2020 Book EmpoweringTeachersToBuildABett PDF

SPRINGER BRIEFS IN EDUC ATION
Fernando M. Reimers Editor
Empowering
Teachers to Build a
Better World
How Six Nations
Support Teachers
for 21st Century
Education
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Fernando M. Reimers
Editor
Empowering Teachers
to Build a Better World
How Six Nations Support Teachers for 21st
Century Education
Editor
Fernando M. Reimers
Graduate School of Education
Harvard University
Cambridge, MA, USA
ISSN 2211-1921 ISSN 2211-193X (electronic)

SpringerBriefs in Education
ISBN 978-981-15-2136-2 ISBN 978-981-15-2137-9 (eBook)
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Contents
1 Building Teacher Capacity to Educate the Whole Child.

Lessons from Comparative Experience . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Fernando M. Reimers
2 Supporting Mathematics Teaching for Mastery in England . . . . . . . 29
Hannah Blausten, Christopher Gyngell,
Hannes Aichmayr and Natalie Spengler
3 Supporting Teacher Professional Development: Program
Sustainability in Colombia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
Chelsea Raubenheimer, Milena Rosenzvit, Laura Ospina and Rin Kim
4 Policies for Teacher Professionalization in Mexico’s Education
Reform . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
Niki A. Hrusa, Paul Moch Islas, Jesse A. Schneider and Isamar J. Vega
5 Building Teacher Capacity at the Telangana Social Welfare
Residential Educational Institution Society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
Tanya Kant, Aditi Nangia, Usha Nikita Satish and Aarya Shinde
6 Cambodia’s New Generation Schools Reform . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
Melissa Donaher and Nuoya Wu
7 Twenty-First Century Learning in Burlington Public Schools . . . . . 121
Karishma Mhapadi, Brittany Moniz, Franco Mosso and Rose Sagun
v
Editor and Contributors
About the Editor
Fernando M. Reimers is the Ford Foundation Professor of the Practice of

International Education and Director of the Global Education Innovation Initiative
and of the International Education Policy Master’s Program at Harvard University.
Being an expert in the field of Global Education, his research and teaching focus on
understanding how to educate children and youth so they can thrive in the
twenty-first century. He is a member of UNESCO’s high-level commission on the
Futures of Education.
Recent books include Teaching and Learning for the twentyfirst Century,
Preparing Teachers to Educate Whole Students: An International Comparative
Study, Letters to a New Minister of Education, Learning to Improve the World,
Empowering Global Citizens, Empowering Students to Improve the World in Sixty
Lessons. Version 1.0, Learning to Collaborate for the Global Common Good,
Fifteen Letters on Education in Singapore, Empowering All Students at Scale, and
One Student at a Time. Leading the Global Education Movement.
He serves on the Massachusetts Board of Higher Education, where he chairs the
strategic planning committee, and serves on the board of directors of multiple
education organizations, including Facing History and Ourselves, Teach for All,
World Teach.
In 2019, he received a Centennial Medal from the International Institute of
Education for his work advancing international education. In 2017, he received the
Global Citizen Award from the Committee on Teaching about the United Nations
for his work advancing global citizenship education. In 2015, he was appointed the
C. J. Koh Visiting Professor of Education at the National Institute of Education in
Singapore in recognition of his work in global education. He received an honorary
vii
viii Editor and Contributors
doctorate from Emerson College for his work advancing human rights education.
He is a fellow of the International Academy of Education and a member of the
Council of Foreign Relations.
Contributors
Hannes Aichmayr Bielefeld, Germany

Hannah Blausten London, UK
Melissa Donaher Washington, DC, USA
Christopher Gyngell San Francisco, CA, USA
Niki A. Hrusa Los Angeles, CA, USA
Tanya Kant Somerville, MA, USA
Rin Kim Harvard Graduate School of Education, Cambridge, MA, USA
Karishma Mhapadi Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, USA
Paul Moch Islas Harvard Graduate School of Education, Cambridge, MA, USA
Brittany Moniz Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, USA
Franco Mosso Lima, Peru
Aditi Nangia Somerville, MA, USA
Laura Ospina Harvard Graduate School of Education, Cambridge, MA, USA
Chelsea Raubenheimer Washington, DC, USA
Fernando M. Reimers Harvard Graduate School of Education, Cambridge, MA,
USA
Milena Rosenzvit Harvard Graduate School of Education, Buenos Aires,
Argentina
Rose Sagun San Francisco, CA, USA
Usha Nikita Satish Somerville, MA, USA
Jesse A. Schneider Washington, DC, USA
Aarya Shinde Somerville, MA, USA
Natalie Spengler Tulbagh, South Africa
Isamar J. Vega Harvard Graduate School of Education, Cambridge, MA, USA
Nuoya Wu Washington, DC, USA
Chapter 1
Building Teacher Capacity to Educate
the Whole Child. Lessons
from Comparative Experience
Fernando M. Reimers
Abstract How should teachers be prepared in order to educate their students to

address the most pressing issues of the future? Conducted over the years 2018–2019,
this book presents the results of a study of large-scale teacher professional devel-
opment programs that aimed at equipping students for the uncharted territory of a
rapidly changing world. This introductory chapter traces the roots of the impetus
to educate students holistically, helping them develop a broad range of cognitive
and socio-emotional skills. The chapter explains the value of comparative analysis
to advance a robust theory of the role of professional development in instructional
improvement which can guide implementation of large scale programs, and intro-
duces a staged model of development of education systems, contingent on the level
of skill and preparation of teachers and summarizes the key contributions of the
chapters in this book. The chapter reviews previous research on the role of large-
scale teacher professional development in preparing teachers to lead their students
in deeper learning and in developing a broad range of cognitive and socio-emotional
skills. Given that much of that research has been generated in highly resourced envi-
ronments, a staged model of development of education systems contingent on level of
teacher preparation justifies attention to the role of professional development in more
diverse contexts. The chapter further examines some literature on the implementation
of large-scale educational change, setting the stage for a comparative study of large-
scale programs of teacher professional development. The chapter examines data from
a recent cross-national survey of teachers to discuss their expressed needs for pro-
fessional development and perceptions of the characteristics of the most effective
professional development programs. Finally, the chapter synthesizes the findings of
this study and draws out their implications for teacher development in ambitious sys-
tem level reforms that aim at preparing students with a broad range of skills to invent
the future.
F. M. Reimers (B)
Harvard Graduate School of Education, Cambridge, MA, USA
e-mail: Fernando_Reimers@harvard.edu
© The Author(s) 2020 1

F. M. Reimers (ed.), Empowering Teachers to Build a Better World,
SpringerBriefs in Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-2137-9_1
2 F. M. Reimers
1.1 Goals of This Book
As countries around the world embrace more ambitious goals for schools, in order to
prepare students for the demands of a rapidly changing world and for the uncharted
territory of the future, there is growing interest in the question of how best to sup-
port teachers so they can lead powerful and relevant instruction aligned with those
aspirations. This book is an analysis of six large-scale efforts at building teacher
capacity to lead instruction in an ambitious range of cognitive and socio-emotional
domains essential for our times. These large-scale programs of teacher professional
development were implemented in Cambodia, Colombia, England, India, Mexico
and the United States.
The book builds on previous work of the Global Education Innovation Initiative,
a research and practice consortium I lead that aims to understand how to transform
public education systems so they can empower students with the competencies essen-
tial for civic and economic participation in the twenty-first century. We advance this
goal through three inter-related activities that seek to create synergies between edu-
cation policy, research and practice: conducting applied research, leading informed
dialogues designed to develop collective leadership and developing tools which can
support powerful instruction aligned with the development of the breadth of skills
essential to build a better world. We have so far conducted four applied studies and a
fifth theoretical study. The first study is a comparative analysis of curriculum in light
of what is known about the cognitive, inter and intrapersonal competencies essen-
tial for civic and economic participation in our times (Reimers & Chung, 2016).
The second is a comparative analysis of teacher professional development programs
that prepare teachers to help their students gain the breadth of skills essential in
our times (Reimers & Chung, 2018a). The third is a cross-national evaluation of
the impact of secondary school curriculum designed to empower youth to become
entrepreneurial (Reimers, Ortega, & Dyer, 2018b). The fourth study is a compara-
tive analysis of ambitious national curriculum reforms in eight different countries
(Reimers, 2020a). The fifth study develops a theoretical model to account for the
multidimensional nature of educational change, used to integrate a vast empirical
literature in the field of global education, explicating how change is concurrently
a cultural, psychological, professional, institutional and political process (Reimers,
2020b).
The informed dialogues we have organized seek to make visible the knowledge
education leaders and practitioners have gained as they advance educational change,
and to integrate this knowledge with knowledge based on research and with practical
instruments to further educational change for the purpose of supporting collective
leadership that can align schools and school systems with the urgent need of rele-
vance. We have published three books based on these informed dialogues. The first
book is an analysis of opportunities to transform teacher education in Massachusetts,
informed by a study of the way in which Singapore aligned teacher preparation with
an ambitious vision for education in the twenty-first century conducted by several
educators from Massachusetts (Reimers & O’Donnell, 2016). The second, an expert
1 Building Teacher Capacity to Educate the Whole Child … 3
report on the challenges of scaling ambitious education reforms and innovations

that aims to support the development of a broad range of competencies in schools
(Reimers, 2017). The third book is a study of the lessons learned by system-level
leaders as they advanced ambitious national education reforms (Reimers, 2019).
Finally, we have developed a series of practical tools and curriculum protocols to
support ambitious educational change that helps students gain the necessary com-
petencies for civic and economic participation in rapidly changing contexts. These
include a guide to lead a process of consensus building to establish systems that
support a high-quality teaching profession (Reimers et al., 2017a), and three project-
based, interdisciplinary, curriculum resources aligned with a broad range of cognitive
and socio-emotional competencies necessary to achieve the United Nations Sustain-
able Development Goals and Universal Human Rights (Reimers, Chopra, Chung,
Higdon, & O’Donnell, 2016; Reimers et al., 2017b, 2018c).
I have carried out this work in collaboration with colleagues from various coun-
tries and with varied disciplinary backgrounds. This diversity of experience and
backgrounds has enriched our thinking and enhanced the relevance of the products
of our work to the realities of diverse education contexts. I have included my graduate
students at Harvard in some of these collaborations, for example, in the design of
curriculum resources aligned with the United Nations Development goals. Not only
are the graduate students education professionals, who bring with them experience
in diverse countries; I believe professional preparation must bridge the worlds of
research with the worlds of practice, by actively engaging graduate students with the
worlds of policy and practice as part of their studies.
Conducted over the years 2018–2019, this book presents the results of a study
of large-scale teacher professional development programs. The 22 authors of the
six-country studies analyzed in this book are educators with professional experi-
ence in 17 countries, including the six countries studied. Their experience covers a
variety of education roles, including teachers, coaches and managers in professional
development organizations, consultants to schools and school districts, government
officials, and education specialists in foundations, international development organi-
zations. These six-country studies started in the context of a graduate course I teach
in comparative education policy analysis. This course reflects some of the intellectual
interests and research questions which also inform the Global Education Innovation
Initiative. I invited my graduate students to identify national education reforms or
large-scale programs aimed at helping build the capacity of teachers to prepare the
students with the breadth of skills necessary for civic and economic participation in
the twenty-first century. Students in this course read the first two books resulting from
the applied research of the Global Education Initiative: Teaching and Learning in the
Twenty First Century, and Preparing Teachers to Educate Whole Students, and used
them to frame their studies. They were specifically invited to take the conclusions of
our recent study of teacher professional development as hypotheses, and to test them
against the case studies they themselves would conduct. We discussed their studies
as they progressed, and I provided feedback to their papers analyzing their findings,
which they then presented at a conference where they received additional feedback
from peers and leaders in the field of international education, such as the director of
4 F. M. Reimers
education of the World Bank, former vice-ministers of education and senior lead-
ers of international development organizations. Further discussions and revisions to
their chapters extended beyond the course, in efforts to have coherence across these
chapters in this book which was completed once these students had all received their
masters’ degrees from Harvard.
1.2 Content of the Book
In the studies presented in the chapters that follow, we examined large-scale reforms
which explicitly focused on building the capacity of teachers to teach to a broader set
of goals, either higher levels of cognitive goals, or a breadth of cognitive and socio-
emotional skills. The chapters were written from an available evidence base of pro-
gram documents, evaluations (if available), as well as interviews with senior leaders
and participants in the programs studied. The goal of these studies was to document
carefully how these large-scale efforts of teacher education had been designed, how
they were been implemented and, where the necessary information was available,
with what results.
The resulting book is a comparative study of how large-scale teacher professional
development programs are designed and implemented. This book does not attempt to
answer the question of which of these programs is more effective than others, or even
to assess whether these programs achieve their goals, but rather to illuminate how
these large-scale efforts were designed, delivered in practice and with what results to
date. We also examine whether these case studies confirm or disconfirm the conclu-
sions reached in our previous study of large-scale programs of teacher professional
development, and other conclusions of studies of professional development reviewed
in this chapter. We hope this book will be of use to education leaders interested in
designing and implementing programs of teacher professional development that are
aligned with ambitious instructional goals.
In my experience working with ministers of education and other senior education
leaders I have learned that it is often valuable to them to know how others have
addressed problems similar to their own. This is especially crucial in the case of
teacher professional development policies because, while there is a growing body of
evidence supporting the importance of having skilled teachers, evidence about how
to increase teachers skills, particularly at a large scale, is scarcer. This places many
policymakers in the conundrum of realizing they must increase teacher quality but
not necessarily knowing how to achieve this. The consequences of having to design
strategies to implement large scale teacher professional development programs in
the absence of knowledge can be disastrous, as will be discussed later.
For example, in 2011 the Grattan Institute, a public policy think-tank in Australia,
conducted a study about the factors which contributed to the educational performance
of countries in East Asia where students achieved at high levels in cross-national stud-
ies and where there was high equity in how students from different social background
performed in such tests. The study identified that a key factor undergirding the high
levels of performance of those teachers was high-quality teacher initial prepara-

