya ako). A study of these episodes
indicates that the generic meaning of hiya is the uncomfortable feeling that
accompanies awareness of being in a socially unacceptable position, or per¬
forming a socially unacceptable action. Hiya is shame, but the feeling is
aroused in various ways.
In the first episode, the employe has the feeling by anticipation: project¬
ing himself into the position of asking his employer for a loan, he is aware of
being in a socially undesirable role. The concomitant uncomfortable reaction
inhibits further action. One who has flagrantly violated socially approved
norms of conduct, yet is known or presumed to have had this antecedent
awareness, merits condemnation as “shameless,” or waiting hiya: he did not
possess that restraining feeling of shame that should have accompanied his
social awareness.
In the second instance described above, the employe judged it socially
safe to approach his employer, but was rebuffed. Here it was someone else
who deliberately made the employe feel out of place, generating in him an
awareness of his socially unacceptable position or action and the feeling of
shame that accompanies this awareness. In the final case, the element of vol¬
untariness is missing, for it was the situation created by the unexpected en¬
trance of a co-worker, rather than anyone’s deliberate intent, that made the
employee feel out of place and withdraw from the scene.
Amor propio. Hiya is a universal social sanction in lowland Philippine so¬
ciety, for it enforces conformity with all aspects of the social code, whether
the end in view is acceptance by society in general or by the individual with
whom one is dealing at the moment. There is, however, a second sanction,
more limited in scope, a special defense against severe interpersonal unpleasant¬
ness. I refer to amor propio, or self-esteem, which is sensitivity to personal
affront.
This sensitivity is not, like smooth interpersonal relations, for the attain¬
ment and enhancement of social acceptance; it serves rather to retain the
acceptance one already has. It is an emotional high-tension wire that girds the
individual’s dearest self, protecting from disparagement or question the
qualities he most jealously guards as his own best claim to others’ respect and
esteem.
Amor propio, in other words, is not aroused by every insult, slighting
remark, or offensive gesture. The stimuli that set it off are only those that
strike at the individual’s most highly valued attributes. Some examples may
clarify this distinction.
To judge from the failure of the joint BPS-PACD functional literacy
project, the average Filipino farmer is not greatly concerned over his ability or
inability to read and write. Chided for his illiteracy, his reaction is apathetic;
he is, at most, shamed or humiliated by the disparaging comment. His re¬
action lacks the high emotional charge generated by injured self-esteem.
But if he is accused of being an improvident father, or the husband of a
faithless spouse, core values and attributes have been questioned and the
reaction is liable to be violent.
The Tagalog scholar who is quite willing to accept corrections for his
lapses into poor English may be incensed by any questioning (even legitimate
and justified) of his analysis of Tagalog. It has been my observation that
participants in round-table discussions and seminars are extremely alert to
indications of emotional involvement and will deliberately avoid pressing a
question if the respondent seems too committed to his position. Where there
is emotional involvement, there is amor propio, and to prick amor-propio is
to ask,for trouble.
jt, Social acceptance is gained and enhanced by smooth interpersonal relations;
_ its loss is guarded against by two sanctions discouraging behavior disruptive of
these relations. The first and general sanction is hiya, or shame; the second
nd specific safeguard is amor propio, or self-esteem, which is a sensitivity to
personal insult or affront. By these positive and negative means the lowland
Filipino strives to have his fellows take him for a good man, an acceptable
member of the community.
An Outline of Lowland Philippine Values
I. Aims and Goals

A. Social acceptance-being taken by one’s fellows for what one is, or
believes he is, and being treated in accordance with his status. (This
theme is discussed above.)
B. Economic security-the ability to meet ordinary material needs without
borrowing; that is, through one’s own resources or those of his own
segment.
C. Social mobility-advancement up the social class, to another class,
perhaps, or to a higher position within the class of which one is a
member.
II. Beliefs and Convictions
A. Personalistic view of the universe- the universe is directly controlled by
personal beings other than, and different from, oneself (an outlook
opposed to the mechanistic view that the universe is governed by
18 Frank Lynch
impersonal laws discoverable and manipulate by men—oneself and

others like oneself).
B. Good is limited- one individual or segment cannot advance except at the
expense of another, since there is only one source of good common
to all.
This belief, found in many societies, is the basis of the common
human failing of envy.
C. Success is undeserved- to claim success as a personal achievement, to
take pride in it, or to refuse to share it with others is to make oneself
not only undeserving of good luck (which everyone is) but positively
deserving of failure.
Sharing of success, and ascribing it to luck or fate, serve to avert the
envy of those who have been “deprived” by the success of the lucky
person. This behavior is also an assurance that the good luck will not be
withdrawn from the recipient of the windfall because of the latter’s
having attributed his success to personal effort or merit.
III. Principles
A. Structural
1. Segmentation-the social world is divided by various criteria into sets
of mutually exclusive segments.
Some of these segments are defined absolutely; others are defined
in relation to an individual. Examples are the following:
a. Kinship system
i. Kinsmen distinguished from non-kinsmen
ii. Nuclear family distinguished from other kinsmen
iii. Blood relatives distinguished from affinal kinsmen
b. Age-grading and generation system
i. Biologically older and younger distinguished
ii. Older and younger generations distinguished
c. Social-class system—upper class distinguished from lower class
d. Political system
i. Hierarchy of power recognized
ii. Distinctions by political party
e. Locality system— distinctions by territorial units of origin and
residence
f. Language—distinctions by mother tongue and by second-language
ability
g. Religion—distinctions by church affiliation
h. Time—the immediate (near past, present, near future) distinguished
from the remote (distant past and distant future)
Social A cceptance R econsidered 19
2. Ranking— the segments in a single set are not equally valued.

a. In the vertical alignment of segments, the superordinate segment
is ordinarily more highly esteemed. .
i. Upper-class individual over lower-class individual
ii. More powerful person over less powerful person
iii. Older relative over younger relative
b. Where the vertical dimension is not present, preference and loyalty
are given to one’s own segment.
i. Nuclear family over other kinsmen
ii. Close relatives over other kinsmen
iii. Kinsmen over non-kinsmen
iv. Neighbors over other townmates
v. Townmates over outsiders
vi. Those with same mother tongue over those with different
mother tongue
vii. Those with same religion over those with different religion
viii. The immediate (near past, present, near future) more important
than the remote (distant past and distant future)
B. Operational
1. Equivalence-Viewed from outside the segment, individual segment
members represent (are equivalent to) the total membership.
Recognized kinds of equivalence are these:
a. Person a = Group A (individual stands for his segment)
b. Person a1 = Person a2 (one member of segment stands for another)
c. Person a = Person b (spouses)
2. Solidarity-Viewed from inside the segment, co-members are united
against other segments of the same set.
a. An injury against a segment member is an injury against the whole
segment. Therefore, segment retaliation is justified.
b. Who disgraces himself, disgraces his whole segment; on the other
hand, one’s success is his segment’s success as well.
3. Reciprocity-every service received, solicited or not, demands a
return—the nature and proportion of the return determined by the
relative statuses of the parties involved, and the kind of exchange at
issue. (This principle is developed in the paper by M. R. Hollnsteiner.)
Recognized kinds of reciprocity are the following:
a. Contractual
b. Quasi-contractual
c. Utang na lodb (debt of gratitude)
20 Frank Lynch
i. Superordinate-subordinate
ii. Coordinate
4. Compassion (awd)-any individual who has suffered a grievous blow
at the hand of Fate or human injustice or who is (even through his
own fault) in a helpless condition, deserves sympathy, pity, mercy,
and, should he ask for it, assistance. (In this statement the word
“any” is stressed because the principle cuts across segment bound¬
aries.)18
Findings on Social Acceptance since 1961
At the time I wrote the original statement on social acceptance, there was
little information available on the subject, except in those writings, anecdotes,
personal experiences, and unpublished recollections mentioned above. But
matters have changed considerably in the past nine years: although there are
undoubtedly more, 1 am currently aware of no fewer than 31 new studies that
shed additional light on the question. Included among them, and to be re¬
viewed more or less briefly in the pages that follow, are three national surveys,
four regional or provincial studies, six community studies, and 18 reports on
special groups such as students or the parents of grade-school children.
Before we consider the results of these investigations, let me insert a
reminder. It was, and is, my position that social acceptance is for most low¬
land Filipinos a thematic value; that is, an implied postulate which need not
be consciously held, but is in fact frequently influential in the choices made
by those who have it. At the conscious level, we hypothesize two intermediate
and supportive values, namely, smooth interpersonal relations, or pakikisama,
and sensitivity to personal affront. It is with expressions of the latter two
values, and less immediately with social acceptance, that most of the following
studies are concerned.
National Surveys
I know of three nationwide surveys that tell us something about the

relative importance of social acceptance and SIR in the Philippines: the Phil¬
ippines Peace Corps Survey, conducted 1964-65; the BRAC 1967 Filipino
Family Survey; and the PAASCU/IPC Study of Schools and Influentials,
begun in 1969 and still under way.
Philippines Peace Corps Survey

The Peace Corps survey was designed to evaluate the first three years’
operations (1961—64) of the United States Peace Corps Volunteers in the
Philippines (Lynch, Maretzki, et al. 1966). Of those municipalities where
Peace Corps Volunteers (PCVs) had served as teachers, 48 were randomly

selected for appraisal; for 27 of these places (also chosen at random) matching
non-PCV, or control, municipalities were designated for study. The resulting
75 rural municipalities were scattered literally from Aparri to Jolo, and in
every one of them 30 respondents were to be interviewed. About half of the
interviewees were purposively selected to represent the national-level,munic¬
ipal, and barrio officials, principals and teachers, religious leaders, and special
friends or enemies of the PCVs; the other half was a randomly chosen sample
of household heads, male and female, from the community at large.
It is relevant to note that these sampling groups differed significantly in
educational attainment, the median categories being these: religious leaders
(mostly priests), postgraduate; principals and teachers, college graduate; na¬
tional-level and municipal officials, high-school graduate; barrio officials and
PCV-linked respondents, elementary-school graduate; residual community
sample, incomplete elementary schooling (Lynch, Maretzki, et al. 1966:153).
Among the items in the Peace Corps survey interview was an open-ended
inquiry asking for the respondent’s description of, first, the best possible PCV
and, second, the worst. Replies to the first question added up to 1,366, or
about 60 per cent of the total number of respondents: the other 40 per cent
were either not asked the question (these were the 30 per cent who had never
heard of the Peace Corps program nor of any PCVs) or were asked it but gave
no answer (10 per cent). Replies to the second question were fewer still
(1,165) because of the greater number of respondents who gave no answer.
An analysis of the replies indicates that the ability to get along well with
people, often called pakikisama, is considered of paramount importance for
“the best possible PCV”: it is demanded by about 85 per cent of the respond¬
ents, and in most cases those who mention this interpersonal trait add no
other characteristics. Again, when respondents describe the “worst possible
PCV,” 92 per cent of them speak of the absence of pakikisama.19 Of great
importance is the additional fact that there is no significant variation among
sampling groups in their replies to these questions, despite the great differences
in median educational attainment that distinguish them from one another
(Lynch, Maretzki, et al. 1966:199—202).
BRAC1967 Filipino Family Survey

In September 1967 a survey was made in 100 randomly selected munici¬
palities located in 37 provinces of the lowland Philippines (Lynch and Makil
1968). Called the “BRAC 1967 Filipino Family Survey,” it was designed to
give us selected information about Filipino families living in ordinary munici¬
palities (neither cities nor provincial capitals) in those areas of the nation
where one of the eight major Philippine languages was dominant.20
22 Frank Lynch
Respondents within the randomly selected municipalities were a nonprob¬

ability sample chosen by the quota technique. Sixteen poblacion, or town,
respondents and eight from a barrio in each of the 100 municipalities should
have given us a sample of 2,400 in all. However, 18 interviews were not
completed, leaving us with a respondent total of 2,382.
Among the topics investigated in the BRAC survey were the ideals people
had for various family roles. How would they describe the best possible father,
for instance, or mother? What would the ideal son or daughter be like? What
traits should be found in a good husband, or a good wife? The questions were
put open-endedly, as they were in the Peace Corps survey, and each respond¬
ent could mention as many as three qualities (most gave only one or two).
However, no respondent was asked about all three role-pairs: to prevent an
already lengthy interview from becoming intolerably long, half the respondents
were asked only about the husband-wife set, one fourth about father and
mother, and one fourth about son and daughter.
For all roles the desirable qualities most frequently mentioned are those
likely to assure pleasant interpersonal relations. Although they are expressed
in a variety of ways, these traits fit into two categories which we defined in
the process of coding the respondents’ open-ended replies: “Consideration
and effectiveness in dealing with people,” and “Deference, calm, humility.”21
The percentage of responses that fell into these SIR categories were as follows:
for the ideal father, 31 per cent; ideal mother, 40 per cent; ideal son, 49 per
cent; ideal daughter, 54 per cent; for both husband and wife, 45 per cent
(Table 1). One can safely conclude that among BRAC respondents and the
rural population they represent, smooth interpersonal relations occupy a very
important position in the hierarchy of qualities desirable for family members.
In particular, two statements seem justified: (a) the ideal family member,
regardless of sex or role, is above all one whose relationship with others is
harmonious and pleasant; (b) sons and daughters, notably the latter, are
expected to attain this desirable relationship toward their elders especially by
deference and obedience.
PAASCU/IPC study of schools and influential

Whereas the Peace Corps survey and the BRAC family survey were directed
exclusively to the rural Philippines, a nationwide study of influentials, still
underway, taps the opinions of respondents in Greater Manila and nine other
cities of the Philippines. Reference is to the study of schools and influentials
sponsored by the Philippine Accrediting Association of Schools, Colleges, and
Universities (PAASCU) and undertaken by the Institute of Philippine Culture
(Makil 1970).
The sample was chosen by a panel of 196 for the national level and 20 to
Table 1
Responses of BRAC family survey respondents classified by
qualities mentioned in describing ideal family members,
crossclassified by family member being described.
Quality Fat Mo So Da Hu Wi
Consideration and
effectiveness in
dealing with people2 27% 33% 21% 18% 39% 35%
Deference, calm,
humility3 4 7 28 36 6 10
Religious piety 3 4 5 6 5 5
Morality 17 6 13 5 13 9
Industry, thrift 18 25 11 18 20 24
Dependability,
honesty 4 2 6 5 6 4
Modernity 6 2 12 5 3 2
Devotion to
children 19 19 — — 5 7
Other 2 2 4 6 3 4
Total 723 724 722 735 2,997 2,985
Total no. of
respondents 436 436 430 430 1,143 1,143
1 Abbreviations: Fa, father; Mo, mother:; So, son; Da, daughter; Hu, husband; Wi, wife.
2The most frequently mentioned words and phrases coded under this category are these:
understanding, sympathetic, loving, kind, thoughtful, considerate, sociable, friendly,
polite, hospitable.
3The most frequently mentioned words and phrases under this category are these: (For
sons and daughters) obedient, patient, calm, quiet, peaceful, self-controlled; (for others)
calm, quiet, peaceful, self-controlled.
Source: Lynch and Makil 1968:322-24 (Tables 7 -9).
32 for each of the nine provincial cities. This survey differs from the first two
mentioned above, not only because the respondents are from big cities, but
also because they are leaders at the national or regional level.
24 Frank Lynch
As of this writing (August 1970) about 160 of the national influentials and
280 of the locals have been interviewed, and it is clear from the data processed
to date that the average Filipino influential is very well educated indeed:
among nationals not one respondent reports less than four years of college;
among locals only 8 per cent have not finished a bachelors degree (Lynch
1970a: Tables 34 and 35). In contrast to the rural respondents of humble sta¬
tion who figured in the two surveys reported earlier, these urban leaders seem
notably less concerned about smooth interpersonal relations. More accurately,
when national-level leaders are asked to describe the kind of person they think
the ideal high school and college should produce, they give very little thought
to traits we would code under SIR. Qualities of this category total to only
three per cent of all answers (Table 2).
Regional and Provincial Studies
In addition to the nationwide surveys mentioned above, there have been

four studies of intermediate scope. In one case, Guthrie’s study of four munic¬
ipalities south of Manila, the research was regional in nature. In the other three
cases, all the municipalities investigated were located in a single province.
Southern Luzon regional study

In a project undertaken as part of the Ateneo—Penn State Basic Research
Program (1966—69), Guthrie (1970) studied urbanization and values in four
municipalities located at various distances from Manila, all within the Tagalog-
speaking area of Southern Luzon and Mindoro. In each of the four munici¬
palities, a nonprobability sample of 108 residents 20 to 55 years old was se¬
lected in such a way as to represent distinctions of sex, social class, and
community of residence, as follows: from the poblacion, 72 respondents (36
upper class and 36 lower class, each grouping equally divided into men and
women); from the barrio, 36 lower-class respondents, men and women in
equal numbers (Guthrie 1970:65).
Interpersonal behavior patterns. For a subproject on interpersonal behavior
patterns among the people of these four places, Guthrie and his staff inter¬
viewed only 30 out of the 108 respondents in each municipality-10 from the
barrio and 20 from the poblacion (Guthrie and Azores 1968:11). To these
120 respondents he added another 290 drawn from students at four Manila
institutions: a teachers college (53 men, 72 women), two private Catholic
colleges (53 men, 73 women), and a college of arts and trades (39 men).
To elicit the behavior patterns of the two samples, Guthrie used a Sentence
Completion Test (SCT) developed by Phillips (1966) in Thailand. This instru¬
ment was chosen “because the SCT is an efficient technique for collecting
information on reactions to typical situations which many people face.”
Table 2
Responses of national influentials interviewed in the PAASCU/IPC study
of influentials, classified by category or quality mentioned in
describing ideal college and high-school graduate, cross-
classified by academic level of ideal graduate.
Quality category College High school Total
Knowledge 37.9% 49.5% 43.9%

Behavior, except SIR-
related qualities 33.1 21.0 26.9
SIR-related qualities* 2.4 4.2 3.3
Values 26.5 25.2 25.8
Total 353 685 1,038
Total no. of
respondents 143 143 143
‘Includes these qualities: knows how to deal with people, can get along with fellowmen,
wins friends, cooperative, good manners, respectful, gentleman.
Source. Makil 1970
These characteristic reaction patterns “constitute, in turn, a major component

of one’s personality” (Guthrie and Azores 1968:10). Originally in English, the
SCT was translated into Tagalog, and this version was administered orally to
all rural respondents. Half the Manila students were given the English form of
the SCT, while the other half used the Tagalog equivalent, but all students
completed the sentences using pencil and paper.
The entire Guthrie-Azores article can be studied with profit, for it is a mine
of information and insights. However, we here restrict ourselves to those find¬
ings and conclusions that are most relative to social acceptance and pakikisama.
These findings are based in large part on responses to the nine sentence stems
that appear in Table 3, which 1 constructed by rearranging slightly the abun¬
dant data presented by the authors.
There is near-unanimity among respondents that the ideal superior is one
who deals in kindly, soft-spoken fashion with his subordinates (Table 3, stems
6 and 7).22 Regardless of residence or social class, respondents also show a
strong tendency to react quietly, controlling and hiding their hurt when they
feel disliked, avoided, annoyed by people who are not close to themselves
26 Frank Lynch
(stems 12, 13, and 24). However, when a friend has spoken against them, or
someone has insulted them, respondents react both more strongly and less
uniformly. All of them give more scope to anger and outright confrontation
with the wrongdoer than they do when mere dislike, annoyance, or avoidance
is at issue, but the relative importance given to this aggression varies by re¬
spondent group. In these two situations (stems 11 and 25), provincial residents
clearly differ among themselves: lower-class respondents solve both problems
principally by speaking out in anger or retaliation, while the town-dwelling big
people opt mainly for a strategy of withdrawal. Manila students, on the other
hand, emphasize the silent approach in dealing with a disloyal friend, but be¬
lieve in an angry rejoinder for anyone who insults them.
In the context of interpersonal relations, pakikisama is the most important
consideration for the great majority (72 to 93 per cent) of respondents, espe¬
cially for rural residents (stem 18), but it is the most important thing in life
for only a minority (13 to 25 per cent; stem 28).
Impact of modernization. So much for the subproject on interpersonal
behavior patterns. As materials for his major study, which concerned the im¬
pact of modernization on Filipinos, Guthrie (1970:63) had a variety of sources.
Most important among them perhaps were discussions with key informants
and the replies recorded in a 118-item interview with 108 respondents in each
of the four municipalities studied.
On the question of pakikisama, three major statements seem justified by
data derived from the latter source. First, though the majority of these re¬
spondents believe that pakikisama is now more important than it was five to 10
years ago (item 40) and that its importance will increase with time (item 60),
this attitude is less pronounced among those nearer Manila, those from higher
social groups, and women. Second, factor analysis indicates that respondents’
attitudes about interpersonal relations vary with relative independence from
their feelings about jobs and money, political influence and help, and content¬
ment (Guthrie 1970:90). Finally, lower-class barrio residents react more ag¬
gressively to insult than do town-dwellers (item 91).
Provincial surveys
Bulacan. Surveys conducted in the province of Bulacan, Negros Oriental,
and Negros Occidental also tell us something about social acceptance and
pakikisama. The first is one done 1963—65 by Feliciano and her associates in
five barrios located in four municipalities of Bulacan.23 A total of 476 re¬
spondents were interviewed to discover factors related to the acceptance of
planned change, especially to the implementation of the Land Reform Code.
Under the subheading of personalism, Feliciano (1966:260) reports that farm¬
ers “attribute their acceptance of farming practices, among other things, to
Table 3
Guthrie-Azores respondents to Sentence Completion Test,
classified by responses given to selected sentence stems,
crossclassified by residence and social class.
Province Province Manila

Response upper class lower class students
(N = 40) (N = 80) (N = 290)
6. The best way to treat a subordinate is...

Agreeable words 90% 89% 92%
Other 10 11 8
7. The worst way to treat a subordinate is...
Disagreeable words 88% 89% 90%
Other 13 11 10
11. When he found out his best friend spoke against him he...
Suffered in silence 58% 43% 52%
Spoke out in anger 25 51 41
12. When he saw that they did not like him he.
Reformed his ways 15 4 23
Other 15 10 9
13. When he saw that others avoided him he.
Reformed his ways 20 5 15
Other 15 19 33
18. In his relations with people, the thing he is most careful of is • • •
Pakikisama 93% 81% 72%

Good image (reputation) 5 9 14
Other 3 10 13
24. When people annoy me...
I suffer in silence 63% 65% 62%
I speak out in anger 20 19 23
Other 18 16 15
25. When he insulted me I...
Other 28 15 16
28. The most important thing in life is...
Money, success 23% 61% 12%
Knowledge 0 0 10
Pakikisama 25 13 17
Happiness, peace 33 18 25
Honor, dignity, respect 5 0 19
Other 15 9 18
Source: Guthrie and Azores 1968.

28 Frank Lynch
the influence of the change agent as well as of their neighbors and friends and
other barrio influentials.” This influence is traced to the desire to please:
“Although they might not be convinced of the new practice, still they adopt
it so as not to disappoint the change agent, their neighbor or their friend.”
“They had to cooperate, they said, because the change agent had such a fine
personality they could not displease him.” Feliciano further reports that the
portrait of the change agent, as revealed by depth interviewing of farmers, was
that of “one who could get along with everyone in the barrio, young or old
alike.” She finds, in other words, that in dealing with the friendly, well-inten¬
tioned stranger, or with neighbors and friends who give well-meaning advice,
these rural respondents bend over backwards to please.
Negros Occidental. In 1969 the Institute of Philippine Culture did a prov¬
ince-wide exploratory study of sugarcane farms located in 21 municipalities
of Negros Occidental (Lynch 1970b).24 Farms were chosen randomly—
eight in each of the eight milling districts we studied—to represent differences
in size, productivity, and tenure. On the individual farms, respondents were
also chosen randomly whenever they exceeded in number the quota we had
set for a particular role category, namely: one hacendero (planter), one encar-
gado (overseer), one cabo (foreman-timekeeper), three permanent workers
(residing permanently on the farm in free housing), three temporary workers
(residing off the hacienda property, usually in a nearby barrio).25 Besides these
farm-based respondents, we also interviewed an additional 57 off-farm respond¬
ents, some chosen purposively and others randomly, to represent officials of
the government, of labor, of the sugar industry, and the clergy.
All respondents were asked open-endedly to describe the best possible ha¬
cendero, cabo, permanent worker, sacada (migrant worker), contratista (labor
contractor), and priest. They were also asked to give the most common failings
of each of these six kinds of people. Although their replies were broader in
scope, we record here the responses of hacenderos, cabos, permanent workers,
and off-farm respondents only insofar as they shed light on the importance of
SIR as a norm.
For both cabo- and worker-respondents, smooth interpersonal relations is
the most commonly mentioned desirable quality for five out of the six roles
(all except the priest); its violation is the most frequently mentioned failing in
four out of the six roles (Table 4). Planters however, give SIR first place in
only two out of six desirable-quality cases; and in none of the common-failing
lists (Lynch 1970b: 19-25).25
For the off-farm respondents the only pertinent information available to us
at this writing is an unpublished table which shows their views of the best and
worst possible priest. For the best possible priest, off-farm respondents rank
SIR among other desirable qualities as follows: sugar officials (N = 27), 1.5;
Table 4
Average rank given to SIR by IPC/NFSP exploratory-survey respondents de¬
scribing qualities of best and worst possible incumbents of selected
roles, classified by role described, crossclassified by
respondent’s own role.
Permanent
Best/ Hacendero Cabo
Role described worker
Worst (N =63) (N = 50) (N -171)
Hacendero Best 1 1 1
Worst 3 1 1
Cabo Best 2 1 1
Worst 2.5 1 1
Permanent worker Best 1 1 1
Worst 7 3 1
Sacada Best 4 1 1
Worst 8.5 1.5 1
Contratista Best 2 1 1
Worst 2 2 2
Priest Best 2 2 2
Worst 3.5 1 2
Source: Lynch 1970b; 19-25, and unpublished tables available at the Institute of Philip¬
pine Culture, Ateneo de Manila.
government officials (N = 10), 8.5; labor officials (N = 8), 4.5; clergy (N = 12),
2. The lack of SIR is mentioned as a common failing of priests only by the
sugar officials, with whom it ranks 5.5 among other qualities mentioned.
Smooth interpersonal relations is, then, of greater importance to workers
than it is to planters and off-farm respondents. In the latter group, sugar offi¬
cials (many of whom are also planters) approximate the hacenderos most close¬
ly in this regard.
Negros Oriental. Another ideal-quality study is that of Hottle (1970), who
in 1969 interviewed 84 respondents from four poblaciones in northern Negros
Oriental. Among his interests was their view, respectively, of the best and
worst possible priest. Representing almost a third of all replies to the first
question (Table 5) were responses tabulated under “Identification with/under¬
standing of people,” a category which “was understood to embrace qualities
which appeared to be those contributing primarily to what F. Lynch has
30 Frank Lynch
Table 5
Responses of Hottle-study respondents classified by qualities mentioned in
describing the best and worst possible priest, crossclassified
by kind of priest being described.
Best priest Worst priest

Quality (N = 84) (N = 84)
Identification with/
understanding of people1 31.4% 41.0%
Generosity and zeal2 20.4 13.9
Leadership skills 14.7 —

Sanctity 14.1 35.8
Giving help 11.0 —
Fairness3 4.2 5.3
Other 4.2 4.0

Total N 191 151
1 Responses coded in this category are the following: (for best priest): sociable,approach¬
able, adjustable and flexible, “having a good PR [public relations],” deals well with
people, not proud, not aloof, not unfriendly, like us; (for worst priest): not sympathetic,
no mercy for the people, aristocratic ways, hot temper, insulting way of dealing with
people, unsociable, proud, strict, cruel.
2ln the “worst possible priest" column the percentage is that which Hottlc (1970:85)
coded under "Selfishness."
3ln the “worst possible priest” column the percentage is that which Hottle (1970:85)
coded under “Favoritism.”
Source: Hottle 1970:81, 85.
described as ‘smooth interpersonal relations’ ” (Hottle 1970:80). The study

found, however (Hottle 1970:82), that residents of the relatively more urban
poblacion of Canlaon City mentioned SIR-related qualities less often—20.5
per cent-than people from the more rural centers of Jimalalud, Guihulngan,
and Vallehermoso—31.4 per cent; further, that in describing the worst possi¬
ble priest, upper-class respondents mentioned the lack of SIR less often-29.4
per cent-than lower-class respondents—56.1 per cent (Hottle 1970:86). When
asked in what way Filipino priests were better than American priests, and vice
versa, 90 per cent of respondents said Filipinos excelled in their understanding
of and identification with the people, only 9 per cent thinking the Americans
had the advantage in this regard (Hottle 1970:126, 129).
In summary, then, Hottle Finds that kind, understanding, and harmonious
interpersonal behavior is the most commonly mentioned attribute of the good
priest, while its absence is the most often-cited sign of an undesirable priest.
Lower-class and rural respondents are especially concerned about this quality,
and Filipino priests are recognized as endowed with it more liberally than are
Americans.
Community Studies
Since 1960 a number of studies have appeared which are based on research
conducted in a single municipality. Among those that 1 have seen, 1 find those
of Nurge (1965), the Nydeggers (1966), Abasolo-Domingo (1961), Kaut
(1961), and Jocano (1966b, 1969a, 1969b, 1969c) most relevant to our pres¬
ent interests. The first three studies concentrate on child-rearing and personal¬
ity development, while those of Kaut and Jocano are more general in scope,
with special emphasis, however, on social organization and structure.
Child-rearing studies
Nurge in Leyte. Nurge spent about eight months (December 1955 to July
1956) in barrio Guinhangdan, northeast Leyte. Her major interest was child-
rearing practices there, about which she has this to say:
Dominant and aggressive behavior is discouraged and suppressed in the village and
training for suppression begins very early for both sexes. Quarrels among children are
deplored; physical violence is inveighed against; and any attempt at self-assertiveness is
discouraged or punished. Mothers are unanimous in deploring the quarrelsome child in
the play group and in praising the peaceful one. They are, in fact, monotonous in their
repetition that an active, assertive child is a troublemaker and a quiet, quiescent, submis¬
sive, noncompetitive child is a good one (Nurge 1965:84).
The Nydeggers in Ilocos Sur. Reporting on a barrio in the Ilocos region

where they stayed 1954-55, the Nydeggers first tell us (1966:173) of the
traditional system in these terms: “The view of life presented to the child is
easy to grasp; one should be a good neighbor, in time establish a proper family
and, with luck, improve one’s condition.” Latei they speak of the changes that
barrio Tarong, as they call it, has undergone.
The factor that has produced the severest shifts in traditional patterns of living has
been the acceptance of the traditionally tertiary goal, improvement of socio-economic
position, as a primary goal. This has created a necessary declining interest in the older
primary goal of neighborly solidarity (Nydegger and Nydegger 1966:176).
The Nydeggers observe, in other words, that modernization has brought

about a lowering of pakikisama’s place in the barrio’s value hierarchy.
Abasolo-Domingo in Rizal. We learn from this study (1961) of child-rearing
in Barrio Cruz na Ligas near the Diliman campus of the University of the Phil¬
ippines that getting along well with playmates, rather than leading them, is the
average mother’s emphasis. For these mothers it is of little concern or interest
who takes the lead in their children’s play. All of them express the idea that
the important thing is that children get along well without too much quarreling.
32 Frank Lynch
Avoiding aggression and promoting sociability is emphasized, rather than dom¬

inance over peers (Abasolo-Domingo 1961:179). The same norm is applied to
adults as well, the main test for a successful leader being how well he gets
along with his followers or constituents. For the people in this community
believe that common goals will be achieved only in an atmosphere of friendly
cooperation (Abasolo-Domingo 1961:171).
General community studies

