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Kwame Nkrumah's Social-Political Thought and Pan-African Movement

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 Kwame Nkrumah's Social-Political Thought and Pan-African Movement
Mjiba Frehiwot, MSW, PhD

Kwame Nkrumah is an iconic Pan-African figure who impacted the lives of millions of
people of Africans both n continent and in the Diaspora. His work is credited with dramatically
influencing the independence movement in Africa and the fact that Ghana was the 1st Sub-
Saharan African country to gain independence. Despite his undeniable impact on Pan-
Africanism, Nkrumah’s vision is neither fully understood or broadly implemented. Outside of
Ghana, many Africans are introduced to Osageyfo Kwame Nkrumah and Pan-Africanism by
chance, likely in an African history class or through a Pan-African organization. Fortunately for
me, I was introduced to Kwame Nkrumah and Pan-Africanism as an undergraduate student in
1996 at San Jose State University as a student activist and participant in a study abroad program
that gave me the opportunity to study at the University of Ghana, Legon.

While in Ghana, I developed a healthy interest in Pan-Africanism. As my interest grew, I

concluded that Nkrumah and the Convention People’s Party (CPP) should be at the center of all
Pan-African conversations. As a doctoral student at Howard, pursuing a degree in African
studies, I became further engrossed with his selfless commitment to liberating Ghana, Africa and
the African Diaspora. This paper reflects on his socio-political thought and its impact on the
Pan-African Movement.

Political Philosophy

Nkrumah’s political philosophy guided his socio-political policies and interactions with
other African nations and the African Diaspora. Nkrumah believed that colonial powers were
directly responsible for Ghana and Africa’s economic, political, cultural, and social
underdevelopment. His political work and speeches reflect his belief that gaining independence,
both politically and economically, was the initial step in achieving sustainable development. In
the Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare, Nkrumah described the relationship between
imperialism and neo-colonialism, “It is precisely the increasing dependence of the imperialist
system on neo-colonialist exploitation on an international scale which renders its existence so
precarious, and its future so uncertain” (p 13: 1968). The relationship between imperialism and
neo-colonialism is a central element in his philosophy, its implementation and achieving his
vision of Pan-Africanism.
The relationship between social classes, the mode of production, and economic resources
is a key component of Nkrumah’s political thought. Like philosophers before him, Nkrumah
emphasized class divisions as central to capitalist societies. Nkrumah saw that non-socialist
societies comprise the subject class and the ruling class. The ruling class generally establishes
political dominance and monopolizes economic production. The subject class is economically
and politically dominated by the ruling class and ultimately serves their interests. Nkrumah, who
subscribed to Marxism, also identified traditional African culture as the birthplace of
communalism. Much like other Marxists, he believed that capitalism in Africa is a product of
world-wide imperialism. Capitalism, which brought greed, corruption, individualism and class

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division o Africa, is to Nkrumah the root of the continent’s problems. In Class Struggle in Africa
(1970), Nkrumah discussed the correlation between social classes, ideology, and socio-political
development.
Every form of political power, whether parliamentary, multi-party, one-party or open
military dictatorship, reflects the interest of a certain class or classes in society. In
socialist states, the government represents workers and peasants. In capitalist states, the
government represents the exploiting class. The state then, is the expression of the
domination of one class over other classes (p.17).
Ideology is an elusive aspect of every nation which operates from a set of ideas,
principles, and morals that drives domestic and international policies. Ideology is transferred
from the ruling class to the general population through institutions of learning. The primary
modes of transmission are education, arts, media, politics and entertainment.
The ideology of a society is total. It embraces the whole life of a people, and manifests
itself in their class-structure, history, literature, art, religion. It also acquires a
philosophical statement. If an ideology is integrative in intent, that is to say, if it seeks to
introduce a certain order which will unite the actions of millions towards specific and
definite goals, then its instruments can also be seen as instruments of social control. It is
even possible to look upon ‘coercion’ as a fundamental idea in society (p.59).
Nkrumah incorporated the ideological impact of society into his political philosophy and
as such he attempted to integrate this philosophy into the policies of the CPP. The transmission
of the dominant ideology to the general population allows them to advocate for it even if it is
negatively affecting them. Because the dominant ideology is controlled by the ruling class, the
general population does not have the option to challenge it. In some instances, the general
population is not aware that they are being governed by an ideology and adhere to it without
awareness. Nkrumah was attempting to transform the ideology of society by changing the
mindset of individual Ghanaians. Ultimately, transforming an individual’s ideology would result
in completely re-vamping the collective consciousness.
While Nkrumah’s politico-cultural thought incorporated his philosophical background
and his experience abroad, it did not negate the importance of traditional African culture. He
articulates his political philosophy in a declaration made on July 10, 1953. “The right of a
people to decide their own destiny, to make their way in freedom, is not to be measured by the
yardstick of colour or degree of social development” (1973, p. 103). Nkrumah believed the basic
right of self-governance was well overdue for the people of the Gold Coast. Without embracing
capitalism and the class structure, he operated under the premise that a new nation needed
international corporations and/or western capital to function. He examined the relationship
between Ghana and its financiers in an effort to identify a positive plan of action for the new
nation. The primary question for Ghana, like all new nations according to Nkrumah, was how to
maintain control over their institutions and resources, while prohibiting Western capital from
impoverishing citizens. Nkrumah resisted neo-colonialism in Ghana but advocated that the only
way for an African nation to fully resist it, they must study capitalism, imperialism, and neo-