tion and professional support that includes mentoring, opportunities for teachers to
conduct research, classroom observations and peer-feedback, and access to master
teachers (Jensen, Hunter, Sonnemann, & Burns, 2012, 13). While this report describes
what these high-performing systems do, it does not explain how they got to be able
to do it and how the process of putting in place the supports to do these practices
developed. The same limitation in understanding the process of change is evident
with other studies that rely on cross-national evidence which identify high-quality
teacher professional development as a correlate of high levels of students learning
(Schleicher, 2018) or on synthesis of studies that identify which factors contribute
to higher levels of student learning (World Bank, 2018). Knowing that countries like
Singapore or cities like Shanghai provide teachers high-quality initial and ongoing
professional preparation does not explain how they developed the capacity to do it or
what processes they followed to get to the point at which they are at present. But it is
precisely the development of such institutional and teacher capacity, via policies and
programs, and especially via the design of effective implementation strategies, which
is of greatest interest to the education reformer that is trying to improve a system
where such supports for teachers are not yet available. A reformer in a country in
need of high-quality professional development cannot just wish to be Singapore or
Shanghai, they need to develop a detailed plan to carry out activities that will offer
such development and the details of such plan, whether coaching will be involved,
who will provide the coaching, whether professional communities and networks will
be established, how, with what support; hence clarity about those details is funda-
mental. It is one thing to know that coaches should be selected on the basis of certain
attributes such as deep knowledge and pedagogical knowledge, it is quite another to
know what steps to follow to ensure mechanisms of selection that actually deliver
what is intended. We hope that the analysis of the process followed by six countries as
they built this capacity will contribute to filling that crucial knowledge gap regarding
the process of supporting the development of teacher capacity on a large scale.
The instructional goals that guide the six programs included in this book are sim-
ilar in that they all represent efforts to broaden and deepen curricular aspirations, but
they differ in that each program takes this expansion of curricular goals in different
directions. In the work of the Global Education Innovation Initiative we have learned
that various groups use different terminologies, and different meanings, to reflect
such broader education goals. In fairness, ambitious education goals for education
are not exactly new. In advocating the cultivation of autonomy and the capacity for
independent thinking Jean Jacques Rousseau was proposing goals for education that
were as ambitious as the idea that ordinary people could govern themselves, which
he and other philosophers of the enlightenment proposed in the eighteenth century
(Soëtard, 1994b). Inspired by Rousseau, Johann Henrich Pestalozzi also proposed
that the goal of education was to educate the full range of human capacities (Soë-
tard, 1994a). Similar ambitions were advanced by educators such as John Dewey or
Maria Montessori in the early twentieth century (Röhrs, 1994; Westbrook, 1993).
When the goal of educating all children was included in the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights, in 1948, the implicit rationale was that education would help develop
6 F. M. Reimers
a broad range of competencies, as education was expected to help advance all other
human rights, a tall order indeed involving a broad range of knowledge, skills and
dispositions. UNESCO, the organization established to help achieve universal edu-
cation, has thrice in its history, established high-level commissions with the mandate
of helping inform global conversations about how to align education to growing
skill demands in a rapidly changing world. The first of those commissions produced
the report “Learning to Be” which emphasized the importance of cultivating not
just basic literacies, but the capacity for lifelong learning (Faure et al., 1972). The
second of those commissions produced the report “Learning: the treasure within”
which highlighted that in order to prepare individuals to address the challenges of the
present, a broad range of competencies would be essential: learning to know, learn-
ing to do, learning to be and learning to live together (Delors et al., 1996). The third
of those commissions on the Futures of Education was established at the meetings
of the United Nations General Assembly in September of 2019 and is expected to
produce a report by 2021.
Around the same time the Delors Report was being prepared, arguably motivated
by technological and social developments and globalization, other international orga-
nizations and governments engaged in rethinking what skills and competencies would
be necessary to participate in the twenty-first century, among them, the Definition
and Selection of Key Competencies OECD Project. These efforts inspired changes in
the curriculum in many countries, broadening their goals. A conclusion of our study
of such efforts of curriculum revision in six countries was that it placed the topic of
teacher professional development squarely at the center of reform efforts (Reimers
& Chung, 2016).
When we started the work on the Global Education Innovation Initiative 6 years
ago, we adopted the term “Twenty-first century skills” to describe the broad range
of competencies necessary to participate in the twenty-first century. Our first study
of curriculum goals built on a report of the National Research Council in the United
States synthesizing skills for life and work in the twenty-first century as encompass-
ing: cognitive, inter- and intrapersonal skills (Pellegrino & Hilton, 2012). Because
we realized not all nations used the term twenty-first century skills to describe their
efforts to broaden the curriculum, in our first study of teacher preparation programs
we used the term “educating whole children”. Other authors use the term “deeper
learning”, or cognitive and socio-emotional development, and others use breadth of
skills (Jones & Doolittle, 2017; Mehta & Fine, 2019). One of the questions the stud-
ies presented in the chapters in this book answer is how does each of these reforms
define these broader goals. Specifically, we examine their stated goals against the
framework developed by Pellegrino and Hilton to summarize twenty-first century
skills, summarized below.
1. Cognitive Skills
1.1 Processing and cognitive strategies
• Critical thinking
• Problem-solving
• Analysis
• Logical reasoning
• Interpretation
• Decision making
• Executive functioning
1.2 Knowledge
• Literacy and communication skills
• Active listening skills
• Knowledge of the disciplines
• Ability to use evidence and assess biases in information
• Digital literacy
1.3 Creativity
• Creativity
• Innovation
2. Interpersonal skills
2.1 Collaborative group skills
• Communication
• Collaboration
• Team work
• Cooperation
• Coordination
• Empathy, perspective taking
• Trust
• Service orientation
• Conflict resolution
• Negotiation
2.2 Leadership
• Leadership
• Responsibility
• Assertive communication
• Self-presentation
• Social influence
3. Intrapersonal skills
3.1 Intellectual openness
• Flexibility
• Adaptability
• Artistic and cultural appreciation
• Personal and social responsibility
• Intercultural competency
• Appreciation for diversity
• Adaptability
• Capacity for lifelong learning
• Intellectual interest and curiosity
3.2 Work Ethic. Responsibility
8 F. M. Reimers
• Initiative
• Self-direction
• Responsibility
• Perseverance
• Productivity
• Persistence
• Self-regulation
• Meta-cognitive skills, anticipate future, reflexive skills
• Professionalism
• Ethics
• Integrity
• Citizenship
• Work orientation
3.3 Self-efficacy
• Self-regulation (self-monitoring and self-assessment)
• Physical and mental health
Whereas our previous study of teacher professional development focused on pro-
grams most of which were led by organizations of civil society, the six programs
examined in this book are government programs advanced by national or state gov-
ernments. Some have been developed with the aim of supporting a significant number
of teachers in the national education system, while others are more targeted programs
focused on networks of schools, or schools serving particular groups of students. We
find interesting complementarities between the strategies followed by these two kinds
of programs, and think that the design of future large-scale government programs
might benefit from combining the implementation of these strategies and practices.
The national programs include a program to improve mathematics instruction in
England, a national program to improve the quality of instruction in rural schools
in Colombia and a national program of teacher professional development to support
the implementation of an ambitious education reform in Mexico. The programs of
professional development in networks of schools include one in a network of schools
serving marginalized students in the state of Telangana in India, one in a network of
innovative schools in Cambodia and one in Burlington, a small school district in the
United States. The specific focus of these programs is summarized below.
The chapter “Supporting mathematics instruction for mastery in England” exam-
ines an ambitious national reform aimed at providing all teachers with the pedagogical
competencies to improve levels of mathematical knowledge and understanding and
closing equity gaps in mathematics, beginning in 2014. Embedded within a set of
broader education reforms initiated in 2010 to raise education standards, the focus
of this reform is on the development of higher order math skills. The reform sought
to promote more collaboration among teachers within and between schools in a con-
text of increasing school autonomy and accountability. The reform was introduced
alongside a new knowledge-based national curriculum and reformed assessments.
The new primary mathematics curriculum was informed by curricula in East Asian
countries, which sought to develop fluency, reasoning and problem-solving. The
teaching for mastery reform was a pedagogical reform that sought to complement
the new national curriculum. It included study trips for headteachers and teachers to
see schools and math teaching in Shanghai. The three core elements of the reform
include a lead specialist teacher exchange program between England and Shanghai,
a professional development program led by Maths Hubs and specially designed text-
books. The Maths Hubs bring math teachers in a network of 37 hubs, each lead by an
outstanding school or college to develop and disseminate outstanding practice. Lead
specialists in schools are trained as Mastery specialists and are then responsible for
leading whole school training on the mastery approach in their school, as well as
working with local teachers from other schools. The focus of the professional devel-
opment activities includes strengthening teachers’ subject knowledge, pedagogical
knowledge of mastery teaching, practice to support student differentiation, lesson
planning and assessment.
The chapter “Supporting all teachers in learning in Colombia” examines a national
program of professional development (Todos a Aprender) launched in 2012 as a large-
scale effort to close the urban–rural achievement gap. This program resulted from
a partnership between a private education advocacy organization and the Ministry
of Education. Initially, the program involved multiple interventions to support rural
schools, such as in-service training, support of school management, infrastructure,
nutrition and stakeholder support. Over time, the program evolved to focus exclu-
sively on teacher professional development and classroom materials. With a teacher-
centered design, and following a cascade training model, the program reaches over
100,000 teachers with 4,200 lead teachers led by 100 trainers. Teachers participating
in the program engaged in four workshops a year and in follow-up coaching in their
school by lead teachers. The program also created professional learning communities
that provided ongoing opportunities for teachers to collaborate, reflect on their prac-
tice and develop instructional materials. Textbooks with lesson plans and suggested
instructional activities became an integral component of the program, facilitating
teacher collaboration and communication.
The chapter “Policies for Teacher Professionalization in Mexico’s Education
Reform” examines the role of professional development programs in the context of an
ambitious education reform which revamped the curriculum to align it with twenty-
first century skills. The reform created a new education model, which encompassed
five core elements: (1) schools at the center, (2) standards and curriculum, (3) teacher
professional development, (4) inclusion and equity, and (5) governance. The reform
included increased accountability for teachers, principals and students, and catalyzed
greater governmental control in education. The reform created a professional teach-
ing service law designed to professionalize teacher selection and advancement. The
National Institute of Educational Evaluation, which received constitutional auton-
omy under the reform, was tasked with devising an evaluation framework to eval-
uate principals, teachers and students. Professional development contemplated the
creation of networks within and among schools to promote the exchange of best
practices. Online training and lectures reached the most teachers. The teacher net-
works for peer-to-peer exchange of experience allowed teachers to reflect on their
practice. However, the supervisory component of this initiative was not well-received
10 F. M. Reimers
by teachers and did not reflect the goals of the curriculum and did not yield specific
instructional plans reflecting the goals of the curriculum.
The chapter “Building teacher capacity at the Telangana Social Welfare Resi-
dential Educational Institution Society” examines a school network established in
1984 to provide free, residential, high-quality education to low-income students from
scheduled castes and tribes in the state of Telangana, in India. The program received
significant political support in 2014, growing as a result to cover 268 schools and
colleges and serving 130,000 students. The schools aim to provide a high-quality,
holistic, value-based education to students, cultivating skills for work and life. A
coherent curriculum framework guides their efforts, supported by a range of pro-
grams to build the professional capacities of teachers and administrators, including
pre-service and in-service teacher education programs, as well as professional devel-
opment programs for school leaders. The core form of teacher professional develop-
ment consists of periodic meetings throughout the year that bring school leaders and
teachers together to discuss the ongoing instructional challenges. In addition, support
from external providers of professional development assists teachers in developing
knowledge and pedagogical knowledge.
The chapter “Cambodia’s New Generation Schools Reform” examines a targeted
reform launched by the Ministry of Education in 2015, which provides a unique com-
bination of autonomy, accountability and funding to ten “New Generation Schools”
tasked with innovating in curriculum and instruction to prepare students for the
twenty-first century workforce. Expected to reach 100 schools by 2022, the reform
is one of the 15 initiatives of the Cambodian National Education Strategic Plan.
This program is anchored in a theory that the creation of a system and culture of
high teacher professionalism and high-quality professional development will sup-
port innovative teaching and learning. The program includes an innovative and
selective initial teacher education program focusing on academic leadership, pro-
fessional ethics, mentoring and twenty-first century skills. Additionally, New Gener-
ation School teachers receive ongoing professional development through the Forma-
tive Teacher Support System, which is centered on the practice of reflective teaching,
where teachers reflect on their practice individually and in collaboration with col-
leagues and experienced mentors. The Formative Support System encompasses a
range of modalities of teacher professional development: visits to other schools and
other countries, professional learning communities, career path planning, individual
feedback, classroom observations and ongoing in-service training.
The chapter “Twenty first century learning in Burlington Public Schools” exam-
ines how a high-performing school district in the State of Massachusetts, in the United
States, promotes curricular and instructional innovation fostering a culture of col-
laboration, trust and professionalism. Burlington’s strategy is anchored in building
a collaborative and participatory culture in the six schools in the district, promoting
instructional coherence and alignment around a balanced set of education goals that
include cognitive skills as well as socio-emotional competencies, and in building
trusting relationships among all key stakeholders in the school. Relying on a partici-
patory process to define district goals, Burlington engages all key stakeholders (stu-
dents, parents, teachers, staff, administrators and school board members) to develop
3-year improvement plans with agreed upon goals and with strategies to build the
capacity necessary to achieve those goals. The district uses periodic assessment of
the intended outcomes as a way to manage the improvement process. Scheduled staff
meetings and specific training develop the capacities of teachers to support socio-
emotional learning and the cognitive goals of the district. Professional development
opportunities include a wide range of approaches, from formal staff meetings, observ-
ing classroom instruction, reviewing assessment data and discussing improvement
strategies, receiving feedback from coaches in specific subjects, as well as working
collaboratively with colleagues. As a result of these efforts, schools in the district offer
a range of curricular and extra-curricular opportunities for students to master aca-
demic competencies, develop socio-emotional skills and engage in service-learning
projects. Central to these efforts is the role of district leadership in supporting a
coherent and collaborative culture of ongoing improvement.
1.3 The Value of Comparative Analysis to Understand How

