Cohen 2 PDF
Cohen 2 PDF
Cohen 2 PDF
Architectural History and the Colonial Question: Casablanca, Algiers and Beyond
Author(s): Jean-Louis Cohen
Source: Architectural History, Vol. 49 (2006), pp. 349-372
Published by: SAHGB Publications Limited
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40033828
Accessed: 06-04-2020 23:39 UTC
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Architectural History and the
Colonial Question: Casablanca,
Algiers and Beyond
by JEAN-LOUIS COHEN
The last decade has seen an explosion of scholarly works dealing with colonial
architecture and town planning, a domain previously marginal in the historiography. In
any case it has aroused the attention of ever more numerous researchers, a fact that has
stimulated this attempt to take stock of it, by drawing on cases studied by this author
in his own work. The exploration of colonialism now constitutes a significant field of
doctoral research, of studies associated with the identification and protection of built
heritage, and tends to mould new images in the history of architecture from the last few
centuries. In actual fact, the innumerable works on the twentieth century - the subject
here - comprise only a fraction of all the studies concerning nearly five centuries of
colonization, if the beginning of the colonial era is identified with the discovery of
America and the establishment of the first European trading posts in Africa.
This explosion of research might be seen as resulting from a series of factors. First,
there is evidently independence, a process now pursued since some sixty years ago, and
the emancipated nations' recovery of their own histories, which has passed through the
Fig. 1. The Sidi Othman district, Casablanca, a vertical development of the low-rise housing schemes
of the 1950s, view in 1999 (Photo: J.-L. Cohen)
349
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350 ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY 49: 2006
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COLONIAL QUESTION: CASABLANCA, ALGIERS AND BEYOND 351
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352 ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY 49: 2006
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COLONIAL QUESTION! CASABLANCA, ALGIERS AND BEYOND 353
Fig. 5. Georges Candilis, Shadrach Woods and Vladimir Bodiansky, 'Honeycomb' residenc
Muslim workers, Casablanca, i%2 (Collection J.-L. Cohen)
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354 ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY 49: 2006
twentieth century, in universities throughout the Saharan regions. From this point of
view, the holding of the conference Alger, lumieres sur la ville at Algiers in 2002 marked
a real threshold, not only through its very occurrence, but also through the now
dispassionate view of history that became apparent there.18
A question arises at this point. Does research into 'colonial' architecture constitute a
separate branch within architectural history, which would then imply a kit of
methodologies and hypotheses of its own? The idea of 'exported' architecture once
seemed to offer the promise of a more objective gaze, due to being founded on a
seemingly objective vision of a displacement, or 'disorientation',19 of architectural
culture.20 1 would rather suggest here the concept of architecture in a colonial situation.
Analysis of the corpus of such architecture presupposes fairly solid prior knowledge
and implies certain methodological precautions.
Anthony King has emphasized that research into any colonial situation presupposed
at the same time knowledge of the local pre-colonial society, knowledge of the
colonizer's society at home, and that of the colonized society.21 Such a triad should also
be taken into consideration for research into architecture and town planning, or else one
will risk passing by the signification of the projects and executed designs under
analysis. It is impossible to understand the meaning of a colonial building unless it is
slotted into these three typological and /or aesthetic series, which comprise local
architecture with its own history, architecture as practised or known by its designer
from the dominant power, and executed projects contemporaneous with it.
Furthermore, it is an absolutely basic necessity to avoid what I shall call the illusion
of an overpowering State whose policies would shape the entire society, at least for
French possessions. Colonies are not places of confrontation just between the colonizing
state and local subjects. Political, technical and legislative space is much more complex
because, at root, soldiers, missionaries and bureaucrats have essentially the same task,
of protecting merchants, landowners and industrialists in their financial undertakings.
Foucaldian paradigms, giving greater place to a sort of microphysics of colonial power,
are often reductive, and it is the totality of the colonizing society's commissioning
relationships which should be taken into account, not limiting oneself to research into
colonial systems.