Kaut and utang na loob in Bulacan. Kaut spent some 20 months (1956-58)
doing research in several communities in the Tagalog-speaking area of Luzon.
In one of his reports (1961), based principally on observations in Kapitangan,
a barrio of Paombong, Bulacan, he presents an analysis of the way in which
culturally defined indebtedness (utang na loob) regulates and conditions be¬
havior between two people. At one point, Kaut states (1961:269) that refusal
to comply with an utang-na-loob obligation is “rare on an overt level” because
to refuse is to insult and insults are serious matters.” He continues:
Rather, a verbal commitment is made which the promiser has no intention of honoring
as he feels that the person (usually a stranger or foreigner) has no real right to ask for any
such thing. In this way he effectively refuses, but since he does not want to precipitate
conflict or cause shame, he softens or postpones the effects of the refusal by placing it
on delayed behavioral level while seeming not to refuse on a verbal level—he makes a
contract he does not intend to honor. In such an instance, social cleavage results or is
reinforced-just as surely as if a vocal face-to-face refusal had been uttered-but not in a
violent abrupt manner. The petitioner will soon know that he has been rcfused-that the
other person does not feel any sense of obligation toward him-that his request was based
upon a faulty analysis of the situation (Kaut 1961:269).
It is Kaut’s observation, in other words, that the ordinary barrio folk with
whom he lived placed great importance on the avoidance of overt interpersonal
conflict.
Jocano and interpersonal relations in Capiz. Jocano has studied several
communities in rural central Panay and a neighborhood in the Santa Ana dis¬
trict of Manila. Especially relevant to our inquiry are his detailed descriptions
of Malitbog (1969a, 1969b), a barrio of Tapaz, Capiz, and his references in
passing to both Malitbog and Santa Ana (1966a, 1966b, 1969c).
The Malitbog study was done especially in 1964—65, though Jocano had
visited and stayed in Malitbog on several previous occasions (1966b:xi) at
the time of his most intensive research the barrio numbered 733 people, of
whom a little over half were Catholics and the rest Protestants (1969a:31).
Jocano’s published reports affirm the high value accorded considerate inter¬
personal dealings. Thus he cites with approval Ealdama’s description of patug-
siling(Jocano 1969a:285;see Ealdama 1948:81—82), calling it, after Ealdama,
one of the “cardinal virtues” of the people of Malitbog (Jocano 1969b: 101).
Ealdama’s description of this quality contains the following familiar ideas:
It embraces the meanings of love, kindness, justice, and consideration. It also means
broadmindedness, and sympathetic understanding. In its broadest concept, it reflects a
norm of conduct which goes farther than the golden rule to the point of subordinating
complacently one’s opinions, likes and dislikes to those of another; it inclines one to
weigh his words and acts, so that what is said or done will not in any way injure another.
It enjoins one to view with just consideration the feelings, conditions and circumstances
of his fellowmen.
It is appropriate to introduce at this point several broader statements made

by Jocano, apparently meant to describe lowland Filipinos in general. He says,
for instance (1966a: 19), that in his values training,
it is impressed on him [the Filipino] by his parents that these people are his relatives-(at
least those who are described as good rclativcs)-they are the people he can count on for
help in time of need. Thus, their good-will has to be cultivated. This implies avoiding con¬
flicts; getting along with them. Getting along is, in many instances, more desired than
“courting conflicts’’ because getting along with one’s kinsmen is a psychological invest¬
ment for possible future economic, religious, social, and political gain. This involves
pakikisama andgalang (respect). Both relational principles require courteous language and
complimentary behavior. Conformity to these codes of interaction is rewarded with co¬
operation and assistance and non-conformity is punished by withdrawal of kin support.27
Elsewhere Jocano (1966a:20) says that “Respect is often expressed in

courteous language and action. Harsh or blunt speech is a sign of disrespect
and therefore frowned upon.” Further, in developing the importance of amor
propio, he explains:
A harsh speech or a discourteous comment is enough to trigger a violent reaction from a
Filipino. As a Tagalog, again, would say, “Aug sugat ng itak ay mas mahanay kaysa sugar
ng masamang pangungusap" (“The wound from a knife is more bearable than the wound
from an offensive word”). This value notion is often noted in the manner in which a
Filipino avoids straightforward, interpersonal verbal encounters or in the manner in
which he seeks “interpersonal harmony by blurring of the differences and by agreement
not to disagree at least openly” (Jocano 1966a:23).
He closes the article with his ideas on “the psychology of the Filipino
yes," giving seven circumstances in which the average Filipino will say “yes”
when he really means “no.”28 This is of course one of the more striking eu¬
phemistic practices noted by visitors to the Philippines.
To summarize, in his Malitbog study and in at least one of his more general
statements, Jocano affirms that a traditionally high value is placed on social
acceptance (or at least on smooth interpersonal relations) as a cultural norm.
However, he does not stop here. As we shall see, he reports that in both Malit¬
bog and Santa Ana the behavior of people often falls short of this ideal
(Jocano 1966b:286-87). I shall return to this latter point after a brief sum¬
mary of the pertinent findings of Jocano’s Manila study.
Jocano and aggressiveness in Santa Ana, Manila. For his study of a slum
area, Jocano drew in part on his own observations as a resident, off and on, in
the years 1964-67, and in part on the results of interviews with 300 gang
members. Of the latter, three out of four came from one-parent households,
34 Frank Lynch
their fathers having deserted the family or been sent to jail. Given such
circumstances it is easy to believe that the “importance of the gang to the
individual often transcends that of the home” (Jocano 1969c:56—57).
“Violence,” we are told, “is a normal expectation among the gang. In fact,
it can be safely inferred that it is the core of gang subculture.” One boy is
quoted as follows:
If you show you are a coward, all the boys will make fun of you; no one will respect you
as a person. You have to be aggressive. The whole world is expecting you to be that way.
The police are after you, the people outside of the slum community look down on you,
your fellow slum-dwellers are mean to you-what else can you do? Be what they expect
you to be. That way, you are accepted and you are happy (Jocano 1969c:58).
Jocano believes that gangs are formed to answer the young slum-dweller’s
need for acceptance and group identity; further, that aggressiveness is the
vehicle for this acceptance, as well as for the expression of personal frustra¬
tions, and for the refutation of charges, real or imagined, that one is less manful
than he says he is, or ought to be. Fellow gang members are, then, substitute
parents and siblings, and loyalty to the gang (going along with one’s kabarkada
and their norms—come hell, high water, police threats, beatings, or prison
terms) makes and keeps one a member of his ersatz family.
Jocano further reports (1966b:287) that, despite the rough language many
slum-dwellers use, SIR does have a place in “dealing with strangers or with
persons suspected of having certain government connections.” He refers to
this as a “front,” suggesting that among themselves slum-dwellers are charac¬
teristically given to “threats, expletives, and obscene expressions.”
When Jocano publishes the monograph he has promised us on the slum as
a way of life, we will all have a better understanding of the complexities of
Santa Ana. Meanwhile, I conclude from what he has already published that
(a) social acceptance is highly valued among gang members there, (b) sensitivity
to personal affront (amor propio) protects against the loss or diminution of
that acceptance, (c) courtesy and euphemism are characteristically employed
in dealing with friendly strangers, (d) pakikisama, in the sense of conformity
to group norms, is highly valued among gang members, and (e) aggressiveness
toward enemies, actual or potential, is also highly valued.
Stress and conflict in Malitbog and Santa Ana. The studies of Nurge, the
Nydeggers, Abasolo-Domingo, Kaut, and Jocano are all based in part on the
authors’ observations of ongoing behavior in the communities where they
lived. In this they differ from the national surveys and regional or provincial
studies described earlier. However, among the observational studies, those of
Jocano are unique in that, while confirming, like the others, the traditional
value placed on social acceptance, SIR, and amor propio, they also attest to an
alternative norm of aggressiveness (among the Santa Ana gang members). What
is more, whereas other authors make only indirect and passing reference to
violations of the traditional norm of interpersonal harmony, Jocano emphasizes
that quarrels and conflicts are common occurrences in both Malitbog and
Santa Ana. He reports (1966b:286), in fact, that family and neighborhood
quarrels occur almost daily in Santa Ana, and that in a six-month period in
Malitbog he recorded 87 quarrels and 150 misunderstandings. We shall return
to these findings toward the end of the essay.
Special-group Studies
Aside from national, regional, provincial, and community studies, there are
18 other investigations available for review, conveniently distinguished by the
main occupation of the subjects they concern. Seven are about college or high
school students, and another three each report on the mothers of grade-school
children, government-related people, and urban workers. A final two concern
institutional inmates. With the few exceptions to be noted in passing, all sub¬
jects are residents of Greater Manila.
Studies of college and high-school students

Personal preferences. Bulatao (1963) administered the Edwards Personal
Preference Schedule (EPPS) to a sample of Filipino college students divided as
follows: 100 men from a middle-class men’s school in Manila, 130 women
from the same kind of women’s school in Manila, 180 college men and the
same number of women from a provincial town 300 kilometers north of
Manila.29 Since the scores for a standard American sample (760 college men,
747 college women) were available, he also compared his Filipino students
with the Americans.
When Filipino college women are compared with their male counterparts in
the same residential category (Manila or the provinces), they are found to
score higher on the EPPS needs of endurance, abasement, nurturance, and
succorance, and to score lower on autonomy, dominance, heterosexuality, and
exhibition. Among Manila students (but not among those from the province)
women also score higher than men on deference, order, and affiliation, but
lower on achievement and aggression.
Provincianos, male and female, score higher than Manila students on order,
lower on autonomy. Additionally, Manila girls have higher change and exhibi¬
tion scores than provincial girls. Manila men score higher than provincial men
on autonomy, dominance, aggression, and heterosexuality; but lower on en¬
durance, affiliation, deference, abasement, and succorance.
Compared to their Manila counterparts, American men and women are
higher on autonomy, affiliation, exhibition, change, and heterosexuality; they
are lower on deference, order, abasement, nurturance, endurance, and aggres¬
sion. Manila men score higher than Americans on dominance; Manila women,
36 Frank Lynch
higher than American women on achievement and succorance, but lower on

intraception.
Although I shall make additional comments on these findings after review¬
ing the doctoral dissertation of Juan (1967), let me here quote two pertinent
paragraphs from Bulatao’s discussion of his findings (1963:177):
2. When contrasted with the American, the Filipino is less autonomous, more depend¬
ent He prefers a stable way of life where things are “structured” and do not demand a
continue risk-taking. He will thus be more traditional, oriented to authoritarian ways of
thinking rather than to innovation and entrepreneurship. He finds it easier to submit than
to assert his own individuality. He likes to take care of others and be taken care of. In
brief, he values small-group belongingness. The hold of his primary group on him is very
strong....
3. Almost in proportion to the intensity of his loyalty to the primary group is his dis¬
tance from others not belonging to this circle of intimates. This trait is manifest in the
continually low intensity of the need for Affiliation. Free emotional exchange is inhibited
in the presence of strangers and instead, one makes use of distance-producing mechanisms
whereby the other is treated deferentially and distantly while one gives the appearance of
self-abasement. Perhaps it is this latter behavior which is seen by friendly foreigners as
“smooth interpersonal relations” and by less friendly ones as “servility.” From the socio¬
cultural viewpoint, it is merely the high-abasement, high-deference, low-affiliation drive,
which is the obverse of the intense belongingness to one’s small group, and a need to
maintain distance from strangers.
The SIR Factor. Juan (1967) factor-analyzed scores obtained by 215 male
Filipino college freshmen who in 1964 took a battery of ability and personality
tests commonly used in the Philippines. Her Factor B, which she calls the
“Smooth Interpersonal Relations Factor (SIR),” is a bipolar factor defined by
variables found in the EPPS and Gordon’s Survey of Interpersonal Values
(SIV).3o As Juan explains it (1967:27-28):
The positive end is defined by 1) the EPPS needs of working hard and keeping at a job
till it is finished (endurance); of letting others make decisions, getting suggestions from
others (deference); of analyzing one’s motives and feelings in order to understand others
better (intraception); 2) SIV values of conformity which is doing what is socially correct,
and benevolence which is doing things for other people and sharing with them. Clearly
then, these qualities comprise what has usually been defined as maintaining smooth inter¬
personal relations (SIR), a value that is highly and traditionally treasured in the Filipino
society and found at work in almost all human encounters....
The negative end of this factor is defined by 1) SIV values of recognition which is
being looked up to and admired, and support which is being treated with kindness and
understanding and receiving encouragement; 2) EPPS needs of going out with members of
the opposite sex and being sexually attractive (heterosexuality), having others provide
help when in trouble (succorance), saying witty things and being the center of attention
(exhibition). The negative end implies the drive for individual recognition, to be catered
to by others, to be the center of attention. It involves an element of showing off, of
striving to be recognized as better than others. Clearly none of these characteristics en¬
hance the maintenance of SIR.
Juan pursued her investigation further by factor-analyzing the correlations

between the 12 primary factors to obtain second order factors. Primary
Factor B, along with Primary Factor F and K, defines a second factor which
Juan describes (1967:36) as a value dimension.31 She explains the combina¬
tion as follows:
All of these factors, B, F, and K reflect individual-oriented behavior; but while B pertains
to what is acceptable and valued highly, F and K pertain to what is not. The factor shows
that the person who strives towards the maintenance of smooth interpersonal relations is
one who is low in autonomy and aggression. The predominance of the SIR value is again
brought out in the second order factors.
At the end of her report, Juan sums up (1967:42-43) what she sees as the
likely contribution she has made to our understanding of the Filipino.
The significance of this study lies not so much in the validation of tests themselves as
in the isolation of a personality value pattern unique in Philippine society. This value pat¬
tern has long been believed to be characteristic of Filipinos and has been established by
means of questionnaires, interviews, and intuition. The present study not only gives quan¬
titative support to these previous findings but clarifies both their positive and negative
aspects. The two personality patterns revealed in the second order factors a and c seem to
be unique to the Filipinos.32
At this point we can reflect on the papers of both Bulatao (1963) and
Juan (1967). Common to the two studies is the use of the EPPS, either ex¬
clusively (Bulatao) or along with other instruments. Now if we consider the
EPPS variables that load positively or negatively on Juan’s SIR Factor (Factor
B), we can ask how they are distributed in the more diverse sample studied by
Bulatao.
The EPPS needs in question are, on the positive end, endurance, deference,
and intraception;on the negative, heterosexuality, succorance, and exhibition.
Assuming that factor structures will differ by sex, educational level, socio¬
economic status, and other background features affecting performance on the
EPPS, still our knowledge of contrasting performance by sex, residence, and
culture (as revealed by the Bulatao study), allows us to make a reasonable
prediction. If factor analyses were in fact done for Bulatao’s subsamples, the
following overall tendencies would most likely appear: the SIR Factor would
be more clearly differentiated among Filipinas, provincial males, and Filipino
men and women, respectively, than among Filipinos, Manila males, or Amer¬
ican men and women.
Agreeableness. The relatively less important role played by SIR among
American students is suggested by another recent study as well. Guthrie and
Bennett (1970) replicated among 80 Manila college students an earlier study
(Passini and Norman 1966), one purpose of which was to derive the factor
structure that emerged when subjects, assembled for the task, rated one an¬
other on a set of personality scales. While the strongest factor in the Amer¬
ican studies had been “Extroversion, or Surgency,” followed by “Agreeable¬
ness,” the Filipino study discovered the reverse to be true. Guthrie and
Bennett found that Factor I, Agreeableness, accounted for 41 per cent of the
total common variance, with Factor II, Extroversion, or Surgency, accounting
for only 17 per cent. The comparable percentages for these factors in the
American study were 27 and 29 per cent, respectively.
38 Frank Lynch
“Agreeableness” is somewhat similar in content to Guthrie’s “Interpersonal

relations” factor (1970:87—90) and even closer to the “SIR” factor of Juan
(1967). It seems permissible to conclude that there is among Filipino college
students notably more emphasis on this bundle of qualities than there is
among American students.
Group judgments. In a study involving 22 Chinese and 66 Filipino “judges,”
students in a college of business administration in Manila, Peabody (1968)
examined the descriptive and evaluative aspects of group judgments. The
stimulus groups were Chinese living in the Philippines, Filipinos, Americans,
and Japanese. As predicted, the tendency of judges to evaluate their own group
more favorably than others is unmistakable and consistent. On the other hand,
judges agree regarding descriptive characteristics of the group they rate. Thus,
with particular reference to control in impulse expression, Peabody (1968:
125) concludes as follows:
In contrast to the judgment of Chinese and Japanese as relatively “tight,” the Filipinos
are judged relatively “loose.” This appears clearly on the first seven pairs of scales, where
the Filipinos are significantly judged to be relatively generous, spontaneous, lenient, gay,
flexible, cooperative, and trusting. However, as scales 9 through 13 show, the Filipinos
are not judged as unmixed examples of impulse expression on a “Latin” or “Mediter¬
ranean” model. The most striking instance is scale pair 9, where Filipinos are judged
tactful (and devious) rather than frank (and tactless). This finding corresponds to the
observation of anthropologists that Filipinos tend to preserve “smooth interpersonal
relations” by avoiding the statement of unpleasant truths ....
In support of our conclusion from Guthrie and Bennett (1970) that Fili¬
pino college students are stronger on SIR than American students, we have
Peabody’s finding (1968:123—24) that while Filipinos are judged tactful (and
devious), Americans are considered frank (and tactless).
Communication networks. Hare (1969) was, like Peabody, one of the
research associates who participated in the Ateneo-Penn State Basic Research
Program. Before making communication-network experiments in the Philip¬
pines, he had earlier replicated the work of Leavitt (1951) in the United
States, Nigeria, and South Africa. In his report, Hare compares the perform¬
ances of male students from three Philippine colleges (Ateneo de Manila,
Ateneo de Zamboanga, and Notre Dame of Jolo) with those of students from
Haverford College, the University of Ibadan, and the University of Cape Town.
The average Philippine group is noteworthy for the high number of mes¬
sages they send. They are also more polite than any other group in message
content, and tend to give much higher ratings on satisfaction with the exper¬
iment. Hare believes these findings can be explained, in part at least, by a
concern for SIR, “which leads group members to continually check the ex¬
tent of their agreement and understanding and to inhibit the overt expression
of negative comment” (Hare 1969:43).
Autonomy. Since SIR involves both deference and dependence of a sort,

it will be instructive to see how Filipino students score on autonomy, which
implies independence from others. Hare and Hare (1968) administered a 52-
item inventory to 145 Ateneo de Manila male coliege students, each item to
be answered “true” or “false.” Of the statements, 36 formed an autonomy
scale. Available to the Hares were the results of earlier studies made of stu¬
dents from Nigeria, South Africa, Rhodesia, Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, and
the United States. Speaking of the social correlates of autonomy, the authors
conclude (1968:103):
With the exception of the Philippine sample, the students from the more developed
nations scored higher on autonomy than those from less developed lands. The students
in the United States sample had the highest scores, followed by students with a European
background in South Africa, then students from Nigeria, Rhodesia, Uganda, Kenya, and
Tanzania. In the Philippines, the high value placed on a dependent relation to older per¬
sons could be responsible for the low scores achieved by students of a nation relatively
more developed than most of the African countries in the study.
Self-concepts of high school students. In a study of the impact of moderni¬

zation on Filipino adolescents, Licuanan (1970) examined to what degree her
subjects differed in self concept, reference groups, need to achieve, and aspi-
rational level. Her independent variables were sex, socio-economic status, and
exposure to modern influences; her subjects were 200 high-school seniors
(100 boys, 100 girls), 50 each from Manila and three Tagalog-speaking com¬
munities located south of the city by about 100, 200, and 400 kilometers,
respectively. Ages ranged from 15 to 20 years.
Most important for our immediate purposes is the Finding that in describing
themselves as they think they actually are, the subjects make very frequent
use of adjectives such as friendly, helpful, kind, humble, happy, and close to
the family. Consistently avoided by most boys and girls are words like quarrel¬
some, selfish, boastful, lazy, teaser, and hot-tempered. “Thus it would seem
that a high premium is placed on traits that make for pleasant interaction with
others while traits that prevent pleasant interactions are considered least
desirable.” When asked what they would like to be (their ideal self concept, as
compared with the real self), subjects claim they would prefer being less likely
to go along with others, more independent of them in this sense (Licuanan
1970:19-20). Licuanan interprets as modern the person who sees himself as
currently (real self concept) less interpersonally pleasant, or who would like to
be (ideal self concept) less pleasant to people than he is. In terms of the real
self concept, urban adolescents are more modern than rural adolescents; in
terms of the ideal, rural adolescents are more modern. Girls see themselves as
modern more often than boys do, but in wanting to be more modern, boys
reject the SIR, or “nice guy” traits, while girls do not, seeking rather leader¬
ship, achievement, and extroversion, without any necessary loss of their inter¬
personal charm (Licuanan 1970:24-25).
40 Frank Lynch
Studies of mothers of grade-school children

Children’s personality development. Guthrie and Jacobs (1966) were in¬
terested, like Nurge and the Nydeggers (discussed above), in child-rearing and
personality development. Unlike Nurge and the Nydeggers, however, who
spent a year in residence in the communities they studied, Guthrie and Jacobs
relied on the results of lengthy interviews conducted in 1960 by a select team
of senior normal-college students whom the authors had trained for the pur¬
pose. The 279 mothers interviewed were parents of first-grade children attend¬
ing the schools where the student teachers were doing their internships. All
schools were located in the Tagalog-speaking provinces in the vicinity of
Manila.
In their concluding remarks,Guthrie and Jacobs (1966:203) make this suc¬
cinct summary:
If one were to develop a theory of personality based on Philippine patterns he would
likely emphasize that certain experiences were of crucial significance. It appears to us that
there are a half dozen interpersonal skills which a Filipino child must learn at certain more
or less specific stages in his development:
1. Recognize subtle cues which reveal the unspoken feelings of others.
2. Cope with angry feelings without striking out at others.
3. Give and receive help; pool his well-being with that of his nuclear and extended
family.
4. Ignore activities of others which, although visible, are said to be none of his
concern.
5. Tease and be teased without losing his self-control.
6. Recognize his obligations to others for favors received.
The emphasis on SIR-related qualities is suggested by the fact that at least

three of these skills (1,2, and 5) are directly concerned with the assurance of
harmonious interpersonal dealings.
Ideal qualities of children. As part of her study of the home environment of
sixth-grade children from five private schools in Greater Manila, S. M. Bennett
(1970) and her associates interviewed a random selection of children and their
mothers. The information sought from the 129 mothers in the sample included
descriptions of the kind of children they wanted their own boys and girls
(a) to be best friends with, and(b) to avoid. Since the child to be avoided was,
in general, the mirror image of the hoped-for best friend, I here speak only of
her findings on the positive question.
Bennett found that interpersonal skills and good moral character were
mentioned with almost equal frequency, though SIR accounted for slightly
fewer mentions than morality did (39 v. 34 per cent). Table 6 also confirms
another fact, already noted in the report on the desirable characteristics for
family members (see Table 1, above): girls (daughters) should be more defer¬
ent than boys (sons); boys should be better at pleasant interpersonal dealings
than girls.
Table 6
Responses of Bennett-study mothers (sixth-grade children) describing
the kind of child they want their own boys and girls to be best
friends with, classified by quality, crossclassified by sex
of respondent’s child.
Sex of respondent’s child

Quality Male Female Total
(N = 68) (N = 61) (N = 129)
Interpersonal skills 39% 38% 39%

Pleasantness1 (27) (20) (24)
Deference2 (12) (18) (15)
Achievement, mobility 11 4 8
Leadership orientation,
creativity 1 2 2
Good moral character or
morally good family 40 41 41
Interests similar to own
child’s interests 4 8 6
Age-appropriate behavior 4 6 5
Total 137 97 234
1E.g., friendly, kind, unselfish, considerate of others, good sport, loyal, patient, helpful,
courteous, polite.
2E.g., respectful, humble, obedient. Source: S. M. Bennett 1970
Parent-teacher differences on ideal qualities. The findings of Flores and

Gonzalez (1969), however, support the position that the weighting of such
ideals as the desirability of various aspects of SIR will vary with the situation
(home/school) and role (parent/teacher) which respondents occupy relative to
the individuals (children/pupils) about whom they are speaking Compared
with parents, teachers see pupils differently and have different expectations of
them. To be more specific, parents, more than teachers, expect the child to be
obedient, to get over being mad quickly, and to be courteous and mannerly.
Teachers expect sharing and fairness more often than parents do.
Government-related people
l have chosen to group the next three studies under the rubric of govern-
ment-relatedness. But this is true of them to varying degrees. Hollnsteiner’s
neighborhood and district leaders from Tondo, for instance, arc either public
42 Frank Lynch
officials or private citizens with well-worn, if unofficial, paths to national and

city resources. Abueva’s middle civil servants and Solina’s paratroopers, on the
other hand, are on the government payroll.
Tondo leaders. In 1965, Hollnsteiner (1970b) studied 24 leaders from the
neighborhood of Vitas, Tondo, and another 28 leaders who functioned at the
district level; that is, leaders who were recognized to have influence not just
in Vitas but also in the rest of Tondo district. In discussing the respondents’
conceptions of a good leader, Hollnsteiner states (1970b [9] :7-8):
The most common area of agreement about leadership qualities among the two
samples falls in the area of interpersonal relations, more specifically in the leader’s skill at
getting along well with all kinds of people, frequently termed his pakikisama, or described
as marunong makibagay. While the district group weights this characteristic equally with
the earlier cited personal qualities and service motivation, the neighborhood level sample
mentions it far more often than any other single quality. The second ranking criterion is
that of the strong, unwavering leader. The two sets agree on the desirability of a leader
who is approachable and understanding; but the district group tends to concentrate on
the leader’s ability to respond to his public, while the neighborhood residents focus on
his talent at steering his public subtly and ostensibly of their own free will in the direction
of his opinions.
Middle civil servants. That Filipinos are personalistic and generally anxious
to avoid displeasing others is the view of a group of middle-level administrators
about whom Abueva (1970) has written. Details are found in the question¬
naires completed in 1966 by 52 middle civil servants who were then enrolled
at the Graduate School of Public Administration, University of the Philip¬
pines. There is, for instance, “nearly unanimous perception (96 per cent
agreed) that as a people Filipinos ‘tend to be personal and emotional.’ ” Al¬
most as many respondents (88 per cent) agree that “practically no one ever
gets a rating of ‘unsatisfactory’ because of our tendency to pity the employe
and not to embarrass him” (Abueva 1970:150). Four out of Five administra¬
tors (82 per cent) feel further that “most officials would rather go around the
merit system than antagonize a close friend or relative” (Abueva 1970:158—
59). In the light of this reply, it is not surprising perhaps that more than three
out of Five respondents (63 per cent) reject the statement that Filipinos as a
people tend to be open and frank about how they really think and feel.33
Paratroopers. Solina’s subjects (1968) were 54 Filipino paratroopers sta¬
tioned at Fort Magsaysay, Nueva Ecija. His purpose was to do a factor-analytic
study of creativity and personality variables, to see if the creativity factor
would be loaded with such manifest needs as achievement, change and order.
To test his hypothesis, he administered a battery of tests, including the
Edwards Personal Preference Schedule.
Five factors were identified: Creativity, Dominance, Intraception, Smooth
Interpersonal Relations, and Nurturance. The SIR factor is defined primarily
by scores on the EPPS. High scores on needs for endurance, abasement, order
and affiliation are associated with low need for exhibition, intraception and
dominance. As Solina describes it (1968:28):
This factor suggests humility, camaraderie, and the capacity to tolerate tension. The
assertive emotions are negatively loaded, while the passive variables that contribute to¬
wards harmony in interpersonal situations have significant positive loadings. One is
tempted to guess that this is Lynch’s “smooth interpersonal relations.”
Studies of urban workers

Factory workers and job applicants. In one of the early studies of Philip¬
pine conceptions of the desirable, Bulatao (first published 1962; reprinted
below) isolated four main values, namely: family, authority, economic suffi¬
ciency, and patience. His conclusions were based on the performances of 50
men and 40 women aged 18 to 35 years, who were either workers in one of
four Manila factories or job applicants. The instrument employed was a local
adaptation of Murray’s (1938) Thematic Apperception Test.
Of the second value (authority) Bulatao (1970:98-99) has this to say:
This may be defined as: “Approval by the authority figure and by society, authority’s
surrogate.” It is a concern for what the important person is thinking about oneself and a
tendency to shape one’s behavior accordingly. There is a fear of stirring up conflict with
“people who count,” this fear giving rise to a need for smooth interpersonal relations.
One does not reveal one’s real thoughts completely to strangers, or powerful individuals,
but only those aspects of one’s thoughts which will be acceptable to them. Fundamental¬
ly, the fear is that of exposing one’s ego to danger. Underlying this value is the anxiety of
a “self-esteem based on group estimation.” Attack upon this value, as when an authority
figure fails to recognize a person’s merit or treats a person casually, is a wound to the
amor propio and may result in violent retaliation.
There is some overlap between this value and Value A2, since parental approval could
be classified either as a “family value or as an “authority” value. However, there is a dif¬
ference, more in emphasis perhaps than in essence, between the two. Value A2 emphasizes
the “closeness and security” aspect, Value B the “authority” aspect. It is quite possible
that the typical attitude towards parental figures in Philippine culture is somewhat
ambivalent, being a desire to be close to the parents and at the same time a need to treat
parents “diplomatically.”
In his discussion at the end of the article, the author returns to this
question. After proposing that the four values be integrated by the unifying
concept of an ego greatly in need of security and protection, he goes on to
show the relationship between his findings and those I had expressed in the
1961 statement on social acceptance.
Undoubtedly, the instrument used in a study of values will determine in part the
choice of values or their emphases. It is by examining the confluence of various ap¬
proaches that one gets a feeling of validation of one’s own approach. For instance, Father
Lynch, by analyzing various dialogues between Filipinos, came to the conclusion that
social acceptance, supported particularly by smooth interpersonal relations (SIR), is the
primary basic value or theme among lowland Filipinos. The present study with the TAT
technique reflects a similar finding, and would explain the need for smooth interpersonal
relationships under the “authority” value, the need for approval by society, the placating
of potential enemies, the need to be careful of other people’s amor propio, so that they
will be careful of one’s own (Bulatao 1970:1 12-13).
44 Frank Lynch
Stevedores. A field study by David (1967) had as its focus the social orga¬
nization of stevedore groups on the Manila docks. In the year 1966—67 the
author observed and gathered information especially from about 25 gang
bosses, or cabos. He finds (1967:140) that “pakikisama is a vital concept in
the waterfront.” Its importance is illustrated in two situations: first, the rela¬
tion between the officials of the stevedoring company and the gangs they su¬
pervise; second, the relations among gang members themselves. In the first case
the kind of pakikisama called for is a tolerance for faults or delinquencies on
the part of the stevedores, provided their negligences are minor and the com¬
pany does not lose too much. In the second case, pakikisama refers to the
ability of a stevedore to get along with his cabo and gang mates.
As one cabo explained, there are three kinds of stevedores: those who know
their jobs but cannot get along with others (hindi marunong makisama), those
who do not know their jobs but can get along with others (manmong makisa¬
ma), and those who know their jobs and can also get along with others (maru¬
nong pang makisama). Workers of the third category are the best, of course,
but they are in short supply. The next best is not the stevedore who knows his
job, but the one who knows how to get along with others. As the cabo ex¬
plained, unskilled stevedores who know how to get along with the others can
be easily handled because they fit well; however, those who are skilled but
cannot get along are hard to handle. They are not worth having in the system
(David 1967:140).
In private conversations with me, David has also spoken of the care that
cabos exercise when scolding members of their gangs. A cardinal rule is that
the good cabo must “never shout at an ignorant stevedore.” In fact, David’s
Tagalog field notes contain continual references to shouting (s/gdw) and its
proper handling. As one informant stated, touching the chest area above his
heart, care is called for because “underneath the muscle there is something
that can be hurt.”
In summary, David sees pakikisama as a key value among stevedores on the
Manila docks—one they themselves talk about and appeal to. It has the mean¬
ing of overlooking the minor faults of subordinates, on the one hand, and of
adjusting pleasantly to one’s peers, on the other.
Laborers, employes, and professionals. Marsella and Escudero (1970) stud¬
ied the stress involved in interpersonal relations. Their subjects were 96 mar¬
ried men of Sampaloc district, Manila, stratified into six groups on grounds of
age (30—42 years, 43—55, 56—68) and social class (high or low). The authors’
understanding of social class is important:
For inclusion in the high-class group, an individual had to have a monthly income above
900 pesos, have a professional, administrative, or business position, have a minimum of
a B.A. degree and come from a high-class family. For inclusion in the low-class group, an
individual had to have a monthly income below 500 pesos, have a labor or clerical
position, have a maximum of a high school diploma and come from a low-class family
(Marsella and Escudero 1970:3).
The interpersonal-stress task they employed took the form of a self-report,

in particular, a frequency check list. It begins with four open-ended questions:
(1) “What things cause you the most worry? (Probe)”; (2) “What things make
you the most angry? (Probe)”; (3) “What things make you most sad and up¬
set? (Probe)”; (4) “What things make you the most happy? (Probe).” After
this, the interviewer explains what the respondent should understand by fam¬
ily, relatives, friends, superiors, and strangers. Then this instruction is given:
“Tell me how often you have been upset, worried or angry over the following
things,” and this is in turn followed by a series of 12 situations such as, for
example, “Not meeting obligations to others.” Of the 12, five are self-oriented
situations and seven are other-oriented. The respondent is supposed to an¬
swer each question in reference, respectively to family members, relatives, and
the other three categories, using one of these precoded replies: “Often,”
“Sometimes,” “Seldom,” or “Never.” Although a final section also asks how
frequently the respondent becomes upset when members of the same five
categories criticize his appearance, house, religion, family, community, and
country, Marsella and Escudero report only on the original 12 situations, with
their variations.
The authors figured the percentages of “often” and “sometimes” responses
to both the self-oriented and other-oriented interpersonal-stress statements,
with the following results (Marsella and Escudero 1970:4—5):
(1) For both social classes, the percentages of subjects reporting a high frequency of
interpersonal stress were quite large suggesting that interpersonal relations in the
Philippines are indeed quite stressful.
(2) A number of social class differences were found among the specific combinations
of situations-relationships ... In almost all these cases, the lower class subjects
reported the greater frequency of stress.
(3) With reference to the type of interpersonal situation found to be most stressful,
lower class subjects reported a significantly greater frequency of being stressed
than high-class subjects in regard to “not meeting obligations to others,” and “say¬
ing and doing things you wish you would not have said to others.”
(4) With reference to the interpersonal relationships found to be most stressful, lower
class subjects reported a significantly greater frequency of being stressed than high
class subjects by family, relatives, and superiors for the self-oriented stress state¬
ments. No differences were found for the other-oriented statements.
(5) Among the specific situation-relationship combinations investigated, “Not meeting
obligations to family” was the most frequently reported self-oriented stress for
low-class subjects while “Saying things you wish you would not have said to fam¬
ily” was the counterpart for high-class subjects.
(6) Among the specific situation-relationship combinations investigated, “Not being
understood by family” was the most frequently reported other-oriented for sub¬
jects from both classes.
(7) Although the lower class subjects generally reported a higher frequency of stress
than the high-class subjects, there were some reversals in this pattern. For example,
high-class subject reported a greater, though statistically insignificant, frequency
46 Frank Lynch
of stress for the following situation-relationship units: “Not being able to show
my anger, frustration, or dislike to friends and strangers” and “Friends, relatives,
superiors, and strangers getting things they don’t deserve and acting haughty about
it.”
(8) Lastly, a rank-order correlation (.47) between rankings of the various interperson¬
al stress situations for the two groups suggested that differences existed among
the specific situations found to be stressful. In general, lower class subjects re¬
ported higher frequencies of stress for self-oriented statements while high-class
reported greater frequencies of stress for other-oriented statements.
Institutional inmates
Prisoners. Ashburn studied four conflict gangs among prisoners of the Ma¬
nila city jail. Summarizing the interviews he conducted with his 60 respond¬
ents, he states (1965:141): “The one characteristic stressed most frequently
and vehemently by all the gang members interviewed was that of deep-rooted
friendship and smooth interpersonal relations between all members—otherwise
known as pakikisama.” Indeed, he sees “Pakikisama and mutual protection
in an insecure environment” as the primary functions of these gangs (Ashburn
1965:141).
Mental patients. Sechrest (1969:312) feels it is almost certain that “the
important stresses in the Philippines arise out of interpersonal relations, and
there is good reason to believe that some aspects of interpersonal relations are
more stressful in the Philippines than elsewhere.” He continues by expressing
the opinion that despite what others have said about the “smoothness” of
interpersonal relations in the Philippines,
one is probably quite wrong if one gets a picture from such writings of easy, tension-free
intercourse that runs along nicely with little attention. In fact, interpersonal relations in
the Philippines are no smoother than they are elsewhere; they may even be much more
difficult. Any achievement of surface smoothness is through careful, constant monitoring
and nearly transparent deviousness to obscure difficulties. For example, Filipinos are
masters of euphemism, but they are so aware of its use that it fools almost no one. All it
does is to preclude the occurrence of an immediate quarrel. The very emphasis in the
Philippines on smoothness and care in interpersonal relations shows how difficult they
are (Sechrest 1969:312).
Sechrest also believes that the Filipino’s strong sense of amor propio gives
rise to much of the interpersonal difficulty he experiences. After citing some
unpublished data which indicate that Filipino respondents are considerably
more sensitive to humiliation than Americans, he concludes:
The Filipino constantly is exposed to the possibility of being “put down” in some man¬
ner, but perhaps even more of a strain is imposed by the necessity of avoiding the humil¬
iation of someone else. Thus interpersonal relations arc characterized by a superficial aura
of good will and an underlying strain and lack of openness (Sechrest 1969:313).
Without firm evidence to support his position that “interpersonal relations

in the Philippines are especially difficult” (1969:313), Sechrest nonetheless
offers two indications of the correctness of his view: first, the homicide rate in
the Philippines is unquestionably high (Manila’s is twice that of Chicago, he

says) and, more important, homicides committed in the Philippines, when
compared with those of the United States, more frequently develop out of
“momentarily difficult interpersonal situations’’ (his source is his own un¬
published study of patterns of homicide in the two nations).
The second indication of the stressful nature of interpersonal dealings in
the Philippines is the fact that, more often than with the Americans in his
sample, it was interpersonal problems that precipitated the onset of the
serious psychiatric disturbances that afflicted the Filipino mental patients he
studied. The proportion of Filipino cases in the interpersonal category is 42
per cent; American cases, 26 per cent (Sechrest 1969:313).
Another aspect of the question of stress in interpersonal relations is the
problem of hostility and hostile expression. Sechrest summarizes:
Nearly everyone would agree that Filipinos are not given to open displays of hostility,
and various observers agree that child-rearing practices stress the suppression of hostile
aggression in all its forms (Abasolo-Domingo, 1961; Guthrie, 1961, 1966; Minturn and
Lambert, 1964; Varias, 1965). Fights are broken up when they begin, and children are
shamed about their aggressive behaviors. My own observations indicate that mothers will
themselves deny and relabel the hostility of their children. Thus when a mother hears one
of her children say that he “hates” someone, she is quite likely to shush him and to tell
him that he is “tired” or that he “doesn’t feel well” and attempt to pacify or distract him
in some way. Guthrie (1961) found that upper- and middle-class Filipino mothers were
much like American mothers in their responses to two “aggression” items but that the
attitudes of lower-class mothers, who constitute the majority and who reflect more
traditional Philippine attitudes, differed widely. The two items were: (1) A child should
be taught to avoid fighting no matter what happens; and (2) children should not be
encouraged to box or wrestle because it often leads to trouble or injury. On both items
lower-class mothers were far more in agreement than either middle- or upper-class
mothers. Nor are verbal expressions of hostility much more tolerable than physical ones.
The exceptional sensitivity of Filipinos, presumably even Filipino children, to criticism
and to threats to amor propio make even verbal aggression repugnant and possibly
dangerous (Sechrest 1969:320).
Summary of findings
In the preceding pages, studies on which we reported were grouped accord¬
ing to scope, the range extending from nationwide surveys at one end of the
scale to descriptions or analyses of relatively small and well-defined groupings
at the other. But from a review of each study in the series we learned some¬
thing about one or more of three different aspects of social acceptance,
values, behavior, and personality variables.
These three categories will serve an important function, which is to clarify
what we presently know about the theme of social acceptance and the
supporting intermediate values of pakikisama and sensitivity to personal
affront. For if we are to avoid at least one source of confusion in future
discussions of the subject, it is essential that we explicitly and continually
distinguish conceptions of the desirable from their related behaviors.
48 Frank Lynch
Now, then, we ask our question: What do we know about social acceptance,
SIR, and amor propio as of August 1970? It seems to me that, refinements
aside for the moment, we can make several generalizations, first, about the
norms or values themselves, and then about related behavior and personality
variables. In briefest form, the statements are these:
Values 1. The ability to get along well with others (pakikisama,
or SIR) is explicitly and highly valued in Philippine
society.
2. Sensitivity to personal affront (amor propio), while
not often explicitly mentioned as desirable, is none¬
theless regularly recognized and appealed to as the
root explanation for approved reactive or retaliatory
behavior.
3. The goal of social acceptance is rarely mentioned as
such.
4. Both SIR and amor propio appear to be more highly
valued among Filipinos than among Americans.
Behavior 5. Behavior judged appropriate for the above values