Professional Development Improves Instruction
The importance of teacher quality has long been understood. As an intentional process
designed to support learning, it stands to reason that the effectiveness of this process
is the result of the knowledge and skill of those guiding it. One of the persons who
exerted most influence in placing the topic of teacher education on the agenda of
governments and international development institutions in the 1960s was Clarence
Beeby. As New Zealand’s director of education and chief education advisor to the
government between 1940 and 1960, Beeby led one of the most ambitious education
reforms to equalize educational opportunity, well before this goal would be embraced
by other nations in the 1960s (Beeby, 1992). In that role, Beeby discovered the
importance of teacher professional development to transform policy intentions into
changed classroom practices. He distilled those lessons in the book “The Quality of
Education in Developing Countries”, which he wrote at Harvard University, where
he spent several years in the early 1960s (Beeby, 1966). Beeby’s ideas exerted great
influence in the international development community through his leading role in
the executive board of UNESCO and in the early years of UNESCO’s International
Institute for Educational Planning.
Beeby theorized that the quality of education in a nation developed through a
series of four stages, and that each stage was defined by the level of professionalism
of teachers. The first stage, which he called “the Dame school”, had teachers which
were largely untrained and poorly educated. The second stage, which he termed “For-
malism”, was characterized by trained teachers, but still ill-educated. The third stage,
which he called “Transition”, featured teachers who were trained and better educated.
The fourth stage, called “Meaning”, featured teachers who were well educated and
well trained. These stages shaped distinct characteristics of the education systems.
In the Dame school stage, education was unorganized, the focus was on very narrow
12 F. M. Reimers
subject content, with very low standards, and memorization was the main goal. In
contrast, in the stage of Meaning, the focus was on meaning and understanding of
what was learned, a wider curriculum, offering more variety of content and meth-
ods, individual differences were recognized, pedagogy relied more on active learning
emphasizing problem-solving and creativity, and the goals were to develop cognitive
skills as well as emotional and aesthetic dispositions (Beeby, 1966, p. 72).
At a time when the primary pre-occupation of governments and international
development institutions was with the quantitative expansion of education in order
to achieve education for all, Beeby’s ideas offered a model that gave paramount
importance to quality and provided a strong rationale for teacher professional devel-
opment, as an avenue to help countries move their education systems to stages where
students could find more meaning in their education.
Beeby’s idea that the quality of teaching was one of the most important influ-
ences on student opportunity to learn has been confirmed by subsequent research, as
demonstrated in a synthesis of over 800 meta-analysis of factors influencing student
achievement (Hattie, 2009). An analysis of cross-national teacher reports on profes-
sional development in 35 countries similarly demonstrates that access to high-quality
professional development increases the range of instructional strategies teachers use
(Barrera-Pedemonte, 2016, p. 9).
While there is a robust body of knowledge on the importance of teacher quality
and about the principles and practices which are effective in helping teachers gain
knowledge and skills, much of that knowledge has been generated in highly institu-
tionalized and well-resourced contexts. It is therefore reasonable to ask whether the
effectiveness of those principles and practices “transfers” to other settings. While
Beeby’s model assumed that the education systems in all countries should progress
through the same stages, his model suggests that for countries at different stages
different interventions may be appropriate to improve quality. For instance, while
many authors argue that school autonomy is desirable to recognize and foster teacher
professionalism, it is not self-evident that in schools where teachers are ill-educated
and ill-trained, autonomy will lead to greater opportunities to learn for students, or
even to greater professionalism.
We might conclude then that the focus, and perhaps even approaches, on teacher
professional development should be aligned to the “stage” of an education system,
to the characteristics of the majority of their teachers. For instance, in a system in
which teachers have very limited knowledge of the subject matter they teach, or of
the pedagogies effective in teaching it, professional development based on learning
communities in schools is unlikely to yield the same results as in contexts where
teachers are highly trained. The value of comparative analysis is to inform what edu-
cational approaches, to preparing teachers in this case, are most appropriate in any
given context. For instance, a recent cross-national study of teachers and principals,
covering mostly early industrialized countries, concludes that given that most teach-
ers already attend training focused on knowledge, this is not an area of great need in
OECD countries, instead training opportunities in information and telecommunica-
tion technology, teaching methods for multicultural settings and teaching for students
with special needs are a much greater priority (OECD, 2019, p. 152). Clearly, this
conclusion regarding the low priority of knowledge-based professional development

should not be extrapolated to countries where similar opportunities are not available
to most teachers. While most researchers know that research findings should not be
extrapolated outside the observed range of variation of the factors which they have
studied, this fact is sometimes forgotten when those looking for ‘good practices’
draw insights from ‘high performing systems’ and try to generalize their validity to
contexts which are quite different from the contexts of such high performers. One
should think carefully about the generalizability of cross-national studies such as the
OECD PISA studies, or the studies of the International Association for the Evaluation
of Educational Achievement, or of research conducted on school settings in nations
such as Australia, Canada, the United Kingdom or the United States, to countries
where education systems are at different stages of development, in terms of Beeby’s
characterization of the term. It is not that those findings should be dismissed entirely,
but rather that they should be treated as hypotheses, in need of further empirical con-
firmation. It is also helpful to keep in mind, when looking for comparative experience,
that some countries have shown greater improvement over the last two decades in
cross-national assessments such as PISA than others.
A review of the research on teacher professional development in developing coun-
tries identifies a shift from the traditional view of “staff development” or “in-service
training” consisting of workshops or short-term courses, toward a recognition of
the importance of a broad range of activities that support professional development,
understood as “a long term process that includes regular opportunities and experi-
ences planned systematically to promote growth and development in the profession”
(Villegas-Reimers, 2003). This new perspective of professional development recog-
nizes that “professional development may look and be very different in diverse set-
tings, and even within a single setting, it can have a variety of dimensions” (Ibid., 15).
This review identifies a variety of teacher professional development models which
fall into two broad categories: organizational partnership models and small group or
individual models. Organizational partnership models include: professional develop-
ment schools, other university-school partnerships, other institutional collaborations,
school networks, teacher networks and distance education. Small group or individual
models include: supervision, student performance assessment, workshops and sem-
inars, case-based study, self-directed development, cooperative development, obser-
vation of excellent practice, teachers participation in new roles, skill-development
models, reflective models, project-based models, portfolios, action research, teacher
narratives, cascade models and coaching (Ibid., 70).
Another review of a decade of research on teacher professional development
published in the journal Teaching and Teacher education highlights the contextual
nature of determining what kind of professional development is most appropriate:
The instruments used to trigger development also depend on the objectives and needs of
teachers as well as of their students. Thus, formal structures such as courses and workshops
may serve some purposes, while involvement in the production of curricula, the discussion
of assessment data or the sharing of strategies may serve other purposes. Not every form
of professional development, even those with the greatest evidence of positive impact, is of
itself relevant to all teachers (Avalos, 2011, 10).
14 F. M. Reimers
There is a growing recognition that we need more nuanced conceptualizations

to understand what constitutes quality in professional development. Desimone has
proposed the following features as key: content focus on subject matter, collective
participation of teachers from the same school, active learning for teachers, duration
with longer programs being more effective and coherence with the goals of the
education policies that support them (Desimone, 2009).
Education specialists at the World Bank have developed a conceptual framework
to facilitate cross-national education comparisons and benchmarking: the Systems
Approach for Better Education Results (SABER). The framework documents poli-
cies and practices in place in countries with respect to early childhood development,
workforce development and tertiary education; with respect to four quality and sys-
tem support domains: student assessment, teachers, information and communication
technologies and school health and school feeding; and in four governance and
finance areas: school finance, school autonomy and accountability, education and
management information systems and engaging the private sector. For each of those
cycles, domains and areas, countries practices are scored on a rubric that charac-
terizes it as latent (indicating there is no policy), emerging (reflecting some good
practice), established (signaling good practices in place) and advanced (reflecting
international best practice).
The SABER framework can be used to provide a systemic characterization of a
country’s education policies and institutions. For example, a World Bank study of
education in Shanghai finds very high coherence between policy and implementation
using the framework (Liang, Kidwai, & Zhang, 2016). Central to such high fidelity
in the implementation of coherent education policies is attracting and developing
an excellent teaching force, aligned with “Clear learning objectives and standards,
compact and well-aligned teaching learning materials, and efficient evaluation sys-
tems for all subjects across all grade levels” (Ibid., xviii). The education law creates
accountability mechanisms and clear expectations for teachers to foster the holistic
development of students, as well as their own professional development. Among
all the eight domains of teacher policies identified in the SABER framework, Shang-
hai’s policies score was either established or advanced. Those domains are: setting
clear expectations for teachers, attracting the best into teaching, preparing teachers
with useful training and experience, matching teachers’ skills with students’ needs,
leading teachers with strong principals, monitoring teaching and learning, supporting
teachers to improve instruction and motivating teachers to perform (Ibid., 21).
“Shanghai designs professional development activities to be collaborative and to
focus on instructional improvement. School principals are responsible for creating
targeted teacher training plans based on each teacher’s evaluation results. Profes-
sional development is often a substantial part of schools’ operational expenditure.
The city pairs weak and inexperienced teachers with high performing and expe-
rienced ones. Important platforms for teacher professional development and per-
formance evaluation—teaching-research groups and lesson observations—are also
practiced universally in schools. Teachers are expected to be researchers who evaluate
and modify their own pedagogy in relation to student outcomes. The city requires
new teachers to complete at least 360 hours of professional development in their
first five years of service, and an additional 540 hours to be considered for a senior
rank…Overall, Shanghai is characterized by a coherent and comprehensive system of

teacher professional development that incorporates multiple layers of in-service train-
ing, school-based teacher research groups, evaluation of teacher performance, and a
structured career ladder that provides both motivation and a mechanism for teachers
to progress in their careers, which is key to Shanghai’s demonstrated excellence in
education” (Idem, xix).
A study of the characteristics of effective teacher professional development pro-
grams in Australia, which examined the reports of 3,250 teachers who had partici-
pated in 80 professional development programs, found that a number of character-
istics of those programs were critical to their effects (Ingvarson, Meiers, & Beavis,
2005). The program’s focus on content and follow-up in the classroom was the main
contributor to teacher’s knowledge. Opportunities for active learning and reflection
on practice were the main contributors to practice. In terms of impact on student
learning and efficacy, feedback is an important predictor, as well as content focus
and active learning (Ibid., 14–15).
A recent study of teachers conducted by the OECD in 44 countries shows that
teachers describe the most impactful professional development programs are “based
on strong subject and curriculum content and involve collaborative approaches to
instruction, as well as the incorporation of active learning” (OECD, 2019, 44).
The existing knowledge about characteristics of effective professional develop-
ment programs underscores the importance of embedding these programs in the con-
text in which teachers work. It is in the context of doing their work that most teachers
must find opportunities to examine their practice and learn about new approaches to
improving instruction. An evolving perspective of schools as learning organizations
highlights the many ways in which professional development requires the creation of
a school culture that supports it. A recent summary of that literature highlights that
schools as learning organizations: develop a shared vision centered on the learning
of all students, create and support continuous learning opportunities for all staff,
promote team learning and collaboration among staff, establish a culture of inquiry,
innovation and exploration, establish systems to collect and exchange knowledge
and learning in school, learn with and from the external environment, and model and
grow learning leadership (Kools & Stoll, 2017). A corollary of this literature is that
sustainable programs of teacher professional development should seek to create such
culture in schools.
Fullan had earlier identified the importance of organizational culture of the school
to successful teacher development (Fullan, 1987). Changing school culture is a tall
order indeed, one that requires sophisticated policy initiatives that can recognize the
importance of local context and allow for “mutual adaptation” between policy intents
and school realities. The need for policies to allow for “mutual adaptation” from par-
ticular schools is a corollary of Beeby’s model of how education systems, understood
here as schools, reflect the kind of teachers they engage, or of the more recent model
to conceptualize how professional development influences teacher change developed
by Guskey positing that change is a gradual and difficult process for teachers. In order
to change, teachers must receive regular feedback on student learning progress, and
to achieve sustained change teachers must receive continued follow-up, support and
pressure (Guskey, 2002).
16 F. M. Reimers
1.4 The Importance of Studying the Implementation