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COLONIAL QUESTION: CASABLANCA, ALGIERS AND BEYOND 355
Fig. 7. Fernand Pouillon, '200 Colonnes' housing scheme, Algiers, 1954., view in 2002 (Photo
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356 ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY 49: 2006
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COLONIAL QUESTION! CASABLANCA, ALGIERS AND BEYOND 357
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358 ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY 49: 2006
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COLONIAL QUESTION: CASABLANCA, ALGIERS AND BEYOND 359
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360 ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY 49: 2006
Thus, after this era of major road layout, which saw the co
i860 onwards, of the exceptional Boulevard de l'lmperatr
Rivoli, set down above the Mediterranean, the arcaded s
Casablanca inaugurated another approach. It was no longe
control of urban space, in which each building would be
design, but rather a matter of modification, in which the
encouraged, so long as they respected 'constraints' (servit
arcades or such minor regulations as the setting of balcon
the facade. These differences are explained at the same ti
Lyautey's policy and those of Algerian governors, and by
ideal of legible, classical horizontality at Algiers against
used at Casablanca. Moreover, in terms of urban layout, t
use of functionalist zoning and of urban regrouping wi
already practised in Germany, but which would remain u
France itself practically right up to the 1940s.26
The corpus of colonial buildings also allows us to test t
notion of spatial arrangement {dispositif), which takes ac
spaces and practices, insofar as colonial space is characteri
and architectural types or by the refinement of pre-exis
most often encountered in this way are orthogonal grids,
every age; the term quadrillage - the French word refe
'control' (usually by police or military) and to any square
fabric (check) or street plan - was used here as elsewher
systematic repression. Parade grounds, military camps an
used for marshalling the populace are as typical of coloni
residential blocks developed to ensure separation of mas
which certainly echoes solutions devised in the Paris of t
These urban schemes are set in their own time in two
never cease during this time to celebrate the highpoint
history, in order to turn them into an architectural display,
the Arabizing kinds of architecture in Algiers, conceived
to a city in which visitors searched for this in vain. Feat
where the mark of Andalusia is particularly strong, provi
the case of Casablanca, public buildings are not so much a
Moroccan monuments but instead copy one of the featur
towns, namely the interiority of houses, whose fag
ornamentation being restricted to around the inner cou
Another way in which might be put forward as to how p
time is when they were conceived as evolving ones. The 8
beginning of the 1950s by Michel Ecochard for build
'Muslim' housing was not thought of as an endpoint, but
the populace would finally gain access to the moder
moreover, those representing them aspired.27 What fol
right, and districts of an undeniably urban character we
original courtyard houses. The only difference lies in the fac
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COLONIAL QUESTION! CASABLANCA, ALGIERS AND BEYOND 361
Fig. 11. The boulevard de Vlmperatrice, Algiers, 1860s, view in 2002 (Photo: J.-L. Cohe
Fig. 12. Storeys added to the low-rise housing grid, Casablanca, view in 1989 (Photo: J
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362 ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY 49: 2006
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COLONIAL QUESTION: CASABLANCA, ALGIERS AND BEYOND 363
of government for India, which led him to the model for the Moroccan Pr
In turn, parts of Moroccan legislation and regulations would be taken up a
same time by the French in the context of their mandate over Syria and Leban
the Italians in Libya, as Mia Fuller has established.30 Rather than a centra
(dispositif), it was thus more a network that linked these territories together,
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364 ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY 49: 2006
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COLONIAL QUESTION! CASABLANCA, ALGIERS AND BEYOND 365
more so since other poles exerted far from negligible effects. Even before
World War, the presence of the United States - symbolic but also, in
concrete, through economics and politics - was far from being
phenomenon. At another level, towns in North Africa did not escape, afte
impact of forms coming from Brazil or from Scandinavia, which transform
expressions and ways of dwelling.
In technical terms, colonial operations contributed overall to the develo
modular and prefabricated construction methods. At certain moments thr
nineteenth and in the beginning of the twentieth centuries the equipping of
up a significant proportion of iron produced in France. Among the new t
tried out in Saharan North Africa, one should highlight a use of concrete a
its time, which resulted in some works whose echo would be discernible, such as
Auguste Perret's Wallut warehouses in Casablanca, his first attempt to execute thin
shells.31 Nevertheless, in the realm of metallic construction, Algiers was further
advanced and some very large blocks were erected there with steel frames.32 This does
not mean that concrete was absent from the Algerian landscape, and the gigantic Palais
du Gouvernement built in 1930 by Jacques Guiauchain with Perret is an example of this,
but one particularly interesting because it also incorporated movable partitions.33
The range of vocabulary used in these towns was extremely open, and the
absorption of new architectural languages was as rapid there as pluralism had been
inclusive in the nineteenth century. If a strand of classicism endured until the 1930s, as
is shown by the town hall at Algiers by the Niermans brothers,34 the successive
variants of the neo-Moorish style were so complex that one could even read there a
chronicle of modernization, with explicit quotations from existing buildings stylized
as in the 1920s, comparable with patterns disseminated by the Exposition des Arts
Decoratifs of 1925. 35
But without doubt it was on the modernists that the effect of the colonies made itself