(Statements 1—3) varies according to situation and the
characteristics of the actors involved.
6. Interpersonal activity is frequently stressful, the a-
mount of stress varying by situation and the actors
involved.
7. Behavior likely to enhance or repair SIR is more
often and more intensively associated with Filipinos
than with Americans.
Personality 8. From the viewpoint of personality, variables that

VARIABLES promote SIR are passive qualities such as conformity,
endurance, and deference; likely to damage or destroy
interpersonal smoothness are assertive characteristics
such as dominance, heterosexuality, and exhibition.
9. Filipino students are stronger than Americans on SIR-
promoting personal qualities.
I will now explain each of these propositions and add a few substatements.
1. SIR is highly valued. Facility in interpersonal relations is reported as
desirable for all family members (Lynch and Makil 1968), especially children
(Nurge 1965, Nydegger and Nydegger 1966, Abasolo-Domingo 1961, Jocano
1966a, Guthrie and Jacobs 1966, S. M. Bennett 1970, Flores and Gonzalez
1969, Bulatao 1970). The quality is also considered an important characteristic
of the good boss (Guthrie and Azores 1968, Lynch 1970b), political leader
(Hollnsteiner 1970b; Abasolo-Domingo 1961), priest (Hottle 1970, Lynch
1970b), and rural-change agent, whether Filipino (Feliciano 1966) or Ameri¬
can (Lynch, Maretzki, et al. 1966). Sugarcane planters seek it in their workers
(Lynch 1970b), and the latter look for it among their peers (Lynch 1970b)
just as street-gang members seek it among theirs, in prison (Ashburn 1965)
and out (Jocano 1966b, 1969c). Stevedores on the Manila docks expect to
Find it in their bosses and gang mates alike (David 1967). Indeed, when think¬
ing about themselves individually or as a culture group, educated Filipinos
tend to see this valuing of SIR as characteristically theirs (Abueva 1970,
Peabody 1968, Licuanan 1970).
Yet some refinements must be added, for SIR is not equally valued by all,
nor is it a simple, uncomplex quality equally desirable for all. From the
studies reviewed above, the following substatements can be made in clarifica¬
tion and support of the general proposition that SIR is highly valued.
la. SIR is considered more exclusively and saliently important by the
following kinds of people than by their contraries or opposites: rural,
lower class, poorly educated, traditional, employes, men (see especially
Guthrie and Azores 1968, Guthrie 1970, Lynch 1970b, Hottle 1970,
Nydegger and Nydegger 1966, Hollnsteiner 1970a, Licuanan 1970).
Parents apparently want it more for their children than teachers do
(Flores and Gonzalez 1969).
lb. The “pleasant” component of SIR is desirable for all; the “deferent”
component is more desirable for children, especially girls, than it is for
boys or adults (Lynch and Makil 1968, S. M. Bennett 1970, Nurge
1965, Nydegger and Nydegger 1966, Abasolo-Domingo 1961, Guthrie
and Jacobs 1966; see also Juan 1967 and Bulatao 1963).
lc. The desirability of SIR varies further by situation and the actors
involved. This will be explained under Statement 5, below (“Appro¬
priate behavior is a matter of who and what”).
ld. In some special subsocieties, such as street gangs, aggressiveness is a
coexistent value (Jocano 1966b, 1969c).
le. Teaching the value of SIR and behavior in keeping with it is not the
duty of teachers or a school (Makil 1970, Flores and Gonzalez 1969);
it is apparently the function of parents, siblings, and peers.
2. Amor propio is valued consciously but implicitly. Whereas SIR is ex¬
plicitly valued, and becomes the object of deliberate inculcation by family
members and peers, sensitivity to personal affront is implicitly valued,
50 Frank Lynch
indirectly taught. By this I mean that with only one exception (Jocano 1969c)
the value placed on amor propio is to be derived less from any straightforward
statements in its favor than from the approval or recommendation of actions
that must have proceeded from it. Because approval is consciously and ex¬
plicitly given to this behavior, and not to the norm itself, I consider amor
propio under Statement 5, below.
3. Social acceptance is rarely a conscious goal. Once more, it is Jocano’s
street gang informant (1969c) who alone articulates the theme of social ac¬
ceptance. The general run of informants tend to speak only at the level of
intermediate and instrumental values. Which is not surprising, if social accept¬
ance is indeed a theme in Opler’s (1948:120) sense of the term.
4. SIR considered more desirable by Filipinos than Americans. Although
there is more evidence for this difference at the levels of behavior and person¬
ality, the comparatively greater saliency of SIR among Filipinos is suggested by
its importance in the rating of fellow students (Guthrie and Bennett 1970;
see also Statements 7 and 9, below).
5. Appropriate behavior is a matter of who and what. This introduces the
concept of social zoning. First proposed in the 1961 statement on social
acceptance. Speaking of some academic conferences I had witnessed in the
Philippines, I stated (Lynch 1970c: 12, above): “The preference for social
process (SIR) over social product (conference results and conclusions) is
understandable in a system where the highest value is placed on the pleasant
word except when the exchange is between good friends or sworn enemies.”
In lectures that followed, this idea was developed as a distinction into three
zones: a zone for close friends, another for sworn enemies, and a “middle
zone” for “friendly strangers and acquaintances, uncommitted neutrals”
(Lynch 1963:1).
In the studies under review, this conception is supported by the way in
which appropriate, or customary, behavior varies depending on who is respond¬
ing to what stimulus.
5a. When people of the middle zone are nonaggressive and cooperative,
they should be dealt with in pleasant fashion (Jocano 1966b, Hare
1969, Kaut 1961); when they give positive and well-meant advice or
service in keeping with their official roles, one should show gratitude
by taking that advice or appreciating that service (Feliciano 1966;
Hare 1969); if they show dislike, annoyance, or avoidance toward one¬
self, one should not retaliate in anger but suffer the situation in silence
(Guthrie and Azores 1968); should they actually prove insulting,
however, one may rightly retaliate openly or, if he wishes, keep silent
(Kaut 1961, Sechrest 1969, Guthrie 1970, Guthrie and Azores 1968).
5b. When a close friend gives well-meant advice it should be taken if at all
possible (Feliciano 1966); when a friend speaks against oneself, one
may suffer in silence or, if he wishes, retaliate openly (Guthrie and
Azores 1968).
5c. Under comparable conditions, those who consider SIR most desirable
(see Statement 1 a) will be more likely than their contraries or opposites
to react openly and violently to insult or infidelity on the part of
middle-zone people or close friends (Guthrie and Azores 1968;Guthrie
1970).
5d. Children’s quarreling with peers is always to be discouraged and sup¬
pressed (Abasolo-Domingo 1961, Nurge 1965, Nydegger and Nydegger
1966, Guthrie and Jacobs 1966, Sechrest 1969, Guthrie 1961).
6. Interpersonal relations are often stressful. Despite the high value placed
on SIR, or perhaps because of it, interpersonal dealings often fall short of the
norm. Although it is difficult at this time to give any definite meaning to the
term “often,” certain substatements are possible.
6a. Stress is more often reported for family members than for strangers
(Marsella and Escudero 1970).
6b. Compared with less well educated and poorer respondents, those who
are better educated and wealthier report being stressed by superiors
more often; by relatives, less often (Marsella and Escudero 1970).
6c. Stressful interactions are reported among both rural and urban Fili¬
pinos (Jocano 1966b and 1969c, Marsella and Escudero 1970, Sechrest
1969).
6d. There are some indications that the incidence of interpersonal stress
may be greater in the Philippines than in the United States (Sechrest
1969).
7. SIR-related behavior is more typical of Filipinos than Americans.This
statement is supported in reference to Filipinos and Americans in general by
Sechrest’s findings (1969) and the student group judgments reported by
Peabody (1968). Evidence also indicates that this kind of difference exists
among students (Hare 1969) and priests (Hottle 1970) of the two nations.
8. SIR-related personality variables are more passive than assertive. This
is based on the findings of Bulatao (1970), Juan (1967), and Solina (1968).
For this reason it is valid primarily of students and army men, though I know
of no evidence that argues against its generalization, at least as a hypothesis.
9. SIR-related personal qualities are more pronounced among Filipino
students than Americans. Direct comparisons have been made by Bulatao
(1963), Hare (1969), Hare and Hare (1968), and Guthrie and Bennett (1970).
The statement seems well established.
52 Frank Lynch
Discussion
Several different but related questions have been posed by those doing
research on social acceptance, SIR, and amor propio. The most common one
asked to date has been that which guided my own exploratory study, namely,
“Is smoothness of interpersonal behavior considered highly desirable in the
Philippines?” This question has by now been amply answered in the affirma¬
tive and need not, in my opinion, be asked in future. It might profitably be
replaced, however, by a more probing inquiry for which some answers are
already available in Statements la to le, above: “Under what conditions is
SIR considered more desirable, under what conditions less so?”
A second question, less commonly asked to date, is this: “Is interpersonal
behavior in fact always smooth?” Since Filipinos are men, not angels, the
answer is unfortunately but inevitably No. But there is also a third question
that has been asked, at least implicitly, by those who have gathered informa¬
tion on the frequency of open disagreements and stressful encounters (Jocano
1966b, Marsella and Escudero 1970). The question is this: “Is interpersonal
behavior in fact smooth more often than not?” What the answer is, we simply
do not know, because the available data (Jocano 1966b, Marsella and Escudero
1970) are not conclusive in their present form. Jocano’s tabulation of quar¬
rels, disagreements, and misunderstandings is an absolute frequency count,
which can tell us nothing about the relative incidence of overtly rough en¬
counters, and relative frequency is the point at issue.34 On the other hand,
Marsella and Escudero derive their percentages from a tabulation of responses
in which “Often” and “Sometimes” are lumped in the same category, dis¬
tinguished from “Seldom” and “Never.” An “often” response might possibly
be defined as meaning “in the majority of cases,” but a “sometimes” answer
could not be so interpreted.35 Hence what we learn from these two studies
(relative to our question) is merely that on many occasions disagreements and
stressful situations arise. We do not learn in what percentage of cases this
occurs.
There is a fourth question that must be asked, namely: “When should a
household, or community, be considered ‘fraught with conflict’? ” (Jocano
1966b:286). To answer this one, considerable exploratory research would be
called for, since the question, when asked in the context of frequencies of
overtly disagreeable encounters, supposes the prior existence and acceptability
of a scale we do not have. This would be a scale by which, for instance, the
community’s position between “very aggressive” and “very nonaggressive”
could be predicted from the known ratio of rough to smooth encounters in
a given period of time. However, until we have the results of some representa¬
tive behavioral studies of families and communities, possibly conducted along
the lines proposed and illustrated by investigators such as the Barkers (1961,
1963), Wright (1966), Fawl (1963), or pioneers like Chappie (1940, 1949)
and Bales(1950), we cannot hope to construct such a scale. Frankly, I wonder
if it would be worth the effort.
In retrospect, I feel that the 1961 statement on social acceptance helped
us to learn a few things about Philippine culture. For by setting forth a series
of propositions that others could use as foci for their research, it encouraged
the systematic examination of several facets of Philippine values. The resulting
convergence of anthropological, psychological, psychiatric, and sociological
research has enriched both social science and the reading public. It is an added,
but unnecessary, comfort to know that the 1961 statement came fairly close
in many ways to the findings as they now stand, nine years later.
Looking ahead, I would hope to see even greater coordination in values
research, since much time, energy, and money can be saved if those who
contemplate studies of this kind will agree to collect their data in such a way
as to make their Findings comparable with those of other workers. Here I
think especially of agreement on sampling methods, and on the instruments
and techniques of observation that might, as a general rule at least, be favored.
Agreement should also be sought on what segments of Philippine society,
what roles, and what situations should be given priority in future studies.36
Values research is well worth doing, and well worth doing well. For if there
is anything needed at this point in Philippine history, it is a better under¬
standing of what it is that makes a Filipino a Filipino. Without this studied
awareness of that special mixture of modal strengths and shared weaknesses
that distinguishes us from other strong-weak members of the human family,
pronouncements about “the Filipino way” and “the true Filipino” will pre¬
dictably vary, often in contradictory fashion, from person to person, hour by
hour. With this knowledge, however, we can hope to recognize, accept, and
build on the great strengths that we rightly claim as our own. One such
strength, clearly Filipino, is a courteous respect for the ways and wishes of
others.
54 Frank Lynch
Notes
1. Mary R. Hollnsteiner, Reciprocity in the lowland Philippines (“IPC Papers,”

No. 1), Quezon City, Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1961. After its first printing
this inaugural number of the IPC Papers was not issued again as such. The article was
instead incorporated into the second number of the Papers, Four Readings on Philip¬
pine Values.
2. An American friend expressed dismay at this double and triple publishing. Unlike
most of the readers we hoped to reach in one journal or another, he could afford all
three publications.
3. Most professionals of my acquaintance correctly gauged the article’s intent and
level of certitude-see, for example, Barnett (1966) and Castillo (1966). Students, on the
other hand, were distressingly prone to read the essay as if it were fresh from Mt. Sinai,
engraved on tablets of stone.
4. This heading is inserted to highlight the fact that any values found in Philippine
society can be found elsewhere. Intercultural value differences are matters of mix,
proportion, and stress of various conceptions of the desirable, not questions of their
presence or absence.
5. It should be noted that in comparing Filipinos with Americans my purpose is to
illustrate a difference in norms which I believe to exist. The purpose is not to prove any¬
thing by the comparison; the study is exploratory, not descriptive or explanatory. Nor is
the comparison one of observed behavior except insofar as that behavior reveals under¬
lying norms and values (see Williams 1960:409-410). I am comparing norms and con¬
ceptions of the desirable.
The “American” referred to here is the average American described by Gillen
(1955-56) in his summary of national American values. I have relied somewhat less on
Du Bois (1955) and Williams (1960). Gillen’s article is especially important, since he
incorporates in it the contents of about 30 earlier studies by many authors, with the
express intention of deriving a list of values “dominant in United States culture as a
whole” (Gillen 1955-56:105). Du Bois, who aimed at portraying the “dominant value
system of middle-class Americans” (1955:1232), leaned heavily on the Kluckhohns and
their associates (which is good), but also deliberately restricted somewhat the population
of which she spoke. To be avoided, 1 thought, were authors who differed from Gillen and
Du Bois in that they limited themselves to those special subcultures found among organi¬
zation men, the members of particular professions, and people belonging to relatively
distinctive regional or ethnic groupings.
The American value of frankness (Gillen’s value No. 11: “Honesty or frankness in
human relations”) is related to other values he identifies, such as “individualism” (No. 7)
and “inner-regulated morality” (No. 17). Apropos of the latter, Du Bois (who was
portraying middle-class Americans) comments that conformity is a “more recent value in
American culture.” With Gillen I feel it is not yet to be taken as part of the national
culture unless it be understood as a conformity of similarity, not of interpersonal agree¬
ment.
6. The fact that people make great sacrifices to send their children to school, for
example, tells us that something highly valued is at stake. It need not be the education
itself, of course, but somewhere beneath the complex of human activities involved are
conscious and unconscious motivations traceable to the values that interest us here. Simi¬
larly, if children are continually indoctrinated in the need for agreeable behavior, are
scolded when they fail to behave in this manner, and are commended when they excel in
it, we also know that cherished values are likely to be at work. It must be noted, how¬
ever, that we cannot argue from the mere frequency of violations of norms to their un¬
importance. One must first ascertain whether or not all presumed violations are in fact
just that. A closer examination may show that in some cases the apparent violations are
actually applications of the norm, as when a child is pulled out of school, for instance,
but only to allow a younger sibling to have his chance to study; or when two people have
a bitter quarrel, but only because one spoke to the other less softly, or “coolly,” than he
should have. Another question that must be asked is whether or not the violations are
censured, or punished. If they are, there is a sense in which their frequency is irrelevant.
For example, if erring drivers are summoned to pay their parking fines, and they do so-
however reluctantly-the number of tickets issued is not a concern: “no parking in des¬
ignated places” is clearly the accepted norm.
7. The extremely basic values, or themes, are in my scheme buried below two levels
of less fundamental values; namely, instrumental values, which are important only for
what they can achieve or get, and intermediate values, which people appreciate both for
what they are and for what they accomplish. As we shall see, the thematic goal of social
acceptance is hypothesized to lie below the level of awareness. Enjoying a place of
conscious honor, however, are two intermediate values, one outgoing and the other
defensive: smooth interpersonal relations and sensitivity to personal affront (amor
propio). These in turn are supported and manifested by a number of traditional behavior
patterns valued insofar as they make SIR or amor propio genuinely effective.
8. A group of sociology students at the University of the Philippines looked into
this child-rearing arrangement by studying 30 faculty families who lived on campus.
They concluded that nursemaids, or yayas, do indeed transmit traditional beliefs, fears,
and bogey men to their charges, despite the parents’ contrary wishes and instructions
(Aquino et al. 1969).
9. This statement is based especially on the experience of those 15 Filipinos and
Americans who participated in the intercultural seminar conducted 1949-53 and men¬
tioned earlier in this article (under “Sources of the essay”). However, the existence of
this Filipino-American difference seems to follow from the finding that the reading of
nonverbal cues to feeling is a skill the Filipino child must learn at a very early age
(Guthrie and Jacobs 1966:203).
10. 1 have made a change here. The phrase “sensitivity to personal affront” replaces
the original words “shame and self-esteem.” This formula still seems valid, however:
amor propio equals self-esteem equals sensitivity-to-personal-affront.
11. In this sentence we are speaking about the average American that Gillen (1955—
56) had in mind and the rural Filipino we described seven paragraphs back. In the preced¬
ing sentence it was the American who comes to the Philippines and the Filipino who
goes to the States.
12. This tendency to give the agreeable answer to a friendly stranger is often called
the “courtesy bias.” It occurs in several forms: most commonly it entails giving the in¬
quirer the answer most likely to please him e.g., by agreeing to assist him (though one
cannot), by declaring his political candidate one’s own choice (though he is not), or by
saying “yes” when one means “no” (Jocano 1966a:24); another important form is the
expression of a “built need,” rather than the felt need (e.g., asked what his biggest prob¬
lem is, the rural household head is likely to construct his need to fit the known or sup¬
posed identity of the inquirer: if the visitor is from the rural health unit, the answer is a
resident doctor and nurse; if from the government water people, the cry is for piped
water; if the questioner is from the agricultural extension service, fertilizer, and so on;
see Lynch et al. 1966:100-101).
13. These surveys were conducted in both Manila and the provinces.
14. This is the average American again, from Gillen (1955-56).
15. Sec Footnote 14.
16. See Footnote 14.
56 Frank Lynch
17. Most of this paragraph is new. The change is made to make it unmistakably clear
that amor propio, or sensitivity to personal affront, is here seen as an intermediate value
peculiarly related to social acceptance. Hiya also promotes behavior likely to preserve,
enhance, or regain social acceptance, but it serves the same function for all other socially
approved values and norms as well.
18. The principle of awa was first added to this tentative values outline in 1962, in the
first revision of Understanding the Philippines and America.
19. When describing the best Peace Corps Volunteer, 63 per cent of respondents
mention only pakikisama; when describing the worst, 85 per cent speak only of the lack
of it.
20. In order of number of mother-tongue speakers (1960 census), the eight languages
are Cebuano, Tagalog, Iloko, Ilongo, Bikol, Waray, Kapampangan, and Pangasinan. BRAC
is the acronym for Baguio Religious Acculturation Conference.
21. The actual words and phrases most often used by respondents are given in the
footnotes to Table 1. To consider deferential behavior an integral part of pakikisama is
justified on grounds of the factor analysis of Juan (1967:27), an association which had
earlier been perceived by Bulatao
22. For a detailed description of the good superior, see Guthrie and Azores 1968:
22-23.
23. Research sites were Barrio Mojon (municipality of Malolos), Santol (Bigaa),
Cambaog (Bustos), Balatong A and Balatong B (Pulilan), See Feliciano 1966:260, Note 8.
24. Since the funds for this survey were furnished in large part by the National
Federation of Sugarcane Planters (NFSP), it is referred to in Table 4 as the IPC/NFSP
exploratory survey. The farms finally studied were 63 in number, a 1.4 per-cent sample
of the 4,366 farms listed by the eight planters’ associations included in the survey (Lynch
1970b:8). In the second phase of the study, not reported here, 193 farms were investi¬
gated.
25. Not every farm had the full quota of nine respondents, so that our final count was
63 planters, 45 encargados,50 cabos, 171 permanent and 116 temporary workers (Lynch
1970b: 11).
26. Compared to his workers, the planter also tends to mention as desirable a greater
number of universalistic qualities (Pahilanga 1970:46-47).
27. In this passage, as throughout the article from which it is excerpted (Jocano
1966a), the author makes generalizations about “the Filipino” without qualification-as
well he might in a public lecture such as this source originally was. From his Footnote 6,
however, and from the examples he gives, I judge he refers especially to the rural lowland
Filipino.
28. The circumstances are these: when the speaker (1) does not know, (2) wants to
impress, (3) is annoyed, (4) wants to end the conversation, (5) half-understands the
instruction or what is being said, (6) is not sure of himself, (7) thinks he knows better
than the one speaking to him.
29. The EPPS provides measures of 15 personality variables, based on choices the
respondent makes when given 225 paired statements and asked, “Which of these two
statements is more characteristic of what you like [or how you feel]? Scoring the
schedule consists in counting the number of choices favoring each of the 15 variables.
Results are expressed in percentiles for each of the personality variables, or “needs,” the
names of which are found in the text. For further information, see Allen L. Edwards,
Edwards Personal Preference Schedule (New York, The Psychological Corporation, 1959).
30. The variables and their loadings on Factor B are these: Endurance (EPPS), .52;
Conformity (SIV), .48; Benevolence (S1V), .47; Deference (EPPS), .36; Intraception
(EPPS), .34; Recognition (SIV), -.66; Support (SIV), -.51; Heterosexuality (EPPS),
-.50; Succorance (EPPS), -.50; Exhibition (EPPS), -.33 (Juan 1967:26).
31. The first order factors loading on second order f actor a, with their loadings, are
the following: Factor B (SIR), .67; Factor F (Autonomy),-.50; Factor K (Dominance),
-.51.
32. “Second order Factor c is bipolar, identified on one end by Factor D, which is af¬
filiation, and on the other by Factor H, which is leadership. Since this is a doublet, no
clear interpretation can be given. However, it is suggested that perhaps some leadership
traits are not to be identified with the warm outgoingness reflected in affiliation” (Juan
1967:38).
33. This particular datum is from the first unpublished version of the Abueva study
(p. 39). The percentages that appear in parentheses in the preceding sentences come from
the second preliminary version of the paper.
34. To arrive at some estimate of the relative frequency of overt disagreements in
Malitbog and Santa Ana, I made several conservative assumptions about the total number
of interpersonal encounters an average person was likely to have in these two communi¬
ties over a six-month period. Jocano’s figures (1966b:286) for quarrels and misunder¬
standings were then considered against this estimated base. The resulting frequency was
much the same in both places: one overtly disagreeable experience for every 600 pleasant
ones.
35. Another difficulty 1 find with the Marsella-Escudero study is its failure to
establish even in rough fashion the average absolute frequency of all encounters the
respondent has, respectively, with family members, relatives, friends, superiors, and
strangers. For it seems that if a respondent deals with family members hundreds of times
more frequently than with the four other categories of people, we should expect-when
we inquire about the incidence of stressful encounters with these family members—to
get “often” answers in far greater abundance than we otherwise would.
36. In writing this paper 1 profited greatly from the shared insights of a number of
my colleagues at the Institute of Philippine Culture and the departments of psychology
and sociology and anthropology, Ateneo de Manila. But my greatest debt is to F. Landa
Jocano, University of the Philippines, for had it not been for his thoughtful critique
(1966b) of the 1961 statement, I might never have attempted this article.
58 Frank Lynch
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Reciprocity in the Lowland Philippines
Mary R. Hollnsteiner
While the norm of reciprocity is a universal principle of behavior, its manifes¬

tations, the emphasis placed upon it, and the power it has to influence social
behavior differ from one society to the next. In the Philippines, where people
are so concerned about getting along with others, reciprocity is a constant
consideration, and some knowledge of its operation is essential for an under¬
standing of Philippine society.
It seems worthwhile, therefore, to give special attention to this social prin¬
ciple in order to explore its importance and its more typical manifestations.
To this end I will present an analysis of pertinent data gathered in the lowland
Philippines, particularly in Tawiran, Obando, Bulacan, a fishing village some
21 kilometers from Manila.1 This analysis will be followed by a discussion plac¬
ing Philippine reciprocity in the wider context of Philippine culture and re¬
ciprocity elsewhere. Reciprocity shall be taken to mean that principle of be¬
havior wherein every service received, solicited or not, demands a return, the
nature and proportion of the return determined by the relative statuses of the
parties involved and the kind of exchange at issue.
Revised version of a paper read at the Fourth Annual Baguio Religious Acculturation
Conference (BRAC), Baguio City, December 29-31, 1960. I am indebted to the Asia
Foundation for a grant to do research on reciprocity in Tawiran, Obando, Bulacan, 1959—
60. The research was a result of my earlier work in a number of Obando barrios
(Hollnsteiner 1963), and the impressions derived from it of the role of reciprocity in the
community.
MARY R. HOLLNSTEINER is at present Director of the Institute of Philippine Culture

(IPC) and professor of sociology at the Ateneo de Manila. She has an M.A. in sociology
from the University of the Philippines. Her research interest includes urbanization and
social interaction in small, low-income communities.
Hollnsteiner, Mary R. Reciprocity in the lowland Philippines. In Four readings on Phil¬

ippine values (“IPC Papers,” No. 2). Third edition, revised and enlarged. Frank Lynch and
Alfonso de Guzman II, editors. Quezon City, Ateneo de Manila University Press. Pp. 66—
88.
66 M. R. Hollnsteiner
Contractual Reciprocity
A study of reciprocity in Tawiran and similar Philippine lowland commu¬

nities yields a threefold classification; namely, contractual reciprocity, quasi-
contractual reciprocity, and utang m loob (debt of gratitude) reciprocity.
/ Contractual reciprocity supposes a voluntary agreement between two or more
people to behave toward one another in a specified way for a specified time
in the future (Udy 1959:57). An example of this is found in the case of a
group of farmers who agree to take turns plowing one another’s fields. This
arrangement, known as bolhon in Cebuano, has been described by Hart
(1954:431-33) and given the status of a type by Udy (1959:77). According
to the usual terms, the farmers work jointly on one field at a time, the propri¬
etor of the particular field acting as boss of the group. The amount of time
and effort spent in each case is approximately equal. When the complete
rotation of fields and corresponding work leaders has been made, the obliga¬
tion of each member to all the others is considered settled.
The strictly contractual nature of this system of mutual assistance is appar¬
ent, since the reciprocity arrangements are clearly established beforehand.
Each participant knows exactly what is expected of him and what he may ex¬
pect of the others. He does not feel compelled to do more than any other
member since it is not expected of him. In this sense, his participation is not
at the level of a general institutionalized expectation, accompanied by a dif¬
fuse sense of noblesse oblige. The felt obligation is narrow in scope and devoid
of strong emotion. Nonetheless the weakness of affect does not mean that a
shirker goes unpunished for failure to comply with the bolhon contract will
certainly bring censure and an unwillingness on the part of the others to help
the shirker in the future. Analogous situations occur constantly in Tawiran
and more urban settings, where workmen fulfill a contract and are paid in re¬
turn. Upon satisfactory completion of the work, they are paid the prearranged
sum and the reciprocal relationship is terminated. The term used to designate
this type of debt relationship is utang, meaning a contractual-type debt.
* To summarize/in contractual reciprocity, the reciprocal acts are equivalent,
their amount and form having been explicitly agreed upon beforehand. The
obligation that is felt to return a service is relatively colorless, with a mini¬
mum of affective sentiment. Fulfilment of the contract is such that there is
no doubt in the mind of either party that payment has been made; repayment
is unmistakable. The reciprocation terminates that particular relationship,
leaving the participants in a state of equilibrium.
Quasi-contractual Reciprocity
The second type of reciprocity, the quasi-contractual, regulates balanced

exchanges where the terms of repayment are not explicitly stated before the
Reciprocity in the Lowland Philippines 67
contract is made; rather, the terms are implicit in situations which the culture
recognizes and defines as calling for these terms. Reciprocity comes into play
automatically without any specific prior arrangement, and repayment is made
in a mechanical, almost nonaffective manner. But failure to reciprocate brings
censure.
The abuloy as found in Tawiran is an example of a quasi-contractual obli¬
gation based on money exchange. When someone in the community dies, it is
customary for some members of the community, related or not, and who are
not feuding with the family of the deceased, to contribute a sum of money,
or abuloy, to the bereaved family.2 The family receiving the abuloy carefully
records in a notebook kept especially for that purpose the name of the donor
and the amount contributed. The reciprocal abuloy repayment must necessar¬
ily be deferred until someone in the donor’s family dies. Then the debt engen¬
dered may be settled by the original recipient’s consulting the notebook to see
how much money the original donor’s family contributed, giving in turn exact¬
ly the same amount. As in the case of contractual reciprocity, no interest is
paid; there is no attempt to improve on the sum given by the first donor. To
do so would violate the code of equivalence ascribed to the custom of abuloy.
Nor may this type of reciprocity, when among social equals, be paid in a
manner other than by an equal contribution upon the death of someone in the
original donor’s family. The duration of time involved in repayment is of little
importance; what is essential is that reciprocation be made when the oppor¬
tunity to do so arises. In the case of the abuloy, the repayment situation is, of
course, inevitable, provided that the first donor’s family does not move out of
the barrio before a member dies.
A distinction must be made here between the situation where abuloy is
given to one’s social equal and the one where it is given by a family of dis¬
tinctly higher status to a lower-status family. In the latter case the higher-
status family, in accordance with community expectations, will normally give
an amount which the lower-status family cannot easily match. For the social
system requires that those who have more should share their bounty with
those who have less. Rather than make repayment with an embarrassingly
smaller amount of money, the lower-status recipient can settle the debt by
giving his family’s services to the donor. Helpers are always needed to prepare
the inevitable handd, or repast, which accompanies the wake on the first,
third, and ninth nights following the death. Attendance at the prayers for the
dead and at the funeral itself is always appreciated and noted by the bereaved
family. Although the abuloy repayment by the lower-status family is not made
in cash, the principle of equivalence is enforced nevertheless. The services or
public prayers rendered are acceptable substitutes, and neither party is ex¬
pected to feel particularly grateful for the amount contributed in money or
services since the abuloy is a balanced exchange relatively free of emotional
charge. The abuloy is a quasi-contractual form of reciprocity.
Borrowing of certain household articles also involves a quasi-contractual

relationship. For example, a housewife runs short of rice. Perhaps a few rela¬
tives or friends have dropped in unexpectedly and she is caught without
money to replenish her supply. She may buy on credit at the sari sari, or
general, store, or quickly send her daughter to a neighbor’s house to borrow a
ganta of rice. The neighbor readily provides it without any specifications as to
when it should be repaid. Both lender and borrower know, however, that the
rice must be repaid soon and in the same quantity and quality. Only in the
event that repayment is delayed beyond a reasonable interval is there any
compulsion to increase the amount returned. Again, this interest payment is
not explicitly specified but both parties know it must be added. Not to do so
would amount to an abuse of a favor done, bringing about strained relation¬
ships so undesirable in Philippine culture and particularly appalling when one’s
neighbors, who usually occupy a special place in one’s affections, are involved.
This pattern of borrowing applies to numerous other articles: ulam (the
main dish or dishes of the meal which go with rice—often called viands), extra
plates, silverware, chairs, a bolo, a ladder, a banca for holiday excursion, and
other household goods. In each case the item borrowed should be returned
when the borrower is through using it or should at least be handy if the lender
sends someone to retrieve it some time afterward. If the item has been con¬
sumed, its substitute should be returned in the same quantity within the next
few days. The same sort of items can be lent in turn by the original borrower
should the lender eventually also need extra chairs, silverware, and so on.
/Money is usually unacceptable as a form of repayment here since the item was
being lent, not sold. Even though the replacement value of the item might be
provided by a money payment, the donor would be forced to the inconven¬
ience of buying that item all over again. It is the recipient who should incur
this inconvenience. Moreover, they would find it difficult to set a price since
the item has already changed hands on a friendly rather than contractual basis.
Still another kind of quasi-contractual obligation is that engendered by co¬
operative labor projects. Pedro, a salambaw, or fishing-raft, owner wants to
build a new salambaw. Although he might hire laborers, he would need a large
number in order to accomplish the heavy work in one day. Since such group¬
ings are difficult to contract for so short a work period, he usually turns to
relatives, his abay (close friends, “buddies”) and neighbors for assistance. The
following Sunday, they are told, he would like to invite them to a lusong or
bayanihan (cooperative work bee). They in turn ask their relatives, friends,
and neighbors to help out. When Sunday comes, the helpers arrive at the ap¬
proximate time designated and begin the heavy, unskilled labor which needs
to be done. They take a break for cigarettes, coffee, bezr, ginatan, or whatever
refreshments the lusong-giver, Pedro, has provided. When the work is done,
Pedro thanks his helpers, who now depart. Those of the helpers who are also
salambaw fishermen can rest assured that when they build their own salambaw,
Pedro will honor the debt they have just placed him in and will help them in
turn. For that matter, they can expect his help in any kind of lusong, whether
it be house-moving or building a fishtrap.
Here again, no clear statement of obligation has been made by either party,
yet the necessity to repay in kind when the opportunity to do so arises is
mandatory. For those who do not own a salambaw or fishtrap or who do not
expect to move their houses within a reasonable amount of time, the third
type of reciprocity involving utang na lo6b is created. This will be discussed
shortly.
To summarize the characteristics of quasi-contractual reciprocity: this man¬
ifestation of the norm utilizes both forms of the principle of equivalence in
the return payment. In one instance, the things exchanged may be concretely
different but should be equal in value, as defined by the actors in the situa¬
tion. In the second, exchanges should be concretely alike, or identical in form,
either with respect to the things exchanged, or the circumstances under which
they are exchanged (Gouldner 1960:172). The payment of interest does not
apply here unless the borrower has failed to return a consumption item after
a reasonable amount of time. In the latter case it would appear that an utang
na loob relationship is created because the lender has in effect provided an
extra service at a sacrifice to himself—that of doing without the item for a
long time when he might have been using it.
The terms of quasi-contractual reciprocation are agreed on implicitly, not
explicitly. Nonetheless, the situation and the cultural norms bring a clear un¬
derstanding of expected behavior with a minimum of affective sentiment.
Accordingly, the form of the reciprocation, when it occurs, is recognized as
payment in full, but the obligation remains to initiate another similar ex¬
change when the same kind of situation, culturally defined as such, arises in
the future. During this interim period the status of the relationship may be
described as dormant. This is in contrast to the contractual type of reciprocity,
where the completion of the bolhon, for instance, terminates the reciprocal
relationship. There remains no obligation to enter into a new contract, though
the desire to do this may be a shared sentiment.
Utang-na-lo6b Reciprocity
The third type of reciprocity, utang-na-lo6b reciprocity, is most conscious¬