of Large-Scale Programs of Teacher Professional
Development
Given the robust evidence supporting the importance of teacher quality, and suggest-
ing approaches to improve it, it is paradoxical that many of the ongoing government
efforts of teacher professional development do not have more impact. A review of
teacher professional development studies in the United States concludes: “Despite
recognition of its importance, the professional development currently available to
teachers is woefully inadequate. Each year, schools, districts, and the federal gov-
ernment spend millions, if not billions, of dollars on in-service seminars and other
forms of professional development that are fragmented, intellectually superficial, and
do not take into account what we know about how teachers learn” (Borko, 2004, 3).
A possible reason is that many government policies in practice still reflect a tra-
ditional view of development as in-service training model, whereas the evidence
supports a more complex view of development. Reviews of research on teacher
professional development conclude that research in the field has moved away from
the traditional in-service training to understanding professional development as a
complex process which can be supported by a range of approaches (Avalos, 2011;
Villegas-Reimers, 2003). A recent review of teacher professional development pro-
grams in the United States acknowledges that many professional development ini-
tiatives are ineffective in changing teacher practice and student learning (Darling-
Hammond, Hyler, & Gardner, 2017). This study reviewed 35 studies demonstrating
a positive impact of professional development, teacher practices and student out-
comes, and identified that these programs shared these characteristics: focused on
curriculum content, incorporated active learning, supported teacher collaboration,
used models of effective practice, provided coaching and expert support, offered
feedback and reflection, and provided extended time to learn, practice, implement
and reflect (Ibid).
However, much of what we know about the contributions of teacher professional
development to teacher knowledge and practice comes from small-scale studies
designed to create an existence proof “to provide evidence that a professional devel-
opment program can have a positive impact on teacher learning” (Borko, 2004, 5).
Given this limitation in our knowledge base, the task of designing large-scale pro-
grams of professional development inevitably involves design, a process of inven-
tion where the interventions designed can be informed by the evidence based, but
must necessarily go beyond the knowledge-based making assumptions about how
best to scale the principles documented in research. For instance, while many stud-
ies documenting the impact of professional development programs are based on
well-selected and trained facilitators, and often on self-selected participants in the
programs, designers of government programs must make assumptions about what
is likely to work with facilitators who may not be as highly selected or trained,
and for teachers who may be required to participate in professional development,
rather than elect to participate in them. The imperatives of creating programs at scale
thus translate the ideas about what works which are supported by evidence into pro-
gram theories and theories about the implementation of those programs which are
hypotheses, rather than empirically demonstrated facts.
It is arguably this process of “translation” that explains why so much professional
development is of low quality. Simply put, it is easier for governments to implement
professional development of low quality. Given that research shows that it is the
quality of professional development that is critical, an important question is how best
to design quality programs of professional development which can be implemented
at scale. Examining the design of large-scale programs of professional development,
in their program theory as well as theory of implementation, and in their results, is
critical to informing the design of future programs.
On absence of such intentional design, it is likely that the implementation of
teacher professional development policies will continue to transform them in ways
that render them ineffective. For example, there is good evidence across 35 countries
that engaging teachers in collaborative professional development is associated with
teachers using pedagogies that foster deeper learning. In contrast, simply offering
professional development engaging large numbers of teachers in school, without
collaboration, is negatively related to the use of deeper learning pedagogies (Barrera-
Pedemonte, 2016). A national program which tried to scale such processes with
existing staff, teachers or school supervisors, without the skills to facilitate effective
collaboration, is more likely to conflate training a large number of teachers in the
school with true collaboration, and therefore unlikely to have impact, or to have
negative impact, in fostering deeper learning.
Another example of the challenges of scaling effective approaches to professional
development will reinforce this point of how easily the scaling process can transform
programs in unintended ways which diminish their impact. A recent meta-analysis
of 60 studies on the effect of teacher coaching found that teacher coaching had a
positive impact on teacher practice and on student learning (Kraft, Blazar, & Hogan,
2018). But developing the skills for effective coaching for large numbers of coaches
is a demanding task. Governments trying to implement large-scale programs based
on school embedded coaching without providing opportunities to build coaching
capacities in schools are unlikely to achieve the same results documented in the
studies just mentioned.
Existing evidence supports the idea that governments follow approaches which are
easier to implement teacher professional development, even if they are ineffective.
The latest OECD cross-national survey of teachers shows that while most teachers in
the 44 countries participating in the study partake in some form of in-service training,
the most popular approaches are attending courses and seminars outside of schools,
whereas only 44% of the teachers participate in peer-learning and networking, even
though collaborative learning is identified by the teachers in this study as the most
impactful (OECD, 2019, 14).
Under pressure to achieve results in the short run, at low cost and depending
on existing human resources, it is all too easy for administrators of programs to
underestimate the level of skill necessary to support teacher development, such as the
skill necessary to support true collaborative learning or to conduct effective coaching,
18 F. M. Reimers
or the investments necessary to build such level of skill. Many national programs
still depend on cascade models of training, which too often result in a progressive
loss of fidelity and quality of training with each successive level of replication.
Arguably, this difficulty in devising effective approaches to teacher professional
development which can be implemented at scale is at the root of the paradox that in
spite of the fact that teachers receive much professional development, and that they
value it, too few teachers use pedagogies which foster deeper learning and too many
students still learn significantly less than is expected, as documented in national or
cross-national evaluations of student knowledge and skills. A recent cross-national
study of teachers conducted by the OECD, for example, documents that only about
half of the teachers in the 44 countries participating in the study use pedagogies
that promote cognitive activation, such as getting students to evaluate information
or apply knowledge to solve a problem, less than 60% give their students tasks that
require critical thinking, 50% have students work in small groups to collaborate in
solving a problem, 45% ask students to decide how to solve a complex task, 35%
present tasks for which there are no obvious solutions and less than 30% have students
work on projects that require at least a week to complete (OECD, 2019, 56). About a
third of the teachers reports low self-efficacy in activating student motivation to learn
or in supporting their students learning through technology (OECD, 2019, 66). Only
40% of the teachers allow students to evaluate their own learning (OECD, 2019, 60).
Even though this study shows that the majority of teachers and principals par-
ticipate in professional development programs and most teachers report that such
training positively impacted their teaching (OECD, 2019, 152), there is, however,
great variation in the kind of professional development available to teachers, as
most of them have access to courses and seminars outside their schools, but fewer
participate in peer learning or networking. There are good practical reasons why
governments rely on training designed in a top-down fashion, often depending on
“cascade” or train the trainer models of professional development. This is easier to
do than organizing school improvement networks in which teachers participate in
multiple forms of professional development over an extended period, or in which
they learn collaboratively. Evidently, what is easier to do or more practical to under-
take may not be what is most effective. This is the reason evidence on what can be
implemented at scale is necessary to design large-scale efforts of teacher professional
development.
Another cross-national study of teacher professional development in 35 educa-
tion systems, using data from the OECD Talis survey in 2013, demonstrates that
curriculum-based professional development is more likely to influence instruction
than subject-based or pedagogy-based curriculum, yet most professional develop-
ment is subject matter and pedagogy-based, and there is great variation across coun-
tries in the percentage of teachers who participated in curriculum-based professional
development. As a result, the focus for professional development most related to
instructional change is the type of professional development least frequently avail-
able to teachers (Barrera-Pedemonte, 2016). The same study examined whether the
professional development teachers had participated in featured four characteristics
which have shown to contribute to teacher development: collective participation of
several teachers from the same school, active learning, collaboration and duration.
Most teachers participated in programs which did not have those characteristics, and
less than half of the teachers indicate that their professional development includes
these four attributes. Only professional development that involved collaboration was
consistently associated with the use of teacher instructional practices that are bene-
ficial to support deeper learning, such as engaging students in projects that take at
least a week to complete, organizing them in small groups for cooperative learning
and encouraging them to use information and communication technologies (Ibid.,
10). The same study shows that in at least half of the countries, teachers with less
pre-service training received professional development of lower quality (Ibid., 12).
Our recent study of teacher professional development programs aligned with edu-
cating the whole child shows that across diverse education systems, these programs
shared a number of characteristics such as:
• They reflect a conception of adult learning that sees it as socially situated and
responding to current needs of teachers for learning.
• They involve sustained and extensive opportunities for teachers to build capacities,
often extending an entire school year, or spanning across multiple school years.
• The modalities of professional development are varied. They include indepen-
dent study of new material, discussion with peers and others, individual or group
coaching, demonstrations of new practices, independent research projects and
opportunities for reflection.
• The curriculum of the programs examined covers a blend of capacities, from a
broad focus on helping students develop particular capacities to a highly granular
identification of particular pedagogies and instructional practices that can help
students gain those skills.
• The curriculum of these various programs reflects a view of learning which
includes cognitive skills, in interaction with dispositions and socio-emotional
skills.
• Professional development includes exposure to visible routines, protocols and
instructional practices, where teachers see in practice new forms of instruction or
assessment.
• These programs rely on a mix of opportunities for learning situated in the context
of the schools where teachers work.
• To support the intensive and sustained activities of professional development that
these various programs advance, the organizations in charge build a range of
partnerships with institutions outside of schools that contribute various types of
resources.
• These programs see teacher practice as situated in specific organizations and
social contexts, and in general adopt a whole-school approach, rather than helping
individual teachers increase their capacity.
• These programs all develop capacities among teachers to advance pedagogies with
the goal of developing competencies that are not formally assessed in the school
or school system. The organizations that support these various programs all model
a learning orientation.
20 F. M. Reimers
There is consensus that teacher professional development is part of a system in