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colonialism; unite as a continent to fight the evils of neo-colonialism; and operate under a
socialist economic and political system.
Although it is not apparent in all of his policies, Nkrumah was a self-proclaimed socialist,
and much of his political thought is grounded in Socialism. In Revolutionary Path (1973), he
declared : “Long before 1957, I made it clear that the two major tasks to be undertaken after the
ending of colonial rule in Ghana would be the vigorous prosecution of a Pan-African policy to
advance the African Revolution, and at the same time the adoption of measures to construct
socialism in Ghana” (Nkrumah, p. 125).

To Nkrumah, socialism should be applied scientifically; nations should arrive at

socialism by different paths depending on their culture and history. Most importantly,
everywhere socialism is practiced, there should be an attempt to create a society where all
citizens are free of exploitation and offered equal opportunity. Scientific socialism is
dialectically opposed to capitalism and operates from the general premises that the society
should be run and controlled by the producers that create the goods in society. Socialism
features four primary premises for successful implementation: 1) collective ownership of the
means of production and resources; 2) producing goods for consumption vs. for individual profit;
3) a planned economy utilizing the nation’s strengths; and 4) the people hold all political power.
According to Poe (2010), Nkrumah’s political philosophy focused on helping the people of
Africa gain economic, political, and social independence. Without independence in these three
areas, Ghana and Africa would be operating with a false sense of achievement. Achieving
political independence without economic independence left the door open for neo-colonialism to
run amok (p. 105).
Nkrumah’s philosophy dictated his political career and his quest for national and
continental unity. Although he was seeking national and continental unity and development, he
was very aware of the ramifications of embracing capitalism and incorporating wholesale the
corresponding Western economic system. This apprehension guided the way he interacted with
international financial institutions, corporations and countries offering financial aid during the
anti-colonial and post-independence periods.

Cultural Philosophy

All nations and groups of people have a culture, possessing similar attributes while
maintaining unique features based on ethnicity, geography, and history. Culture manifests in all
aspects of life and it continuously evolves. According to Sekou Toure in Revolution, Culture
and Pan-Africanism (1978), “Culture is thus for every society, a frame traced from its
attainments which are the fruits of its past and present, a kind of life shaped according to the
demands of the present and the future as well as a creative and driving force of which it is at the
same time the source and the consumer” (p, 80). Culture is manipulated and grows based on
achievements or setbacks in a particular community.