ly generated when a transfer of goods or services takes place between individ¬
uals belonging to two different groups. Since one does not ordinarily expect
favors of anyone not of his own group, a service of this kind throws the norm
into bold relief. Furthermore, it compels the recipient to show his gratitude
properly by returning the favor with interest to be sure that he does not
remain in the other’s debt. It is a true gift in this sense. It is also a kind of one-
upmanship. The type of debt created in the recipient is called utang na loob
(literally, a debt inside oneselQ or sense of gratitude.3
Utang-na-loob reciprocity is an ancient Filipino operating principle. Colin,
writing in 1663 about the social obligations binding a barangay chief and his
people, makes this statement:
There was another kind of service which was not of servitude, though it appeared to
be such. It was generally seen among certain persons called cabalangay. Whenever such
persons wanted any small trifle they begged the head chief of their barangay for it, and
he gave it to them. In return whenever he summoned them they were obliged to go to
him to work in his fields or to row in his boats. Whenever a feast or banquet was given
they all came together and helped furnish the tuba, wine or quilan, such being their
method of services (Colin 1663:96).
The modern counterpart of this diffuse mutual service may be seen in the
following description of interaction in a Bisayan community:
The share tenant likes a landlord who treats him paternally. Consequently, a paternal
landlord is the recipient of many extra services from his tenant. The landlord in turn acts
as the patron of the tenant .... In many instances, a tenant’s family is tied to a land¬
lord’s farm because of gratitude and debts to the landlord .... The fact that a landlord
always grants a tenant’s request for credit and the fact that the credit is granted at a crisis
period in the tenant’s life binds him in endless gratitude to his benefactor (Poison and
Pal 1956:90-91).
Every Filipino is expected to possess utang na loob; that is, he should be

aware of his obligations to those from whom he receives favors and should re¬
pay them in an acceptable manner. Since utang na loob invariably stems from
a service rendered, even though a material gift may be involved, quantification
is impossible. One cannot actually measure the repayment but can attempt to
make it, nevertheless, either believing that it supersedes the original service in
quality or acknowledging that the reciprocal payment is partial and requires
further payment. Some services can never be repaid. Saving a person’s life
would be one of these; getting a steady job, especially for an unskilled laborer
at a time when employment is scarce and unskilled laborers abound, might be
another.
Aling Maria illustrates this in telling of a son who had held a temporary job
with the former Manila Railroad Company. When he was about to be laid off,
she and her husband asked their compadre in Manila, who was “strong” with
a leading congressman, to secure the young man’s employment on a perma¬
nent basis. The compadre’s being that son’s godfather made the parent’s ap¬
peal even more binding. Her son soon received a permanent appointment.
Their utang na loob to their compadre was great indeed, and further height¬
ened by their degree of need at the time. Gratitude also extended to the
congressman but in a more diffuse way since there had been no direct contact.
The compadre shouldered the burden of utang na loob to the congressman.
Reciprocity in the Lowland Philippines 7/
One-sided utang-na-lo6b relationships also exist, especially where a power-

status differential precludes the likelihood of equivalent repayment on the
part of the subordinate party. In the case of Aling Maria, both she and her
compadre understand that her family’s campaign support for the congressman
will probably be sought by the compadre at election time. She can thus pay
off at least one installment on her indebtedness to her two.benefactors, as can
her compadre to the congressman. In the landlord-tenant relationship, which
parallels the dato-cabalangay relationship cited above, the tenant knows he
cannot approach anywhere near an equivalent return. As long as he fulfils his
expected duties toward his landlord and shows by bringing a few dozen eggs
and helping out at festive occasions that he recognizes a debt of gratitude, he
may continue to expect benefits from his landlord. The tenant receives unin¬
terrupted preferential treatment despite the fact that he never reciprocates
with interest and never reverses the debt relationship.
The rice which a landlord gives a tenant during the course of their relationship serves
to bind one to the other. But whereas the landlord may want to consider such rice as
being loaned, the tenant will consider it as “owed” him as part of the reciprocal social
relationship and wear the debt lightly (Human Relations Area Files, Inc. 1956:1400).
The utang-na-lo6b repayment, where it is made or attempted, is undefined

in the sense that it can' encompass any acceptable form within the reach of the
one reciprocating. In a seesawing coordinate relationship there is an uneasiness
about being on the indebted side, temporary though the position may be. This
reluctance to be indebted encourages full payment with interest as soon as the
opportunity presents itself. The fisherman whose sickly daughter has been
cured gratis by the local doctor assures his benefactor of his eagerness to help
entertain the doctor’s weekend guests from Manila. Sure enough, the visitors
find several motorized bancas waiting to carry them to a picnic site amid the
outlying fishponds. There they find a sumptuous seafood spread, much of it
provided by the grateful fisherman.
The permanent superordinate-subordinate relationship, on the other hand,
is characterized by acceptance of the relative positions and a corresponding
lack of uneasiness on the part of the subordinate element about reciprocation
with interest. In the former case, failure to discharge one’s utang na loob by
repaying with interest brings, or should bring, hiyd, or shame, on the side of
the guilty party; in the latter case, failure to make partial payment through
sporadic, token gifts or services indicating recognition of the debt causes, or
should cause, hiyd.
A word on hiyd is called for. Hiyd is the universal social sanction that re¬
gulates the give and take of reciprocity and, in general, all social behavior.
Hiyd may be translated as “a sense of social propriety”; as a preventive, it
makes for conformity to community norms. When one violates such a norm
he ordinarily feels a deep sense of shame, a realization of having failed to live
up to the standards of the society. To. call a Filipino walanghiyd, or^shame-

less,” is to wound him seriously.
Pal (1956) reports that the nonpayer of a debt of gratitude in southwestern
Leyte is called way ibalus (“one who has nothing to pay”), a derogatory term
placing him in a status below that of a beggar or a dog. “A beggar prays for
the good health of whoever gives him alms, and a dog barks for his master, but
a way ibalus does not even have a prayer or a bark for his benefactor.”
By not settling an obligation when the opportunity arises, the Filipino vio¬
lates a highly valued operating principle and experiences a consequent hiya.
To avoid this painful experience, he makes every effort to repay his obliga¬
tions in the manner prescribed by his culture.
Intrafamily Utang na Lodb
Although this paper is primarily concerned with utang-na-lo6b reciprocity

outside the nuclear family context, mention must be made of the feeling of
gratitude inherent in the Filipino family. The term utang na loob is also used
with reference to parent-child and sibling relationships; but the emotion at¬
tached to it goes far deeper than the nonfamilial utang na loob. Children are
expected to be everlastingly grateful to their parents not only for all the latter
have done for them in the process of raising them but more fundamentally for
giving them life itself. The children should recognize, in particular, that their
mother risked her life to enable each child to exist. Thus, a child’s utang na
loob to its parents is immeasurable and eternal. Nothing he can do during his
lifetime can make up for what they have done for him. The same is true of the
sibling relationship. The younger sibling owes utang na loob to all his elder
siblings for the care which they have lavished on him and, in the local view,
even for letting the younger ones be born by being born first.
That the concept of utang na loob in relation to family obligations differs
from utang na loob as used in nonfamilial relationships is reflected in the dis¬
agreement regarding the use of the term when talking about the child’s grati¬
tude toward his parents; some argue that the Tagalog term is inapplicable here.
A possible explanation for this disparity in views may be that the felt obliga¬
tion remains on a nonverbal level. Verbalization is necessary only on the rare
and critical occasion when the obligation has been flouted; at other times,
mention of it would be superfluous.
The parent-child utang-na-loob relationship is complementary rather than
reciprocal. For parents never develop utang na loob toward their children.
They have a duty to rear them which is complemented by the children’s obli¬
gation to respect and obey their parents and show their gratitude by taking
care of them in old age. The children’s obligation to the parents continues
even when the parents’ duties have been largely fulfilled.
This complementarity breeds a special closeness among family members,
imposing on them a deep-seated obligation to cling to one another. They have
no choice but to help their closest relatives when the situation demands. Fur¬
thermore, whereas the parties to a nonfamilial utang-na-loob relationship may
calculate whether or not the return payment has indeed been made with in¬
terest, this kind of thinking is foreign to the family. One does one’s duties and
performs one’s obligations as need arises; failure to do so arouses deep bitter¬
ness and the feeling that a sacred unifying bond has been torn asunder and a
family betrayed. In a situation of this kind, the accusations of “walang utang
na lo6b” and “walang hiya” take on a meaning far more serious than they
would where only nonfamily relations involved. The family member who has
betrayed his trust in this manner is told that he does not know how to love
and honor his parents or elder siblings (hindi marunong magmahal sa mga
magulang/kapatid). Obligations to grandparents and duties toward grandchil¬
dren are extensions of one’s parents’ and children’s roles toward their parents
and children, respectively.
The complementary relationship can also be extended beyond the nuclear
family to other relatives, but here selection is involved. Some reflection will
remind us that the enormous network of relatives any one individual acquires
through bilateral kinship virtually forces him to single out certain relatives
who will be closer to him than others. This is usually determined by simple
geographical proximity, traditional family preferences, or the particular attrac¬
tion between two personalities. The rest of one’s relatives lie outside the pale
of the actual, functional segment but are always there, ready to be admitted
to the inner circle should the occasion, need, or opportunity arise. The first
cousin who lives in another province and is rarely visited frequently rates as
an outsider, while the fourth cousin next door or in one’s own household is
usually a member of one’s segment.
Utang-na-loob complementarity carries with it the notion of duty, a recog¬
nition that in a situation of need those who are culturally designated to re¬
spond must do so. Thus, in the event of a wedding, the groom’s relatives have
the primary obligation to help finance it. Other forms of assistance, however,
like the borrowing and lending of household items in daily life are not limited
to relatives but fall also in the action sphere of neighbors and friends. While
one may solicit the aid of close relatives, neighbors, or friends for everyday
needs, he is well advised not to approach relatives too frequently for small
items available from others. For if he exhausts his kinsmen’s goodwill with
petty requests, they may fail to respond when more important needs arise,
like substantial loans or assistance at a wedding.
The ingroup, of which the nuclear family is the core, is characterized by
familiarity and ease in one another’s presence. In effect, one’s guard is down
in the knowledge that he can be himself and not bother to adopt the over-
solicitous attitude and euphemistic language characterizing relationships with
outgroup members. The term, tayo-tayo lamang (“just us”), is used to refer
to this primary group. This difference in feeling and behavior toward those
who are close and those who are not, illustrates a more general social valua¬
tion in the Philippines: the keen consciousness of the near, and the diffuse
awareness and disregard of the far. Some friendly non relatives may mean
more to a man than the long-lost kinsman. Contrary to a popular notion, Fili¬
pinos do not indiscriminately support relatives above all others; the near-far,
ingroup-outgroup dichotomies introduce limiting factors.
Utang na loob in Practice
To show the principle of utang na lo6b reciprocity in operation, 1 shall

now discuss the occasions in which utang na loob is incurred and then present
a description of situations through which these obligations may be wholly or
partially repaid. In going through the analysis, one should keep in mind the
distinction made above between utang-na-loob reciprocity and complementa¬
rity.
Utang-na-loob reciprocity is created when a person sends a relative’s or
friend’s child through school, paying all or part of the expenses involved. In a
period when education is so highly valued as the path to a prestigeful white-
collar or professional future, the sponsor of these studies creates a lifetime
obligation in the child and his family by making possible such a prospect.
This is true whether the benefactor’s support has been solicited, or whether
he has initiated it voluntarily (kusang loob). In the latter case the sense of
gratitude mounts because of the spontaneous character of the offer. An un¬
equal relationship develops in which the recipient’s obligation is to make at
least token gestures of appreciation since it is not likely that he can ever real¬
ly discharge his indebtedness.
Supporting an initially outgroup relative or nonfamily member in one’s
own home creates utang na loob on the part of the supported and his imme¬
diate relatives. The supported may work, in which case he will give much of
his earnings to the supporting family. Or, he may perform services about the
house which partially pay his debt. The situation so prevalent, particularly in
city and town homes, of poorer relatives living in the household and acting in
the capacity of servants need not dismay the non-Filipino. True, they do
heavy housework, but with a difference—they sit with the family at meals,
meaning that they are treated as members of the family. Helping the mistress
of the house with the work is part payment on their utang na lo6b. Once they
gain the status of ingroup member in that household, they continue to per¬
form these duties in accordance with the group’s expectations that a member
of the family must do his share in the functioning of the household. Utang na
loob becomes a relatively unconscious consideration for one so adopted as
long as he remains in the household, but it becomes consciously significant in

his own family’s relationship to those supporting him.
Professional services rendered free of charge or for a token fee also engen¬
der utang na loob. When a Filipino consults a doctor or a lawyer, he may
choose him on a kinship basis, as a casual acquaintance, or merely because he
has heard good reports about him. If a token fee or no fee at all is charged,
particularly if the doctor has paid a home visit or if the lawyer has devoted a
great deal of time to one’s legal case, the patient/client gratitude is high. If he
has paid the regular consultation fee, no utang na loob is felt by the patient/
client—unless the doctor or lawyer has done far more than the regular fee
calls for, for example, coming in the middle of a stormy night to sit by a
patient’s bedside for many hours. Pal (1956:432) reports that approximately
90 per cent of the people in a Leyte barrio acknowledge a debt of gratitude to
the midwife, hilot (masseur), and herbolario (traditional doctor or herbalist.)
For there is a modality of generosity and pleasantness which cannot be repaid
in coin.
Giving credit is another area for the creation of utang na loob. Even
though many instances of borrowing are ostensibly of a contractual or quasi-
contractual nature, the borrower still feels a strong debt of gratitude to the
lender for making available the money at the time he needed it. In cases
where this is so, the borrower still acknowledges an inner debt, even if he has
already paid off the principal and high interest rates, because a special service
was rendered beyond a strictly contractual arrangement. (The sense of grati¬
tude is even greater when a little or no interest is charged.) This tallies with
Gouldner’s observation that the value of the benefit and the debt developed
in proportion to it vary with the intensity of need at the time (Gouldner
^960:171). As a Leyte proverb puts it: “A debt of money carubc paid and
once naid. it is paid; but a debt of gratitude may be paid, but the debtor is
still indebted.” (Pal 1956:431).
In accordance with the operation of utang-na-loob reciprocity, therefore,
giving gifts to bank officials or persons in high positions in money-lending in¬
stitutions is not viewed by many Filipinos as immoral since these gifts are
merely tokens of their gratitude. When the gifts are presented at Christmas,
by definition of gift-giving time, even the most moral official finds it hard to
refuse without insulting the giver, provided the gift does not go beyond prop¬
er proportions. As Marcel Mauss has written, the gift involves not only the ob¬
ligation to make a return but also the obligation to receive (Mauss 1954:10—
11). The concept of impersonal service is not deeply ingrained in the bureauc¬
racy or the general public; gift giving and receiving for service rendered is
common.
Extending further the workings of utang na lo6b, when a government of¬
ficial in Manila gives a person special treatment, facilitating his papers ahead
. ji ~r.
T6 M. R. Hollnsteiner
76
of others, it becomes virtually mandatory to show one’s gratitude for this
service with a few pesos, or by sending special food to his house, or by taking
hjtn to dinner and perhaps a nightclub. Obviously, the line between bribery
and reciprocal giving is a thin one, and it is easy for an official to rationalize
bribery in terms of utang-na-loob payment.
However, the gift is usually presented after^me initial service is rendered,
sometimes long afterwards and at an appropriate festive occasion. To give
before the service is rendered would smack of bribery, while to give shortly
after the service would be crass and crude. But a decent interval assuages the
conscience of most highly moral individuals because the boundary between
bribery and utang-na-loob reciprocity has been rather clearly marked by the
lapse in time. Indeed when an outright bribe is in the offing, the usual proce¬
dure is for the parties involved to have a meaningful conversation beforehand,
each sounding out the other in euphemistic language to see what the condi¬
tions will be. If this is the case, then the source of obligation is now a quasi¬
contract or contract arid no longer utang na loob.
The repugnance of many non-Filipinos and modernized Filipinos at this
“handout” situation is not matched by the rest of Filipino society, simply be¬
cause Filipinos rarely interpret postservice gift giving as bad. To them it is not
bribery. How can the fulfilment of one’s social obligations, brought about
through utang na loob, be anything but good, reasons the average Filipino. It
is the system he has learned as a member of his society; it is part of his
culture.
Another occasion for the development of utang na loob arises when a per¬
son in a strategic position acts as an intermediary between two people or
groups. In Tawiran, the individual who has connections in Manila hospitals
and uses them to facilitate the admission of a Tawiran resident as a patient
creates almost eternal gratitude in the family he helps. It is not easy to gain
entry into crowded government hospitals or private charity wards in Manila.
Even after the patient is admitted, it takes some skill to get the medicines,
X-rays, blood plasma, and various tests free or at very low rates. The poor
people of Tawiran cannot afford to pay much, if anything, and so an interme¬
diary is of tremendous help. The patient and his family may spend the rest of
their Eves repaying their utang na loob to their friend, and intermediary.
Since hospitalization is being resorted to by Tawiran folk at a rate faster than
free or low-cost facilities are being made available, these opportunities for
creation of utang na loob will undoubtedly increase in frequency.
Getting a job is another operation that involves an intermediary and utang
na loob. In a community where the great majority has not gone beyond
fourth grade in elementary school, jobs outside the area are hard to come by
and highly coveted, particularly where a steady income is guaranteed. The
natural increase in population, aided by the lowered infant mortality rate of
the past 60 years, has put growing pressure on the limited resources of the
Tawiran area. Some of the men turn elsewhere for their livelihood, further
swelling the already swollen ranks of unskilled laborers who hope to find
work in Manila. The person through whose intercession a job is acquired be¬
comes one’s utang-na-loob creditor for life.
There are other instances in Tawiran where utang na loob may be devel¬
oped, but they are not major occasions like those already discussed. Worthy
of re-mention, however, is the lusong, or cooperative work bee, where Pedro’s
inability to repay in equivalent terms those helpers who do not own a salam-
baw and are not moving their house means a creation of utang naloob. The
utang na loob developed in the loan of a jeep or banca or other items which
cannot be repaid in kind belongs in the same category.
Although we have discussed these occasions insofar as they create utang na
loob, one must bear in mind that they may also, in relation to different sets
of persons, be occasions for reciprocation. Thus, the doctor who gives free
service and medicine may be repaying a favor once done for him by the pa¬
tient, someone in the patient’s family, or by the person who recommended
the doctor to the patient. The job-getting intermediary may be reciprocating
an act performed by someone in the job seeker’s ingroup.
Festive occasions provide the best opportunities for whole or partial pay¬
ment of one’s utang na loob to a maximum number of people of one time.
Any family will have at least one of these a year in the form of the fiesta
celebration, and probably an additional one in a baptism, birthday (a rela¬
tively recent occasion for festivity), marriage, or wake-funeral. Elections
provide especially propitious opportunities.
All these festive occasions involve a large supply of food on the part of the
celebrant, and each celebration of this kind provides an opportunity for utang-
na-loob debtors of the host to reciprocate, at least in part, by sending food,
much of it already cooked, to his house on the day of the festivities. One tries
to send meat dishes and the specialties of the area—in Tawiran prawns, large
crabs, stuffed bangus (milkfish), pickled green vegetables, and other high-
prestige foods defined as fiesta fare and certain to find particular favor with
the guests from other municipalities.
If one does not have much to give on these occasions, women in the debtor
family will often go to the house of the creditor and help with the tremendous
amount of food preparation which must be accomplished. As people sit a-
round the table after the baptism, wedding, or final funeral prayers, equal and
lower-status relatives, friends in the ingroup, as well as utang-na-loob debtors
help serve and run back and forth to the preparation area to refill the fast¬
emptying dishes. At weddings, the groom’s family provides everything. Again,
ingroup members and utang-na-loob debtors come to help and occasionally
give presents, too. Others, particularly outgroup relatives, restrict themselves
to money gifts, while nonrelatives tend to give presents. At funerals these

same people help with the arrangements and the food, and attend the nine-
day period of prayer for the dead. This may go on year after year, until the
debt is considered settled with interest. Or, in the superordinate-subordinate
relationship, the partially paid-up debtor who is in good standing feels secure
in asking another favor of his creditor, in effect renewing his loan. In this dis¬
parate relationship, the subordinate party maintains his good credit rating by
making practical admission of the debt that he owes: through his promptness
to do service and give small gifts, he pronounces himself the other man’s per¬
petual debtor.
A particularly fruitful occasion for reciprocation is an election. Political
leaders, cognizant of the social system, exploit it by deliberately cultivating
utang-na-loob debts toward themselves so that when voting time comes, they
can reclaim these by requesting the debtors to vote for them or for their can¬
didate. In general,, the debtor’s sense of honor and propriety forces him to
comply regardless of the quality of the candidate involved or his party. This is
also true of elections in private groups—clubs, for example. The man who
might perform the job better by efficiency standards may lose the election
simply because his opponent has a larger group of followers, among them
many utang-na-lo6b debtors. A vote in Tawiran is considered a substantial re¬
payment and is the object of a great deal of competition. Voting in accord¬
ance with an utang-na-lo6b creditor’s request can wipe out one’s debt to him,
unless of course, this is ruled out by the original circumstances which created
that debt. (That some debts can never be fully repaid has already been men¬
tioned.)
The functions of festive occasions, therefore, include not only the fulfil¬
ment of religious obligations, meeting family and friends, distribution of
wealth, and opportunities for status climbing or reaffirming one’s high status;
they are also major means of repaying one’s social obligations, mandatory in
Philippine culture, or at least of indicating to the invited that one recognizes
an existing debt relationship.
Utang na Lodb: Summary
Summarizing the nature of utang-na-loob reciprocity, one notes that it is

characterized by unequal repayment with no prior agreement, explicit or im¬
plicit, on the form or quantity of the return. The only definite requirement
is, in the coordinate case, the obligation to repay with interest, while in the
superordinate-subordinate case, it is the recognition and admission of the
debt. To restate the norm of reciprocity as an operational principle in Philip¬
pine life: every service received, solicited or not, demands a return-the na¬
ture and proportion of the return determined by the relative statuses of the
parties involved, and the kind of exchange at issue.
When the coordinate debtor reciprocates out of utang na loob, he is fre¬
quently not sure just how much of the debt he has paid back. And even when
he believes that he has repaid with interest, he cannot be sure the other party
thinks so, too. This element of insecurity regarding the fulfilment of the debt
can maintain the relationship indefinitely, or at least as long as the parties
remain geographically close enough to each other to continue interacting. Be¬
cause an utang-na-loob relationship is rarely terminated, the statuses of the
two parties are, ideally, never equal: if they began as individuals of approxi¬
mately the same socio-economic status, the services they exchange place now
one, and now the other, in the creditor’s position; if they began as individuals
of clearly unequal status, their service exchanges will only rarely disturb this
relationship. In the former instance, where near-equals have exchanged serv¬
ices, they may not be sure who has emerged the creditor. In such a case, the
fear of being termed “walang utang na loob” and “walang hiya” by the other
party often prevents complacency about debt fulfilment and forces continued
reciprocation.
Lest the reader get the impression, however, that being an utang-na-loob
debtor makes one unhappy, it should be made clear that this is not necessari¬
ly so where close friends are concerned. Each enjoys doing favors for the
other and is generally not conscious of the interplay of debt relationships.
They are more than willing to emphasize their special closeness through reci¬
procal favor-doing “with no strings attached.” Actual awareness of what each
has done for the other or what each owes the other comes most often with a
veering toward a clearly one-sided arrangement or a breaking-up of the friend¬
ship altogether. Only at that point does a partner raise the tie to a level of
consciousness. “That ingrate!” he might exclaim, “After all I have done for
him!” As the genuine desire to be closely bound to someone declines, there is
a corresponding growth of uneasiness at being on the debtor side of an utang-
na-loob relationship.
Affective sentiment is at a maximum in utang-na-loob reciprocity, particu¬
larly when the debt of gratitude is so great that a lifetime is insufficient for
repayment. The element of self-prestation is also extremely important, for the
spirit in which a service is rendered, the giving of self that is involved, lends an
emotional content to the relationship that is lacking in contractual and quasi-
contractual reciprocity.
Overall Summary
Three kinds of reciprocity have been distinguished: contractual, quasi-con-

tractual, and utang na lo6b. The characteristics of each are summarized in the
accompanying chart and, in all but one feature, need not be further elabo¬
rated. Calling for some additional explanation are the functioning of hiy£, or
shame, and the way in which this feeling differs from utang na loob itself.
Whether the reciprocity be contractual, quasi-contractual, or utang na

loob, hiy5 is the sanction which ensures payment. The person who fails to
fulfil a contract experiences a sense of shame because he has not kept his
word. Thus, the man who does not pay his utang, or contractual debt, to the
sari sari store owner at the end of the month, as per agreement, is in hiyl
This is true particularly if the debtor is unwilling to pay though presumably
able to do so. The debtor will not be expected to feel his guilt as strongly,
however, if he simply does not have the money to pay his debt. In the con¬
tractual and quasi-contractual situations, the type of return is specified, ex¬
plicitly or implicitly, ahead of time. That the debtor cannot fulfil his com¬
mitment is seen as a trick of fate, a result of circumstances beyond the debt¬
or’s control. The society minimizes even further the shame of the debtor by
its general adherence to the belief, when the creditor is well off, that the lat¬
ter can better afford the loss or delayed payment than the former can afford
to make payment. When the two parties are closer in status, however,
nonreciprocation brings a larger measure of shame because of presumably
equal need on the creditor side.
Hiya also dictates payment of utang-na-loob debts, but here the expected
hiy£ upon nonreciprocation goes deeper. For nonpayment in effect means
unwillingness to pay. Inability to do so does not enter in because the creditor
requests payment only when he is reasonably sure that the debtor is in a posi¬
tion to repay. Thus, for example, the family which does not comply with an
utang-na-loob creditor’s request that its members vote for his candidates dur¬
ing the elections is open to the charge of “walang hiya.” For they could have,
in the creditor’s estimate, partially or completely discharged their debt, but
for reasons of their own apparently chose not to. The creditor has, therefore,
been slighted by their unwillingness to recognize the supremacy of this debt
relationship over others. Nor has he asked the impossible; for example, that
they vote for his candidate when their own brother was running for the same
post.
Thus, when the repayment of an utang-na-lo6b debt is demanded but not
honored, the debtor cannot ordinarily shift the blame to circumstances be¬
yond his control. The creditor believes that the debtor is in a position to
make a choice. Otherwise reciprocation would not have been requested. Whe¬
ther the debtor actually has this choice is less important than his realization
that the creditor thinks the choice is there. In this sense, the choice is a reali¬
ty. Shame upon nonreciprocation of an utang-na-lo6b debt is maximized,
therefore. Reneging on a contractual or quasi-contractual debt causes shame
because of the debtor’s unwillingness or inability to repay; in utang-na-lo6b
reciprocity a deeper sense of shame arises from one’s unwillingness to repay
despite a demand that takes into account one’s ability to do so.
HiyS is thus distinguishable from utang na lo6b, the latter being an operat-
Characteristics of Contractual, Quasi-contractual

and Utang-na-loob Reciprocity
Types of reciprocity
Utang na lodb
Features
Quasi-
Contractual Superordinate-
contractual Coordinate
subordinate
Expected With Partial,

Equivalent
payment interest incomplete
Explicit as Implicit as No agreement

Agreement
to amount to amount as to amount
on terms and form and form and form
Uncertain
Repayment Unmistakable
even when Not expected
in full when made
made
Status of Not balanced, Not balanced,

obligation Balanced Balanced alive, but alive, and
after reci¬ and dead but dormant shifted to still with
procation other party same party
Emotions Very
Insignificant Significant
involved significant
Source of Inability or
Unwillingness to repay
hiya unwillingness to repay
Hiya is thus distinguishable from utang na loob, the latter being an operat¬
ing principle in Philippine society and the former the universal sanction rein¬
forcing the desirability of feeling and honoring utang na loob. Hiya is not nec¬
essarily accompanied by utang na loob, but utang na loob is always reinforced
by hiya. The man who is shamed because he has been scolded publicly does
not recognize utang na loob as being involved in this situation; it simply does
not apply. But when a man was hired through the personal kindness of the
company president, and finds himself nonetheless joining his fellow workers
in a strike, he cannot help feeling hiya, despite the reassurances of his co¬
strikers: in turning against his benefactor in this manner, he knows he has
failed to recognize a primal debt of gratitude to him.
Discussion
Although some manifestations of reciprocity are peculiar to the Philip¬

pines, the principle at work is common to all societies. This norm has been
the subject of considerable study and several classic treatises, among them
those of Marcel Mauss, Bronislaw Malinowski (1960), and Claude Levi-Strauss
(1957). A short review of their contributions will recall to mind the universal¬
ity of reciprocity and its place in the social order.
All three writers insist that gift exchange is not so much a purely economic
transaction as it is social reciprocation. Mauss (1954) makes clear that in
primitive society reciprocity plays an extremely important role which is not
primarily of an economic nature but “a total social fact,” that is, connected
simultaneously with social, religious, economic, legal, and other aspects of the
culture.
Malinowski’s famous analysis of the Melanesian kula ring system of ex¬
change also emphasizes the social nature of reciprocation. Long necklaces of
red shell move in a clockwise direction in the area and are exchanged with
bracelets of white shell moving counter-clockwise. A member of the kula has
definite trading partners, one set living in the region north and east of him,
who give him the white shell bracelets and who, in turn, receive the red neck¬
laces. The bracelets are then exchanged with another set of trading partners
to the south and east, who reciprocate with necklaces. One gift is repaid after
some time by another gift, with no bartering or haggling involved.
This ritualized gift exchange serves to bind its members in a series of alli¬
ances. The items themselves have little economic value; nor are they worn as
adornment. Their worth lies in the prestige they give the temporary owner,
not by their mere possession, but by the consequence of their legitimate pos¬
session. For the man who owns them takes pride in recounting their history,
in boasting from whom he acquired them, and in proclaiming with whom he
will exchange them next. What ownership really establishes is the identity of
his trading owner’s status. Bracelets and necklaces are valued, therefore, not
for their substance, but for their source and destination.
To Levi-Strauss, reciprocity is a means for the transmission of goods, par¬
ticularly in more primitive societies. He discusses the Kwakiutl potlatch,
showing that the characteristic destruction of goods is a response to another
party’s having done the same. By throwing more blankets into the flames
than his rival, the Kwakiutl Indian enhances his claim to the superordinate
position, crushing his challenger. A Western counterpart of this ceremony, re¬
marks Levi-Strauss, is the Christmas gift exchange, which he terms a gigantic
potlatch.
He also cites the reciprocal pouring of wine by fellow guests at small inns
in southern France. Here the initially hostile situation of strangers at a table is
made friendly by one man’s pouring his wine into the other’s glass, inducing
the other to do the same for him. Obviously, neither has gained in an econom¬
ic sense; what has been accomplished instead by the exchange is the breaking
down of barriers and the substituting of sociability for strained silence.
Mauss, Malinowski, and Levi-Strauss, therefore, attest to the universality of
the principle of reciprocity and agree that it creates, continues, and motivates
social bonds. The data presented in this paper indicate that the norm has sim¬
ilar functions in the Philippines.
In a more recent statement, Alvin Gouldner has reiterated the role of reci¬
procity in stabilizing the social system. But, in addition, he stresses that it is
normally improper to break off reciprocal relations, that is, to stop the see¬
saw process at any point in the cycle. Furthermore, a man lays himself open
to similar blame by trying to discharge his debt too soon after it is incurred
(Gouldner 1960:175). People tend, rather, to search for mechanisms to in¬
duce others to remain socially their debtors. As one informant put it, “I al¬
ways tell my children to be good to their friends and cultivate their goodwill,
as one never knows when he may need them.” If nonreciprocation became
common behavior, the social system would be drained of an important nor¬
mative base.
Consider the Philippines in the light of Gouldner’s observation. Two fea¬
tures of the utang-na-loob coordinate relationship function to perpetuate the
existence of a debt. One is payment with interest, and the other, ambiguity.
Practically speaking, it makes little difference whether a person, on the one
hand, wants to be clear of the debt, and so returns service received with a
definite addition over and above the principal or, on the other, not certain
whether he has discharged his debt, keeps adding further services in hopes of
turning the tables on his creditor. In either case, the social bond continues
and is even strengthened.
In a society such as the Philippines, where the gap between social classes is
marked, utang-na-loob reciprocity stabilizes the social system in a special man-
ner by acting as a bridge between the separated sets. It particularizes the