which other processes influence the quality of teachers. This has been called the
continuum of professional development (Villegas-Reimers & Reimers, 1996). With
a group of colleagues including ministers of education, deans of teacher education
institutions, exemplary highly effective teachers and other educators, we developed
a protocol to support the creation of a shared vision which would enable the creation
of a coherent continuum to support teacher quality. In this document, which we titled
“Connecting the dots to build the future teaching and learning” we argued that there
is only so much initial teacher education can do if the criteria to attract and select
teachers into the profession are not aligned with professional standards. Similarly,
we thought there were limits to the extent to which in-service professional develop-
ment could remedy deficient initial teacher preparation (Reimers et al., 2017b). We
proposed seven actions to achieve such systemic coherence and alignment:
1. Build a narrative about improving teaching quality as a national priority
2. Map and audit the system of programs and policies that sustains teaching quality
3. Develop a strategic teaching quality framework and professional standards that
create coherence in the system which supports teacher quality
4. Empower teachers as professionals. Develop career pathways
5. Ensure a robust pipeline of qualified entrants into teaching
6. Support highly effective initial teacher preparation
7. Support developmental professional trajectories for teachers that produce highly
effective teaching.
This protocol emphasized the importance of translating each of these seven steps
into a clear sequence of activities, a real implementation plan, which could help
execute bold ambitions into changed practices.
One of the elements in that continuum, the design of programs of teacher profes-
sional development which can be implemented at a large scale, would benefit from
knowledge based on what has been attempted in practice. Five decades ago, the study
of the results of government policies showed that implementation often does not fol-
low the intended design and that the way in which policies were transformed at the
implementation process could transform outcomes in important ways. This realiza-
tion led scholars of evaluation to propose that any program evaluation should include
a direct study of what exactly was the program which had been evaluated (Weiss,
1998). An entire field of practice in public policy has been developed focusing on
the implementation of public policy, including techniques such as project planning,
project management and approaches such as “Deliverology”, the science of delivery
(Barber, Moffit, & Kihn, 2011).
Because much of the evidence about “what works” in teacher professional devel-
opment has been derived from small settings, and from a limited set of national
and institutional contexts, structuring the delivery of professional development pro-
grams at a large scale requires more than knowledge about evidence on which prin-
ciples have proven to influence teacher knowledge and skills. Implementing large-
scale programs must be informed by knowledge of how other large programs have
been designed and implemented. We hope this book contributes that kind of knowl-
edge with the necessary nuance and granularity to inform specific implementation
strategies.
1.5 Conclusions
The six chapters which follow show that around the world, in diverse education
systems, governments are advancing policies to support teacher professional devel-
opment at scale. The cases included in this study reflect two basic approaches: those
that provide professional development opportunities to the majority of teachers in
the system, and those that work with a defined target population of teachers. These
approaches reflect partially the principles supported by the research-based evidence
reviewed in this chapter as particularly effective. In this section I examine how these
six cases compare with the conclusions of our previous study of teacher profes-
sional development (Reimers and Chung 2018a), and with some of the principles of
effective teacher professional development practice summarized in this chapter.
Most of these programs reflect a conception of adult learning that sees it as socially
situated and responding to current needs of teachers for learning. The three national
programs recognize the socially situated nature of professional development in pro-
viding opportunity for local adaptation and for job embedded training in what is
otherwise a fairly focused program of development. In contrast, the programs focus-
ing on smaller networks of schools not only focus on broader needs for teachers but
also reflect a view that sees teachers’ learning as socially situated.
The mastery math program in England is designed to involve professional commu-
nities of teachers in schools, led by the lead specialists, recognizing the importance of
job-embedded professional development and of collaborative practice. The program
reflects a combination of top-down with bottom-up approach in that the focus on
math instruction comes from top mandates, but there is ample autonomy for teachers
to adapt the mastery learning approach in their schools in ways that best fit the needs
of their teachers.
The program of professional development in rural schools in Colombia imple-
ments a coaching model in schools, providing even greater autonomy for commu-
nities in schools to focus on learning goals defined locally. There is indeed a clear
recognition of the importance of offering professional development in schools.
The education reform in Mexico contemplated the need to create opportunities for
professional development and collaboration at the school level, depending on existing
structures and personnel. In that sense it, recognized the primacy of responding to
the current needs of teachers.
The programs of residential schools in Telangana and the New Generation Schools
in Cambodia create multiple forms of professional development at the school level,
focusing on a wider range of competencies for teachers.
22 F. M. Reimers
The program in Burlington public schools is the one that most clearly focuses
on transforming school culture, aligned with the idea of building schools as learn-
ing organizations. This program too reflects a view of teachers learning as socially
situated, perhaps more so than any of the other programs.
All programs in this study involve sustained and extensive opportunities for teach-
ers to build capacities, often extending an entire school year, and often spanning
across multiple school years. All of them reflect the contemporary conception of
teacher professional development that sees it as a long-term process as identified by
Villegas-Reimers (2003) and not as the traditional staff development or in-service
training. All of these programs reflect also the principles identified by Desimone
(2009) as typical of high-quality professional development: content focus on subject
matter, collective participation of teachers from the same school, active learning for
teachers, long duration and coherence with the goals of the education policies that
support them.
The intensity and frequency of these multiple opportunities for professional devel-
opment is greater for the programs of smaller scale in Telangana, Cambodia and
Burlington. The large scale of programs in England and Colombia provide more
limited opportunities to teachers and have a narrower focus. The mastery approach
was very systematic and apparently effective for the lead specialists, but not so much
for the other teachers. This may illustrate the limitations of the cascade approach, and
the limits of a program that allows for local adaptation which makes the program vul-
nerable to uneven support of local education authorities, to different interpretations
of what mastery learning is, and to different choices at the school level regarding the
use of textbooks. The program which was part of the education reform in Mexico
was advanced too late in the term of the administration to effectively take hold; had
it been implemented, the intention was to provide such opportunities.
Are the modalities of professional development varied? Do they include inde-
pendent study of new material, discussion with peers and others, individual or group
coaching, demonstrations of new practices, independent research projects and oppor-
tunities for reflection? This is less clearly the case for the three national programs in
England, Colombia and Mexico than it is for the more focused programs in Telan-
gana, Cambodia and Burlington. Perhaps this reflects a tradeoff between scale and
complexity of the program. Institutional capacity of education ministries is limited,
and it is arguably easier to scale relatively focused and simple initiatives than it is
to scale the multitude of changes and supports necessary to help a school become
a learning organization. It is noteworthy that in Burlington, where this approach is
most visible, the effort involves only six schools. Telangana and Cambodia reflect
mid-range efforts which offer a rich suite of opportunities for professional develop-
ment in schools. Mexico’s education reform seems to have contemplated doing this,
but was constrained by the limited timeframe the administration had to implement
the reforms.
England and Colombia depended on more limited and focused approaches of
teacher professional development, in fact Colombia’s program shifted from a pro-
gram with a broader set of interventions at inception, to a simplified version focused
exclusively on coaching and instructional materials on a narrow set of subjects,
apparently with good results. Perhaps the first choice in developing an implementa-
tion strategy of an ambitious professional development agenda requires clear focus
as to what will be the first steps. One option is to focus them on a small number of
schools, as done in Telangana, Cambodia and Burlington, in which case it is possible
to try a more complex theory of change. This approach assumes that the reform cycle
will be long enough to allow learning from the small-scale effort to then feed that
learning into a scaled-up version of the program. Alternatively, if a reform is going
to be scaled from the outset, less may be more, and a clear focus as that illustrated
by the examples of Colombia and England may be warranted. Mexico seems to have
attempted to do too much in too little time, with no clear implementation strategy—or
time to execute it—to produce visible results and with it the crucial support to stay
the course. Mexico attempted to radically transform its education system, but was
unable to secure initial buy-in from all relevant stakeholders. This compromised the
ability to secure crucial support to stay the course, especially under the time pressure
of a limited presidential term.
It is noticeable that none of the reforms examined in this book seems to be based
on a theory of how education systems change. Beeby’s powerful insights that edu-
cational change proceeded as countries moved through stages of educational devel-
opment, reflecting largely the characteristics of their teachers, are still relevant. Not
necessarily in that the stages he proposed may still be the most helpful, or in the idea
that change needs to proceed sequentially from one stage through the next, or that no
stage can be skipped, the idea that holds currency is the idea that one needs a clear
model of how a system changes in order to have a strategy. An education system, or
a school network, comprises a large number of individuals, with varying capacities.
A strategy for educational change makes demands on the capacities of those individ-
uals. A professional development strategy is a plan for how to close the gap between
the capacities necessary to achieve the education strategy—as reflected in the cur-
riculum goals, or in the new model of education—and the current capacities of those
who work in the system. A clear model for how to close that gap is necessary, and it
needs to be more specific than to propose that staff should be trained in accordance
with the new curriculum goals. Who should learn what? With what modalities? In
what timeframe? With what resources? Answering these questions requires a model
of how systems change. Beeby’s contribution was precisely that it illustrated the
power of having a model. I have elsewhere offered a multidimensional model of
how educational systems change that emphasizes the importance of attending to the
cultural, psychological, professional, institutional and political dimensions of the
process (Reimers 2020b). As evidenced by the chapters in this book, the absence of
such models is a serious gap in the development of the implementation strategies of
these reforms.
Does the curriculum of the programs examined cover a blend of capacities, from
a broad focus on helping students develop specific capacities to a highly granular
identification of particular pedagogies and instructional practices that can help stu-
dents gain those skills? This is only visible in the three programs taking place in
more focused networks of schools in Telangana, Cambodia and Burlington, but not
in the national programs in England, Colombia and Mexico.
24 F. M. Reimers
Does the curriculum of these various programs reflect a view of learning which
includes cognitive skills, in interaction with dispositions and socio-emotional skills?
All the programs examined reflect an expansion in the ambition of curriculum goals,
but not necessarily a broad conception of goals, including cognitive and socio-
emotional skills. For the national programs in England and Colombia, the focus
is decidedly on cognitive skills. The program in Mexico had an ambitious set of cur-
riculum goals, but it was not immediately implemented, largely because of political
discontinuities, but perhaps also because of the complexity of developing a large-
scale implementation strategy and an effective communication strategy to implement
it. The programs in Telangana and Burlington reflect a focus on a range of cogni-
tive and socio-emotional skills, and the program in Cambodia reflects a broader and
deeper set of cognitive goals.
Do these programs of professional development include exposure to visible rou-
tines, protocols and instructional practices, where teachers see in practice new forms
of instruction or assessment? This is most clearly the case in the Math Mastery pro-
gram in England and in Todos a Aprender in Colombia where textbooks offered
clear structure and focus to the professional development, and in the professional
development offered in some subjects in the Telangana residential schools program.
In addition, lesson planning and follow-up and specific feedback were important
features of the programs in Colombia and England. In Mexico, with a long-standing
tradition of national textbooks and instructional resources, several publications were
produced to guide teachers in understanding the goals of the new curriculum and
to suggest activities to implement it, but these were not integrated into effective
programs of professional development that reached a significant number of teachers
by the time the end of the period of the administration interrupted the reform. The
programs in Burlington used various resources, particularly evaluative resources,
to support teachers in developing specific goals for instruction and for their own
development. Similar to Burlington, teachers in Cambodia are engaged in structured
career path planning, setting and monitoring their own professional development
goals with the support of a mentor.
Do these programs rely on a mix of opportunities for learning situated in the
context of the schools where teachers work? This is particularly the case in the
three programs focused on networks of schools, most clearly in Burlington Public
schools, and also in Telangana and Cambodia. There is a narrower focus in the cases
of England and Colombia. The Mexico program only implemented a few professional
development activities and they too had a narrower focus.
Is it the case that to support the intensive and sustained activities of professional
development that these various programs advance, the organizations in charge build
a range of partnerships with institutions outside of schools that contribute various
types of resources? The national programs in England, Colombia and Mexico have a
decided government and top-down emphasis, with limited opportunity for building
institutional partnerships among schools and other organizations. In Colombia’s case,
however, the inception of the program benefited from the leadership of an advocacy
organization in civic society. Telangana and Burlington do illustrate the development
of such partnerships to enhance the capacity of the school, as did the New Generation
Schools program in Cambodia.
All these programs see teacher practice as situated in specific organizations and
social contexts, and in general adopt a whole-school approach, rather than helping
individual teachers increase their capacity. All these programs develop capacities
among teachers to advance pedagogies with the goal of developing competencies
that are not formally assessed in the school or school system, although several of
them also use the results of regular assessments to support professional development.
To some extent all the organizations that support these various programs model
a learning orientation. Because these are all government-led programs, the units
that lead these programs demonstrate the capacity to use feedback loops to monitor
implementation and course correct when necessary. This is less clear in the case
of national programs in England and Mexico, but evident in Colombia’s national
program which was reformulated as a result of evidence that it was not achieving the
intended impact. The smaller scale programs all demonstrate the capacity to adapt
and course correct as a result of learning from implementation.
There are several additional lessons emerging from these studies which go beyond
the conclusions of our earlier study of teacher professional development. Several of
these efforts, especially the national reforms in England, Colombia and Mexico,
used the results of cross-national assessments, highlighting the low levels of student
achievement and the disparities in achievement, to open space for reform.
Clearly politics plays an important role in a national effort of professional devel-
opment. While all these programs benefited from strong support from the national
government—or from the district in the case of Burlington and from the State in the
case of Telangana—such support was also a double-edged sword in the case of Mex-
ico. The ambitious education reform was so clearly a priority of the administration,
and so visibly identified with it, that a change in government caused the reform to be
discontinued. In contrast, in Colombia, Todos a Aprender, while it received strong
support from the Minister, the reform was not visibly identified as one of the flagship
programs of the administration—in the way in which another program, a scholar-
ship program to promote college access was—in this way the reform continued after
a change of President in Colombia—but the more visible college access program
did not. There are additional reasons the design of the reform in Colombia received
more political support than Mexico’s reform. In Colombia’s case there was extensive
dialogue among teachers and with teacher unions about the program. Such dialogue
was impossible in Mexico’s case given that a crucial component of the reform was
to eliminate the control that the teacher union exercised over teacher appointments
and promotions. Most of these programs garnered sufficient political support to stay
the course, with the exception of Mexico’s. Civil society played a key role in pro-
viding such support and in ensuring the continuity of these efforts in Cambodia and
Colombia.
While these chapters do not tell us which programs “worked” in terms of achiev-
ing their intended results or in terms of being able to stay the course for a sufficiently
long period to transform the culture of schools and transform them into “learning
organizations”, they show that it is indeed possible to design programs that aim at
26 F. M. Reimers
professionalizing teaching at scale. Such design can be informed not only by known
principles about what has been shown to be effective, mostly in studies of programs
of a smaller scale, but also by what is known about how to design an operational
strategy that governments can implement. There are obvious opportunities to com-
bine what these various programs did in designing new programs. Mexico’s strategy,
for example, given the ambitious goals of the reform, would have benefited from a
strategy of teacher professional development at the level of specificity of the strate-
gies illustrated in the programs in Telangana, Cambodia or Burlington. If Colombia’s
and England’s strategies are the first step in a long-term process that hopes to even-
tually make schools and learning organizations embrace the ambitious curriculum
goals that Mexico’s reform embraced, they need to show how they will evolve to
produce conditions along the lines of those contemplated in Burlington, Cambodia
and Telangana. Those three in turn, if they are the first step of more ambitious plans
to scale these reforms to greater numbers of schools, teachers and students, will need
a strategy that shows how what is achieved in a small number of schools will be used
to support change in greater numbers of schools. We hope the analysis of these six
programs will contribute to more effective design of such implementation strategies
of large-scale education reform in the future so that all students can develop the skills
they need to find purpose for themselves and to contribute to building a better world.
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Chapter 2
Supporting Mathematics Teaching
for Mastery in England
Hannah Blausten, Christopher Gyngell, Hannes Aichmayr

and Natalie Spengler
Abstract Supporting Mathematics Teaching for Mastery in England examines the

mathematics mastery reform introduced in England in 2014. The reform sought to
develop a new pedagogical approach to teaching mathematics in England through an
innovative professional development program and initiative to design and introduce
new textbooks. The pedagogical approach, professional development, and textbooks
were strongly influenced by approaches studied in high-performing South-East Asian
countries. The chapter begins by identifying the catalysts for the reform’s incep-
tion, before describing the pedagogical approach and implementation of the reform.
Finally, the chapter provides an outline of what has been achieved to date, and the
preliminary conclusions of interested stakeholders.
In this chapter, we will analyze the mathematics mastery reform in England since
2014. This reform aims to introduce a new pedagogy inspired by high-performing
South-East Asian countries to improve mathematics teaching and student outcomes
and address England’s stagnant performance in mathematics in international league
tables. The reform seeks to implement a mastery approach to teaching mathematics,
developed through innovative professional development programs. The initial focus
of the reform from 2014 was to develop mastery teaching in primary schools for
pupils aged 4–11 years, and the first stage of expansion into secondary began in
2018–2019. It is an opt-in reform, funded by the Department for Education, which
is currently being scaled up. Our study focuses only on the mastery reform at the
primary level. This reform will be situated within the context of wider educational
H. Blausten
London, UK
C. Gyngell
San Francisco, CA, USA
H. Aichmayr (B)
Paulusstrasse 42, 33602 Bielefeld, Germany
e-mail: hannes.aichmayr@gmail.com
N. Spengler
Tulbagh, South Africa