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The importance of using the positive aspects of culture and transforming the negative is
reinforced in many of Nkrumah’s speeches and writings. He embraced classical African history
while denouncing tribalism and during the campaign for liberation, cited Africa’s glorious past
as proof of its ability to achievement. Although it is a product of culture, history is a significant
force in world politics and can in turn influence a nation’s culture. Nkrumah believed it was
necessary to re-write African history since post-slavery history was written by colonizers.
According to Botwe-Asamoah, Nkrumah’s vision of African culture has two distinct parts. The
first segment is composed of the past achievements, the African genius and identity; the second
part is the creation of institutions like the Ghana Young Pioneer Movement used to express
African culture (p. 66). To Nkrumah, culture was much more than dancing, singing, and playing
the drums. Culture encompassed all aspects of life, from the most micro component of society to
the macro societal institutions. For example, the government and its ideological underpinnings
was a manifestation of culture and a reflection of the overarching cultural framework in Ghana.
His belief that culture could be used as a revolutionary force to change the mindset of Ghanaians
and Africans alike, can be found in his cultural policies.
The policy of Africanizing all sectors of Ghana was premised on the belief that it was
important to infuse culture into politics. The African personality, first used by Edward Blyden
around 1883 was re-introduced by Nkrumah during his tenure in Ghana. The African
Personality “speaks to an ‘African People’, which Nkrumah referred to as the African masses
and which Sékou Touré often called the People’s Class. It speaks to the behavior and character
of organized entities in their attempt to establish an optimal zone for continued cultural
development” (Poe, 2010 p.10).
Commitment to the idea of the African personality led to the creation of the first African
Studies Institute on the African continent created to serve as the epicenter of African agency; the
Institute opened at the University of Ghana, Legon in 1961 and served as a model for
establishing educational institutions that would research, create, and preserve African culture.
Nkrumah’s speech “The Flower of Learning (1)” given at his installation as the first Chancellor
of the University of Ghana, during the inauguration of the University, outlined the role that the
University was expected to play in developing a renewed cultural outlook—one that would de-
colonize the African mind. Quoted in Samuel Obeng’s, Selected Speeches of Kwame Nkrumah,
he says;
It is the Government’s hope, however, that within a few years, the institute will have a
firm basis of African scholarship and that it will become an internationally recognized
centre for the advanced study of African history, language, sociology and culture and of
contemporary African institutions. I am happy to learn that the Institute of African
Studies is already committed to these objectives and I appreciate the efforts being made
by the institute to give every student here some courses in African studies. This is vital if
we should eradicate the colonial mentality which our contact with Europe has induced in
us and rediscover ourselves with confidence and a distinct world outlook (Obeng,p. 138).

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Nkrumah believed that the cultural transformation of the African intelligentsia and the
African masses was directly related to achieving sustainable development and ensuring that
countries would be are run by African nationals. Members of the various sectors of society are
connected, often in conventional ways, such that when one group is transformed, everyone else
will be affected. Under Nkrumah, this transformation took the form of developing the African
personality. Nkrumah highlighted the important African traditions that historically drove the
decisions of Africans across the continent. He argued that some aspects of African culture have
been influenced by capitalism and must be wrestled back to their original form. Drawing on the
strength of African culture, the African personality adjusts to meet the demands of the modern
world. Nkrumah’s recognition of the three distinct components of Africa’s culture (Euro-
Christian, Arab-Islamic, and traditional African) reinforced his commitment to include the
totality of African culture in his thought and practice.
The complexity of culture and its role in developing a national identity was not
overlooked by Nkrumah; he advanced his policies by incorporating Ghanaian cultural practices
into national life This was visible at all state events, where he was draped in Kente cloth and
programs opened with traditional performances. He embraced the many dimensions of culture
and keenly understood the need to utilize the positive aspects of Ghanaian culture and to discard
the negative. Kwame Arhin reinforces this in his work, The Life and Work of Kwame Nkrumah
(1982) when he says, “Nkrumah perceived Africa’s cultural predicament in dialectical terms: his
mind worked dialectically. Cultural continuity and change presented him with several dialectical
opposites” (p. 17).
Components of Nkrumah’s cultural philosophy can be found in the development plans
drafted between 1951 and 1966. The CPP did not create a specific cultural policy; they were
determined to incorporate it into all other policies. This was especially true in the case of the
launching of the Institute of African Studies at the University of Ghana-Legon. The multi-
dimensional character of culture mirrors the different sectors of society. Much like Amilcar
Cabral of Cape Verde in his book Return to the Source, Nkrumah believed culture played an
active role in the liberation and development process and called on the realization of an African
personality to assist with the cultural transformation. He agreed with Toure and Cabral that
culture encompassed much more than dancing and singing; it was the totality of life and it
influenced economics and politics. Nkrumah embedded this philosophy in post-independence
Ghana by establishing institutions that reinforced the use of culture as a means of achieving
sustainable development.
Education Philosophy