functional interrelationship of the upper and lower classes, that is, the rights
and obligations of the upper class toward the lower class and vice versa are
translated by it into a functional relationship between this upper-class person
and this lower-class person (Lynch 1959). Thus, the general expectancy that
the upper class will share its surplus with the lower class now becomes a par¬
ticular expectancy between this landlord, for instance, and this tenant.
When the tenant takes the landlord a dozen eggs or performs services, the
tenant’s relatively meager gifts ensure abundant return. For in keeping with
his status, the landlord reciprocates in the manner befitting a man of means.
The disparity in actual worth of the gifts exchanged in this reciprocal relation¬
ship is sanctioned by the Philippine cultural value of sharing one’s surplus
with others. Utang-na-loob reciprocity is the operating principle which enables
a person to lodge a claim on the rich man’s wealth.
Worthy of further study are the ways in which reciprocity operates in a
predominantly redistributive, traditional economy, and the place it assumes in
a cash economy. Certainly, the long-range trend in the Philippines has been
from a redistribution-dominated to a market-dominated economy, and one
might speculate that as the redistributive pattern gives way to the cash and
market economy, utang-na-loob reciprocity as an economic factor will decline
correspondingly. For both redistribution of surplus and utang-na-loob reci¬
procity are designed to achieve security through interdependence. Hence the
cash economy and contractual reciprocity may belong together, in a func¬
tional sense, just as much as redistribution and utang-na-loob reciprocity. The
testing of this hypothesis and others like it should result in explanations for
the ambivalent attitude many modern Filipinos have toward utang na loob.
For there is an increasing resistance to the pattern of utang-na-loob reci¬
procity for fulfilling economic needs. Barefaced refusal to comply with the
traditional claims of the system is not very common, but it does occur. More
common are less drastic means of evasion. As cash becomes more readily avail¬
able in various parts of the country, certainly in Tawiran, people who would
have used the lusong, or bayanihan, method for getting a job done often pre¬
fer to hire laborers on a contract basis, pay them as agreed, and end the ties
there. Not only may the work be done more efficiently, but no utang na loob
is developed. In the case of broader community projects such as constructing
a chapel, deep well, or wider path to a sitio, the strategy used frequently calls
for contributions solicited from barrio or town residents. The money goes to
hire Tawiran residents who agree to do the job for pay. One man reported
that he now builds his baklad, or bamboo fish trap, gradually instead of wait¬
ing until the last minute as he used to do. For then if he waited, he would
have no choice but to hold a lusong since many workers would be needed in a
short time. Moreover, the lusong is disadvantageous in that volunteer helpers
can only be expected to do the unskilled tasks. For those jobs requiring
greater expertise like lashing together the 21 pieces of the baklad, he would
have to hire workers at 25 centavos per piece. If more households in Tawiran
had cash, he added, they would more frequently select this alternative for get¬
ting work done. The praise generally accorded the bayanihan process may,
therefore, serve as a psychological device for enabling the individual to accept
gracefully the only alternative actually open to him.
To the man with interests outside his barrio community, repayment of an
utang-na-loob debt may prove more burdensome than the original help given
was worth. He tries, therefore, to avoid these relationships as far as he is able
to in a small community. His urban counterpart is even more anxious to es¬
cape from this drain on his already heavily taxed resources. The person who
does free himself from these binding relationships may do so at the expense
of many friendships, but at the same time enhance his upward mobility.
Although avoidance of the original debt is the safest way to free oneself
from utang-na-loob claims on one’s surplus, placing extra income beyond the
reach of one’s gratitude creditors also allows the retention of these funds for
the individual owner’s private use. This is done by committing extra funds to
enterprises from which the funds cannot easily be withdrawn, and which the
utang-na-loob creditor will accept as valid investments. Hence, should the lat¬
ter ask for payment in a form that would deplete one’s surplus, one can pro¬
vide an acceptable excuse for postponing reciprocation. The funds are simply
not available. He is not reneging because he still acknowledges his indebted¬
ness; but he does succeed in putting off a payment which he is unwilling to
make in that form or at that time. Should an utang-na-loob creditor come to
borrow money, for example, one can explain that he has invested all his sur¬
plus in a sewing machine for which he is still paying in instalments, or in
tuition fees for his children, or in an insurance policy. Where, as in this case,
the debt is not so great, the creditor cannot really expect the debtor to go to
extraordinary lengths to repay. It is true that the creditor may level charges
of “walang utang na loob” and “walang hiya” at the debtor; but since there
is also a possibility that he may not, under the circumstances, the debtor is
often willing to run that risk. If the debt of gratitude is extremely great,
however, the debtor is expected to do everything possible to grant the favor,
even to the extent of putting a second mortgage on his sewing machine or
claiming the cash surrender value on his life insurance policy.
The avoidance and channeling patterns just described are evidences that
Filipinos are developing effective ways of adapting to a changing way of life.
Traditional relationships of interdependence are being modified and alterna¬
tive responses are being found more congruent with the new situation. Educa¬
tion, for example, is so highly valued that the parent who is struggling to put
his children through college is not really expected to repay his debts of grati-
tude in the form of cash loans. The society condones payment in other equal¬
ly acceptable ways. Since the amount and form of repayment of utang na
loob are undetermined, and since one’s debt may last a lifetime, a great deal
of leeway is given to persons involved in the utang-na-loob relationship before
the charge of “walang hiya” can be truthfully and effectively applied.4
In some instances, the Filipino working in a factory Finds himself in a new
subculture characterized by values derived from the Western industrial world.
Management rewards efficiency and places less value on personal ties. The
workman who wants to succeed tries to adapt himself to the new impersonal
ways, repelling the advances of relatives who seek to exploit his favorable
position in the company. To excuse his action—to himself and his offended
relatives and friends—he appeals fatalistically to the impossibility of fighting
the system. In reality, he may be delighted that the company has provided
him with a convenient way of avoiding traditional relationship like utang-na-
loob reciprocity. He can now devote his efforts to his promotion, secure in
the knowledge that the company backs his new set of values. This kind of
behavior, however, is still the exception rather than the rule. With increasing
industrialization it should become more and more common.
To say that with modernization, utang-na-loob reciprocity will assume less
importance as a means of ordering economic relations is not equivalent to
maintaining that the norm itself will disappear. Certainly, it will continue to
serve as an economic mechanism, but not as the dominant feature of that
system. This position of dominance will obtain rather in more narrowly social
field of noneconomic favor-doing among friends.
Notes
1. Fifteen randomly selected household heads, male and female, were interviewed in
depth. After listing their household composition, they described reciprocal relations in
the following areas: (1) baptism, marriage, and death; (2) schooling; (3) medical and
legal assistance; (4) support rendered nonhousehold members; (5) employment assistance;
(6) credit; (7) borrowing and lending material goods other than money; (8) politics;
(9) fishing partnerships; (10) cooperative work activities for the benefit of specific house¬
holds; and (11) community projects.
2. This is in addition to the ambagan, a community-wide collection taken up for the
bereaved family, where every contributor gives an identical sum of money-in Tawiran,
20 centavos.
3. l or two other commentaries on reciprocity in Philippine society, see Kaut (1961)
and Kiefer (1968a, 1968b). Since Kaut’s insightful article appeared almost simultaneously
with the first printing of mine, neither of us had the advantage of reading the other's work
before publication. Although our data and analyses are substantially in agreement, there
are two points in which we differ. First, Kaut (1961:258) states that utang na lo6b is
created in another person through an unsolicited gift of goods or services, while my under¬
standing is that it can spring either from an unsolicited or solicited gift. Secondly, Kaut
limits participation in utang-na-loob relationships to kinsmen, including fictivc kinsmen
(compadres); my evidence suggests that non-kinsmen also become parties to such ties.
Perhaps the latter difference can be explained by Kaut's having drawn his sample solely
from Barrio Kapitangan, Bulacan, where most residents are in fact kinsmen. Within this
narrow framework, the interplay of utang na loob would therefore of necessity be limited
to kinsmen. But in more heterogeneous communities with higher proportions of residents
not related to one another, the data still show that the concept of utang na loob applies
equally to non-kinsmen. Kiefer, on the other hand, dwells on revenge as a special form of
reciprocity which also links persons, but through bonds of negative affect. The exchange
of goods and favors (buddi) is seen as conjunctive, or resulting in harmonious relations,
while revenge situations (blood debts) emerge as disjunctive, or resulting in disequilib¬
rium. Kiefer summarizes the differences in a paradigm (modeled after mine) which
appears both in his article in the Philippine Sociological Review (16 [3-4 ] : 124-31) and
in his longer monograph (1968b).
4. The non-Filipino living in the Philippines may wonder what his commitment to
the norm of reciprocity should be. A partial answer evolves from the fact that Filipinos
do not really expect a non-Filipino to act exactly like themselves. Nevertheless, the al¬
lowances made for the non-Filipino should not prevent him from making some adapta¬
tions to the local social system. Perhaps even more important is that he try to understand
the values of Philippine society and the pressures w hich motivate Filipino behavior. With
this knowledge and the consequent empathy, his dealings with Filipinos should be more
satisfactory on both sides.
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Gouldner, Alvin W.
1960 The norm of reciprocity: a preliminary statement. American Sociological
Review 25 (2): 161-78.
Hart, Donn V.
1954 Barrio Caticugan: A Visayan Filipino community. Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, Syracuse University.
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1963 The dynamics of power in a Philippine municipality Quezon City,
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1956 Area handbook on the Philippines. Vol. 3. Chicago. University of Chicago
for the HRAF.
Kaut, Charles R.
1961 Utang na loob: a system of contractual obligation among Tagalogs. South¬
western Journal of Anthropology 17 (3):256—72.
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The Manileno’s Mainsprings
Jaime C. Bulatao
The concept of “value” is one of those which, being very primitive and
extremely fundamental to human life, are hard to define. Just as with the
concept of “time” which, said St. Augustine, we also know but find difficult
to analyze, so with the concept of value. For practical purposes, one can best
take an operational description: a vajuejisJiie object of a positive attitude. It
is that good to which a man tends. It is the goal, the vision of which moti¬
vates him to action. It is the thing that people want.
Value finds expression in a value judgment, whether explicit or implicit.
The value judgment differs from the ordinary judgment in that it adds some¬
thing to it, an attitude, a movement of the whole person towards the thing’s
goodness. Thus a person with full scientific objectivity may look at a picture
and say, “The man is plowing a field.” But the statement itself has something
added to it when the person says, “It is good that a man plows the field,” or,
on the other hand, “It is tiresome for a man to be plowing a field.” In the lat¬
ter two sentences the speaker has called up his experience with plowing, has
expressed an attitude towards plowing which he has now added to the bare
objective statement, “The man is plowing a field.”
Values are all-pervasive in human life. They color every human act and are
reflected in every product of the human soul. Values are expressed especially
in literature. Thus, when Sappho sings,
All things thou bringest, Hesper, that the bright dawn did part-
Sheep and goat to the fold, and the child to the mother’s heart...
the poet’s attitude towards evening and homecoming is obvious. There is a

pricing and a valuing of evening and homecoming. The object, then, whatever
it may be, of this positive attitude is the “value.”
Revised version of a paper read at the Fifth Annual Baguio Religious Acculturation Con¬
ference (BRAC), Baguio City, December 26-29, 1961.
Jaime C. Bulatao, S.J., is presently Chairman of the Department of Psychology at the

Atcneo de Manila. He earned the Ph.D. in clinical psychology from Fordham University.
Bulatao, Jaime C. The Manileho’s mainsprings. In Four readings on Philippine values,

(“IPC Papers,” No. 2). Third edition, revised and enlarged. Frank Lynch and Alfonso de
Guzman II, editors. Quezon City, Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1970. Pp. 89—114.
90 J. C. Bulatao
Values, when seen by a philosopher, may be somewhat fixed, objective
things, belonging to a “juridical order,” a part of natural law. Such values
may be unchanging, clearly set up in a strict hierarchical order, the same for
every human being. But the psychologist is not interested in this purely ob¬
jective setup. He starts empirically with the fact that psychological values,
being based in great part upon a particular man’s particular set of experiences,
are quite subjective. One culture will value one thing more than another will.
One man will place a positive value on plowing the land, another will not.
Culture change is, perhaps, primarily the result of a change in values and itself
is the cause of further changes in values in the culture.
The object, then, of the present investigation is to make a study of the
Filipino’s (or, more properly, of the Manileno’s) values. What are those things
towards which he entertains strong positive attitudes? What does he consider
“good”? What are the mainsprings of his life and actions? An understanding
of these values is an aid towards understanding the Filipino himself.
Methods in the Study of Values
There are various ways of studying a culture’s values. One is the accurate
observation of behavior followed by the categorization of that behavior under
different values. Such a method is perhaps most proper to anthropologists.
Psychologists prefer to use the mental productions of members of a cul¬
ture. Thus Allport (1951), for instance, used the method of “forced choice,”
asking the subject which of several choices he preferred. The difficulty with
such an approach is that it limits choices to previous categories set by the ex¬
perimenter. Moreover, the instrument developed by Allport is probably too
culturally impregnated with American concepts and hence difficult to use
with a Filipino group.
Another approach follows the Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) tech¬
nique devised by Murray (1938). The technique itself, originally meant for
personality diagnosis, is very simple. Several pictures are presented one by
one to a subject who is asked to make up a story about each one. He is
told to say what led up to the picture, what is happening and what is going to
happen. One of the cards is blank and on this card the subject is asked to
imagine any picture he likes and then to tell a story about it. In the original
test by Murray there were 30 cards and the stories told to these were ana¬
lyzed according to Murray’s own system of “presses” and “needs,” presses
being the storyteller’s way of structuring his world and needs being the drives
by which he responds to the demands of this world as he sees it. It is this
technique which has been adapted to suit the purposes of the present value
study.
Instead of Murray’s original American cards a set of 62 pictures were
Manileno’s Mainsprings 91
picked from local fiction magazines. These were copied and reproduced,
minus the colors, by means of a Verifax machine. A blank card was added,
making 63 cards in all. The pictures themselves were such as to leave to the
subject telling the story as much of the structuring of the situation as possi¬
ble; likewise the choice of values was left to the subject. For instance, one of
the picture was of a young girl playing a guitar. From this picture a very
large variety of themes was possible and actually drawn out, for instance, that
the girl had been expelled from home and was just soothing her feelings; or
she was waiting for her husband after she had brought him food in the fields;
or she was a blind girl suffering in patience, and so on. The other pictures
were similarly unstructured, having been chosen to allow as large a variety
of theme stories as possible to be told to each one.
The subjects telling the stories were 50 men and 40 women ranging in age
from 18 to 35. They were mostly workers in four Manila factories or were
job applicants. Each subject would tell at least 11 stories. Nine hundred such
stories formed the basis of this study.
Method of Analysis
Almost every story which rises above the level of mere description con¬
tains, explicity or implicitly, some judgment about some situations or ele¬
ments in the environment. Hardly ever does a person tell a story to a picture
with such complete objectivity as not to betray what he considers “good”
in life. An example of an explicit statement of a value is the following story
by a 28-year-old man: “This is a mother and a son. They are praying that they
will stay together.”1 In this case, the storyteller has “projected” himself into
the story. The desires of the characters are his desires, and their values are re¬
flections of his own. The value theme of the story may be summarized thus:
“It is good for mother and son to stay together.” The underlying value may
be called “close mother-son relations.”
Sometimes there is a denial of value, a turning away from it, as in the
following story by an 18-year-old girl:
She’s reading the book because she has nothing to do. She doesn’t seem very inter¬
ested in the book. She becomes very bored. I don’t know what she’ll do next.
The story itself does not say what the positive value is to which the person
turns, except perhaps what may be generally described as “something inter¬
esting.” The value theme may be summarized: “There is no good in a girl’s
reading a book.” The positive value to which the person is tending, that
which she considers “good” in her life, can only be described vaguely as
“something interesting,” although more likely such a girl does not have very
strong values in her life and will be more of a “floater.”
92 J. C. Bulatao
In some stories, the values of the storyteller do not emerge explicitly. In
these cases, recourse is had to certain rules and presumptions of projective
theory. Murray maintains, and 20 years of experience with his TAT have con¬
firmed his ideas, that when a person tells a story to a picture he identifies
with at least one of the characters and “projects” upon this character his own
needs and presses (Murray 1938:530—45). If, then, one can analyze this
“hero’s” actions, his aims and goals, one can arrive at the storyteller’s own
values.
How does one pick out the “hero” in a story? The following rule is stated
by Beliak (1954:52):
The main hero of the story is the one who is most spoken of, whose feelings and sub¬
jective notions are most discussed, and, in general, the figure with whom the narrator
seems to identify himself. In case of doubt, the figure resembling the patient most close¬
ly in age, sex, and other characteristics should be considered the main hero.
Identifying, thus, the hero of the story, his action can be studied in its
course and its outcome. The question may be asked: In the course of the
hero’s action, what is the goal he is aiming at? What does he want to accom¬
plish by his actions? What does he consider “good”? Analysis of the action
thus brings out the hero’s values.
The following story is told by a 24-year-old woman, a nurse:
I thought I will just tell a story. That’s hard. As if there is a picture here, how could I
start my story ... A picture of a mother and a child. That’s the title. The . .. the child is
lying on a bed (fans) . . . looks, ah, pale and emaciated. She had been sick for several
days. They are alone in the house, away from the neighboring houses. The mother have
done all his . . . her best treating the sick child. Still there was no improvement, so she
was forced, she was forced to call the physician, leaving the child alone. It did not take
long to reach the doctor and they hurried back to the house. Upon their arrival they had
heard the child, ah, saying, “Mother, mother,” in a very weak voice. The mother rushed
and embraced her daughter. She was crying in deep sorrow. When the doctor examined
the child, he found out that there is no more remedy. No more. (Laughs.)
The mother is the “heroine” of the story. The action of the story consists of
the mother’s attempts to save the life of her child. What was it that the mo¬
ther considered “good”? Obviously it was the child’s life. This was her value
and a reflection of the storyteller’s values. Incidentally, this storyteller later
volunteered for Operation Brotherhood International (OBI) in Laos, in order
to help the children there.
However, besides the action of the story, the outcome also has to be taken
into consideration. In a story where, for instance, the heroes are peasant
farmers who cruelly kill their oppressive masters but in the end are punished,
it is not enough to say that freedom from oppression is the storyteller’s value.
The outcome shows an opposite value also at work, namely, that of peace
and order, a revulsion from violence even when justified. Such a story to be
fully analyzed should be tallied under both values. One has to make the
jump, as it were, from the mind of the peasant farmers, whose aim was rebel¬
lion and liberation, to the mind of the storyteller himself, who at the end dis-
identifies himself from the heroes and in whom two values are competing,
rebellion and preservation of the established order. In the interplay of the
two values, the second one seems to have won out but not to have wholly
extinguished the other.
The problem of simultaneous values also appears in the story, quoted
above, of the mother seeking to save her child’s life. The mother’s aim is to
save her child. The storyteller also has this value, that of the scientific, med¬
ical approach to health problems. To analyze this story properly, one has to
classify it under the two values, one of the “hero” in the story, the other of
the storyteller, who passes judgment upon the character she has created.
Gassification of Values
Once the story has been analyzed, the problem of classification then arises.
This problem is similar to that of classifying social motives, a problem which
as yet has only unsatisfactory solutions in psychology. The number of cate¬
gories to be used remains dependent on individual insight and inclinations.
Murray used 28 categories for needs. Maslow (1954) divided needs into
physiological, safety, belongingness, esteem, and self-actualization. Allport
divided values into the theoretical, economic, esthetic, social, political, and
religious. There still remains a need for some kind of qualitative factor analysis
to group the values, starting out from the data rather than from a priori
categories.
In the absence of such a qualitative statistical tool the next best method
was to leave classification to clinical insight. To obtain some sort of objectiv¬
ity, 14 psychology graduate students, all of whom had administered their
own sets of Filipino pictures to Filipino (Manila) subjects, consulted, first in
small groups of two or three, then all together in one larger discussion group,
and compared their findings. As a result of these sessions, four main headings
emerged. These were taken as the four main values of the cultural sample.
Under these four values were then listed the themes, the cultural norms,
which had reoccurred at least once in every 20 stories. There was an undoubted
overlap between the values thus obtained, as well as a hierarchical subordination
of means to ends, but such overlap was tolerated for the sake of cultural
meaningfulness, just as Thurstone allowed his factors to be rotated and to
take oblique positions (that is, to be correlated with each other) in order to
obtain psychological meaningfulness. The four values are described here with
the more common themes appended to them and with examples taken from
the stories to illustrate the themes.
94 J. C. Bulatao
Values Derived from the Study
Value A: Emotioml closeness and security in a family

The family is seen as having a double function. First, it provides an outlet
for the need of a person to get out of himself and come into contact with
another person in a free and unguarded emotional exchange. Second, it provides
understanding, acceptance, a place where, no matter how far or how wrongly
one has wandered, he can always return. As one of the subjects of the study
put it, in beautifully cadenced language: “We always want to come back home.
No matter where we are, we always dream of that place where we come from.”
The family is seen as a defense against a potentially hostile world, as insurance
against hunger and old age, as a place where one can be oneself without having
to worry too much about maintaining “smooth interpersonal relations,” or
SIR (Lynch 1970), with outsiders.2
Value A occupies by far the largest area in the total field of values. The
family is seen as an end in itself, without need of subordinating it to other
values. The most common themes reechoing this value are as follows:
A1: The interest of the individual must be sacrificed for the good of the
family.
Ala: Parents must strive, even at great cost to themselves, to give their
children an education.
There was once a family who had a very happy life. All the children were working
and were all married and also happily married. The parents were not rich but sacrifices
made it possible for all children to be educated. The children were very grateful and
have never forgotten their sacrifices. So every Sunday after Mass they go to their par¬
ents’ home and have a family reunion. (Blank card, F)3
Early in the morning, the farmer went to the field to continue plowing his field. This
man is living with his wife in the barrio. They have one son studying in the city. This is
the reason why the father is doing his best to raise the field alone without helper, just to
let his only son finish his studies. This farmer begin plowing the field at the rise of the
sun till noon time, then he take rest waiting for his wife to bring her a food. (Card 37, M)
This picture shows a young man who is on his way to school with the hope that
someday he will finish his studies and become useful to his parents as well as to his coun¬
try. In the background, you can see his parents working hard in the fields so that after
having a fruitful harvest, they would have barely enough money to finance the education
of their son which is one of their most important duties. (Card 5, M)
Alb: Older children must make sacrifices for younger children.

The kid sister wants so much a new dress for school as her classmates had ridiculed
her the day before and now she is crying her heart out to her mother. Mother explained
the situation to big brother who although needing money too to buy a pair of leather
shoes grudgingly parted with a few pesos. He could not very well refuse his mother even
if he feels his shoes are more important than kid sister’s dress. The dress was bought and
big brother went that Saturday to his girl friend-in his old pair of rubber shoes. (Card
16, M)
Incidentally it is of cultural interest to note the appeal to an authority
figure, who steps in and uses her authority gently to enforce the principle of
individual subordination to the group.
Ale: Even marriage must at times be put off tohelp the family.
Contented with life, she passes her time singing for the farmers who may be planting
rice nearby. She has no immediate plan in the future and seems to be thinking or saying
to herself how industrious the young man who happens to be courting her. She thinks
she’ll answer him next Christmas and not now for she has to help in the family. (Card 7
F)
Aid: Mothers, especially, sacrifice themselves for the family.
Late in the night, the man comes home and finds his poor wife has fallen asleep while
finishing some dresses for her customers. His salary is not enough to support the big
family; so his wife tries to help by sewing dresses. She forces herself awake to finish some
dresses due the next day but the flesh is weak and she dozes off unwillingly. The husband
gently wakes his wife with a kiss and invites her to go to bed already. She willingly takes
the invitation and calls the day off. (Card 30, F)
A2: Parents should be very strict in watching over, protecting, and curb¬
ing their children who might otherwise meet with disaster. The stories under
this heading are very numerous. There seems to be a very strong fear of blind
forces in the environment and in the children themselves, which makes a strict
adherence to the family’s rules imperative as a defense.
A2a: Physical harm may befall the child.
Early in the morning, beside the gate of her house, poor Mrs. Martha Reyes can be
seen standing there-shocked, eyes big as that of an owl staring at something beyond of
which the neighbor says there is nothing to be looked and stared at, really actually. Mrs.
Reyes, if one could only know, is suffering from the loss of her only child. Since she is
new in the place where she is living now, her new neighbors naturally never knows her sad
life. Actually since Mrs. Reyes had an only child and the latter was still taken from her
by God, so she becomes almost crazy, standing near the gate and imagining always her
child that met an accident. (Card 40, F)
A2b: If left by themselves, moral harm will befall the children, especially
the girls.
The time is past midnight. The couple are anxiously waiting for their teen-aged
daughter who has gone out with some friends to a party-a merienda-cena-who was sup¬
posed to be home at 9:00 p.m. The father is angry at the mother because he did not
want to give his daughter the permission to go, for the company was not good, the place
too far and so on. But the mother, who was the easily-giving-in type, helped her daughter
and she was able to go to the party. But now both of them arc alarmed. The mother cry¬
ing and imagining all sorts of things. The father scolding both his wife and inwardly him¬
self for spoiling their daughter. (Card 20, M)
A loving son, coming home to spend his vacation with her aged mother. Now he is
helping her with her work of taking off the corn from the peelings. She is trying to give a
sort of loving lecture to her son. Congratulating him on his achievement and warning
him to take care for he might have bad companions who might lead him astray in the big
city. (Card 24, M)
96 J. C. Bulatao
A2c: There is a fear that when children leave the house, they may meet an
accident. One subject gave the following story to the blank card, showing a
personal preoccupation.
Once on my way home, I had witness an accident in one of the national road of our
city. 1 was so eager to see what happened to the passenger of the vehicles. So when our
bus stopped, I went down to the spot of the accident. There were many persons around
it that I had to force myself among them before I had seen the victims. At first 1 was
looking ahead of me to the other victims. 1 see that horrors is still fresh in their mind.
Suddenly a wind blew, I was shock and remained speechless for quite sometime for 1
didn’t notice that under the newspaper which was in front of me that were blown off by
the wind was a dead body of a young boy. I had to sit for a while in the sidewalk, for 1
feel dizzy. Everything, as I looked at the dead boy, was horrible. Blood were scattered
almost around him. I can still remember how his brain were throwned out from his head.
His twisted arm and legs. It was so terrible that till now, everytime I passed an accident,
I am already so afraid to look at it. (Card 16, M)
It is interesting that this same subject, in his Sentence Completion Test,

wrote the following: “When 1 was younger I felt guilty about leaving the
house without the permission of my parents” and “My fears sometimes force
me tell a lie to my parents.” There seems to be great anxiety about displeas¬
ing authority figures.
A2d: Accordingly “the parents believe that while [a girl] is still young, she
can still be taught by whipping or frightening her.”
A young lady is frightened by something she had not seen before. This young lady
comes from a family with a strict disciplinary training. Every time she commits a little
mistake, that fearful thing-the hands and feet of the father—always comes her way.
Now she is thinking on why these things happens to her so that she submits herself that
she is always in a wrong. The family where this young lady comes from believes that if
they are strict to their young daughter, it is for her own good, that all that they want
will be followed strictly by their daughter in order to avoid unpleasant acts and behavior
that may arise later. Besides the parents believe that while she is still young, she can stili
be taught by whipping or frightening her so that in the future, she will not be misguided
and will not do wrong acts that are not within the norms and standards of society. (Card
61, F)
A2e: Somehow or other, even this bodily safety, over which there is so
much concern, is linked to the drive for family security.
1 have seen a careful worker showing his hands with complete ten fingers. Do you
know that the ten best tools is this, showing his hands and ten fingers. There is no more
on stock. From more than twenty years of working I have done so many things with this
best tools that I have to take good care. Do you think the fellow who lose his arm or
even a finger can do much than the one having complete one? In mind I see this fellow
working carefully and continuously without any damage done on him as an employee
and on the company as an employer. In the afternoon in going home what to see is his
family cheerfully waiting for him for they expect that father of the family will come
without any damage on his body parts. (Card 16, M)
A3: Women are highly valued for their qualities as mothers and house¬
keepers. They are the ones primarily expected to keep the family close to¬
gether.
A3a: Women are undemanding. They love one and only one.
It is harvest time and while the other girl was busy with their work, Laura plays the
guitar alone in one of the shady nooks. She strums a sad tune and recollects her past.
She had a lover whom she feel so hard. But this guy just played with her heart. He left
her and being a typical Ftlipina, faithful and true, waits for the day when she’ll come
again. (Card 11, F)
A common scene to see in any farm in the province. Lonely and waiting for the un¬
determined future, the woman keeps humming the guitar and sings beautiful songs while
some of her co-farmers are planting rice. Unsophisticated and modest, this type of our
women can be good mothers and housekeeper. Their needs are simple and few. They are
not too demanding, yet they love one and only one, characteristic of our Maria Clara.
(Card 11, M)
“For richer or for poorer in sickness or in health .. .’’—these are the thoughts that are
going around Aling Martha’s mind while tending to her sick husband. They’ve had a hap¬
py life together-a life full of joys, tears, disappointments and a few success. (Card 50, F)
A3b: A marriage should be kept intact no matter what the husband might
do. The women should forgive an unfaithful husband.
This picture speaks of a scene common to poor people living in shanties. Such places
may be in the squatters’ area. The old woman, probably the mother of the gentleman
and the child playing in the corner, seems to be demanding of the man his daily earn¬
ings. It seems that he has just arrived from work and his mother is eager to get his pay
for the day. It is obvious that these three belong to a very poor family as evidenced by
the patched rags that the child is wearing. (Card 16, F)
The scene clearly suggests a domestic quarrel between a husband and his wife. The
man could have lost his job or could be guilty of infidelity. In any way, this situation is
a common scene in many a home and no matter how strong the storm is, things get to be
smooth again. These two may Fight and argue the whole night but loving each other as
they do, they would soon talk their problems over and find their way to each other
again. (Card 20, F)
This seems to be a picture of infidelity caught in action. The woman in the shadows
is the man’s wife watching her husband leave his other woman’s house. The other wom¬
an is obviously thrilled and happy but the husband is sad and probably possesscsaguilty
conscience in spite of his amorous adventures. A typical domestic quarrel will ensue upon
the arrival of the husband and the wife home. After having talked their problems over,
the couple may find a solution to their problems and everybody will be happy in the
end. (Card 28, F)
A3c: Away from the family, women are insecure, worry about their loss
of chastity.
The scene is inside the passenger train. A woman finds herself in a precarious sit¬
uation. She is the only one among the men who surround her. Worst of all the man
right in front of her keeps on staring at her as if there is something in her which her seat-
mate see for the first time in his life. She feels as if her body is nude. She begins covering
her bosom and stoops down to hide her feeling of fear. When the train stops at a station,
the man goes down. She feels relieved and decides to go to sleep. (Card 7, M)
Linda got bored in the province. She wanted to go to the city where everything
seems glamorous. With some cash, she boarded a train going to Manila. While on the
train, she noticed a man eyeing her. She got nervous. The man approached and offered
her a job. She accepted. She found out to her regrets that she is to become a prostitute.
(Card 7, M)
A4: Tender relationships, carino, lambingan, are highly prized. Often there
is a sad, nostalgic note. Memories of close relationships are sweet.
98 / C. Bulatao
A4a: A husband and wife are close to each other. The wife pleads for her
son.
The wife is “making karinyo” for she wants something very badly from her husband,
maybe it is for her growing children. Since usually sons are “mama’s boys,” the son may¬
be asked her to plead his cause to papa. The father on the other hand will try to agree
just to please the wife maybe. (Card 13, M)
A4b: Even in delirium (in Iris unconscious) a man thinks of his loved ones.
A sick man, having a delirium, pleading to see and speak with his loved one who is
far away. But he cannot get up and go to her, so he just cries out and in his delirium
tries to get her near him. (Card 26, M)
A4c: A husband parts with pain from his wife. He leaves her with her
parents.
This could be a picture that tells a story of love. A sad thing, however, happened so
as the husband leaves the wife to the care of her parents. She cries so much of the
thought that she will be alone for quite some time but of the happy assurance that one
day he will come back again. (Card 9, M)
A4d: A girl, jilted, has recourse to mother.