30 H. Blausten et al.
reform and mathematics teaching since 2010. We will then examine the pedagogical
approach and professional development programs that have been implemented to
support educators in teaching for mastery. The chapter will conclude by evaluating
the results that have been achieved so far.
We draw on information from the National Centre for Excellence in the Teaching
of Mathematics (NCETM), the main body responsible for implementation, and from
official statements and reports by the Department for Education (DfE). To compare
the intended goals of the reform with twenty-first century skills, we utilize frame-
works presented by Reimers and Chung (2016) in Teaching and Learning for the
Twenty-First Century as well as the 2012 report by Pellegrino and Hilton on the
development of transferable knowledge and skills in the twenty-first century, Edu-
cation for Life and Work: Developing Transferable Knowledge and Skills in the 21st
Century. Weiss’ (2001) theory of change framework is used to analyze the imple-
mentation of the reform and to examine whether outcomes have been carried out in
alignment with the intended goals. Additionally, evaluations conducted by Boylan
Maxwell, Wolstenholme and Jay (2018, 2019) as well as reports from randomized
controlled trials (Jerrim & Vignoles, 2015) are utilized to evaluate the results of the
reform. In order to gain a better understanding of the reform, we conducted interviews
with headteachers; deputy headteachers; mathematics Mastery Specialists; teachers;
a professor of mathematics focused on curriculum, pedagogy and assessment; and
the Director for Primary at the NCETM. This evaluation is limited by the relatively
short time-period since the implementation of the reform. Due to this constraint,
changes in national and international standardized test results cannot be utilized to
evaluate the impact of the reform on mathematics achievement.
2.1 Context
The introduction of the reform originated within the coalition government’s agenda
for education reform from 2010 to 2015 to raise standards in education through a
school-led system. Preceding efforts to improve mathematics teaching shaped the
context for the reform.
Mathematics teaching in England changed dramatically with the National Numer-
acy Strategy, implemented in 1998 as part of the National Strategies reform. This was
the first “systematic attempt at a national level to drive improvements in standards
through a focused programme of managing changes in the way that core subjects
are taught in classrooms” (DfE, 2011, p. 2). It was a government-mandated profes-
sional development program, providing schools with teacher training and detailed
schemes-of-work. The implementation of the National Numeracy Strategy, which
promoted prescriptive whole-class interactive teaching and was based on compar-
ative studies of international practice, was a decisive move away from textbooks.
An impact evaluation published in 2011 found that a key success of the reform was
focusing attention on how to improve teaching (DfE, 2011). While national and
international data suggested a positive impact on attainment in the early years, by
2011, the improvement in standards and progress had slowed down (DfE, 2011,
2 Supporting Mathematics Teaching for Mastery in England 31
p. 4). In 2011, the coalition government recognized the successes of the reform but
announced that it was abandoning the National Strategies in favor of moving toward
more collaborative practice between teachers and schools (DfE, 2011).
Another preceding reform aimed at improving primary mathematics teaching
was the Mathematics Specialist Teacher programme (MaST), implemented in 2007
in response to Peter Williams’ report for the Department for Education identifying
professional development as a key priority. The aim of MaST was “to provide each
participating teacher with a Masters-level programme of training and professional
support in order that they can carry out their mathematics specialist role working with
teachers in their school” (DfE, 2013, p. 13). An evaluation of the programme in 2013
suggested not only initial success but also challenges to whole-school improvement
due to mathematics specialists facing a “lack of senior leader support to work with
colleagues across the school” (DfE, 2013, p. 21) as well as teachers with a lack of
mathematical subject knowledge and confidence in teaching the subject.
In 2010, the government published the white paper The Importance of Teaching,
detailing the new government’s focus on looking to lessons learnt by high-performing
countries (DfE, 2010). The OECD PISA survey results from 2006 were cited as evi-
dence for the need for education reform. The White Paper stated that the most impor-
tant lesson that can be drawn from international educational comparisons “is that no
education system can be better than the quality of its teachers” (DfE, 2010, p. 3).
It continued to describe the lessons learnt from high-performing education systems
of devolving power to the front line, while maintaining high levels of accountability
(DfE, 2010).
As part of the educational reform to raise standards, a new knowledge-based
National Curriculum was implemented in 2014. The Department for Education con-
ducted an extensive review of mathematics curricula and teaching in a number of
South-East Asian countries to inform the new mathematics curriculum (Jerrim and
Vignoles, 2015). The new mathematics curriculum stated three aims: fluency, rea-
soning and problem-solving (DfE, 2013, p. 99). Key changes to the mathematics cur-
riculum were an emphasis on high expectations, less content taught in primary school
but in more depth and a focus on building firm knowledge foundations. Assessments
were reformed at all ages in line with the new curriculum, increasing expectations
and seeking to address issues of grade inflation. For example, in primary schools at
the end of Key Stage 1 and Key Stage 2, and in secondary schools, the standardized
tests taken at age 16 (GCSEs) and age 18 (A Levels) were reformed. As the new
assessments and method of reporting results were only implemented in 2015, it is
not possible to compare pre-2015 and post-2015 results. Due to this and the time-
frame we evaluate in this paper, we have not used standardized assessment results to
measure the impact of the mastery reform.
Mathematics became more prominent on the government’s agenda of education
reform following the 2012 PISA rankings, which were cited as a major driver of
the need for reform. England was placed 26th in the 2012 PISA rankings (with a
score of 494 points), with 22% of 15-year-olds performing at the lowest level of
mathematics proficiency (OECD, 2012). While the UK’s performance was average,
the contrast between the UK’s score and top-performing South-East Asian countries
was significant: Shanghai scored 613, Singapore scored 573 and Hong Kong scored
561 (OECD, 2012). The OECD estimates that the difference of 119 points between
the UK and Shanghai is equivalent to nearly three years of schooling (OECD, 2012,
p. 4). Moreover, England was identified as having the widest spread in attainment
internationally (OECD, 2012). In 2010, only one-fifth of students in England were
studying mathematics past age 16, the lowest rate in 24 developed countries (Hodgen
& Nuffield Foundation, 2010).
In response to these results, the government reviewed their existing strategies for
mathematics. Several issues were identified as areas of concern: children had diffi-
culty in understanding mathematic instruction; instruction was too mechanical and
lacking emphasis in thorough comprehension; there was a lack of positive attitudes
toward the learning of mathematics; and students performed poorly in the subject
(Education Endowment Foundation, 2015, p. 8). Quality of teaching was identified
as an ongoing concern. This was not new: in 2006, Ofsted stated that “in promoting
a really secure understanding of mathematical ideas, in stimulating students to think
for themselves and to apply their knowledge and skills in unfamiliar situations, the
picture was less encouraging” (Ofsted, 2006, p. 1). Alongside this, the Department
for Education reported concern within the business community that numeracy skills
in school and among college leavers were weak (DfE, 2013).
The Department for Education looked upon top-performing South-East Asian
countries and cities such as Singapore, Shanghai and Hong Kong, which had demon-
strated sustained high achievement in international tests, including PISA and TIMSS.
Their curricula, pedagogies and “mastery” approaches were studied. A mastery
approach to teaching and learning is not new and was first coined by Benjamin
Bloom through his Taxonomy model. However, it is important to note that there
are many interpretations and definitions of a mastery pedagogy. Singapore adopted
a mastery framework in 1990, building it around five key cornerstones: concepts,
skills, processes, attitudes and meta-cognition (Oxford Education Blog, 2018).
2.2 Differences Between South-East Asian Countries

and England
There are significant differences between the education systems in top-performing

South-East Asian countries and England. These contextual differences are crucial to
understanding the different challenges faced in England, the contextual constraints
and the adaptations necessary in England’s mastery approach.
Around 30,000 participants enter Initial Teacher Training in England each year,
through a number of routes (Foster, 2019). These options fall into two main cate-
gories: school-led routes or higher education-led routes. There is currently a teacher
recruitment shortfall; in 2018–2019, recruitment at the secondary level was below
target by 17% (3,300 places), with 921 of these places being for mathematics trainees
(Foster, 2019). As well as addressing continuing recruitment shortfalls, teacher reten-
tion is a primary area of current government policy. On the contrary, in Singapore,
there is one route into teaching: all teachers are trained by the National Institute
of Education (NIE). The NIE partners with the government to oversee this teacher
preparation and assists with the placement of teachers in government schools to com-
plete their professional training. To help develop a pipeline of suitable candidates,
“prospective teachers are carefully selected from the top one-third of the secondary
school graduating class, by panels that include current principals” (OECD, 2010,
p. 169).
Another major difference between Singaporean and English approaches is the
level of mathematics specialization required. In England, primary school teachers
do not specialize and typically teach all subjects. Moreover, they are not required to
have any qualification in mathematics apart from a pass in mathematics GCSE. In
contrast, both in Singapore and Shanghai, primary schools are subject-specific and
have specialist mathematics teachers (OECD, 2011).
Alongside the differences in the composition and training of the teaching work-
forces, there are some fundamental differences in the requirements of teachers in
the job and their opportunities for in-service professional development. As Boylan
et al. (2019) point out, teachers in Shanghai have “relatively low levels of pupil
contact … typically a teacher has 60–80 min of contact per day, plus one-to-one or
small group remediation or extension teaching” (p. 35). Thus, a significant amount
of time is set aside for planning and preparing for lessons, reflecting on lessons
and assessment to guide teaching, as well as carrying out interventions. In compari-
son, in England, primary school teachers are entitled to 10% of their teaching time
for planning and assessment per week, with the rest of their time typically being
devoted to whole-class teaching. In Singapore, teachers are entitled to 100 hours of
professional development time a year (OECD, 2011). In Shanghai, teachers “report
engaging more regularly in deeper forms of professional collaboration compared
to teachers in other TALIS countries” (OECD, 2014). In England, while there are
recent government-initiatives to increase funding in certain geographical areas for
professional development, teachers do not have entitlement to set number of hours
of professional development per year. This remains at the discretion of individual
schools.
Lastly, ability grouping and differentiation by content and task has been a common
practice in England, especially in mathematics. In contrast, both in Singapore and
Shanghai, there is much less emphasis on differentiation, and in-class grouping by
ability is avoided (Boyd & Ash, 2018). It is also important to note that compared to
top-performing South-East Asian classrooms, on average, there is a much widespread
attainment in English classrooms in mathematics (Jerrim & Shure, 2016). Research
has shown that “teachers think about, and respond differently towards, pupils accord-
ing to perceptions of their ability” (Francis et al., 2017, p. 5). There is also evidence
that teachers of high ability groups have higher expectations for their students than
those teaching low ability groups (Boaler, Wiliam, & Brown, 2000).
2.3 Theory of Change
The theory of change of the reform conceives that if teachers have deep mathe-
matical subject knowledge, pedagogical knowledge and skills, and quality teaching
resources, then students’ mathematical knowledge, skills, learning and therefore
attainment will improve. If lead teachers in schools are trained as Mastery Special-
ists, with extensive knowledge and expertise in applying the principles of Teaching
for Mastery, then they can lead change in practice in their own schools and local
schools (Boylan et al., 2019). Mastery Specialists would be trained through a spe-
cialist program, with the opportunity to observe practice in Shanghai. Mastery Spe-
cialists would then introduce other teachers to the approach by facilitating group
observation and analysis of the pedagogical approach. All professional development
would be underpinned by the “five big ideas” that inform the approach. If schools,
educators and school leaders are connected through networks and given the oppor-
tunity to work with educators within and across schools in a collegial manner, then
structural change will take place. The outcomes of the activities are observed as the
development of the Teaching for Mastery pedagogy, along with professional learn-
ing through the school mastery exchange. The results are improved outcomes for
students, which are displayed through an increase in conceptual understanding and
procedural fluency, which in turn leads to an improvement in pupil outcomes (Boylan
et al., 2019).
The program began with Mastery Specialists going on the Maths Teacher
Exchange (MTE) for two weeks to Shanghai and a week-long visit to England.
The desired outcome was to change practice in the schools of the Mastery Special-
ists, and improve pupil mathematical outcomes (Boylan et al., 2019). After the first
year, the theory of change evolved into large-scale building of capacity, acknowl-
edging that not all teachers would go on the MTE. Thus, the NCETM created a
new solution which amalgamated the core concepts of “Mastery”, the creation of
Maths Hubs to develop networks of schools and build a professional development
program for teachers across England, who in turn trained Mastery Specialists (not
all of whom would go on the MTE), who then replicated training for local teach-
ers. This was implemented through Mastery Specialists leading Teacher Research
Groups (TRGs), small work groups in which teachers regularly meet to plan, observe
and discuss practice over the course of a year, leading to change and impact in other
local schools (Boylan et al., 2019).
By 2016, the range of professional development designed to catalyze change
had expanded, including working with Mastery Specialists, TRGs, Maths Hubs
events, high-quality resources from NCETM and adoption of accredited textbooks.
The desired outcomes in schools now included embedding the Mastery approach,
improved subject knowledge for mathematics teachers, pedagogical change includ-
ing whole-class teaching, carefully structured lesson planning, high-quality resources
and careful questioning of children. This would, in turn, then lead to improved stu-
dent outcomes: conceptual understanding and procedural fluency and improved pupil
mathematical outcomes.
2.4 Description of the Reform: Pedagogy
The NCETM was contracted by the Department for Education to lead the design and
implementation of the reform. The Teaching for Mastery is a pedagogical reform to
improve mathematics achievement, through a process of professional development
and school-led improvement, based on best practices in Shanghai and Singapore.
Its aims align with and support those of the national curriculum, to equip students
with mathematical skills and ensure learners themselves have the confidence, meta-
cognition and competencies required to succeed (DfE, 2014). In 2013, 46 head-
teachers and teachers went on a trip organized by the Department for Education to
visit schools and observe mathematics teaching in Shanghai. The following year,
the Junior Minister for the Department for Education, Liz Truss, led a delegation of
experts on a research trip to Shanghai, “to study successful methods and potentially
adopt them in schools here” (DfE, 2014, para. 4). The NCETM has called its new
approach to teaching mathematics “Teaching for Mastery”.
The Teaching for Mastery approach is underpinned by the rejection of the “idea
that a large proportion of people ‘just can’t do maths’” (NCETM, 2016a, para. 1).
Central to the approach is the belief that with the appropriate resources, support,
teaching and time, all children can succeed mathematically (Boylan et al., 2019,
p. 34). The approach aims to develop a uniform expectation of high standards of
achievement in mathematics for all students (NCETM, 2014a, 2014b). Thus, the
aim is that “the large majority of pupils progress through the curriculum at the
same pace. Differentiation is achieved by emphasizing deep knowledge and through
individual support and intervention” (NCETM, 2014a, 2014b). All students in the
class are introduced to mathematical concepts at the same time, with time given for
all learners to master these concepts before moving on. This is a significant shift
away from the previous practice of differentiation through content, task, resources
and ability groupings.
An important feature of the Teaching for Mastery approach is the focus on method-
ical, careful curriculum design and lesson planning to “foster deep conceptual and
procedural knowledge” (NCETM, 2014a, 2014b). Lesson planning should reflect
the five big ideas, which have been influenced by South-East Asian approaches and
articulated by the NCETM: variation, fluency, coherence, representation and mathe-
matical thinking. In order to achieve these, teachers need deep subject knowledge to
plan lessons in incremental steps, scaffolding concepts, carefully chosen vocabulary,
models, representations and tasks. The approach encourages teachers to move away
from the traditional three-part lesson structure to one with more parts and an empha-
sis on increasing direct instruction. This is combined with a focus on the importance
of teacher questioning and formative assessment so that teachers can effectively iden-
tify students’ conceptual understanding. Lesson planning should pre-empt and plan
for misconceptions, as well as provide ample opportunity for teacher–student as well
as student-to-student dialogue. An example of this is the use of stem sentences that
scaffold how children can articulate concepts and reason mathematically.
2.5 Implementation
The reform consists of three main components to implement this approach to