The root of Nkrumah’s education philosophy dates back to the late 1920s during his time
at the Achimota College in Ghana. Dr. Aggrey, is this first or last name? Please use his full name
his teacher and mentor, introduced him to nationalist thought and education’s role in the
nationalist movement. Kweku Smith, in his dissertation, Kwame Nkrumah: Philosophy of
Education for Ghana (2000), observes that, “Just as Nkrumah’s formal philosophy attempts to
understand reality as a whole by explaining it in the most transformative, humanistic, and
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systematic manners, his philosophy of education also seeks to comprehend education in its
entirety, interpreting it by means of humanistic concepts that will guide the choice of traditional
educational principles and practices for the purpose of participatory democracy in Ghana” (p.
83).
Nkrumah further developed his philosophy as a student at the University of Pennsylvania.
In a presentation in 1943 at the Thirtieth Annual Schoolmen’s Week Proceedings, he outlined
education trends and potential in West Africa: “If education is life, then the weakness of the
school system in West Africa is evident. The activities of these schools should be made to relate
to the life of the people so as to equip and fit them to meet their varied life demands” (University
of Pennsylvania, 1943 p. 89) This presaged his long-term education policy in Ghana from 1957
to 1966, much of which attempted to train Ghanaians and other Africans to meet life’s demands.
In an article in Educational Outlook, (1941) he concretely described his understanding of the
purpose of education. “[E]ducation should lead the individual into the highest, fullest, and most
fruitful relationship with the culture and ideals of the society in which he finds himself, thereby
fitting him for the struggle of life” (p. 87). This is the purest definition of education. Nkrumah,
however, manipulated this definition to support the independence struggle, seeing it as a vehicle
he could use to empower Africans. The distinction between obtaining education for purely
personal gains, versus for the overall wealth of community, was an important aspect of his
philosophy. This perspective drove his administration’s formal and informal education policies.
He argued that education was the foundation for the development of Ghana and unification of
Africa. He outlined this belief at the Conference of Teachers’ Association in 1961 as quoted in
Selected Speeches of Kwame Nkrumah (1997).
In our present circumstances in Ghana, it is not enough that anyone should acquire
knowledge for its own sake. We are not impressed by the mere acquisition of
knowledge. Such knowledge becomes impressive only when it is applied to achieve
positive and practical results for the benefit of mankind (Obeng, p. 55).
Education, as a tool for empowering both the individual and society, was an idea
Nkrumah reinforced throughout his tenure. In his speech “, The African Genius,” he challenged
Ghanaians to use their education to raise political consciousness and to contribute to nation
building. Exposing the masses to political education, through both formal and informal
programs, assisted them with committing to the political process. Nkrumah on numerous
occasions stated that the plans for independence and unification would fail without the
underlying support of the people. Inclusion of the people in the political process was an
important aspect of winning their support.
In Nkrumah’s opinion, achieving sustainable development in Ghana was contingent on
developing a quality formal and informal education system. He believed that learning was an
ongoing interaction between an individual’s heredity and environment. David Busumtwi-Sam in
his book, Landmarks of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah (2001), describes the impact of the individual and
society on development. He describes the correlation as follows, “Heredity determines what
kind of an individual will develop, and what upper limits the development can eventually reach.
On the other hand, the environment accelerates or retards the rate of development and determines

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whether or not full development will actually be reached” (p. 101). Colonialism manipulated
Africa’s environment and thus altered the ability of individual Africans to meet their full
educational potential.
Formal education specifically University and Polytechnic institutions were pivotal to the
Ghana’s development. These institutions served as the Mecca for training Africans and
Ghanaian’s to become part and parcel of the development process. During the years of the
Convention Peoples Party’s government Ghanaians were flocking to obtain both social science,
historical and technical education to improve their lives and serve Ghana. Education’s role in the
development of society is no secret to society or Nkrumah as he declared at his installation as the
First Chancellor of the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, “The
university, therefore, has a unique opportunity for making a positive contribution to the
development of Ghana by direction its attention not only to the production of graduates in
engineering, architecture, building and town planning, but also by addressing itself to
investigation and research into the problems of industrialization and agricultural development”
(Obeng, 1960, p. 55). The unique position of the University in the development of Ghana served
as a mechanism to train a Pan-African Intelligentsia and cadre of individuals who would take
their skills back to their respective communities.
Prior to 1964, technical institutions and apprenticeship programs trained craftsmen and
skilled workers. These positions enhanced the number of eligible and trained workers in Ghana.
The training programs were re-vamped in 1964 and were expected to produce 4, 000 thousand
employable individuals by 1970. Existing senior level technical institutes could only
accommodate 150 students a year — a clear deficiency. The Seven-Year Plan (1964) sought to
increase this number to 350 enrolled students yearly, training an estimated 1200 new senior
technicians by the scheduled end of the plan (p. 158). Clerical and commercial education was
included in technical education. It was estimated that Ghana would need an additional 22,000
workers in these two fields by 1970. Individuals who choose to enter these fields could
participate in part-time or in-service training. Additionally, as students emerged from middle
school they had the option of entering a program that specialized in commercial and clerical
skills. Senior level administrative staff would be drawn from a pool of students who completed
secondary school and entered a one-year administrative course. (Convention People’s Party, p.
158).
Technical education was a very important and popular sector of the education system
during this time period. There were training facilities in virtually every community throughout
the country. In a speech delivered on April 6, 1961 at the Conference of Teachers’, Association,
as quoted in Selected Speeches of Kwame Nkrumah. In the speech he reinforced the significance
of technical education to the nation’s development.
It is necessary that technical courses should be provided at all levels in addition to the
“grammar school” type of course which now exists. We need in fact to expand at all
levels. At the primary level we have to aim at a completely literate working population.
We need to expand the teacher training system to provide the teachers for university
education. We need also to expand the secondary school system itself to feed our