felt most. This was not a specifically French phenomenon and it is well known that the
discovery of Mayan temples was significant for Frank Lloyd Wright in the conception
of his concrete houses in California. The criticism made in 1927 - at first friendly and
humorous, then overtly racist - of the Weissenhofsiedlung at Stuttgart as being an
'Arab village' was not unique,36 and Le Corbusier's cuboid estate at Pessac would be
called a 'Moroccan village7 (cite du Maroc) by its neighbours.37 It should be noted
anyway that Le Corbusier directly felt the effects of colonization, through his numerous
but frustrating stays in Algiers during the 1930s, which would have specific effects
upon his work. The plastic forms of the little Sidi Brahim mosque seen at El Atteuf in
the M'Zab in 1931 would become one of the sources for his thick, but perforated, wall
in his chapel at Ronchamp, twenty years later.38 In the second post-war period, projects
by young architects active in North Africa recycled elements from local architecture, as
with Candilis, or with the Swiss, Andre Studer, who mixed his observations on Berber
mud brick villages with those of Arizonan pueblos. Their projects would have a direct
impact upon CIAM's discussions at Aix-en-Provence in 1953. In parallel, when the
Roman Adalberto Libera was developing his housing estate project for INA-Casa at
Tuscolano, his discovery of the horizontal grids in Ecochard's nouses and in Moroccan
towns (which he called, derisively, 'INA-Casba'), played a decisive role.39
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366 ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY 49: 2006
Colonial policies continued to cast their shadow after Independence. After the end of
coercion, hegemony continued, by means of ongoing institutions and legislative
structures and the extended and sometimes renewed presence of technicians in
planning and construction. The first post-colonial enterprises were themselves often
direct responses to the policies followed by the occupying powers. An example of this
approach would be the project for the new centre to the east of the Bay of Algiers
designed by Oscar Niemeyer in the 1920s, as if to balance the French administrative
districts in the West. And the fact that Le Corbusier measured the extent of his structure
for the Chandigarh plan as much by relating it to the scale of Lutyens' Raj Path at New
Delhi as to the axis of the Champs-Ely sees in Paris is striking.40 He introduces here a
different triad from that suggested by Anthony King, in which the liberated nation's
project is only intelligible as a reaction to colonial space and space back in the
colonizer's homeland ...41
Through a more subtle interpretation of the spatial transformations and the
architectural culture of previously colonized nations and through an understanding of
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COLONIAL QUESTION: CASABLANCA, ALGIERS AND BEYOND 367
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This text reworks and extends the Annual Lecture of the Soci
Great Britain, given in London on 17 November 2003. I wou
Frank Salmon and Sir Martin Wedgwood, who together help
especially Judi Loach, who translated and edited this text.
NOTES
1 The situation around ten years ago can be studied by reading the special issue
(Summer-Fall 1993).
2 Mark Crinson, Empire Building: Orientalism and Victorian Architecture (Lond
3 Anthony King, The Bungalow: the Production of a Global Culture (London, 198
4 Paul Rabinow, French Modern: Norms and Forms of the Social Environ
Gwendolyn Wright, The Politics of Design in French Colonial Urbanism (Chicago
coloniale et ville rationaliser le role de I'espace colonial dans la constitution de V
(Aalborg, 1997).
5 Mia Fuller, 'Colonizing Constructions: Italian Architecture, Urban Plannin
Society in the Colonies, 1869-1943' (unpublished doctoral thesis, University
under the title Moderns Abroad: Italian Colonial Architecture and Urbanism (Lon
di italiani. La Libia della colonizzazione agraria trafascismo, guerra e indipenden
6 Jean-Louis Cohen and Monique Eleb, Casablanca, Colonial Myths and Architect
Jean-Louis Cohen, Youcef Kanoun and Nabila Oulebsir eds, Alger, pay sage u
(Paris, 2003).
7 Edward Denison, Guang Yu Ren and Naizgy Gebremedhin, Asmara, Africa's Secret Modernist City (London,
2003).
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368 ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY 49: 2006
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Many of the early volumes of Architectural History are now out of print but most volumes from Volume
10 onwards are available. Back numbers of Volume 27 (Design and Practice in British Architecture:
studies in architectural history presented to Howard Colvin) are available through the Society only to
members.
Monographs 1. Modern Houses in Britain 2929-1939 is now out of print. 2. Architectural Drawings from
Lowther Castle, Westmorland, and 3. Michael Searles: A Georgian Architect and Surveyor are in print.
Details of prices and postage costs are available on application to Dr Simon P. Oakes, St John's College,
Oxford, 0x1 3JP.
An index to the contents of volumes 1-25 was published in 1983. Contents of the most recent volumes
are as follows:
Dianne Duggan, 'London the Ring, Co vent Garden the Jewell of that Ring': New Light on Co v
Garden
Ron Fuchs and Gilbert Herbert, Pepresenting Mandate Palestine: Austen St Barbe Harrison and the
Representational Buildings of the British Mandatory in Palestine, 1922-37
Howard Colvin, A Biographical Dictionary of British Architects 1600-1840: Corrections and Additions
369
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37O ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY 49: 2006
Qinghua Guo, The Chinese Domestic Architectural Heating System [Kang]: Origins, Applications
and Techniques
Carole Biggam, Grund to Hrof : Aspects of the Old English Semantics of Building and Architecture
Neil S. Rushton, Spatial Aspects of the Almonry Site and the Changing Priorities of Poor Relief at
Westminster Abbey c. 1290-1540
Yoni Ascher, The Church and the Piazza: Reflections on the South Side of the Church of S. Domenico
Maggiore in Naples
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LIST OF PREVIOUS ARTICLES 371
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372 ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY 49: 2006
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