teaching mathematics: the England–Shanghai teacher exchange program, a pro-
fessional development program led by Maths Hubs and the development of
government-approved mastery textbooks.
The principal goal of the NCETM is “to ensure that all teachers of maths … have
easy access to high quality, evidence-based, maths-specific continuing professional
development” (NCETM, para. 2). Building capacity of teachers is one of the cen-
tral components of the reform’s implementation and combines a variety of models.
There is an acknowledgment that “not all aspects of teacher professional develop-
ment can be (or should be) addressed in courses” (Villegas-Reimers, 2003, p. 142).
The professional development programs address four elements of teaching practice:
teachers’ subject knowledge, pedagogy to reflect the mastery approach, practice for
student support and differentiation, and lesson planning and assessment.
The MTE was initiated between England and the municipality of Shanghai in
2014. Approximately, 70 Mastery Specialists from England (2 from each Maths
Hubs) travel to China in autumn for one week each year, with a reciprocal visit from
Chinese counterparts in the spring. During the teachers’ stay in Shanghai, they visit
schools, take part in TRGs and learn about the approach to teaching mathematics from
Chinese teachers as well as the NCETM delegates. When the Chinese teachers visit
England, “Maths Hubs organize ‘showcase’ events so that local teachers can observe
and ask questions about the teaching approach” (NCETM, 2018). The principal aim
of the exchange is to expose English teachers to the pedagogy that have informed
the Mastery approach. This scheme is now in its fifth year and is scheduled to run
until the 2019–2020 academic year.
The Maths Hubs play a central role in organizing the promotion of mastery in
local schools through recruiting schools for the MTE, recruiting Mastery Specialists,
overseeing the work of trained Mastery Specialists and coordinating professional
development events (Boylan et al., 2017). Importantly, they facilitate local schools
working together on professional development, as well as sharing expertise and
resources. Unlike previous efforts to reform mathematics, this reform was designed
to be led by schools themselves, rather than a central organizing body such as the
NCETM or government. Each Maths Hubs creates a network of schools in its local
vicinity and coordinates the training of Mastery Specialists, who then work with
Senior Leadership teams in their school to implement a whole-school approach.
Mastery Specialists form an integral part of the reform as they are required to
implement training for local schools. Maths leaders have to obtain the support of
their headteacher and commit to participating in the program for 2 years to apply
to be a Mastery Specialist. To become a Mastery Specialist, teachers undergo a 1-
year training program involving three, two-day residential stays. Each year, a group
of Mastery Specialists in training (one or two from each Maths Hubs) also have
the opportunity to go on the MTE. In their second year they begin training other
teachers from local schools in TRGs. However, they do receive continuing support
and professional development from the NCETM, as well as resources to carry out
the training. Approximately 140 Mastery Specialists are trained each year, with the
intention that 700 specialists would be trained by the end of the 2019–2020 school
year, and a total of 11,000 primary and secondary schools, approximately one-third
of all schools, will be reached by 2023 (Boylan et al., 2017).
The Mastery Specialist training aims at developing deep subject knowledge, ped-
agogical training in Mastery techniques and teacher educator training to enable spe-
cialists to lead and train others. While on the program, specialists are expected to set
up a TRG within their own school, introduce their colleagues to the approach and
begin to embed it within their own school. The way in which TRGs are run varies
depending on the Mastery Specialist, but they are supposed to follow a common
format. The Mastery Specialist introduces the session with theoretical background
based on the “five big ideas”, using resources provided by the NCETM. They then
conduct a “Teaching for Mastery” style lesson to a class of students in their school,
observed by the teachers in the TRG, demonstrating the approach. After the lesson,
the Mastery Specialist facilitates a discussion with the TRG, analyzing the lesson
and approaches seen. In the second year, the Mastery Specialist is expected to create
and lead a TRG for teachers from local schools, for which they receive funding.
TRGs offer demonstration lessons and professional development in the teaching of
mathematics six times throughout the year. Each TRG is asked to work with six
schools, which each put forward a Maths leader and one other teacher to be trained
(preferably a Key Stage 1 teacher). “The programme promotes collaborative forms
of development found in Shanghai such as TRGs, and provides a forum through
which teachers share learning and experiences” (Boylan et al., 2017, p. 80). Through
this dissemination network, 12 maths teachers, six of whom are Maths Leads, can
be trained each year by just one Mastery Specialist, which greatly accelerates the
rate of change. The aim is that the Maths Lead will work with the maths teacher to
implement the approach in their classrooms in their own schools before scaling the
approach across the school.
Each school must opt in to the reform by providing a signed letter of authorization
from the headteacher and enter into a contract. The NCETM created a range of videos
to explain the approach to headteachers, as well as to advise how to implement it
within their school. Maths Hubs host launch events to build on the online resources
and explain the program and expectations to school leaders.
Another major area of implementation is the development and introduction of new
mastery-style textbooks in the classroom. The drive for implementation of textbooks
was a considerable shift in policy away from the National Numeracy Strategy, which
had explicitly eschewed the use of textbooks in classroom. Schools initially viewed
the reintroduction of textbooks with skepticism. The cost of implementation of the
new textbooks has also been seen as a barrier, despite the offer of a £200 grant
toward approved primary textbooks. The key importance of textbooks was noted by
Tim Oates of Cambridge Assessments:
We’ve missed the fact that we have picked up some bad habits, and failed to notice the
emergence, in other nations, of extremely well-theorised, well-designed, and carefully-
implemented textbooks. We’ve also missed the fact that high quality textbooks support
both teachers and pupils—they free teachers up to concentrate on refining pedagogy and
developing engaging, effective learning (Oates, 2014).
The NCETM asked publishers to create a primary textbook series in line with
the new pedagogical approach. As of June 2018, two textbook series have been
approved by the Department for Education awarding committee (Debbie Morgan,
Tim Oates and Bruno Reddy): Maths-No Problem! and Power Maths. The com-
mittee’s assessment criteria for the textbooks stated the required features: the need
to “integrate understanding of mathematical concepts … with the development of
factual and procedural fluency”; use “representations in the form of pictures and
diagrams which reveal underlying mathematical structures and help make sense of
mathematical ideas”; include “exercises which embody the concept of variation and
reinforce the underlying structure of concepts and relationships”; and “ensure that
assessment activities allow pupils to review key ideas and concepts and to check
their own understanding, ensuring that they are ready for the next stage of teaching”
(Maths Hubs, 2017).
Textbooks have been recognized as a core element in the implementation of the
mastery approach, as well as a resource to address teacher workload. A good textbook
that meets the requirements of this approach needs to be viewed as a “comprehen-
sive tool, providing support for the development of both procedural fluency and
conceptual understanding in mathematics as exemplified by proven practice in the
high performing Asian jurisdictions” (Maths Hubs, 2017). Mathematical coherence,
or explaining concepts in logical steps, along with a focus on the representation
of concepts are the key elements in the design of the textbooks. Accurate use of
mathematical language within textbooks is seen as a critical factor toward building a
sound knowledge in mathematics. Well-designed practical activities and practice are
designed with the aim of deepening knowledge and understanding of mathematical
concepts for all learners.
According to Vanessa Pittard, Assistant Director for Curriculum and Standards
at the DfE, “The textbook doesn’t teach; the teacher does. But having access to
an elegant, coherent and comprehensive resource makes it easier. Teachers are lib-
erated to focus on designing and delivering the engaging, interactive lessons that
are characteristic of Mastery teaching” (2017, para. 11). A key component of the
implementation of textbooks is providing teachers with adequate training on how
to most efficiently use the textbooks in the classroom. Tim Oates has commented
that the textbook development program “includes vital exchange and development
of appropriate professional development to accompany curriculum innovation led by
textbook adoption” (Oates, 2014, p. 11).
Nick Gibb, the School Reform Minister, stated in 2015, “mathematics for mastery
… is another of the evidence-based approaches we have put at the heart of our edu-
cation reforms” (Gibb, 2015). By looking to place empirical evidence at the center of
the case for change, successive governments have looked to move ahead of some of
the ideological criticism that reforms of this nature can produce. An influential sup-
porter of the reform was OFSTED, the schools’ inspectorate. Jane Jones, OFSTED’s
National Lead for Mathematics, addressed this concern, “The notion that headteach-
ers might encourage their staff to retain previous ways of working because they fear
criticism from an Ofsted inspector is a concern but one that everyone can play a part
to dispel” (NCETM, 2015). The high-profile backing from the inspectorate helped
secure buy-in from school leaders to engage with the reform.
Securing school leaders’ buy-in was important for the NCETM. As the reform
was designed to be opt-in, incentives were structured to encourage schools to take
part. Secured funding from the government assisted the NCETM in attracting schools
with free professional development. In addition, schools were offered compensation
for the time that Mastery Specialists or teachers attending TRGs would be out of
class to cover substitute teachers.
Despite the broad support that the reform had from key stakeholders, there were
distinct groups of opposition. Some Local Education Authorities (LEAs), who man-
aged state schools, showed reluctance to engage with the NCETM, believing that
reforms were being implemented unilaterally between schools and the NCETM, and
not in partnership with the LEAs. The media conveyed mixed definitions of the Mas-
tery approach to the general public. Articles in the press which referenced teacher
exchanges between China and the United Kingdom were often accompanied with
pictures of children rote learning in rows in classrooms. Others took aim at the con-
cept of “borrowing” policy from elsewhere in hopes that it would work in a different
context (Roberts, 2018). One reason for this opposition may stem from confusion
over the meaning of the term “Mastery”, and what the approach entailed. This policy
is not a faithful replication of “Mastery” as it is known in Singapore and China. The
NCETM has coined its own definition of the approach.
There have been concerns from teachers and parents that the focus on teaching the
whole class at the same place will negatively impact lowest-achieving children who
will not be able to access the learning. There is also a critique that due to a lack of
personalized support, higher-achieving children will not be adequately challenged.
Misconceptions about the Teaching for Mastery approach can have significant
ripple effects into its delivery. The NCETM reinforces that Teaching for Mastery is a
pedagogy and that its implementation is to be achieved through schools themselves.
2.6 Twenty-First Century Knowledge and Skills
The goals of the Teaching for Mastery approach in England can be analyzed within the
framework for twenty-first century skills created by the National Research Council
in the report Education for Life and Work: Developing Transferable Knowledge and
Skills in the 21st Century. Three domains of twenty-first century competencies have
been identified as being necessary for life and work. As discussed in the first chapter
of this book, this framework group skills together under the cognitive, intrapersonal
and interpersonal domains can be used to “represent the distinct facets of human
thinking” (National Research Council, 2012, p. 21).
2.7 Cognitive Competencies
The majority of the skills promoted by the mastery approach fit within the cognitive
domain. Responsibility, perseverance, grit and self-regulation are evident within the
goals of how maths is taught according to this reform. The mastery approach chal-
lenges the mindset that a large proportion of people “just can’t do maths” (NCETM,
2016b, para. 1). Grouping students according to their abilities, along with other styles
of differentiation, had previously been a common practice, contributing to a culture
of low expectations. In order to counteract this way of thinking, the approach sets
out to develop high expectations and standards of achievement for all students. This
serves as a reflection of the important shift in skills identified as being important for
the twenty-first century (Reimers & Chung, 2016, p. 11).
One of the main motivators behind the implementation of the mastery approach
was to develop students’ fluency, problem-solving and reasoning skills. Variation is
one of the key approaches to teaching mathematics within the reform. Students are
encouraged to make connections between concepts in mathematics through proce-
dural and conceptual variation. The “variation theory of learning points to variation
as a necessary component in teaching for students to notice what is to be learned”
(Kullberg, Runesson Kempe, & Marton, 2017, p. 559). This provides students with
the ability to discern what concepts are, as well as what concepts are not. At the core
of the approach is teaching students to think critically through “intelligent practice”
rather than relying on the mechanical repetition of facts.
Fluency extends beyond simply recalling facts and procedures. Students are
encouraged to make decisions in an effective manner, which can then be applied
to a variety of contexts. The NCETM highlighted how evidence form cognitive sci-
ence “suggests that learning key facts to automaticity “frees up” working memory
to focus on more complex problem solving rather than reaching cognitive overload
trying to calculate simple operations” (NCETM, 2018, para. 6).
The emphasis of high standards for all corresponds with Carol Dweck’s statement
that “students who believe that intelligence or math and science ability is simply a
fixed trait (a fixed mindset) are at a significant disadvantage compared to students
who believe that their abilities can be developed (a growth mindset)” (Dweck, 2008,
p. 2).
The training of Mastery Specialists focuses on introducing participants to core
mastery concepts as well as building deep subject knowledge, developing subject-
specific pedagogy, and an approach to assessing pupils within this pedagogical
approach. Developing deep subject knowledge and presenting mathematical prob-
lems in various ways during classroom instruction, including visual representations,
corresponds to the twenty-first century competencies of variation, critical thinking
and fluency.
2.8 Intrapersonal Competencies
Within the intrapersonal domain, we can see the strongest alignment to skills that
fall under the domains of intellectual openness and work ethic or conscientiousness.
According to the new National Curriculum, confidence has been pinpointed as the
base for success in mathematics. As Dweck (2008) explains, “a considerable body
of research is emerging from top cognitive psychology and cognitive neuroscience
labs demonstrating that fundamental aspects of intelligence, and even intelligence
itself, can be altered through training” (p. 3). The NCETM states that in the Teaching
for Mastery approach “all pupils are encouraged by the belief that by working hard
at maths they can succeed” (NCETM, 2016a, para. 2), a view that is central to the
concept of mastery as it is implemented in Singapore (Kaur, 2018).
2.9 Interpersonal Competencies
There is less alignment in the explicit stated goals of the reform to the interpersonal
domain. However, some of the pedagogical approaches do promote the development
of interpersonal competencies, even though they are not stated explicitly as aims.
Building in ample time for effective classroom talk and partner work allows stu-
dents to develop teamwork and collaboration skills. Removing ability grouping and
catering to the learning of all learners encourage students to develop skills such as
empathy and perspective taking, especially among high-achieving students who are
able to grasp concepts more readily.
2.10 Evaluation and Challenges
The following section evaluates the success of and challenges to implementation.