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universities continuously. Facilities for technical education should be extended so that

our industrialization can move forward without over-dependence on imported skills. We
need finally to expand and adapt our university system to provide a greater variety of
courses which will have relevance to the needs of our country (Obeng, 1997 p. 56).
Nkrumah’s education philosophy, while significant, could not stand or function without his
cultural and political philosophy. His educational policy was at the center of his cultural policy
and ultimately the development of the African personality. His vision of the relationship
between the nation and university is described in detail in a speech he delivered on November
29, 1961 titled, Flower of Learning at his inauguration as the first chancellor of the Kwame
Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (as quoted in Samuel Obeng’s, Selected
Speeches of Kwame Nkrumah).
This university, therefore, has a unique opportunity for making a positive contribution to
the development of Ghana by directing its attention not only to the production of
graduates in engineering, architecture, building and town planning, but also by addressing
itself to investigate and research into the problems of industrialization and agricultural
development (Obeng, 1997 p. 152).

Alternate institutions were introduced to improve the overall education and moral health
of the nation. The creation of a network of theaters was an attempt to expose citizens to
education through an alternative method; combining entertainment and education allowed
leaders to introduce important knowledge to individuals of varying literacy levels.
Nkrumah’s education philosophy can best be described as a mechanism to empower and
equip Ghanaians and Africans with the skills and information necessary to manage their own
affairs and become agents in the development of the nation and Africa. Education to Nkrumah is
the foundation for the establishment of a nation-state and Pan-Africanism. However, his view of
education was much like his view of philosophy: in order to understand and use it effectively,
one must critically analyze it from all angles.
Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for Decolonization

The philosophical concept, consciencism, is one of the few African-centered theories that
take into consideration the role of colonialism in Africa’s development. In his signature book,
Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for Decolonization (1964), Nkrumah defines the
philosophy this way;
Consciencism is the map, in intellectual terms, of the disposition of forces which will
enable African society to digest the Western and the Islamic and the Euro-Christian
elements in Africa, and develop them in such a way that they fit into the African
personality. This African personality is itself defined by the cluster of humanist
principles which underlie the traditional African society. Philosophical consciencism is