This could be another story of love but this time the girl is jilted. It is a nice thing to
have a mother, though, to whom the girl can always find love and understanding.
A4e: Marriage to a simple Filipino is preferred to a foreign marriage. Rea¬

sons given in this story are: guitar, woman calling children to say the rosary,
barefoot farmers, children anxiously awaiting their parents. The story is
charming for its humor and its form.
Putting the pictures together, they all sum up the story of mankind, their success and
failures and their strong struggle to survive. But I can tell my own story which could well
apply to us Filipinos. It is also a story of love, a story about a young Filipina whose
beauty became a problem to her. She had once too many suitors. She knew she was not
getting any younger and she must choose. She First thought of the American, “If I marry
Bob, I’ll live in New York and see the tallest building in the world. If I marry Pierre, the
Frenchman, I’ll live in Paris where the days are short and the nights are long. If I marry
the English baron, I’ll live in a many rooms ‘barong-barong’ and wake up by the sound
of the Big Ben. And if 1 marry Pedro, I have to stay in this country.” As she played with
the thought of Pedro she could hear the strumming of a guitar and Aling Rosa calling her
children to say the rosary. Nearby she could see the barefooted farmers of her town on
their way home and their children anxiously waiting for them. From that moment she
knew the man she always wanted to marry. And that was Pedro. This is, therefore, the
story of a Filipina who committed a financial blunder for the sake of cherishing the
things that are Filipino. Her simple act is an act of love for one’s country, an act of pa¬
triotism. (Blank card, M)
Value B: The authority value

This may be defined as: “Approval by the authority figure and by society,
authority’s surrogate.” It is a concern for what the important person is think¬
ing about oneself and a tendency to shape one’s behavior accordingly. There
is a fear of stirring up conflict with “people who count,” this fear giving rise
to a need for smooth interpersonal relations. One does not reveal one’s real
thoughts completely to strangers, foreigners, or powerful individuals, but
only those aspects of one’s thoughts which will be acceptable to them. Fun¬
damentally, the fear is that of exposing one’s ego to danger. Underlying this
value is the anxiety of a “self-esteem based on group estimation.” Attack
upon this value, as when an authority figure fails to recognize a person’s
merit or treats a person casually, is a wound to the amor propio and may re¬
sult in violent retaliation.
There is some overlap between this value and Value A2, since parental ap¬
proval could be classified either as a “family” value or as an “authority”
value. However, there is a difference, more in emphasis perhaps than in es¬
sence, between the two. Value A2 emphasizes the “closeness and security”
aspect. Value B the “authority” aspect. It is quite possible that the typical at¬
titude towards parental figures in Philippine culture is somewhat ambivalent,
being a desire to be close to the parents and at the same time a need to treat
parents “diplomatically.”
Bl: In order that the family may remain close and secure, someone must
exert firm authority.
Authority is looked upon as an indispensable means for maintaining Value
A. Under Al, there has already been quoted the example of the mother step¬
ping between elder brother and younger sister. Other examples show an even
stronger authoritarian trend.
Bla: A daughter is strictly disciplined so that she can finish a career, so
that she can earn money, so that she can help bring up her children. The
hierarchy of means and ends is noteworthy.
The girl is having a very strict father and is kept indoor most of the time. The father
has all the reasons to be strict and be a disciplinarian because he wants his daughter to
fmish a career and be a success in the future and not just stay home and sit there only.
In the future, she could earn her own living and, if married, help in the upbringing of her
children. (Card 62, F)
Bib: A grandmother wishes to keep the children together by keeping the

property together.
“1 sent for you, Dodong, because we’ve important matters to discuss today. About
that 16-hectare land in Maalsom. I want you to negotiate the purchase of that piece. We
haven’t the exact cash right now. What you do is this. Look for a buyer for that useless
piece of swamp in Milaor and the far-off piece in San Vicente. We’ll eliminate not only
unproductive soil but wasteful long trips visiting as well. The wise thing is to gather all of
them near the home base for expediency, see? When I die you’ll take over as administra¬
tor of the entire area. It will be vast, I tell you. It won’t be divided ever. For the future
you’ll all benefit from the fruits of the land, all seven sisters and brothers equally, almost
in share but never to quarrel over what should be disposed or retained. That can never
happen. Take a lesson from the Marquezes. What are they now? Paupers, pitiful hand-to-
mouth beggars. Why? Because the original founders made the fatal mistake of giving
100 J. C. Bulatao
each child a piece to manage as each wish. Of course the sad consequence was never pre¬
dicted by the old overprotective, overconfident fool of a parent. Dona Sisang. Never
foreseen, poor soul.” The grandmother dies. Young grandson carries on as instructed.
(Card 59, F)
Blc: Children may marry only with the consent of the parents; even when
they elope, there must be a reconciliation with the parents. Without such a
reconciliation, there is a great fear that the marriage will not be a success.
This picture shows two lovers in a very romantic secret pose. I will call the girl Isidra
and the boy Tony. Isidra and Tony are shown secretly looking in the direction of the
other room where you could see a boy and a man talking. The man, Nicolas, is probably
the brother of Isidra and maybe Tony and Isidra are up to something. Maybe they are
planning on their future or maybe planning to elope while her brother talks to his kid
brother, Bosyo, on some other matters. Their plans will probably materialize and the
couple will probably have a happy married life if ever sanctioned by both their parents.
(Card 13, M)
The son has just made a shocking confession-he is marrying the girl his parents disap¬
prove of. The girl is not good enough for him because she is a hostess in a nightclub.
However, the young man is much too in love with her; hence he tells them of his deci¬
sion. The old couple has no other alternative but to give in to their son’s wishes. The two
got married and all strive to adjust themselves to the different situation of trying to lead
a harmonious life. (Card 29, F)
Bid: Nevertheless there is an undercurrent of sympathy for young people

who marry against their parents’ will. The parents are expected to tolerate
their children’s choices, and to forgive them if they elope.
It is very difficult to gather what the picture suggests. The old man on the telephone
seems to be in his pajamas and he is probably sitting on his bed. This can be digested
from the nearby lampshade which commonly is situated on bedsides. The two figures in
the background may suggest the old man’s daughter and her fiance. The two could have
just eloped and have given the old man a ring as to their whereabouts. The couple are
asking his forgiveness and, being a father, he would naturally pardon them. (Card 17, F)
Ble: Especially among educated children, there is a tendency to marry

even against their parents’ wishes.
This is a story of a young couple, who got married against the will of their parents.
They both face life with strong determination to undergo all the troubles that may come
in their way. Both are employed in the same company. Having graduated with the degree
of Bachelor of Science in chemical engineering, the man is fortunate enough to be given
the top position in the company while the girl works in the laboratory. This young cou¬
ple will be very successful in life, I’m sure, because both are possessed with the strong
determination and character and they are held together with love. Love with a strong
foundation of trust and confidence with one another. (Blank card, F)
B2: Authority figures must be respected and obeyed, though only within
limits. Cruelty is a valid reason for one to stop seeking the approval of the au¬
thority figure and to run away from him. The authority figure arouses a
strong ambivalent attitude in people, which may become conscious only
under special circumstances.
B2a: A person must heed parental advice.
This is a picture of father and son wherein the father is teaching the son because of
the misgivings or mistakes done by the son to other people. The son listens carefully
what father was saying to him. By so doing the son learned a moral lesson from his father’s
wisdom (mistakes? ). Well maybe he’s involved in a fistfight with other teenagers of his
age. (Card 34, M)
This shows a picture of a mother and son discussing strongly about welfare of son.
Both mother and son discussing about the future daughter-in-law. The qualities the
mother would like in a daughter-in-law and wherein the son intently listens to his mother.
What will happen? Maybe the son has a girl friend with the qualities that he had
mentioned. (Card 59, M)
The father giving advice to his son who committed mistake that is against his will and
give bad impression to their family. The boy doesn’t understand the advice of his father
and he take it in wrong way. But if he only think it over, it is for his own good for par¬
ents doesn’t brought or lead their son nor daughter to the wrong way of life. The father
telling his son about his life when he is also a boy like him, the problems he encountered
and his experience in fighting for his own life. (Card 34, M)
There was a father who had an only son. He was a very prominent doctor and there¬
fore wanted his son to be a doctor. He used to talk to his son, telling him that he would
be very happy if he would become a doctor. The son being a very good son followed his
father’s wish and he became also a very prominent doctor. (Card 34, F)
There was a beautiful girl in the country who could play the guitar very well. Her par¬
ents tried to convince her to go to the city and develop her talent. At first, she did not
like to leave the country because she grew up there and loved the country very much.
However, her parents were able to convince her. After some time of study, she become
a countrywide known guitarist and was considered a virtuoso. (Card 11, F)
B2b: Even in the absence of the masters, it is the thought of them that
makes their subjects behave.
The masters are away and only the two maids are left to lord it over the big house.
One thinks that they should live it up. The other says that no, we must keep the house
and ourselves in order, because our masters are away, we must show that we are worthy
of the trust they have given us. The second maid wins the first to this course of action.
(Card 62, M)
B2c: Mothers influence the marriage choices of their daughters. Hence, it

is good also to court the mother.
This couple is engaged in taking the husks off of ears of corns. This is a common rural
scene. The picture, however, may go farther than a simple rural situation. The old lady
may have a daughter who the young man is after. He helps the lady in her household
chores so that he may get nearer to the heart of the mother. In so doing it would be easy
for him to court the daughter as mothers influence much the decisions of their daughters.
(Card 24, F)
B2d: It is for a person to keep quiet when scolded, and to think things out
for himself.
There’s nothing I can really think of about these two creatures. Maybe they’re advising
or counselling a child of theirs who has a problem. The father appears to be going about
it very calmly while the mother looks real mad. Perhaps the child did something or
decided on something against her wishes, or not according to the way she wanted. The
child will just keep quiet after the lecture, go to her room, think things out for herself
and the parents will go to their own quarters, the father calm, the mother still mad.
(Card 34, F)
102 J. C. Bulatao
B2e: Parental cruelty gives the child the right to run away.
There was once a beautiful girl who had no mother. She was an orphan and had a
cruel father. He used to beat her often without cause. A time came when she had a suitor.
He was a very good prospect and therefore after some thinking, she ran away with the man
and they had a very happy life. (Card 61, F)
Past... the daughter were caught by the father, may be going with a man. At present
he has been punished, whipped. And in the future, she will do the same and get married.
(Card 61, M)
The lady was whip by her father as punishment of her being disobedient to him. This
girl have been going steady for a long time now to man whom his father hated very
much. The relation of this girl to the man was secret, until the time the father come to
know about their relation. The father called his daughter to the room and punished her
by whipping with latigo. But the father is not right in doing this because the girl cannot
prevent her feeling to the man she love. And more is that this girl has also the freedom to
choice the man for her own and to be her husband someday. (Card 61, M)
B2f: Authority figures are feared and served with awe, but sometimes are
not really loved. When they lose their authority, the real feelings of others to¬
wards them become manifest.
The once-rich Don Quintin and his two proud sons parade through the town carrying
their suitcases. Before, they had been feared and served with awe because of their riches
and power. Now they are nothing but an ordinary person and the laughingstock of the
town. From their palatial home they descended to a “barong-barong” because their
properties have been sold for public auction. Pretense and hypocrisy caused their down¬
fall. “He who exalts himself shall be humbled, and he who humbles himself shall be ex¬
alted” kept ringing to the ears of the younger son, Ben. He heard this from the pulpit
last Sunday. As he walked in the midst of jeers and whisperings, with his father and elder
brother, Tony, to their new poor man’s house, Ben resolved to humble himself in order
to be exalted. The three separated for the sake of economy. Ben remained in the town,
took the jeers he deserved as a man and worked as the town caminero. Years went on
and the town people became fond of Ben and they learned to love him. Not long later,
he became rich with a heart of flesh for his fellowmen and the poor. (Card 36, M)
B3: One looks to authority figures for help in obtaining a job and other
benefits.
B3a: It is good to establish good relations with a tycoon or a manager.
“He promised to come right after the graduation dance, as we were going to have a
family reunion, and now he has forgotten me! ” sobbed Marietta in her room. Really, it
was a pity seeing her, especially on her seventh month of pregnancy. She and Arturo
were classmates, fell in love and married rather untimely; thus, they had to stay with her
parents. Her mother, woman as she was, sensed something was troubling her daughter,
came into the room and tried her best to comfort Marietta and kept on saying-“Arturo
will come back before midnight and with good news, baby.” The hours passed, and
Marietta listlessly turned in her bed, waiting, waiting for her husband. After what seemed
ages, Marietta woke up with a start, seeing Arturo standing beside her bed, kissing her
hands, and told her-“Darling, I’m really sorry I missed our family reunion, but, sweet¬
heart, I have a job! You know, right after the graduation exercises, 1 met Papa’s friend,
Don Jose, the industrial tycoon who told me that he had seen my school records and
was impressed and lost no time in hiring me forthwith as a technical engineer of his Firm;
thus, the reason why I was delayed in coming home at once.” Marietta was relieved and
hugging her husband, thanked God for such grace they received so early in their married
life. (Card 41, M)
Romeo, trembling with wrath, pushed away his sweetheart, Rosana, with violence,
saying-"You lied to me, you promised not to see your old boyfriend, my boss! ” What
were you doing there in his office? ” Rosana tried her best to explain her visit but
Romeo, angry and jealous as he was, told her in no uncertain terms to leave his room and
called his sister to drive Rosana away. Months of anguish and suspicion ate into Romeo’s
soul, until he laid bedridden in the hospital. Then, just like that, his boss and Rosana
came to visit him. His boss with paternal benevolence sat beside Romeo and said-
“Romeo, you indeed have a saint of a sweetheart; you see, you have been promoted to
office manager and you must thank God for Rosana’s undying devotion and faith in you.
She fought hard for your promotion before the board of directors and came often to me
for advice on what to do. While we were sweethearts before, all that is water under the
bridge, for I am going to be your best man at your wedding. So, get well and be the hap¬
piest man by marrying Rosana with an office managership as a gift to both of you! ”
(Card 41, M)
B3b: Benefits come by way of patronage and gift.

Domingo had labored under the illusion of becoming somebody rich, beyond the ho¬
rizon of Meycatmon’s rice paddies. A job in Manila will do the trick. Why not? He went
to the city well known for its unemployment problem. Selling his priceless carabao,
plow, and nipa house he sallied forth, sure of his vision of a comfortable time in the big
city. All he needed was the patronage, the support of his ninong, a congressman of the
province, to land him a job. Having no qualifications he banked solely on his godfather’s
(by marriage) graces. End of the story: he returned to the province, to his little patch of
rice field. Thanks to the generosity of his former landlord, he is given another chance to
live on the fruits of the soil. By lending him a carabao, his best friend, he came to realize
in the end of his long journey searching for a place in the sun. (Card 37, F)
This spinster is visited by her favorite nephew. She entertains him by telling stories
about her past life when everything was still rosy. The nephew listens patiently although
he’s bored hearing the same story over and over again. This is so because he visited his
aunt to ask for some more pocket money which he knows she will give. Finally he asks
and the spinster, being broke at the moment, disappoints him. He immediately leaves his
lonely aunt who lives in a past filled with painful memories. (Card 49, M)
In the last story above, the ambivalent attitude towards the authority fig¬
ure is implied. A person loves authority’s gift but not necessarily the person
of the one having authority.
B4. Tradition must be followed. The form of authority, especially that of
age, so dominates the individual that he refuses to let go of the group’s accepted
norms. The individual must not rise above the group. If he does, social pressure
will try to pull him down to the level of everyone else. Furthermore, he must
never sever his ties to the old home town. This value comes in conflict with
Value C, as will be seen later.
B4a: A man’s children till the same land as their grandfathers did.
Ito na. Maybe the man inherit the land from his old man and at present is working
it. And in the future he will let his children continue the work for a living. (Card 37, M)
B4b: One works for success in the city so as to be able to return to the old
town. Also noteworthy in the following story is the relation of son to moth¬
er: “God gave her a son, so that he can help her in the future.”
Dona Luz Vda. de Castro was one of the richest lady in the land. She had a beautiful
104 J. C. Bulatao
mansion on top of a hill which looked down upon a small town in the south. Many years
ago, she came to this town as a young bride of Don Juan de Castro. They had a son after
five years of marriage and they loved the boy dearly. When the boy, Jose, was five, his
father died in war leaving the young widow and son alone. But they were very well off so
they didn’t have a worry in the world. After many years of happiness, Dona Luz’ lawyers
told her that her bank account is getting less and less and something had to be done to
save the situation. Dona Luz didn’t know how to break the news to Jose. Jose was used to
high standard living, she just didn’t know how to break the news to him. But Jose knew
about the situation already, because as a lawyer they always seem to know everything
and he knew that his mother was afraid to tell him. So one evening while Dona Luz was
embroidering, Jose sat beside her on the sofa, and told her that he knew the situation
and not to worry since that was why God gave her a son so that he can help her in the
future. He was offered a good job in a firm in Manila and they can live in Manila and rent
the mansion while they were in Manila. And so they went to the city and Jose was mak¬
ing so good that he knew in a few years they can go back home forever. (Card 59, F)
This is the story of a man who left his hometown when he was still a young man.
Ambitious and proud, he set off for the big city to make his fortune. He leaves behind
his parents and relatives-and completely forgets them for years. He becomes a success.
He is rich—makes a fortune through hard work. He has married in the big city-raised a
family of two boys and lived in a very busy life. Now as he is walking on the muddy
street of his hometown, on the way to his old folks’ nipa hut, he begins to feel some¬
thing he never felt before-a certain warmth he never experienced in his long years of
working to be successful in the business world in the big city. With each step he knows
this is where he belongs. “The tree has to go back to its roots in order to sustain its life,”
he mused. (Card 36, M)
B4c: One must be on guard against strangers and innovators, who may
bring harm to the family’s traditional way of life. One must please them, that
is, one must be careful about smooth interpersonal relations.
Foreign strangers came to a small town. Maybe they are the new medical staff of the
barrio. All the children are anxious to know them. Curious to know how they speak,
how they act, what are their ways of living. On the other hand their parents and the el¬
ders are trying to have a good impression for the fear that these men might do more
harm than good to their loved ones. (Card 36, M)
B4d: The authority figure must be followed even when insisting on old-
fashioned ideas. An ambivalence within this storyteller is implied.
I see the picture of my father in this blank card as he scolded me during my child¬
hood days. You see, my father is very old-fashioned in his ideas, but since he is my fa¬
ther, I must follow whatever he commands me to do and 1 think his ideas arc the right
one. (Blank card, M)
B5. One must be careful about what the neighbors are thinking regarding
oneself.
B5a: The first story dramatizes a man’s suppressed anxiety about what
people are saying.
The townfolk heard that a new family was moving in. So they all gather around near
the place to see who or what this new family looks like. The man leading the group ap¬
pears cool, and sure of himself, walking erect and dignified. The two look like fish out
of water. The one on the left side though, tries to look calm and dignified (a lesser fish)
but overdoes it. The man on the right looks relaxed and easy to get along with. When
they get to the house the man on the right will feel at home right away and go about
Manileno s Mainsprings jq j
things as if they were ordinary everyday occurrences; while those two “real cool” people
will be the ones peeping through half-closed windows and see how people reacted or try
to hear what they’re saying about them. (Card 36, F)
In a small barrio like Oring it’s nine out of ten that your life is being discussed like
news from page one especially so if you are a local girl just returned from a long stay in
the big city like Manila. In the case of Jacobe this is true. Jacobe left Oring to get em¬
ployed in the city as a housemaid. After four years she does the ‘return of the native’ act
only to be subjected to a whispering campaign. One of the local girls had started the ru¬
mor that she had stayed away so long-four years is a long time-to hide her sin, giving
birth to a product of an illicit affair with her employer’s son. In time this damaging story
reached the girl’s car and she decided sorrowfully to leave her birthplace for good, going
back to the city to resume her life as a household help. Her parents and relatives who
care refuse to believe, of course, and remained firm in their faith in Jacobc’s word that
it’s not true. (Card 62, Mj
It is interesting that the last story is immediately followed on the blank

card by the same man with a story showing a desire to get away from it all, as
if the pressure of society is too much for him and he has to throw off the bur¬
den of living with men.
After a while it becomes tedious to continue living in the city. One gets lost in the
waves of jostling, bustling humanity in a sea of material concern. One must of necessity
to the soul get away and repair to some island, to some Bali Hai, where one can fmd him¬
self again alone in the middle of God’s vast garden untouched by civilization. A place
between earth and sky, east of the sun, west of the moon, with only the sea murmuring
in his ears or laughing on his bare toes, the soft, white sands spraying over brown feet
making them browner, very evenly browner. Nearby stands one’s perpetual friend, the
mountain, giving that individual a towering feeling that right here in the middle of no¬
where he is with friends. (Blank card, M)
B5b: Parents teach their family to behave so that they will be appreciated
and respected by the community, and also for morality’s sake.
This is a married couple who will soon rear their own children. They are thinking of
their responsibility as parents, on how they can go on life smoothly with all the whims
and trials they have to sacrifice. They believe likewise that on their efforts to teach and
guide their own family pleasantly so that they will be appreciated and respected by the
community. They also think of the moral ways of living. (Card 34, F)
The first two Values (A, the family; B, authority) seem to be taken as ends
in themselves. They are not considered as means to any other end. The fol¬
lowing two values, however, are in large part means for the attainment of the
first two. Nevertheless, they are not mere means, but seem to have some inde¬
pendent value in themselves. They are sought after to some extent for their
own sake and thus merit to be classified separately.
Value C: Economic and social betterment
It appears most often as a desire to raise the standard of living of one’s
family, or of one’s hometown, often as repayment for one’s debt of gratitude
to parents and relatives. Usually it is merely sufficiency or else economic
security that one is after. More rarely, the value is expressed as a desire for
106 J. C. Bulatao
individual success, to make good in one’s career. Sometimes one wants to do

well in order to repay the parents’ sacrifices; at other times there is no mention
of the family.
Cl. Everyone should strive to obtain economic sufficiency for the family.
Cl a: The farmer works for the future of his children.
This is a hardworking farmer. The main source of his income comes from his farm.
He’s an industrious farmer, keeping in mind the future of his children. He lives in a farm.
He is happy and contented with the piece of the land he tills and cultivates. He believes
that the farmers are the backbone of the nation. So he loves the dignity of labor. He con¬
tinues his work the year round through from harrowing the field to planting and harvest¬
ing. What he is doing now, he knows will be for the success and happiness of his children
later. (Card 37, F)
Clb: In the daydreams of a wife (the storyteller) a man’s business success

is associated with a happy home.
Disgusted with life, he finds solitude bring him where he wants and likes to be. He
pictures himself as the boss of a big company directing the whole sales force and sitting
in an airconditioned room. He sees his wife cheerfully rearing up his children and enjoy¬
ing her job as housewife immensely. Oh, if only he was somebody-but the trouble is, I
did not try hard when I was young. He sees how futile it is to daydream and makes a
firm resolution to do everything better and make the most of what he now has. (Card
27, F)
Clc: Even the wife is expected to do her bit to help family finances, usu¬
ally at great sacrifice on her part.
Late in the night, the man comes home and finds his poor wife has fallen asleep while
finishing some dresses for her customers. His salary is not enough to support the big fam¬
ily, so his wife tries to help by sewing dresses. She forces herself awake to finish some
dresses due the next day but the flesh is weak and she dozes off unwillingly. The husband
gently wakes his wife with a kiss and invites her to go to bed already. She willingly takes
the invitation and calls the day off. (Card 30, F)
“What have we to cat this day? ” the meager father might have said to his wife. The
unfortunate mother maybe was unable to speak because she was incapable of earning a
living. (Card 25, F)
She started crying the very moment he stepped into the room. Why would he be gal¬
livanting around while she slaves over her sewing machine days and nights too for that
little extra money for the expected child. Doesn’t he love her? Doesn’t he pity her? Of
course he does, he had answered. And a few more endearing words soothed her to calm¬
ness. But the very next day he again was gallivanting while she slaved over the sewing
machine. (Card 30, M)
Cld: Sometimes it is necessary even for children to steal in order to keep

the family alive. There is a sense of social injustice and the stealing itself is
condoned.
Every human being have to live. Some have their earning honestly and some does it in
the other way. Take for instance Pedro he is now working as a messenger in an unsteady
office. But after a month of working he was laid off. The poor fellow was very much
troubled. Where will he get the money now that his little baby is sick? He has no more
relatives. Her neighbor won’t give anything because of his long credit. Now something
Manilcno's Mainsprings 107
came into his mind. He is going to steai so that there will be something to feed his children
and his sick baby. So that the poor fellow stole something and he get caught. Now,
nobody will work for his family because he is in jail. (Blank card, M)
A policeman is running after a boy who snatch the bag of a wealthy matron. She is
frantic because her bag contains one thousand pesos and so attention of the crowd was
attracted. The policeman caught the boy and the matron w'as thankful to him. The boy
was brought to Boy’s Town for reformation. The matron thought of helping the boy
when she found out that the boy needed money for his sick mother. She dropped the
case and instead helped the boy. The boy in turn promised not to do such things again.
(Blank card, F)
C2. One must study and work hard to improve one’s economic situation.
This theme may be an artifact of the particular sample group used in this
study, since most of the group were Manila factory workers or clerical workers.
Nevertheless, this theme occurs frequently enough to be set off on its own.
There is no mention made of the family, but success is more for its own sake
and for the aggrandizement of the self that ii brings. The desire appears in
both men and women.
This boy is trying to envision his future. After finishing his course in business now,
he is going to put up a business of his own and be an executive. Through diligence and
hard work, he finishes his career. He works in an office starting as a mere clerk and rise
from the ranks, he is made an assistant by his manager and when his manager retires he
takes over his job. Now he is a promising executive. His dream comes true. (Card 23, F)
Pepe had little love for those lazy carabaos and that stubborn piece of land. And to
Iris mother and to his father Pepe was a black sheep. But he had told them over and over,
I will never be a slave of the land or of the seasons. I will live a life that will give me
mastery of the circumstances. That is how a man should be, how he should live. It is not
good for him and his soul to be a powerless victim of circumstances. That is why Pepe
walks four kilometers to school, in the heat of the sun, in the drenching lashing of rain.
(Card 4, M)
After 20 years of struggle with life, a poor boy becomes rich through his own efforts.
His parents were poor. They could not afford to give him a comfortable home, good
food and nice clothing. But even though how poor they are, they possess and exercise
fear of the Lord, justice and virtues of honesty, obedience, etc. He worked during the
mornings and studied high school at night. He finished college taking night school. He
had to skimp and save to be able to live decently even though poorly. This was his ladder
of success Step by step he gained knowledge, experience, and skill that placed him up
and up the ladder of the company he is now working for. He may one day built a com¬
pany all his own. So it is the effort and patience that makes us. (Blank card, F)
Juan F very ambitious. Having been brought up poor, he just finished sixth grade.
But he is ambitious, nevertheless. While he plows his field he keeps thinking about how
he could increase the yield of his land. So while his crop was growing he asked the help
of the government to teach him how to increase his yield. Not satisfied w ith government
advice, he experimented on a small plot. His efforts made him a self-made farmer. He
was cited as tarmer of the year. (Card 37, F)
TTiis woman grew up musically inclined. She belongs to a poor tamily. She always
wanted a guitar of her own. But she can’t. So she always borrowed one trom an old man
in tow n She learned to play well. Harvest time and she’d rather play the guitar than join
the reapers. She’ll just sit under the tree and play, play, play. She gets to be good and
people begin talking about her. She gets into the stage and soon she s one ol a group of
gitaristas. (Card 11, M)
108 J. C. Bulatao
The girl is the daughter of an animal trainer. She is fascinated with taming animals.
She asks her father to teach her how. She is being taught by her father how to properly
hold the bullwhip, how to flick its tip at lightning speed in order to produce the crack.
He taught her all the tricks. It was hard work but the girl is determined to be a lady
trainer. She gets to be one. (Card 62, M)
The bespectacled man owns a small subdivision. He is growing old so he talks to his
timid son about the handling of the estate. He tells him to be aggressive and meet people.
He talks to him about the art of sales talk and how to convince people about buying
even unproductive land. But the son hates duping people. He doesn’t care. He just con¬
tinued writing poems and starves in later life. His brothers who are more enterprising get
the land from him and lived happily ever after. (Card 34, M)
The last story clearly states the superiority of the value of enterprise over
poetry and the more retiring virtues. It also goes against the value of family
closeness by approving the actions of the brothers in cutting off their part-
brother. The difference of these values from the big Value A and B leads one
to suspect that the Value C2 is the product of culture change and something
peculiar to the Manila area.
C3. Social recognition is a major aim in one’s going to school and going to
work. Apparently, the family in its great desire to rise socially finds two
avenues it can follow, a school education and business success.
C3a: A boy meeting an authority (an American), and apparently want¬
ing recognition, is moved to study.
Tonio does not want to study. He prefers to play in the field where everything is free
as a bird. One day an American approached him and asked for some information.
Naturally, he could not understand what the man wanted. He found out that had he
studied, he would have known what the man was talking about. He decided to study. And
that morning with determination on his face, he went to school. (Card 4, M)
C3b: A diploma is a means to prestige.

There is a beam of happiness in his eyes as he stands from the rows of seats to receive
his diploma. Just a few years ago he was just a simple lad in the slum. He used to roam
around the gutter. He was a nobody to his friends. In spite of all these he has the
ambition or rather he had the ambition. He strived hard. He burned the midnight oil and
now here he is allowed to receive the fruit of his hard toil. (Blank card, M)
C3c: Success, in the storyteller’s mind, is associated with recognition by

important people.
And now congratulations to the new chairman of the board. Mr. Dclfin has had a
long climb before he reached the top. All the failures and trails along the trail did not
discourage him from pursuing his goal. And now he has won the high esteem and confi¬
dence of his fellow officers. (Card 44, F)
Value D: Patience, suffering, endurance

It appears in stories when the frustrating force, whether poverty, injustice,
sickness, or anything else, is conceived as too powerful to be overcome. It is
this value which has become fused with the religious value, since it seems that
Manileno's Mainsprings 109
God is called upon when other means fail. It is associated with women more
than with men.
Sometimes this value appears with a certain magical quality about it as if
one were to render oneself worthy of divine blessing simply by being patient
and long-suffering. It is a theme much exploited by writers for local magazines
and movies and is the main fare of the popular radio series, “Kahapon Lamang.”
It is the popularity of this theme, especially the catharsis it gives to the story¬
teller or to the moviegoer, that leads one to classify suffering as a value in
spite of its overtones.
Dl. A person must suffer before gaining happiness.
Dla: A girl, remaining faithful even though misunderstood by her love,
suffers in silence and finally wins him.
Romeo, trembling with wrath, pushed away his sweetheart, Rosana, with violence,
saying—“You lied to me, you promised not to see your old boyfriend-my boss! What
were you doing there in his office? ” Rosana tried her best to explain her visit but
Romeo, angry and jealous as he was, told her in no uncertain terms to leave his room and
called his sister to drive Rosana away. Months of anguish and suspicion ate into Romeo’s
soul, until he laid bedridden in the hospital. Then, just like that, his boss and Rosana
came to visit him. His boss with paternal benevolence sat beside Romeo and said-
“Romeo, you indeed have a saint of a sweetheart; you see, you have been promoted to
office manager and you must thank God for Rosana’s undying devotion and faith in you.
She fought hard for your promotion before the board of directors and came often to see
me for advice on what to do. While we were sweethearts before, all that is water under
the bridge, for I am going to be your best man at your wedding. So, get well and be the
happiest man by marrying Rosana with an office managership as a gift to both of you! ”
(Card 43, M)
Dlb: Prayers said amid distress are answered.

The mother woke with a start when she saw her baby growing listless and feverish.
Uneducated as she was about child care and her husband so far up in their kaingin, she
was at a loss on what to do. “Oh my God! what will I do? There must be a way to help
my baby,” This she said with a prayer in her lips. Wrapping the baby as comfortably as
possible, she placed the baby tenderly in his duyan, and rushed down the house towards
her husband’s kaingin all the while sobbing and praying for help. Like a miracle, her
prayers were answered, when she met Aling Aurelia in the mountain trail going home¬
ward after a whole night’s vigil over a neighbor’s sick child. Sobbing and imploring, the
mother recited everything that happened to her baby and Aling Aurelia, wise in the ways
of child care, for wasn’t she the village, comadrona who brought into this world tens of
children now grown and healthy, quieted the poor hysterical woman and together they
returned to the mother’s house. Aling Aurelia, after some medication and massaging of
the baby’s stomach, grinned and said-“My child, always remember: a child, just like you
and me, must eat at regular hours or suffer indigestion.” The mother, now happy, iell on
her knees and prayed her thanksgiving to God and to Aling Aurelia tor having helped her
in her hour of stress. (Card 40, M)
Die; Success comes to the poor boy.

Miguel came from a poor family. He worked and study at the same time to be able to
finish architecture. Having finished his studies he was employed immediately and became
a succevs in his line. The picture shows Miguel recalling the past, his work, the hardship
he encountered; the present, the accomplishment he made; and he is thinking of what
the future will bring him. (Card 22, M)
110 J. C. Bulatao
D2. The woman is expected to suffer in silence.

D2a: The woman endures her husband’s grumblings.
The picture shows Mang Ambo and Aling Maria on the table. Mang Ambo is com¬
plaining because the food is not good while Aling Maria looks sad because her husband
did not like the food but she could not tell him that the money he is giving her is not
enough for a good lunch. She loves her husband very much, the reason why she just
keeps quiet. They are old now and there is no reason why they should quarrel over triv¬
ial matters. (Card 25, M)
D2b: The woman takes refuge in religion.

Helen waited for two hours outside the church. It was her wedding day. The man did
not come. Embarrassed almost to death in front of everybody, she went home. Her
parents consoled her. Believing that the world is against her, she entered the convent to
take refuge in the house of God. (Card 9, M)
Evangeline always wondered what it would be like to see the beautiful flowers and
the world outside. You see she cannot see any of this beautiful things for she was borned
blind. But her being blind did not spoiled her sweet disposition. She went to school for
blind children, learn to see things by just the feel of it. She learned how to dress, comb
her hair, even read Braille. She was an intelligent child and she learned easily. But every
night before she went to sleep she always prayed to God the same prayers, that God will
let her see some day. And as we know that God is great, he might answer the blind girl’s
prayers. (Blank card, F)
D2c: The woman takes refuge in music.

A beautiful woman in the garden at about 19 years old playing the guitar looked so
sad. He recall her boy friend away from her, for he went abroad to study. She is thinking
for the past few days when they were there together, happy and playing the guitar. (Card
11, M)
D2d: Men must die and women must weep.

Mona was the prettiest girl in the barrio and she faced the altar with Badong, the
strongest young man there. But Badong joined the army that went lo Korea. And now
Badong’s mother tells her daughter-in-law that Badong was killed and died heroically.
There arc no heroes who stay alive, really. And dead heroes arc dead. But someday Mona
will tell the child in her body what kind of a man the father was. (Card 9, M)
People of that town always wondered what became of that young lovely girl who
lived in the house behind the high stone walls. Just about four years ago, the gates of the
Old Torres house was always open. From the house they could hear young people laugh¬
ing and singing. The young girl of the house was a lovely girl of eighteen and her name
was Aurora. Her parents called her Aurora because she was born at dawn and was as
beautiful as the dawn itself. She was tall and slim, had long black hair and was always
smiling. She loved to play the guitar and she use to compose songs. And she was engaged
to a handsome young man and they were very much in love. But then the day they were
supposed to marry, the groom met an accident on the way to church. The bride fainted
when she heard the news and was very sick for such a long time. When she started to get
well she did not feel like seeing anybody and little by little people started to stop trying
to see her and that’s when they finally closed the gate. The people used to sec the par¬
ents once a while but never Aurora. But the people don’t know that Aurora laid dead in
the house for the past two years. She finally joined her lover in heaven. (Card 11, F)
Manileno's Mainsprings Ill
Deviant values.
There are values which crop up now and then among the stories, which
nevertheless do not enter, without violence, into the four categories enumer¬
ated above,. These values are similar to “singletons” and “duplexes” in factor
analysis, variables which refuse to enter into a group factor. Since these values
occur so rarely, it is not theoretically economical to create other categories
for them. A couple of examples will suffice.
A person seriously philosophizes about life after death.
A man who is meditating sits down and pause for sometime, thinking of his past and
his future. He is uncertain whether he will be happy in the future. He knows too well
where his life began. But his problem is whether he still lives longer and fears that he
might not see his future being. So he thinks deeply that he believes life is but just a test¬
ing trial on earth. (Card 27, F)
A man (who had been to Laos and experienced a culture different from his
own) wants to help others but expresses doubts about goals, showing himself
to be in a state of conscious anomie.
I know they hate me for they don’t understand ... 1 have a different world or a look
at the world ... I don’t want to be in group with them, talking bad of others, praising
the others and when they turn their back they curse them. How I wish that I could be a
help to anybody, if 1 could only have the ways and means. People in less fortunate coun¬
try like ours, especially in Asia, need very badly the aid of their fellowmen ... but as at
present the only thing I’m doing is to wish that someday have to help them, for even
how much I like to help people, I have no means. There are lots of miserable things in
this world and we have to face it but the trouble lies on how to face it ... I wish peo¬
ple .. . (thinks) . . . people has only one mind, to help each other, to love and nothing
else, so as anger and hate will be an unknown.fact of life . . . but that is the world ...
and wish alone can’t do anything, we must do something not by words but by deeds.
There are ways I know that I could help some people, but in helping them. I’m only
leading them to a more miserable life than at present. (Blank card, M)
A worker shows initiative and apparent pleasure in attempting to solve a

technical problem.
A man doing some experiment on a radio and there are so many tubes on the table
and he is looking at the plan on the radio. It seems that he has a problem on the wiring
diagram. On the left side of the table, there, is a tube tester. In front, there is a test board
with lights for testing the continuity. He is looking at the diagram plan. It seems that he
has a problem. He is holding his forehead. (Blank card, M)
The problem-solving values seems somewhat different from the hardwork

value of C2 and appears very rarely in the stories. It may be another effect of
the influx of the new science and technology.
In an attempt to obtain some measure of the frequency of recurrence of
the four values in the stories, a tally was made of their presence in the blank
cards of 90 subjects (Table 1). The cards other than the blank cards could not
be used in this tally because from their very nature some of them excluded
the appearance of certain values. On the other hand, the blank card was open
112 J. C. Bulatao
to all values, particularly to the one preoccupying the subject at the moment.
Some cards yielded “deviant” values, that is, values other than the four cate¬
gories used. Some yielded no values at all. Some had to be tallied under two
values.
It may be seen from the above table that Value A (the family value) and
Value C (the socio-economic value) recurred most frequently. The frequency
of C may be explained in part by the fact that many in the sample group were
job applicants and at the moment of taking the test were preoccupied with
landing a job; this fact may have artificially swelled the frequency of C. The
deviant values took the form of religious values, desire to help others, alms¬
giving, physical fitness, and such, which are hard to include in the four-value
scheme.
Discussion
The classification of values into the four above named—family, authority,

economic sufficiency, and patience—has a great deal of the artificial about it,
since these values merge into one another and are subordinated to one other
in all sorts of means-ends relationships. From the psychological, that is, from
the individual’s viewpoint, one may suggest the unifying concept of an ego
highly in need of security and protection. Possibly as a result of the tender
and highly protected upbringing received by the child, the ego seeks to main¬
tain a similar environment as it grows up. It values the tender, secure relation¬
ships of the family. It protects itself against the dangers of the harsh world
outside the family by great carefulness, the care not to take unnecessary risks
(traditionalism); the determination to be careful of what other people say
(hiya), not to antagonize others or create potential enemies (smooth interper¬
sonal relations), to seek the approval and protection of important people (au¬
thoritarianism). When the ego seeks socio-economic betterment, it does so
with and within the family, for fear again of extending itself too far and thus
exposing the self to danger. Hence it prefers to suffer a loss of its goods in
patience, since suffering is preferable to insecurity. Only when the self is
attacked, as when the authority figure withdraws its approval and the ego is
hurt (amor propio), does there come the possibility of explosive retaliation.
Undoubtedly, the instrument used in a study of values will determine in
part the choice of values or their emphases. It is by examining the confluence
of various approaches that one gets a feeling of validation of one’s own ap¬
proach. For instance, Lynch (1970), by analyzing various dialogues between
Filipinos, came to the conclusion that social acceptance, supported particular¬
ly by smooth interpersonal relations, is the primary basic value or theme
among lowland Filipinos. The present study with the TAT technique reflects
a similar finding, and would explain the need for smooth interpersonal rela¬
tionships under the “authority” value, the need for approval by society, the
Table 1
Tally of recurrence of values contained
in 90 blank cards.
Value A 28
Value B 12
Value C 28
Value D 8
Deviant values 8
No values 13
placating of potential enemies, the need to be careful of other people’s amor

propio, so that they will be careful of one’s own. Likewise, Lynch’s findings
on the nuclear family as the most highly valued segment in Philippine society
is confirmed by the TAT finding of “emotional closeness and security in a
family” as the major Filipino value.
Another interesting and carefully done piece of work is Abraham Felipe’s
study of the personality of the hero in popular short stories. (This study, un¬
fortunately, was seen by the present writer only after this paper had been
written, but the independence of approach may highlight the points of agree¬
ment all the more.) The findings of this study are thus summed up:
The results of the study show the world of the hero (consisting of the social figures
around him and circumstances) is both hostile to his needs and beyond his control. Be¬
cause of this, he shows towards it attitudes of passivity, resignation, conformity, and
compliance. Faced with a world that is unmanageable and particularly hostile to his
spontaneous impulses, the hero adjusts by inhibiting these impulses that endanger his se¬
curity even when he has to suffer in so doing. He is not only able to tolerate suffering
but also to be insensitive or unaware of it. The main value he shows is the need to con¬
trol impulses that are evil; and while not all impulses he perceived to be evil, evil is repre¬
sented to come from the self-due to thoughts, heredity or simply “nature.” The hero’s
emotionality is impoverished; many of the feelings that the authors attributed to them
are inappropriate to the situations to which they are exposed. Finally, the personality
dynamics of the hero was compared with those of the authoritarian personality as de¬
scribed by Frenkel-Brunswik, and the hero shows a remarkable similarity to the author¬
itarian (Felipe 1961: Unpaginated introductory abstract).
There is agreement on the need for security from a hostile world, the pref¬
erence of suffering to insecurity, the basic authoritarianism of the personali¬
ty. If Felipe maintains that the main value is the need to control evil impul¬
ses, he also suggests that the need for such control is the fear of loss of secu¬
rity and of the approval of authority.
It may be asked: Where does the religious value come in? Apart from the
stories in which people take refuge in religion when in trouble, there is very
114 J. C. Bulatao
little mention of a religious value formally as such. It may be speculated that

the religious value fuses with the authority-and-tradition value and, as has al¬
ready been mentioned, with the patience-suffering-and-endurance value. Since
the latter is primarily feminine, its association with religion may explain in
part the predominance of women in church. Likewise, the association of reli¬
gion with authority and tradition could in part explain the ambivalence felt
by males towards religion. For, as the stories show, authority itself demands
to be treated diplomatically so that it arouses ambivalent feelings in the infe¬
rior, and inferior males will be more expressive of this ambivalence than- fe¬
males. The presence of strong clerical and anticlerical forces in countries in
which the values of authority and religion are fused together may be an ex¬
pression on the social level of a phenomenon which is rooted in the individu¬
al’s values.
Notes
1. Each “story” was taken down in shorthand. All are reproduced here exactly as
given.
2. Lynch (1970) is included in this number.
3. Items in parentheses identify the card, or picture, which elicited each story, as well
as the respondent’s sex.
References
Allport, G. W., P. E. Vernon, and G. Lindsey

1951 Manual of directions for study of values. Boston, Houghton Mifflin Co.
Beliak, L.
1954 The thematic apperception test and the children’s apperception test in
clinical use. New York, Greene and Stratton.
Felipe, A. L.
1961 A thematic apperception analysis of popular Tagalog short stories. Un¬
published master’s thesis, University of the Philippines.
Lynch, F.
1970 Social acceptance reconsidered. In Four Readings on Philippine values
(“IPC Papers,” No. 2). Third edition, revised and enlarged, Frank Lynch
and Alfonso de Guzman II, editors. Quezon City, Ateneo de Manila
University Press. Pp..l-63.
Maslow, A. H.
1954 Motivation and personality. New York, Harper.
Murray, H. A., et al.