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that philosophical standpoint which, taking its start from the present content of the
African conscience, indicates the way in which progress is forged out of the conflict in
that conscience (p. 79).
There are three main dimensions to consciencism: the ethical, metaphysical, and the
political. As Boadi points in the “The Ontology of Kwame Nkrumah’s Consciencism and the
Democratic Theory and Practice in Africa” published in the Journal of Black Studies (when?)
describes Consciencism as : “a philosophy and an ideology that must stand behind the necessary
social revolution that seeks the emancipation of the African continent through the restitution of
the ethical egalitarianism of human society” (p. 477). Unlike other philosophers, such as Marx
and Engels, Nkrumah clarifies that consciencism asserted non-atheistic materialism. Traditional
materialists adhere to the theory that matter is primary, thus negating the existence of spirit. The
negation of spirit directly conflicts with the majority of African cultures. Nkrumah draws a
connection between the presence of culture in African society and the existence of matter.
Nkrumah’s account of materialism confirms the fact that the basis is the independent existence of
matter. Matter is, according to his understanding, is capable of self-motion. He asserts that
philosophical consciencism implies the primary reality of matter versus matter being the sole
reality. In essence, he embraces both the primacy of matter and the presence of soul and spirit.
Nkrumah asserted the primacy of ideology.
Consciencism’s theory of matter and spirit is consistent with the Akan and Kushite
cosmologies, which is the study of the physical universe and considered the totality of
phenomena in time and space of Ancient Egypt. It acknowledges the primacy of matter without
discounting the existence of spirit or a higher being (p. 477). Boadi asserts that, “Diop (1974)
shows that there is a common thread underlying the religious beliefs of Egyptians, Phoenicians,
and Sabaeans, their reference to Anu, the primitive god of Kushite origin, a planetary week of
seven days based on the sun, the moon, and the five planets known at the time (Mars, Mercury,
Jupiter, Venus, and Saturn), and an ontology of the cosmic Trinity (chaos, breath, and desire)
that is primarily grounded in matter” (p. 485). Consciencism, in comparison, is connected to
African culture, both past and present. Nkrumah provides evidence that it is possible to believe
in the primacy of matter while acknowledging the presence of spirit.
Nkrumah, emphasized that in all societies; ideology generally is the basis for
philosophical thought and content. In addition, the historical and cultural time frame positively
or negatively influences the philosopher’s outlook. Philosophy is an expression of the dominant
ideology and can be described as a manifestation of culture. Philosophers may oppose a
particular ideology and this would be evident in their thought. However, it is also possible that
they would completely agree with the ideology and reinforce it. Subsequently, philosophy
cannot exist without the existence of a corresponding or opposing ideology. Nkrumah confers
with this statement in Consciencism: reference?
Social milieu affects the content of philosophy, and the content of philosophy seeks to
affect social milieu, either by confirming it or by opposing it. In either case, philosophy
implies something of the nature of an ideology. In the case where the philosophy
confirms a social milieu, it implies something of the ideology of that society. In the other

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case in which philosophy opposes a social milieu, it implies something of the ideology of
a revolution against that social milieu. Philosophy in its social aspect can therefore be
regarded as pointing up an ideology (1964, p. 56).
Ideology includes political, social, and moral theory. These theories become instruments to
establish a particular set of behaviors that are translated in economic policy, social policy, and
moral code of society. If ideology does not become intertwined with these threads of society, it
will not be acceptable and will be relegated to the margins of society. Sekou Toure in Revolution,
Culture and Pan-Africanism (1978) defines the relationship between society and ideology as
interdependent. Societies that have multiple factions have competing ideologies. According to
Nkrumah (1964) in Consciencism, in these societies there is one ideology that is dominant. The
dominant ideology generally belongs to the ruling class or group (p. 57). The argument that is
raised by Nkrumah appears to be compelling and reinforces that fact that this group generally
directs all political, social, and economic activity. B.D.G Folson, in his article titled “Ideology in
African Politics” published in Transition (1973) states that, at the time of independence, many
African nations were operating under two very distinct ideologies—one that was rooted in
colonialism and one cemented with African liberation theology. Ghana also operated for many
years with competing ideologies. Many of the institutions created by the British were still
functioning.
Egalitarianism, an important component of consciencism, is a philosophical principle
embedded in most societies. The universal principles that it promotes can be traced back to
traditional African culture. Egalitarianism does not mean everyone will be the same, as critics of
socialism have argued. It celebrates the differences, for instance, between men and women,
while not making these differences a dividing force. It acknowledges that individuals will not be
able to contribute to society at the same level, but nevertheless all individuals will be guaranteed
the basic resources needed to live a productive life. Nkrumah acknowledged the complexity of
egalitarianism.
Egalitarianism is not only political but also ethical; for it implies a certain range of
human conduct which is alone acceptable to it. At the same time, because it conceives
matter as a plenum of tensions giving rise to dialectical change, it cannot freeze its ethical
rules with changelessness. It would be wrong, however, to seek to infer from this that the
ethical principles which philosophical consciencism sanctions are at any one time
gratuitous and devoid of objective groundings; for even when rules change, they can still
be informed, still be governed by the same basis principles in the light of changing social
conditions (Nkrumah, 93).
Philosophical consciencism, as an African-centered philosophy, draws on the depth of
African culture while critically analyzing imperialism and its effects on Africa. The philosophy
specifically draws on the African personality, egalitarianism, and non-atheistic materialism as its
foundation. Nkrumah used this philosophy as a springboard for developing and unifying Ghana
and Africa alike.

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Pan-African Movement
The Pan-African Movement, since the onslaught of neo-colonialism and imperialism in
Africa, has struggled to find roots in the masses of African people. This may be contributed to
many factors including neo-colonialism; the façade of political independence but the lack of
economic independence; ideological dominance of the ruling class and much more. The
challenges that have temporarily halted the forward thrust of the Pan-African Movement must be
rooted in a soci-political and ideological framework. Kwame Nkrumah promoted the
transformation of not only a capitalist economy but Africanizing the ideology of society in
Ghana and Africa. The challenge that many African countries and people face today is not only
an issue of exploitation connected to neo-colonialism but the corresponding ideology that is
promoted by the ruling class. Nkrumah worked to ensure that Ghanaians and Africans alike
transformed their ideology with the creations of the Kwame Nkrumah Ideological Institute.
Identifying a unifying ideology or soci-political framework to serve as a foundation for the
world-wide Pan-African Movement should be the primary objective of all Pan-Africanists. This
ideology can be overarching to include Pan-African governments, organizations, political parties
and individual Africans. It must be rooted in African (Continental and Diasporian) culture and
should been to provide guiding principles for the evolution of the Pan-African Movement.
Dr. Kwame Nkrumah provides the Movement with a road map to develop this ideology;
however, the ideology can incorporate the ideals and principles of great Pan-Africans such as
Amilcar Cabral, Sekou Toure, Marcus Garvey, W.E.B. Dubois, Frantz Fanon, George Padmore
and many other theorists.

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 Kwame Nkrumah's Social-Political Thought and Pan-African Movement
Mjiba Frehiwot, MSW, PhD

REFERENCES
Kwame Nkrumah Speeches

Nkrumah, K. (1957). The Midnight speech. Africa’s Man of Destiny Audio Recording.

Nkrumah, G. (1963). The African genius. Speech at the opening of the Institute of
African Studies, University of Ghana Legon Collection. Accra, Ghana. 25th October, 1963.

Books

African Information Service (1973). Return to the Source: Selected Speeches of Amilcar Cabral.
New York: Monthly Review Press.

Arhin, Kwame (1982). The Life and Work of Kwame Nkrumah. Trenton, New Jersey:
Africa World Press.

Botwe-Asamoah, Kwame (2005). Kwame Nkrumah’s Politico-Cultural Thought and

Polices. New York & London: Routledge.

Diop, Cheikh, Anta (1991) Civilization or Barbarism. Brooklyn, New York: Lawrence Hill
Books.
Nkrumah, Kwame (1957.) The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah. London, Great Britain:
Thomas Nelson and Sons LTD.

_______. (1964). Consciencism: Philosophy and ideology for decolonization. New York:
Monthly Review Press.

_______. (1970). Class Struggle in Africa. New York: International Publishers.

_______. (1968). The Handbook of revolutionary warfare. London: PANAF Books.

_______. (1973). Revolutionary Path, New York: International Publishers.

Poe, Z. (2010). Kwame Nkrumah’s contribution to Pan-Africanism: An Afrocentric

analysis. Los Angeles: University of Sankore Press.

Obeng, Samuel (1997). Selected Speeches: Kwame Nkrumah Volume 1, Accra, Ghana:
Afram Publications.

______. (1997). Selected Speeches: Kwame Nkrumah Volume 2, Accra, Ghana: Afram
Publications.

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 Kwame Nkrumah's Social-Political Thought and Pan-African Movement
Mjiba Frehiwot, MSW, PhD

Ture, Ahmed Seku (1978). Revolution, Culture and Pan-Africanism. Guinea West Africa: Press
Office at State House.

Theses and Dissertations

Smith, Kweku (2000). Kwame Nkrumah: Philosophy of Education for Ghana, Africa from
1951 to 1966 An Exposition of his Life, Work and Thoughts. (Ph.D. Dissertation,
University of San Francisco).

Articles

Boadi, Kwasi (2000). The Ontology of Kwame Nkrumah’s Consciencism and the
Democratic Theory and Practice in Africa: a Diopian Perspective. Journal of Black
Studies Vol. 30 No. 4.

Folson, B.D.G. (1973). Ideology in African Politics. Transition, No. 43.

Nkrumah, Francis N. (1941). Primitive Education in West Africa. Educational Outlook

January 941, Vol 15 Num 2.

Institutional Documents

Convention Peoples Party (1964). Ghana SEVEN-YEAR DEVELOPMENT PLAN 1963-64

to 1969-1970 Office of Planning Commission.

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