1938 Exploration in personality. New York, Oxford University Press.
John J. Carroll
Almost half a century ago, Henri Pirenne suggested that at each new stage of
economic organization, the leaders of the previous stage
withdraw from the struggle and become an aristocracy, which if it again plays a role in
the course of affairs, does so in a passive manner only, assuming the role of silent part¬
ners. In their place arise new men, courageous and enterprising, who boldly permit them¬
selves to be driven by the wind actually blowing and who know how to trim their sails to
take advantage of it, until the day comes when, its direction changing and disconcerting
their manoeuvres, they in turn pause and are distanced by new crafts having fresh forces
and new directions (1953:502).
If this is true, then interest in entrepreneurs should be more than merely aca¬
demic, for the country will largely depend on these men willing and able to
organize new enterprises for the success of its industrialization and economic-
development programs. Yet little is known about such men at present—their
social strata or occupational groups of origin, the factors influencing their
emergence, and their sources of capital, of technological and managerial skills.
The present article, a preliminary report, will attempt to shed light on the
areas of inquiry outlined above. The writer has been engaged for a year in re¬
search into the social origins and career histories of Filipino manufacturing
entrepreneurs.1
The Unit of Study
In order to make the project manageable by one person in a reasonable

period of time, and to be able to state the limits within which the conclusions
might be presumed to apply, a precise delimitation of the coverage of the
The research on which this article reports was supported by a United States National
Science Foundation grant administered through Cornell University.
JOHN J. CARROLL, S.J., has since published The Filipino Manufacturing Entrepreneur
(New York, Cornell University Press, 1965). He is presently Assistant Director at the
Institute of Social Order (ISO), Manila.
CarroU, John J. Filipino entrepreneurship in manufacturing. In Four readings on Philip¬

pine values (“IPC Papers,” No. 2). Third edition, revised and enlarged. Frank Lynch
and Alfonso de Guzman II, editors. Quezon City, Ateneo de Manila University Press,
1970. Pp. 115—39.
116 J„ J. Carroll
study was necessary. In the first place, therefore, it was decided to limit the
study to entrepreneurs who are Filipinos legally and—as far as could be deter¬
mined—culturally. For it is already well known that in the underdeveloped
areas of today much of the entrepreneurship has been provided by foreigners
and immigrants. On the other hand, the indigenous sources of entrepreneur-
ship are less well known and perhaps more important for the future. Second¬
ly, it was decided to concentrate on manufacturing industries, but to exclude
from the study the following: sawmilling, sugar milling, abaca, ramie, and
nipa processing, newspaper and magazine publishing, and purely repair work.
These exclusions were made on either theoretical or practical grounds, that is,
the activities eliminated either are not manufacturing in the usual sense of the
word (newspaper publishing and automotive repair shops, for example) al¬
though so classified by the Department of Labor, or they are typically dis¬
persed and so remote from urban centers that it would have been impossible
to visit many of them in the time available. Finally, it was decided to con¬
centrate on relatively large enterprises in terms of employment, since employ¬
ment figures are the most readily accessible index of reasonably successful
and significant entrepreneurship.
There were two main sources from which a list of firms to be included in
the study was drawn. The first was a list of manufacturing establishments hav¬
ing 100 or more employes, provided by the Department of Labor.2 This was
a list of establishments, usually the establishment being the individual fac¬
tory. It was converted into a list of enterprises for purposes of this study by
considering different factories engaged in the same type of production and
owned by the same firm as belonging to the same socio-economic unit or
enterprise.
The other main source employed in making up the final list of enterprises
to be studied was the corporation files of the Securities and Exchange Com¬
mission (SEC).3 The records of approximately 300 enterprises were examined
with the following purposes in mind: to eliminate cases of government entre¬
preneurship, to make a tentative judgment as to who seemed to have per¬
formed the entrepreneurial role in a given case, and to eliminate cases in
which the entrepreneur was not legally and culturally a Filipino. Identifying
cases of government entrepreneurship was a simple matter, and the tentative
identification of the entrepreneur made on the basis of corporation records
could later be checked in the interview and by informal inquiries. But identi¬
fying a person’s culture on the basis of such records would appear to be socio¬
logical sleight-of-hand and demands an explanation. The following assump¬
tions were made:
(1) Culture is not an all-or-nothing thing, but a matter of more or less.
Hence the problem is to separate out one group which will be “more
Filipino” and another which will be “less Filipino.” The criterion need not be
Filipino Entrepreneurship in Manufacturing 777
infallible, as long as it is reasonable and may be expected to be valid in the

great majority of cases, since we shall not attempt to prove anything from
single cases.
(2) A person’s culture is derived primarily from that of his parents. Hence
a person who did not have even one Filipino parent will usually be less
Filipino in culture than one who did.
(3) From the fact that the SEC records list a person as an alien or a natu¬
ralized citizen we can deduce that he probably did not have even one Filipino
parent; for, at least until the Tan Chong case of 1947, it was possible for indi¬
viduals born in the Philippines of one Filipino parent to obtain citizenship
without the formality of naturalization.
(4) From the fact that the group of original stockholders of a corporation
is strongly foreign in composition, we may assume that the organizer of the
group is probably foreign in culture and/or citizenship. The known propen¬
sity of minority groups everywhere to cling together is the basis of this as¬
sumption.
On the above assumptions, it was decided to eliminate at this point:
(1) enterprises in which the entrepreneur was an alien or naturalized citizen;
(2) enterprises in which the entrepreneur was still unidentified, but; (a) more
than half of the original stockholders had foreign names, including the Filipi-
nized form of Chinese names; and (b) more than half of these—that is, one-
quarter of the total—were aliens, naturalized citizens, or had Chinese names
in their unchanged form—that is, three monosyllabic names without a Chris¬
tian name.
I
There were a few more eliminations at this point, based on the fact that
the ultimate unit of study was to be the entrepreneur rather than the enter¬
prise. Hence where one individual had founded several distinct enterprises,
only the first of these—chronologically—was considered.
The above process yielded a list of 110 enterprises presumably founded by
Filipinos, each presumed to have more than 100 employes, in the industries
under study. Interviews were now sought with the individuals believed to
have established them. Where it was impossible to interview the entrepreneur
because he was deceased or out of the country or otherwise unavailable, inter¬
views were sought with a close relative or early associate in the business. In
109 out of 110 cases interviews were obtained.4
In the early part of each interview the writer asked the interviewee to de¬
scribe in his own words the establishing of the enterprise. He followed this
with more detailed questions about the obtaining of capital, technology, man¬
agement, and such. The chief purpose of this question was to confirm or call
in question the identification of the entrepreneur made tentatively at the
SEC. Occasionally it was found necessary to revise this identification and seek
118 J. J. Carroll
an interview with the person newly identified as the entrepreneur. The
writer’s impression was that, in general, people had fairly clear ideas in their
own minds about who had performed the organizing or coordinating role,
although often they were not familiar with the word “entrepreneur.” In the
interviews also, the writer checked on the matter of nationality. As a result, a
number of entrepreneurs who had not had a Filipino parent but did not ap¬
pear on the SEC records as naturalized citizens were dropped from the study
after the interviews. From the 109 cases studied, 92 were found to be usable
for analysis, as follows:
Interviews requested 110

Interviews obtained 109
Excluded after interviews as not
falling within scope of study 14
Insufficient data for identifi-
cation of the entrepreneur
(probably foreign) 3
Included in the study 92
The writer is well aware that there are many possible sources of error in
the complex procedure just described: a firm having two plants with 90 em¬
ployes in each would not appear on the list, while one having only one fac¬
tory with 100 employes would appear; by the time of the interview, seven of
the enterprises included had dropped to between 70 and 100 employes owing
to the separation of temporary employes, while others not included might
have grown to over 100 employes; and in about 15 troublesome cases, the
identification of the entrepreneur was less certain than he would have liked it
to be. Nevertheless it is to be noted that the usual bias due to failure to ob¬
tain interviews has been virtually eliminated. The writer sees no reason for
suspecting that errors attributable to the above factors would introduce any
systematic bias into the statistical results (Tables 1 and 2).
It may be noted in passing that by the definitions employed in this study,
about two cases of foreign entrepreneurship were found for every case of
Filipino entrepreneurship. And among the 92 entrepreneurs included as Fili¬
pinos, 21 reported at least one grandparent born outside the Philippines and
five reported one parent born abroad. Whether this represents a dangerous
alienization of the economy or a beneficial contribution of entrepreneurship
from abroad is a political rather than a sociological question.
It is not the writer’s purpose to draw any important conclusions from the
above-mentioned tables, but mainly to supply a general description of the
Table 1
Number of enterprises eliminated from the study and
number of enterprises finally included.
Original number of enterprises 385*
Enterprises eliminated on the basis

of industry
Auto repair 1
Nipa processing 1
Publishing 12
Ramie decorating 2
Sawmilling 41
Sugar milling 24
Total 81
Enterprises eliminated on the basis

of entrepreneurs’ nationality
American 54
Chinese 105
Spanish 9
Other 15
Total 183
Other exclusions
Entrepreneurs already included
in the study 12
Entrepreneurs’ identification
doubtful 3
Entrepreneurs refused interview,
labor contractors only, out of
business 5
Government entrepreneurship 9
Total 29
TOTAL 293
Enterprises finally included in the study 92
* Source: Labor Statistics Division, Department of Labor.

120 J. J. Carroll
enterprises which form the basis of his study. Nevertheless, two trends are evi¬
dent from a glance at Tables 3 and 4: the increasing rate of industrialization
since the war and particularly since 1950, and the increasing tendency for
enterprises to “begin big” with more than 100 or even more than 250 employ¬
es. Other data which will be brought out later would relate this to at least
a relative disappearance since controls began in 1950 of the “craftsman-
entrepreneur” who begins with a small shop and builds it up. In great part he
has been replaced by the “merchant-entrepreneur,” forced out of commerce
by controls but possessed of enough capital from his previous enterprises to
go into manufacturing on a relatively large scale.
Geographical Origins
On the hypothesis that ethnolinguistic differences within the Philippine

population may coincide with differences in values and economic activity, the
entrepreneurs were asked about the first language they had learned in child¬
hood. Here it had been expected, from casual comments which the writer had
heard about Ilocano frugality and hard work, that the Ilocanos would have a
disproportionately large representation among the entrepreneurs. Suffice it to
say here that this hypothesis was rather dramatically disproven: not a single
Ilocano appeared among the 92 entrepreneurs. On the other hand, while some
ethnolinguistic groups—notably the Kapampangan, or Pampangos—were over¬
represented, first language turned out to be less significant than province of
origin and even town of origin.
The entrepreneurs were asked about the province and town where they
were raised until the age of 12. It was found that more than two-thirds of the
92 entrepreneurs were raised in Manila, Rizal, Bulacan, or Pampanga. Even
industrial plants as far away as Iligan and Davao—for there were no geograph¬
ical limitations on the study—were established by entrepreneurs from Manila
and Central Luzon. Since the median year of birth of the entrepreneurs in the
study was 1908, comparison of their place of origin with the geographical dis¬
tribution of the Philippine population at the time of the 1918 census is appro¬
priate. The area just mentioned, which provided 68 per cent of the entrepre¬
neurs, had in 1918 only 10 per cent of the Philippine population. If the
percentage of entrepreneurs who grew up in an area were divided by the per¬
centage of the total population living in that area in 1918, we would have a
measure of overrepresentation and underrepresentation (Table 5).
One hardly need refer to a map of the Philippines in order to recognize
that there is a pattern here: the representation of a province among the entre¬
preneurs is directly and very closely related to that province’s accessibility
from Manila.5 Most strongly overrepresented among the entrepreneurs are
people raised in Manila itself. Next is a group from four provinces each of
Table 2
Distribution of enterprises by industry.
No. of
Code*
enterprises
20 Food manufacturing industries,

except beverages 5
21 Beverage industries 1
22 Tobacco manufacture 1
23 Manufacture of textiles 7
24 Manufacture of footwear, other wearing
apparel, and made-up textiles 11
25 Manufacture of wood and cork,
except furniture 7
26 Manufacture of furniture and fixtures 5
28 Printing and allied industries 4
29 Manufacture of leather and leather-and-fur
products, except footwear and other
wearing apparel 2
30 Manufacture of rubber products 6
31 Manufacture of chemical and chemical
products 9
32 Manufacture of products of petroleum
and coal 2
33 Manufacture of nonmetallic mineral
products, except products of petroleum
and coal 7
34 Basic metal industries 2
35 Manufacture of metal products, except

machinery and transport equipment 6
37 Manufacture of electrical machinery,

apparatus, appliances, and supplies 7
38 Manufacture of transport equipment 5
39 Miscellaneous manufacturing industries 5
Total 92
‘Two-digit code of the Department of Labor

122 J. J. Carroll
VO lO VO CN
— CN —< Os
£
Ninety-two enterprises classified by original number of employes,
o
''O
I ro —< ro <n vo oo CO
c> m
•o
O'
crossclassified by year of establishment.
•«
■2 O'
5 I
a O0 -h (N —
Table 3
2 '<9-
Os
JO
On
O' VO o CN
CN
a?
<5,
5?
oq
• & o o <L>
o O in IT) £ 73
s£ o O CN <N /.
c o
§ 1
o VO
1 |
J <L) 03 H
7 o > o
.5 1 m o z
oo oo - O
<N C-) CO
£
d <N
Ninety-two establishments classified by number of employes in 1961,
<0>
<N
0 0 0 0-0
b
crossclassified by original number of employes.
3
<0)
s <N
cl */1 VO CO
I
'o'
Table 4
d
c
<o
o
r— m
:sb
6
05
ID 00 VO VO O
VO V)
<3
o o O <L>
S-VO «D in in >
5 ov Ov •—I <N <N C/5
c
Ov 1 <L> cd
'o'-5 O O
o o in
r— o z
I
124 J. J. Carroll
Table 5
Geographical origins of entrepreneurs compared
with 1918 population distribution. *
Representa- Representa-
Origin tion Origin tion
Manila 12.0 Batangas 1.0

Pampanga 7.4 Capiz 0.8
Rizal 7.4 Mt. Province
Bulacan 3.2 (Baguio) 0.6
Cavite 1.5 Negros Occ. 0.6
Albay 1.3 Camarines Sur 0.5
Sorsogon 1.3 Nueva Ecija 0.5
Tarlac 1.3 Bohol 0.3
Laguna 1.2 Samar 0.3
Iloilo 1.1 Cebu 0.1
*1.00 indicates that individuals from the province in question have the same representa¬
tion among the 92 entrepreneurs as among the total of 1918 population.
No entrepreneurs at all come from all of Northern Luzon (except Baguio) down to and
including Nueva Vizcaya and Pangasinan; all of Mindanao; the coastal provinces of
Bataan, Zambales, and Quezon in Luzon, Camarines Norte, Catanduanes, Marinduquc,
Masbate, Palawan, Antique, Negros Oriental, Leyte, and Romblon.
which is close to Manila, not separated from it by natural barriers such as

mountains or bodies of water, and itself possessed of a relatively well-devel¬
oped internal communications system. The remainder of the entrepreneurs
come from places more distant from Manila but with relatively well-developed
communications within the province itself and with Manila, those separated
from Manila by water being generally lower on the list than those with rail¬
road communication with Manila. A second glance at the map will convince
one that the provinces unrepresented among the entrepreneurs, although they
had in 1918 about 45 per cent of the Philippine population, distant from
Manila, separated from it by natural barriers, generally mountainous, and
even now possessed of poorly developed internal communications networks.
An even more specific confirmation of the relationship between a place's
accessibility to Manila and the number of entrepreneurs which it produces ap¬
pears if the towns of origin of the entrepreneurs are plotted in relation to the
railroad and interisland ports of 1918 (Table 6).
While the existence of a relationship between the accessibility of a place

from the metropolitan center and the number of entrepreneurs it produces
seems to be established, nevertheless some problems remain. Why has Parn-
panga, for example, been so much more productive of entrepreneurs than
Cavite, which is closer to Manila and in 1918 had railroads as far as Naic and
Cavite City? And why has Pangasinan, which had the railroad from 1892 on¬
ward, produced no entrepreneurs at all? An answer to these questions would
involve an analysis of the exact nature of the relationship between accessibi¬
lity and entrepreneurship, which we cannot attempt here. It seems not to be
simply that accessibility makes it possible for people to “get out” of small
towns and seek their fortunes in the urban centers, for llocanos do “get out”.
At the time of the 1948 census there were slightly more Iloko speakers (7.6
per cent) than Kapampangan speakers (7.4 per cent) among the male popula¬
tion of Manila. But llocanos do not seem to become entrepreneurs. It is pos¬
sible also that the railroad was routed through certain areas because the peo¬
ple there were more economically active and energetic. In fact certain towns
such as Malabon and Marikina in Rizal and Meycauayan in Bulacan which
have produced far more than their share of entrepreneurs have long been cen¬
ters of local industry. Hence, not just the railroad but the whole culture and
economy of an area may provide an atmosphere which is productive of entre¬
preneurs.
Social Origins: Father’s Position
At this point we return to the question raised by the passage from Henri
Pirenne cited at the beginning of this paper. Are the Filipino manufacturing
entrepreneurs really “new men,” that is, men not sprung from the wealthy
landowners and businessmen of the previous generation but who have risen in
their own lifetime from lower positions on the socio-economic scale? An an¬
swer to this question will throw additional light on the origins of entrepre¬
neurship in a developing economy and will provide some information on the
opportunities for socio-economic mobility within such an economy.
We are dealing here with socio-economic strata and the emphasis here is
on the economic. We are attempting to measure movement from one
wealth stratum or income stratum to another. It is not essential to our analy¬
sis that these strata be marked off from each other by distinctive “styles of
life” or distinctive functions in society, but only that those in an upper stra¬
tum have at a given time higher incomes than those in a lower stratum. On
the basis of 1939 and 1948 census data, giving average and median incomes
for the various occupations reported and average incomes from a given a-
mount of farmland, the following income categories were established:
126 J. J. Carroll
Estimated annual
Income category income IT)
1939 1948
“Lower”: unskilled and semiskilled labor¬

ers; businessmen without employes
(peddlers and sarisari store owners);
tenant farmers and owner-cultivators
without tenants. Below 600 Below 1,100
“Lower middle”: those with white-collar

or technical skills; first-level supervi¬
sors; owners of retail businesses with
a few employes; landowners with less
than 25 hectares but with some ten¬
ants. 600-1,799 1,100-2.499
“Upper middle”: professionals (other
than grade-school teachers), execu¬
tives and officials in large business or
government; owners of import-export,
wholesale, or large letail businesses;
landowners with 25-150 hectares. 1,800-4,799 2,500-14,999
“Upper”- owners of major businesses;
landowners with more than 150 hec¬
tares. 4,800 and 15,000 and
over over
A very rough estimate of the distribution of income-receivers in the Philippines

according to these categories, in 1948, would be this:
Income category Income (P) %
Lower Below 1,100 72.0

Lower middle 1,100-2,499 21.0
Upper middle 2,500-14,999 6.9
Upper 15,000 and 0.1
over
Source-. William 1. Abraham. The national income of the Philippines and its distribution.
New York, United Nations Technical Assistance Program, 1952. P. 20.
Filipino Entrepreneurship in Manufacturing 12 7
Table 6
Ninety-two entrepreneurs classified by
place of origin.
Origin, or place of residence No. of

%
to age 12 entrepreneurs
Manila, Malabon, Manda-

luyong, Pasay, San Juan 39 42
Interisland ports, or towns
within 5 kms. of a rail¬
road, other than towns
listed above* 44 48
Other/No answer 9 10
Total 92 100
* Source: Census Office of the Philippine Islands. Census of the Philippine Islands, taken
under the direction of the Philippine Legislature in the year 1918. Vol. I: geography,
history, and climatology. Manila, Census Office of the Philippine Islands, 1920. Passim.
It is to be noted, finally, that these categories attempt only to state the rela¬
tive positions of four broad occupational groups; changes in the value of
money over time, or in the proportion of the population belonging to these
occupational groups, would not destroy the usefulness of the categories. They
would lose their validity only to the extent that large occupational groups
were to change their relative economic position sufficiently to move into
other income categories, for example, if semiskilled laborers were to receive
the same salaries as those with white-collar or technical skills.
An indication of the socio-economic origins of the entrepreneurs in the
present study, and similarly some confirmation of the validity of the catego¬
ries employed, can be seen if we compare the socio-economic positions of the
entrepreneurs’ fathers with the educations received by the entrepreneurs
themselves (Table 7).
From the distribution shown in Table 7, the following facts can be as¬
certained:
(1) There is a very close relationship between the socio-economic position
of the entrepreneur’s father, established according to the method just de¬
scribed, and the entrepreneur’s own educational attainments. The relation-
128 J. J. Carroll
ship is, of course, expected, but the fact that it is observed tends to confirm
the validity of the estimates of the father’s socio-economic position.
(2) Primarily, the father’s socio-economic position places a floor under
the entrepreneur’s education: entrepreneurs coming from a given socio-eco¬
nomic level tend to have at least a given amount of education.
(3) The father’s socio-economic position does not in all cases place a ceil¬
ing over the entrepreneur’s education, except that no entrepreneur from the
lower class went beyond college graduation. But five out of 19 entrepreneurs
from the lower stratum got as far as college by working for part of their ex¬
penses. Likewise, nine sons of the lower-middle stratum reached their college
level, eight of them providing part or all of their own college expenses. Were
it not for these self-help efforts of the entrepreneurs, it is reasonable to as¬
sume that the father’s socio-economic position would have placed a ceiling
over their educational possibilities. In the upper-middle and upper strata, as
expected, self help was less common; most entrepreneurs from these strata
went to college, and most had their college expenses paid by their families.
(4) The group of entrepreneurs is well educated, out of all proportion in
relation to the Philippine population as a whole. Seventy-two per cent of
them reached college, whereas in 1948 only two per cent of the total Philip¬
pine population reported having been to college. Even if the Manila male po¬
pulation aged 35—44 in 1948 were taken as a more appropriate term of com¬
parison, only 12 per cent of the latter reported having attended college (Bu¬
reau of the Census and Statistics 1954 [Vol. 3]: 192, 196—97, 224—26); on
the other hand, more than 25 per cent of the entrepreneurs from our lowest
socio-economic category—the son of a shoemaker, and so on—went to college.
It is possible that these findings indicate the importance of education as a ve¬
hicle of socio-economic mobility. The writer would suggest, however, that in
many cases the mobility aspirations and determination to get ahead which
are revealed in the efforts to get an education may have been ultimately more
important than the education received.
(5) The answer to Pirenne’s question turns out to be a rather undecisive
“Yes and no,” or an even more exasperating, “It depends on your frame of
reference.” Only 35 per cent of the entrepreneurs, all big businessmen, had
fathers who were in the upper socio-economic category. In that sense a ma¬
jority of the entrepreneurs are “new men” and have been upwardly mobile in
their lifetime—21 per cent have been extremely mobile, from the lowest to
the highest stratum in their own lifetime. On the other hand, the upper stratum,
from which 35 per cent of the entrepreneurs came, has never been as much as
one per cent or probably even 0.1 per cent of the Philippine population. That
this stratum should produce 35 per cent of today’s entrepreneurs indicates
*
* o
* o>
m os 00 <N VO Tf —I E
<N m O o
co
>%
*o
c
<0
C/2 3
0) x>
T3
m oo vo t-~ ' Tj- — <N O cO
<N m Os O feb
£ E
,c0
•S <U
*0 XS
•S ^
Ninety-two entrepreneurs classified by education, crossclassified
C/2
M
Q>
X> 3
O O o o o <N <N E O
< to 3 T3
z <D
t-H
73 O
c
o
■*->
73
by fathers ’ socio-economic position.
(N o
o
■«—»
In
o o o <N m (N m a D
x:
—< — m m 'aT
I co
3
*o •a
to CO a>
& *o o
J3 00
6, +*
Table 7
C/2 "o o
o
••—
O c
a.
5 in rn >» <u
o T3
E
~ (N <N o ■'fr VO a co
a> o
o g.s oo
(N <N a- J2
o •S-5 co
Vo c a>
00
.o JB
o O
O
00
0 o a> &
10 c
S3
O
CO
o *3
c
s (N — m
U 3
o
k. o
£
II
*») fc
(N m m >—1 m vn vO o
x:
o
c/2
x;
.s
c
eO
3
00 E
C0
o
o
£ X>
*
co o O
o
*
k.
<-n| m co
Os — X: T3 o
in vo <N «—i <n m o c 4-*
— C4 C/> -M
© c/2 o
•3 o . c
T3
c0 M c/2
o o T3
& X g *5
CO c a> >»
o Q-
XL
■v
O 3 x
»»• * m S.w
S Cl r- m | c
a> o
I I CO o —•c cj00 oo
4-* CO
^ s CT) Q
3 CO CO C/2 C/D "o "o O H .2 cj
X) "*
a; •© O O X X U u S-
X> i-B
X> -1Z
<
130 J. J. Carroll
that it has not precisely retired from the field but, on the contrary, is in pro¬
portion to its size, the most fruitful source of manufacturing entrepreneurs.
Mobility over Two Generations
In the interviews, questions were asked which were designed to provide an

estimate of the socio-economic positions of both grandfathers of the entre¬
preneur, of his father-in-law, and of the entrepreneur himself at various points
in his career. This was done in the hope that it would be possible to see socio¬
economic mobility as a process extending over two generations. In order to
simplify the placement of grandfathers, the four strata previously employed
were reduced to three by combining the two “Middle” strata into one. The
results, for the paternal grandfather’s socio-economic position and the father’s
education, are shown in Table 8.
It will readily be noted that even the fathers of the entrepreneurs were far
better educated than the general population of the Philippines in their genera¬
tion or even now. Secondly, it will be noted that almost one-third of the en¬
trepreneurs did not know enough about their paternal grandfathers to provide
a basis for an estimate of his socio-economic position and that the fathers of
those who did not remember their grandfathers tended to be more poorly
educated than the fathers of those who did remember their grandfathers. Sta¬
tistical tests showed it to be practically certain that these differences between
the educational levels of the two groups of fathers had not occurred by
chance: the probability that they had is less than one in a thousand. Hence it
was concluded that there was “selective forgetting” of grandfathers whose
sons were poorly educated and who themselves were presumably low in socio¬
economic position. Hence, for a “best estimate” of the socio-economic ori¬
gins at the grandfather’s generation of our entrepreneurs, it was decided to
distribute the grandfathers whose own socio-economic position was unknown
but whose sons’ education is known among the economic strata in proportion
to the education of the sons. For example, all six of the grandfathers whose
sons had no education at all were assigned to the lower socio-economic cate¬
gory. Likewise, three-fifths of those whose sons had only 1—4 years of grade
school. The 14 cases in which neither the grandfather’s socio-economic posi¬
tion nor the father’s education were known were distributed in the same pro¬
portion as the 15 for whom the father’s education was known.6
This procedure, applied also in the case of maternal grandfathers and the
entrepreneurs’ fathers-in-law, produced the results shown in Table 9.
From Table 9, a number of interesting conclusions can be drawn:
(1) There has been considerable mobility from the grandfather’s genera¬
tion, in the sense that about 78 per cent of the entrepreneurs descended from
Table 8
Ninety-two entrepreneurs classified by fathers’ education, cross-
classified by grandfathers ’ socio-economic position.
SoI
c
.sj
In
o
o
o
c
o
-s:
£
.o
s
s
•5:
c
£
§
S3
c
K>
Ik
£
s:
~
•2
§
£
O'
NO
co
Z
o
c
o
O'
00
CO
ro
Tj-
on
O
1
O'
CN
ro
r-
1/3
O'
O
co
co
—.
<N
ro
X
on
c<n
co
<N
•'t
X
on
oo
1
o
U
"o
ro
—■
—
O
•o-
U
"o
r-
fNl
■'fr
<N
—'
<N
~
0-
w-
o
—
oc
—1
VO
—«
Tj-
(N
C/D
£
Z
O
cd
C
*
*
*
O'
O'
00
O'
<N
O'
O'
o
13
H
*
*
O'
O'
CO
<N
O'
.
ro
rj
NO
Total is 89, as paternal grandfathers of three entrepreneurs never lived in the Philippines.
131
‘Percentage did not total 100 because of rounding-off in some categories.

132 J. J. Carroll
paternal grandfathers who were not in the upper socio-economic category.
Nevertheless, the grandsons of upper-strata individuals are tremendously over¬
represented. Although they can hardly comprise one per cent of the general
Philippine population, they comprise 22 per cent of our entrepreneurs.
(2) The greater part of this mobility, if mobility is understood as moving
from any of the lower categories into the upper category, has been achieved
in the lifetime of the entrepreneurs themselves and since the founding of their
enterprises. Hence, entrepreneurship has often been a means of socio-econom¬
ic mobility. We shall see shortly, however, that its importance as a means of
mobility appears to have varied considerably over time.
(3) As might be guessed from the table and seen in other data not included
here, entrepreneurs coming from upper and upper-middle origins tended to
begin their occupational careers at one level below their fathers, that is, in the
middle category. But only a few sons of the lower-middle category began be¬
low their fathers, which would have meant dropping into the manual-labor
category. On the other hand, five from the lower stratum began their occupa¬
tional careers above their fathers’ level at the lower-middle level; of these five,
four had been to college, and presumably education was the means by which
they crossed the manual/non manual line.
(4) Marriage does not seem to have been a common means of moving into
the upper stratum, either for the entrepreneurs themselves or for their fathers.
More entrepreneurs than wives come from the upper stratum, and more pa¬
ternal grandfathers than maternal grandfathers belonged to the upper stra¬
tum. At least at this level, more women than men “married upward.” It has
been suggested that this corresponds to a cultural norm in Philippine society:
men may “marry down” but women should not.
Socio-economic Mobility by Time Periods
Up to this point we have been speaking of the group of 92 entrepreneurs

taken as a whole. Actually, there are three distinct subgroups of entrepre¬
neurs corresponding to three distinct phases of the Philippine economy. The
first subgroup is composed of entrepreneurs who began their enterprises pre¬
vious to the year 1945, the second is composed of those who began between
1945 and 1949, and the third subgroup began during the “decade of con¬
trols” since 1950.
Table 10 appears to indicate a progressive and, in the recent decade, dra¬
matic decrease in the amount of social mobility through entrepreneurship in
manufacturing. While in the period before 1945 only 23 per cent of the entre¬
preneurs were already of the upper stratum when they founded their estab¬
lishments and 46 per cent were of the lower two strata, in the period since
"N* O
o o o o
~ P -tS 1 o o
£ a. S:
v Q.
O
3
o
i-i
b<j o
Sj s- £
2. t =§ m t}- — o
so m o
O
JO
Q> ••S, £
3
c
<^) ^ .to jZ
CO 00 O' m o
CO
in m o
£ *
S' S fc 51
o
^~s O a
o
c Vi
.o c
a.
CtJ
fc £ m m it o JZ
a. •£-S=o (N in (N o
i gf a,
i 52.
^
S go C
« a
to g*
o
<D
CL
•S>
X.
£
Os
*
o a. .o
V_ —s (N in cn o
Percentage did not total 100 because of rounding-off in some categories.
•Si .C <=> r- <n o 1>

•o S? O' X5
(5 a £
«
to
^3
(Si 2 fld
*
o
to
to •2 § -v
m m O'
•£ ^ co -<t
-4
o
-s S ^
CS O' •B
to
-o' cS
•tj t0
S! CD •5
e
Jk. >«.__
V)
V) 5 "S — <n p- o
& CJ a § € 5; — 'O CN o o
60
<D
I
*
<3 Is. * *
2 <U <n m m
5 •£ os <N -f m
O'
O'
00
§><s.
£
o
JZ
c
£ ft>
o C3
c •- Ji CL
4J T3
8 v, & I i
o
so
H
O D S S2 &
.6 a.
<o il |
£ o
3 3 H
a
134 J. J. Carroll
1950, 79 per cent were already of the upper stratum and none belonged to
the lower two strata. And Table 11 suggests a similar pattern of decreasing
mobility relative to the entrepreneurs’ fathers. Whereas before 1945, only
nine per cent of entrepreneurs came from upper-stratum backgrounds, since
1950 more than half have come from this stratum, while those from the
lower stratum have decreased from 41 per cent to 11 per cent.
Parallel to these changes are apparent changes over time in the industrial
origins and mobility patterns of the entrepreneurs. The number and percent¬
age of entrepreneurs who began their establishments as craftsman’s shops has
decreased steadily:
Before 1945 1945-49 1950-60
12(55%) 5(29%) 3(6%)
At the same time there has been a decrease in the proportion of entrepreneurs
who were in manufacturing immediately previous to founding their enter¬
prises and an increase in the proportion who moved directly from commerce
into entrepreneurship in manufacturing (Table 12). With regard to the change
in mobility patterns, the differences are most apparent if just two time peri¬
ods are considered: before 1950 those entrepreneurs who were mobile relative
to their fathers (that is, did not come from the upper social stratum) were in
most cases mobile after starting their manufacturing enterprises; since 1950
the great majority of the mobile had reached the upper stratum before found¬
ing their manufacturing enterprises (Table 13). In other words, before 1950,
entrepreneurship in manufacturing was a means of achieving socio-economic
mobility, while since 1950, it has been mainly a means of consolidating or
enhancing an upper-stratum position already acquired.
These figures are all in accord with the observation made earlier in this
paper, that there has been an increasing tendency over time for enterprises to
“begin big.” The writer believes that they reflect a definite change in the mo¬
bility patterns and opportunities for entrepreneurship, brought about by:
(a) a shift in the pattern of manufacturing away from the “craftsman” type,
which requires little original capital and can be built up gradually from very
small beginnings, toward a “heavier” type of industry which requires a rela¬
tively large original investment; and (b) the situation under the controls of
the 1950s, when the all-important dollar allocations seem to have been avail¬
able principally to those who were already well established economically and
politically.. It must be remembered, however, that time itself is a most impor¬
tant factor here. It takes time for an entrepreneur who has begun a small shop
to build it up until it is large enough to be included in the present study.
There may in fact have been as many craftsmen-entrepreneurs in the 1950s as
in previous decades and a study done 10 years hence might find their enter¬
prises flourishing with over 100 employees each. Nevertheless, the writer feels
Filipino Entrepreneurship in Manufacturing / 35
Table 10
Entrepreneurs classified by socio-economic position immediately
before founding enterprise, crossclassificd by
year of foundation of enterprise.
(All values are in percentages.)
Socio-economic -Year of foundation

position Before 1945 1945-49 1950-60 Total
(22)* (17) (53) (92)
Upper 23 25 79 58
Upper middle 32 29 21 25
Lower middle 41 24 0 14
Lower 5 12 0 3
Total 101** 100 100 100
‘Numbers in parentheses for each category indicate the total number of entrepreneurs
in that category, which numbers were used as basis for percentages.
“Percentage did not total 100 because of rounding-off in some categories.
Table 11
Entrepreneurs’ fathers classified by socio-economic position, cross-
classified by year of foundation of enterprise.
Year of foundation
Socio-economic
position Before 1945 1945-49 1950-60 Total
(22)* (17) (53) (92)
Upper 9 18 51 35
Upper middle 32 29 23 26
Lower middle 18 24 13 16
Lower 41 24 11 21
No answer 0 6 2 3
Total 100 101** 100 101**
‘Numbers in parentheses for each category indicate the total number of entrepreneurs
in that category, which numbers were used as basis for percentage.
“Percentage did not total 100 because of rounding-off in some categories.

136 J. J. Carroll
Table 12
Entrepreneurs classified by industry immediately before founding enterprise,
crossclassified by year of foundation of enterprise.
Year of foundation
Industry
Before 1945 1945-49 1950-60' Total
(22)* (17) (53) (92)
Commerce 31 38 50 43
Manufacturing 50 32 22 31
Other 19 29 28 26
Total 100 99** 100 100
Numbers in parentheses for each category indicate the total number of entrepreneurs
**Percentage did not total 100 because of rounding-off in some categories.
Table 13
Entrepreneurs classified by socio-economic position before found¬
ing enterprise, crossclassified by year of foundation.
Year of foundation
Socio-economic
Before 1950 1950-60
position
(34)* (26)
Upper stratum 18 84
Other strata 82 16
Total 100 100
*Numbers in parentheses for each category indicate the total number of entrepreneurs
that it is beyond serious doubt that the great increase in entrepreneurial op¬
portunities of the 1950s has been available to the well-established merchant-
entrepreneur rather than to the craftsman-entrepreneur. This conclusion,
disappointing to one who sees a relatively high rate of mobility as a socially
desirable goal, is in accord with the facts of economic history elsewhere and
may be an indication that industrialism is “taking hold” in the Philippines.
Industrial and Occupational Origin, Religion
It has already been noted that the great majority of manufacturing entre¬
preneurs were engaged either in commerce or in manufacturing immediately
before founding their own manufacturing establishments. The pattern of in¬
dustrial origins back to the father’s generation is given in Table 14. Because of
the large number of those whose grandfathers’ industry is unknown, estimates
Table 14
Entrepreneurs classified by industrial origin, crossclassified by
socio-economic origin and past positions, and compared
with the Philippine labor force (male) of 1948. *
Socio-economic origin and past positions Labor

Industrial force
First Job immediately
origin Father job before ^founding
(88)** (91)
Agriculture,
fishing 26 8 6 68.3
Commerce 26 37 43 4.3
Government 9 4 3 5.7
Manufacturing 18 26 31 6.0
Professions 6 17 4 2.2
Others 14 8 14 12.9
Total 99*** 100 101*** 100.0
*Source: Bureau of the Census and Statistics. Census of the Philippines, 1948. Vol. 3:
summary and general report. Manila, Bureau of the Census and Statistics, 1954. P. 399.
**Numbers in parentheses for each category indicate the total number of entrepreneurs
***Percentage did not total 100 because of rounding-off in some categories.

138 J. J. Carroll
beyond the father’s generation were not attempted, but Philippine labor-force
data for 1948 are provided for purposes of comparison.
It will be noted that even the fathers of the entrepreneurs were far more
concentrated in commerce and manufacturing than was the general male la¬
bor force even in 1948 and far less concentrated in agriculture than the latter.
And at each step, from father to entrepreneur’s first job and from entrepre¬
neur’s first job to the last before entrepreneurship, there was further move¬
ment into commerce and manufacturing. But the main movement out of agri¬
culture was made by the beginning of the entrepreneur’s occupational career,
A first job in one of the professions, notably law and schoolteaching, pro¬
vided for a sizeable number of entrepreneurs the steppingstone between their
own industry immediately before entrepreneurship.
With regard to occupation immediately before entrepreneurship, almost 80
per cent of the entrepreneurs were already independent businessmen before
founding their enterprises, and more than half of them were independent
businessmen by the age of 28. One of the main influences of the war upon
the careers of the postwar entrepreneurs was that it separated many of them
from wage-and-salary employment: of the 70 post-war entrepreneurs, 24 had
their own businesses in 1941 and 45 by 1945. Wartime and postwar “buy-
and-sell” and postwar dealing in surplus provided a start for a number of the
merchant-entrepreneurs.
No support is found in the data for the hypothesis, derived from the
thought of Max Weber on the subject of the rise of industrial capitalism in
Europe, that a Protestant religious orientation tends to favor attitudes and
values conducive to entrepreneurship. Of the 92 entrepreneurs, only one was
raised a Protestant and only two are now Protestants or died as Protestants.
Of course, the questions asked in the interviews covered formal religious affil¬
iation only. It is still possible that there is a relation between intensity of reli¬
gious belief and practice and the presence or absence of entrepreneurial quali¬
ties. But the writer’s belief is that: (a) many of the attitudes associated by
Weber with ascetical Protestantism have become disassociated—as Weber re¬
cognized—from their origins and are now part of the “modern” culture to
which the Filipino entrepreneurs, far more than the average Filipino, have
been exposed, and (b) other attitudes associated with ascetical Protestantism
may not have been as important for the Filipino entrepreneur of the 1950s as
for the European industrial pioneer of 1750.
Notes
1. The term, "entrepreneur,” here and throughout the paper is used to refer to the
organizer of the factors of production-land or natural resources, labor which includes
technical and managerial skills as well as labor in the usual sense, and capital. The entre¬
preneur brings these three together and thus establishes a new industrial enterprise.
Whether he personally provides the capital or technology from his own resources, or
personally manages the enterprise once established, is immaterial.
2. This list was compiled for the writer from the files of the Labor Statistics Division
of the Department of Labor, through the cooperation of Mr. Honesto K. Bringas, chief of
the Labor Statistics Division, and Miss I rancisca de Castro of the same division. Much
time and effort went into compiling this list and the writer wishes to thank Mr. Bringas
and Miss de Castro.
3. The author wishes to express his gratitude to Mr. Ner C. Reodica, deputy com¬
missioner, and to Mr. Gaudeneio Mejia, administrative officer of the SLC, for making
these files available to him.
4. This very gratifying rate of success in obtaining interviews is attributable, second

only to the courtesy of the entrepreneurs themselves, to the cooperation of the Philippine
Chamber of Industries and its executive secretary. Dr. Augusto Cesar Espiritu. The cham¬
ber provided the writer with more than 100 letters of introduction, individually typed,
and signed by Dr. Espiritu.
5. The map of the Philippines on p. 64, though it shows only principal cities, will give
the reader an idea of the relation between closeness to Manila and number of entre¬
preneurs.
6. The technique was used, of course, only for obtaining an overall estimate. In most
cases, fathers of a given educational level came from two or more socio-economic strata
and there was no way of determining which individual grandfathers should be assigned to
which of the strata.
References
Abraham, William I.
1952 The national income of the Philippines and its distribution. New York,
United Nations Technical Assistance Program.
Bureau of the Census and Statistics

1954 Census of the Philippines, 1948. Vol. 3: summary and general report. Manila,
Bureau of the Census and Statistics.
Census Office of the Philippine Islands

1920 Census of the Philippine Islands, taken under the direction of the Philippine
Legislature in the year 1918. Vol. 1: geography, history, and climatology.
Manila, Census Office of the Philippine Islands.
Pircnne, Henri
1953 Stages in the social history of capitalism. In Class, status, and power: a
reader in social stratification. Reinhard Bendix and Seymour Martin Lipset.
editors. Glencoe, Ill., The Free Press. Pp. 501 517.
Selected IPC Research Projects
(As of August 1970)
For each entry six items of information are given, and in this order: Project
title. Name(s) of the principal investigator(s). Year(s) in which the research
was undertaken. LPC research program to which the project pertains. Present
status of the research. Place of publication.
A number of symbols are used. Research period: s—added to the year in
which the research was done indicates that the field work was a summer-month
project (six—eight weeks). Research program: APS/BRP-Ateneo-Penn State
Basic Research Program; BAS—Bikol Area Survey; CISC—Coordinated Investi¬
gation of Sulu Culture; HEWA (Hawaii/East-West Center/Ateneo)—projects
undertaken by East-West Center grantees with field advice from the IPC;
G-general research program of the IPC; MAS—Manila Area Study. Status of
research: CP—completed and report published; CPp—completed but report
not published;Cp—completed in part but report not published;CpP—completed
in part and partial report published; np—not published. Place of publication:
IPC —Institute of Philippine Culture; PSR —Philippine Sociological Review;
PS—Philippine Studies ; 0—elsewhere (specified).
1. Reciprocity in the lowland Philippines. Mary R. Hollnsteiner. 1959—60.
G. CP. PS. IPC (IPCPapers, Nos. 1 and 2).
2. The characteristics of ritual kinsmen in a small community. Wilfredo F.
Arce. 1960—61. BAS. C. np.
3. Continuities in Philippine social class. Frank Lynch, S.J., 1961. G. CpP.
O (Historical Bulletin, Manila).
4. Social acceptance as a Philippine cultural theme. Frank Lynch, S.J. 1961.
G. CP. PS. IPC (IPCPapers, No. 2).
5. Values of Manilenos as derived from projective tests. Jaime C. Bulatao, S.J.,
IPC staff and associates. 1961. G. CP. PS. IPC (IPC Papers, No. 2).
6. Understanding the Philippines and America: a study of cultural themes.
IPC staff and associates. 1961-68. G. CpP. IPC (mimeo.).
142 Selected I PC Research Projects
7. Power systems of Jolo, Sulu. Wilfredo F. Arce. 1961—63. CISC. CP. PS,
IPC (/PC Papers, No. 3), O (Doctoral dissertation, Cornell University).
8. Child rearing among the Samal of Manubul Island, Sulu. Nena E. Benton.
1962s. CISC. CP. PSR.
9. Religious rituals among the Samal of Manubul Island, Sulu. Maria A.
Gonzalez. 1962s. CISC. C. np.
10. Reconnaissance of Sulu Art. David L. Szanton. 1962s. CISC. CP. PS,
IPC (IPCPapers, No. 3).
11. Economic survival among the Badjaw of Bongao, Sulu, Jose R.
Arong, O.M.I. 1962s. CISC. CP. PSR.
12. Intergroup relations among the Taosug, Samal, and Badjaw of Sulu.
Richard L. Stone. 1962s. CISC. CP. PSR.
13. Sisangat: Samal fishing village of Siasi, Sulu. Dolores Ducommun. 1962s.
CISC. CP. PSR.
14. Production of uniform subject indices for the 100 most important general
published sources on Manila and the Philippines (MAS Basic Bibliography
Project). Helen R. Tubangui. 1962—64. MAS. CPp. IPC (mimeo.).
15. Tondo family and kinship survey (MAS Family and Kinship Project).
Asuncion Marquez-van Arendonk, project director; Liliosa T. Mangosing,
research assistant. 1962. Cp. np.
16. Study of changing patterns of social structure in the Philippines: 1896,
1963. John J. Carroll, S.J., project director; Maria Teresa Colayco, research
assistant. 1963. G. CP. IPC.
17. Trends report on studies in social stratification and social mobility in the
Philippines. Frank, Lynch, S.J., and IPC staff. 1963. G. CP. 0 (East Asian
Cultural Studies, Tokyo).
18. Folk medicine and curer among the Samal of Sisangat, Siasi, Sulu. Dolores
Ducommun. 1963s. CISC. C. np.
19. Woodcarving in Sulu. Julian E. Dacanay, Jr. 1963s. CISC. CP. O (Philip¬
pine Perspectives and Brown Heritage, Ateneo de Manila).
20. Selected folk songs of Sulu. Loretta S. Garcia. 1963s. CISC. C. np.
21. Religious attitudes of the Badjaw of Sitangkai, Sulu. Richard Nicholson.
1963s. CISC. Cp. np.
22. Ethnic identity and community integration in two resettlement areas.
Audrey Greenberg. 1963—64. CISC—HEWA. C. np.
23. Social organization of a Badjaw community of Sulu. Harry A. Nimmo.
1963-64. CISC—HEWA. CP. O (Ethnology'-, M.A. thesis, University of
Hawaii).
Selected IPC Research Projects 143
24. Intergroup relations among the ethnic groups of the Sulu archipelago.
Richard L. Stone. 1963—64. CISC—HEWA. CP. O (M.A. thesis, University
of Hawaii).
25. Study of the musical traditions of Sulu. Ricardo D. Trimillos. 1963-64.

CISC—HEWA. CP. 0 (M.A. thesis, University of Hawaii).
26. Politics and elections in Jolo, Sulu. Robert L. Youngblood, 1963-64.
CISC—HEWA. CP. O (M.A. thesis, University of Hawaii).
27. Values and value orientations of Filipino students. John F. Doherty, S.J.,
project director; Maria Teresa Colayco, research assistant. 1963-. Cp.
np.
28. Photographic study of Sulu Life. Abdulmari Imao. 1964s. CISC. CP.
O (Saturday Mirror Magazine. Manila).
29. Family development cycle and residence in a Bikol community. Nena E.
Benton. 1964. BAS. CP. 0 (M.A. thesis. University of Hawaii).
30. Production of handbooks on the Philippines (IPC Regional handbook pro¬
ject). Frank Lynch, S.J., and Richard L. Stone, general editors; Teodoro A.
Llamzon, S.J., and Alfonso de Guzman II, language editors. 1964—69.
G. CpP. IPC {IPC Guide to Tagalog/Ilocano/Ibanag).
31. Malate family and kinship survey (MAS Family and kinship project).
Nena E. Benton, project director; Liliosa T. Mangosing, research assistant.
1964-66. MAS. Cp. np.
32. Evaluation of the United States Peace Corps operations in the Philippines,
1961—64. Frank Lynch, S.J., chief coordinator; Thomas W. Maretzki,
principal investigator; Alfred B. Bennett, Jr., executive officer; Susan M.
Bennett, chief of data processing; Linda N. Murai, chief coder. 1964—66.
G. CP. IPC, O (Social Science Research Institute, University of Hawaii).
33. Folk music in a resettlement area of Bukidnon. Loretta S. Garcia. 1965s.
G. C. np.
34. Tondo community study. Mary R. Hollnsteiner. 1965—68. MAS. CPp.
IPC {IPCPapers, No. 7), 0 {St. Louis Quarterly, Baguio).
35. Study of aspiration levels of Filipinos in various kinds of settlements.
George M. Guthrie. 1965—66. G. CP. 0 (H.R.B. Singer, Inc., Pennsyl¬
vania).
36. Ateneo Southern Tagalog politics project. Carl Lande. 1965—. G. Cp. np.
37. Production of a modern Bikol grammar. Alan M. Stevens, 1966-67. BAS.
CpP. IPC {IPCPapers, No. 7).
144 Selected IPC Research Projects
38. Study of Filipino cognitive mapping. Frank Lynch, S.J., project director;
Ronald S. Himes and Meliton B. Juanico, project deputy-directors. 1966-69.
APS/BRP (Project One). CP. IPC {IPCPapers, Nos. 4, 5, and 10).
39. Study of folk and official concepts of ownership. Richard L. Stone. 1966—
68. APS/BRP (Project Two). CP. IPC {IPCPapers, Nos. 4, 6, and 10).
40. Study of an Iloilo town in transition. David L. Szanton. 1966-67.
APS/BRP (Project Three). CP. IPC {IPCPapers, Nos. 4, 5, 6, and 9).
41. Study of ways of inquiring about family planning attitudes. Marya Pettit.
1966. HEWA. CP. 0 (M.A. thesis. University of Hawaii).
42. Study of an aspect of Philippine politics. David Kaeuper. 1966. HEWA.
Cp. np.
43. Communication effectiveness study. James McKendry, project director;
Salvador A. Parco, deputy project director. 1967. G. CP. 0 (H.R.B.
Singer, Inc., Pennsylvania).
44. Scope of the brain drain: preliminary investigation of the seriousness of
the outmigration of highly educated Filipinos. IPC staff. 1967—68. G.
CP. IPC {IPCPapers, No. 7).
45. Study of family planning attitudes (confd. see project 41). Project in¬
definitely postponed.
46. Urbanization and changes in values and motives. George M. Guthrie,
project director; Helen S. Guthrie, research associate. 1967—68. APS/BRP
(Project Four). CP. IPC {IPCPapers, Nos. 6, 7, and 8).
47. Changes in group structures and decision making. A. Paul Hare, project
director; Dean Peabody, senior research associate; William P. Bruton, S.J.,
research associate. 1967—68. APS/BRP (Project Five). CP. IPC {IPC
Papers, Nos. 6 and 7).
48. Bibliography of Philippine ethnography. Shiro Saito, project director.
1967—68. G. CpP. IPC, The Rizal Library (mimeo.).
49. Palawan resettlement project. Carlos Fernandez, II, project director.
1967—. G. Cp. np.
50. Student attitudes and reference groups study. Patricia B. Licuanan, project
director. 1967-68. APS/BRP (Project Eight). CP. IPC {IPCPapers, No.
10).
51. 1967 lowland Philippines Christian family survey. Frank Lynch, S.J.,
principal investigator; Perla Q. Makil, field supervisor. 1967. G. CP,
O {St. Louis Quarterly, Baguio).
52. Study of school-connected voluntary organizations. Aurora Silayan-Go,
project director. 1967—68. G. C. np.
Selected IPC Research Projects 145
53. Filipino corporation manager study. Alfred B. Bennett, Jr., project

director. 1968-69. APS/BRP (Project Nine). CpP. IPC (IPC Papers
No. 10).
54. Study of the aiding response. Lee Sechrest, project director. 1968-69;
APS/BRP (Project Six). CpP. IPC (IPCPapers, No. 5).
55. Conditions of creativity among Filipino grade school children. Susan M.
Bennett, project director. 1968-69. APS/BRP (Project Ten). CpP. IPC
(IPC Papers, No. 10).
56. Masculinity-femininity differences. Todd L. Fay, project director. 1968-
69. APS/BRP (Project Eleven). Cp. np.
57. Philippine schools and influentials. Perla Q. Makil, project director. 1969-
70. G. CpP. IPC (mimeo.).
58. Graduate student cost of living. Frank Lynch, S.J., and Romana J.
Pahilanga, project directors. 1969. G/MAS. C. np.
59. Socio-economic survey of the sugar industry of Negros Occidental: a joint
project of the National Federation of Sugarcane Planters and the IPC.
Frank Lynch, S.J., project director; Romana J. Pahilanga, project deputy-
director; Manuel Regalado, S.J., field coordinator. 1969-70. G. CpP.
IPC (A Bittersweet Taste of Sugar).
60. Survey and evaluation of family planning promotion in Tondo, Manila.
Wilfredo F. Arce, project director; Aurora Silayan-Go, project deputy-
director. 1969—70. Cp. np.
61. Restudy of selected respondents of the BRAC 1967 family survey (see
Project 51). Perla Q. Makil, project director. 1970. G. Cp. np.
62. Production of a basic anthropology bibliography for Philippine colleges
and universities. Frank Lynch, S.J., project director; Aurora N. Corvera,
research librarian, 1969. G. CP. IPC (mimeo.).
63. Survey of attitudes toward morality and moral education. Perla Q. Makil,
project director. 1969—70. G. Cp. np.
64. Roles of the younger generation of scientists in modernization and
development. Florence E. McCarthy, project director. 1969—70. G. Cp.
np.
65. Socio-economic survey of high-school and college students in selected
institutions. Frank Lynch, S.J.,project director; Horacio M. Borromeo, Jr.,
project deputy-director. 1969—70. G. CpP. IPC (mimeo.).
66. Design and testing of an evaluation procedure for the Home Aide Service
of the Bureau of Family Welfare, Department of Social Welfare. Frank
Lynch, S.J., and Wilfredo F. Arce, project directors. G. 1970. C. np.
146 Selected IPC Research Projects
67. Processing of data derived by the Verbal Interaction Coding Systems

(VICS) about Ateneo de Manila high school teachers. Felix D. Unson, S.J.,
project director. 1969-70. MAS. G. np.
68. Inventory of national problems as seen by Ateneo de Manila college
students and faculty. Perla Q. Makil, project director. 1969-70. MAS.
CP. IPC (mimeo.).
69. Construction of an index of family income for Greater Manila families
earningP6,000 or more per year. Marcelo M. Orense and Susan M. Bennett,
project directors. 1970. MAS. Cp. np.
70. Construction of two questionnaires for the Philippine province of the
Society of Jesus. Frank Lynch, S.J., project director. 1970. G. CpP.
O (Office of the Jesuit province, mimeo.).
71. Preparation of special report on national problems for the Philippine
province of the Society of Jesus. Frank Lynch, S.J., project director.
1970. G. CP. IPC (mimeo.).
72. Study of “relevance” among Ateneo de Manila college seniors, Frank
Lynch, S.J., project director. 1970. MAS. C. np.
73. Baseline study of the target population for communication activities in
support of a family-planning program. Perla Q. Makil, project director.
1970. G. Cp. np.
74. Survey of social-science textbook needs in Philippine high schools and
colleges. Herbert J. Hezel, SJ., project director. 1970. G. Cp. np.
75. Three-city household survey for the Bureau of Training, Research, and
Special Projects, Department of Social Welfare. Noemi Poblete, project
director. 1970. G. Cp. np.
76. Evaluation of the Home Aide Service Program of the Bureau of Family
Welfare, Department of Social Welfare. 1970.
77. Socio-economic survey of rice farming in Nueva Ecija: a joint project of
the Bureau of Agricultural Economics and the IPC. Romana J. Pahilanga,
project director. 1970—71. G. Cp. np.
The I PC Papers
IPC Papers, No. 4: Modernization: Its Impact in the Philippines

Walden F. Bello and Maria Qara Roldan, editors
A report, based on the Ateneo-Penn State Basic Research Program, on the
extent modernization is influencing traditional society. Frank Lynch and
Ronald S. Himes delineate the concepts used in a study of the “cognitive
maps” of Filipinos. Richard L. Stone offers a challenging interpretation of
Manila traffic behavior. David L. Szanton reports his initial impressions of
Estancia, Iloilo, a town undergoing rapid socio-economic change.
Also included in the volume is a condensed version of the 1964—1966
Philippines Peace Corps Survey, by Frank Lynch, David P. Roy, and Thomas
W. Maretzki; and a field interviewer’s minimanual, by Frank Lynch and
Perla Q. Makil.
6x9 133 pages
IPC Papers, No. 6: Modernization: Its Impact in the Philippines III

Walden F. Bello and Alfonso de Guzman II, editors
The phenomenon of modernization is subjected to further interdisciplinary
investigation in this number. George M. Guthrie and Fortunata M. Azores
report on Filipino interpersonal behavior patterns as elicited by a Sentence
Completion Test. Richard L. Stone presents an impressionistic description of
“Mahirap,” a squatter community in a Manila suburb. A. Paul Hare, Rachel T.
Hare, and Dean Peabody provide statistical data showing how Filipino students
differ in autonomy from American and African students. Dean Peabody
examines the evaluative and descriptive aspects of group judgments of
Filipinos and Chinese living in the Philippines. Helen A. Guthrie describes
the diet of a Philippine rural community.
6x9 153 pages
IPC Papers, No. 7: Modernization: Its Impact in the Philippines IV
Walden F. Bello and Alfonso de Guzman II, editors
Several significant features of the contemporary Philippine social scene
receive treatment in this number, among them the urbanization of Manila,
the brain drain, and the Cursillo. Mary R. Hollnsteiner traces the transforma¬
tion of Manila from an oversized barangay at Spanish contact to the industrial
metropolis it is today. Walden F. Bello, Frank Lynch, and Perla Q. Makil
present the results of the first nationwide study of the quantitative scope of
the Philippine brain drain. The Cursillo (“Little course in Christianity”), the
middle-class religious movement which has made spectacular gains in member¬
ship during the last six years, is analyzed by William P. Bruton, SJ., from a
social psychological standpoint.
The volume also features a comparative analysis of the performance of

Filipino, African, and American students on the communication network
experiment, by A. Paul Hare; a report on autonomy and dependency as they
are manifested by Filipino children, by Rachel T. Hare; and a study of infant
and maternal nutrition in four Tagalog communities by Helen A. Guthrie.
Concluding the volume is an analysis of the use of the accent in Bikol, a
major Philippine language, by Linguist Alan M. Stevens.
6x9 187 pages
Other IPC Publications
Changing Patterns of Social Structure in the Philippines: 1896, 1963

John J. Carroll
In this outline survey, a sociologist describes the structure of Philippine
society at two points in time, examines the nature of the changes which occurred
in the intervening period, and identifies the groups that have been significant
carriers of change.
7 x 10 236 pages
The Dynamics of Power in a Philippine Municipality

(3rd printing)
This pioneering work on politics in a small lowland community evaluates
the continuing power struggle between opposed personal alliance groups, the
formation of such temporary and unstable coalitions due to common interest
and mutual advantage, and the importance of kinship in lowland politics.
Long out of print, this book, originally published by the Community Develop¬
ment Research Council of the University of the Philippines, is available again
in its third printing and will be distributed by the IPC.
6x9 227 pages
Philippine Religious Imagery

Fernando Zobel
An illustrated account of religious art in the Philippines since the arrival
of the Spaniards, prepared by one of the Philippines’ leading contemporary
artists.
9 x 12 154 pages
The IPC Guide to Tagalog, Ilocano, Ibanag

Teodoro A. Llamzon
This pocket language guide is designed for the foreigner visiting Northern
Luzon or the 1 locos and Cagayan Valley regions of the Philippines. Tagalog,
Ilocano, and Ibanag equivalents for basic English words, expressions, and
sentences are written in English-based key symbols. The guide also includes
a word, phrase, and subject index.
3$ X Si 13° Pages
The I PC Monographs
(Co-published with the Charles E. Tuttle Co., Inc.)
Spain in the Philippines

Nicholas P. Cushner, S.J.
Departing from the conventional chronological manner of writing history,
this latest study of the Spanish colonial regime investigates in detail major
institutions at work in the Philippines of that time. Cushner starts by placing
the early voyages to the Philippines within the general framework of
European navigational efforts of the 15th and 16th centuries, particularly the
Spanish-Portuguese rivalry for trade with the Indies. He then goes on to
describe the gradual settlement and colonization of the country by the: Span¬
iards, analyzing the role of the religious orders, the bureaucracy, the Galleon
Trade, industry and agriculture, tribute and labor, ending with the revolution.
Highly readable because of its narrative style of writing, the text is never¬
theless well documented, based on sources many of which have never been
used in standard history books on the Philippines.
The Manila Chinese

Jacques Amyot, S.J.
This sociological study is a significant addition to the sorely needed body
of information on the Manila Chinese, foreigners whom the Filipinos treat
with mixed feelings of respect and resentment. It describes their origins,
patterns of emigration and way of life in their chosen communities, and delves
into the role of kinship and clanship in the organization and functioning of the
community. The result is a sound basis for understanding the Chinese.
INSTITUTE OF PHILIPPINE CULTURE
Ateneo de Manila, P. 0. Box 154, Manila
Order Form
Attached is my check/money order for:
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- copy/copies of /PC 8 at Pi 1.90 a copy (incl. postage)
- copy/copies of Bittersweet Taste of Sugar at P4.00 a copy (incl.
postage)
- copy/copies of Dynamics of Power at P7.90 a copy (incl. postage)
- copy/copies of Changing Patterns of Social Structure at PI 3.50 a copy
(incl. postage)
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Please send me the following forthcoming publications),

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1 S KlGp
Lynch, Frank, 1921- comp. 010101
Fou readings on Philippine va
0 1 63 0227342 4
TRENT UNIVERSITY
DS663 .1.95 W70
179382
Who is the Filipino?
What values does he hold dear?
In this special issue on values, the IPC Papers

presents the insights—some novel revelations, some
restatements of feelings and opinions widely shared-
of Filipino and foreign scholars engaged in the
serious and systematic study of values from various
viewpoints:
Frank Lynch reexplores the cultural theme ot

social acceptance and its operation among Filipinos,
reviewing 31 studies that have been undertaken on
tne subject since 1961. Mary Hollnsteiner discusses
the various forms of reciprocity as they are
manifested among Filipinos especially in Obando,
Bulacan. Jaime Bulatao interprets stories told by
Manilenos in psychological test and shows how
these stories reflect values dominant in Filipino
society. John Carroll delves into the backgrounds
of Filipino entrepreneurs to paint a portrait of
.these catalysts of social and economic change.
Four Readings on Philippine Values

THIRD EDITION, REVISED AND ENLARGED
I SOCIAL JlCCTPfJlXCT
Frank Lynch • PTCOXSlWEllTV
PTcippocny ix fjfT
IGWU1XT) VJfILIPVIXTS
Jaime C. Bulatao • ^ 'MJ1XIITXO'S MJUXSVTUXGS
FILIPIXO EXT’PTPPEXTUPSJflP
John J.Carroll#
IX ZMJIX'UFJ2CrtU PIXG
Cover design by Julian E. Dacanay, Jr.

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Edited by Frank Lynch and Alfonso de Guzman II

Ateneo de Manila University Press

Edited by Frank Lynch and Alfonso de Guzman II

IPC PAPERS No. 2

ATENEO DE MANILA UNIVERSITY PRESS

For more information, write to:

Copyright 1970 by the Ateneo de Manila

Preface to the Third Edition .v

Preface to the Second Edition.vii

Social Acceptance Reconsidered

Reciprocity in the Lowland Philippines

The Manileno’s Mainsprings

Filipino Entrepreneurship in Manufacturing

The Philippines .64

Southeast Asia Inside back cover

The challenge we spoke of in 1964—to achieve planned national progress with¬

In a freedom-conscious nation such as the Philippines, educators, business¬

Background of the 1961 Statement

History of the essay

FRANK LYNCH, S.J., is presently Program Coordinator of the Institute of Philippine

Lynch, Frank. Social acceptance reconsidered. In Four readings on Philippine values

Audience and purpose

Sources of the essay

(generalizations and anecdotes) on many aspects of both cultures, and their

Text of the 1961 Statement*

Evaluation and Values

stranger to their culture-for some reason I do not yet understand). But in

No values uniquely Filipino4

Identifying values and themes

which Opler (1948:120) calls themes, conform to the definition of values

Purpose and Context

*This rural-urban difference is often leveled, however, by an urban institution which is

I have already suggested that social acceptance is enjoyed when one is

Reports of apparitions, miracles, and signs are accepted by most Filipinos

Intermediate value 1: smooth interpersonal relations (SIR)

Ang marahang pangungusap (A gentle manner of speaking

The use of euphemism is notable in a public or semipublic gathering where

This fighting shy of dependence on kinsmen for assistance is expressed in

Intermediate value 2: sensitivity to personal affront (amor propio) ^

An Outline of Lowland Philippine Values

I. Aims and Goals

impersonal laws discoverable and manipulate by men—oneself and

2. Ranking— the segments in a single set are not equally valued.

Findings on Social Acceptance since 1961

I know of three nationwide surveys that tell us something about the

Philippines Peace Corps Survey

Peace Corps Volunteers (PCVs) had served as teachers, 48 were randomly

BRAC1967 Filipino Family Survey

Respondents within the randomly selected municipalities were a nonprob¬

PAASCU/IPC study of schools and influential

Source: Lynch and Makil 1968:322-24 (Tables 7 -9).

Regional and Provincial Studies

In addition to the nationwide surveys mentioned above, there have been

Southern Luzon regional study

Quality category College High school Total

Knowledge 37.9% 49.5% 43.9%

Source. Makil 1970

These characteristic reaction patterns “constitute, in turn, a major component

Province Province Manila

6. The best way to treat a subordinate is...