It also provides summary of the current results of the reform, based on existing
evaluations.
The implementation of the MTE was evaluated by Boylan et al. (2017). They
investigated the first tranche of schools participating in the exchange and found that
30 out of 48 show good levels of implementation, meaning that teaching focused on
the core components of the mastery pedagogy: conceptual understanding, procedural
fluency, increased use of representations and adoption of textbooks. Only nine schools
were identified as actively using textbooks in class, whereas other schools only used
them for preparation, if at all. An evaluation of the MTE published in 2018 concluded
that the exchange program continues to be one of the most important pillars of the
mastery reform (Boylan et al., 2018). Lead primary teachers referenced valuable
learning, increased subject knowledge and positive impact on pupil performance
as results of the exchange. Many teachers also reported an increase in professional
dialogue about maths and how to teach maths in school. While positive impact on
subject knowledge, pedagogical approaches and beliefs were reported throughout
the cohort of participants, the main effect of the exchange program was an increased
confidence in teaching mathematics based on the mastery approach. In addition to
their own visit to Shanghai, participants also specifically emphasized the importance
of the teachers from Shanghai visiting classrooms in England. One mathematics
teacher noted, “the most powerful experience is then bringing those teachers back
here so we can see those teachers teach our children and that really supports us in
terms of thinking about how can this realistically work in our school in our culture
with our curriculum” (Boylan et al., 2019, p. 91). With regards to pupil outcomes,
teachers especially recognized a change in attitudes toward math and soft skills.
“Most children would say it’s their favourite subject now … that engagement in
maths and their belief that they can achieve and that mistakes are valuable” and “I
think as a whole the children have absolutely loved doing maths this way … they
feel really part of the process of solving problems” (Boylan et al., 2019, p. 118). The
teachers also report increased participation and a better feeling of equality within
the classroom. “The way children view each other is brilliant now because they feel
like they’re on a level playing field and they’re all learning together, whereas before
it was very separate” (Boylan et al., 2019, p. 119).
It is difficult to evaluate the implementation and success of the TRG model.
Boylan’s evaluation of TRGs run by participants of the MTE showed wide variation
in models of TRGs implemented (Boylan et al., 2018, p. 19). While implementation
of TRGs has been varied, some evidence was found that cascade models mirroring
those used in the previous National Numeracy Strategy were being implemented.
Boylan has suggested that Mastery Specialists experience difficulties in impacting
non-lead primary teachers due to teachers’ lack of subject knowledge and confidence
in applying the Mastery approach (Boylan et al., 2017). More evidence is needed
about the quality assurance of the TRGs led by Mastery Specialists, especially as
this is the primary way the approach is to be scaled.
To date, there is inconclusive evidence of the impact of the mastery approach being
promoted by the NCETM. The latest evaluation published by Boylan et al. (2019)
concludes that the different mastery pedagogies developed through the MTE can have
a positive impact on student performance. However, quantitative evidence is currently
at best mixed or not available at all. A randomized controlled trial conducted by Jerrim
and Vignoles (2015) evaluated the impact of the Mathematics Mastery programme,
which is based on similar mastery approaches but not designed and implemented
by the NCETM. The study, which involved 10,000 pupils in 90 English primary
schools and 50 secondary schools, found a small but positive impact of the Mastery
reform. However, they also conclude that several other curriculum and pedagogical
interventions in the UK have shown very similar results.
Based on these quantitative findings, there is a significant disparity between mea-
surable results on standardized tests and what teachers report in qualitative inter-
views. There can be several reasons for these findings. A simple reason might be
that there has not been sufficient time yet for changes to impact attainment at various
testing stages. It might take more than two years of mastery approaches to produce
measurable impact. Another factor could be the curriculum and assessment changes
since 2014 that led to changes in schemes of work and practices for primary schools
in general. Establishing the relationship between innovation and possible impact at
a time of national large-scale change is always difficult. Thus, it may be that the
finding of no impact could mean that the mastery approach, as implemented by par-
ticipating schools, was more impactful than the schools’ previous practices, but that
it was not more impactful than new practices implemented in comparison schools.
Lastly, a plausible explanation for the lack of measurable impact of engagement in
the MTE alone lies in the variation of implementation. As reported, not all schools
that participated in the first MTE went on to implement the mastery approach, and
of those who did, levels of implementation differ.
The NCETM has encountered misconceptions surrounding the mastery approach,
especially due to multiple understandings and definitions of mastery, as well as the
creation of schemes of work and non-government-approved textbooks by private
companies (NAMA, 2015). Another area of concern is that the implementation of
this reform requires a significant time and financial commitment from schools. As the
NCETM explains, “Schools that have been most successful in introducing teaching
for mastery have people in leadership positions putting time, energy and resources
into supporting the approach” (NCETM, 2019, para 1). However, the majority of
training is given to maths leaders to lead implementation, but the reality is the majority
of maths leaders are also class teachers. Without time allocated to middle leaders to
implement these changes, work with teachers and develop the approach in school,
middle leaders’ capacity to enact change is limited. They often do not have the time
or the holistic overview that is available to senior leaders.
It is positive to note that 37 Maths Hubs have already been set up, and by the
year 2019–2020, there will be 700 Mastery Specialists working with more than
8,000 primary schools, representing around half of all primary schools in England
(Maths Hubs, 2018, para. 1). Furthermore, there are early qualitative indications
that the Maths Hub activities are warmly received by schools and teachers and have
increased teachers’ confidence in teaching the subject. A school headteacher taking
part in the scheme stated, “It is an effective way for mathematics education staff to
collaborate with others to achieve best practice, in turn boosting their own personal
development” (City of London Academy, 2018, para. 5). There are a few Maths Hubs,
such as the White Rose Maths Hub, which are widely successful and have served as
valuable resources for maths teachers across England. In addition to providing basic
information about professional development opportunities, they also offer curriculum
resources and assessment resources for primary and secondary schools, which are
being used in schools nationally.
One key issue in the implementation of Maths Hubs has been the regional dispar-
ities between coverage and provision. There have also been differing levels of Local
Education Authority support for the program. This indicates that Local Education
Authorities were not brought into design and implementation planning early enough
to build support and involvement. To rectify the regional disparities, the government
tried to enhance the reach of Maths Hubs with an additional investment of six million
pounds in October 2017 to create Hubs in areas where they will make the biggest
difference and are not yet active (Boylan et al., 2017). While this has strengthened
the coverage of Maths Hubs, the current distribution of the 37 Maths Hubs across
England shows a clear gap along the East Coast. In order to ensure consistency of
implementation, these gaps in provision must be addressed. Even if Maths Hubs
were evenly distributed throughout England, each Hub would have to serve about
100 state-funded secondary schools and 500 state-funded primary schools. As the
scheme grows and the program expands into secondary schools, Maths Hubs will
require increased funding to serve more schools.
Another issue is that Maths Hubs are either led by a primary school, secondary
school or college. The lead school usually defines the focus of the Hub and thus,
if a Hub is led by a secondary school, the focus may tend more toward secondary
school professional development than primary, and vice versa. As the number of
schools supported by a Maths Hub grows and the program expands into secondary, the
leadership capacity of the lead school may be stretched. Maths Hubs were originally
asked to build a network of strategic partners and spread the Maths Mastery approach
through work groups attached to them. The implementation has been piecemeal to
date. Only a few Hubs list their partner organizations and most Maths Hubs do not
mention their work groups. If they do, the number varies considerably from Hub to
Hub. In general, access to clear and easily accessible information is hard to come by
and the amount and quality of published information varies widely. This indicates
that there are big differences in effectiveness and involvement between Hubs.
A further important part of the reform is the development of teaching for mas-
tery resources, especially the creation and adoption of textbooks based on those
found in East Asia. The NCETM has produced high-quality professional develop-
ment resources that have been created by groups of maths specialists and teachers.
These are freely available on their website and provide a comprehensive guide to
teaching mathematical concepts, with carefully selected representations and guides
for teachers.
The main argument used by the Department for Education to promote the imple-
mentation of textbooks was that they reduce teacher workload and promote “deep
and connected knowledge”. However, it is important to recognize that their effec-
tiveness is highly dependent on how they are used by teachers and cannot only be
analyzed in terms of content. The only empirical evidence that has been collected on
the impact of “mastery” textbooks is a one-year trial of Inspire! Maths, a textbook
that did not receive government accreditation (Hall, Lindorff, & Sammons, 2016).
Evidence of the effect of textbook use is limited and usually focused on comparing
textbooks rather than comparing the use of textbooks to no textbooks at all (Boylan
et al., 2018). In a qualitative study conducted a year into the Mastery Program by
NCETM Maths Hubs, teachers commented that the implementation of textbooks
had contributed to student learning and had helped to foster a more positive attitude
toward mathematics. They also reported gaining confidence in their teaching from
increased subject knowledge (NCETM, 2018).
Despite the government subsidy, the majority of schools have yet to implement
new textbooks. This is reportedly large because of cost and remaining skepticism
over whether textbooks are an effective investment. One issue reported by schools
that did implement textbooks was that students with lower reading abilities had to
be paired with a more skilled partner to assist them; teachers commented that they
often had to rewrite material in textbooks to make it more accessible to students, or
project the page and explain the content to students step-by-step (NCETM, 2018).
This undermines one of the aims of the textbook to streamline teachers’ workload
and allow them more time to prepare and teach effectively.
The NCETM has not addressed the role of parents in the Teaching for Mastery
approach, both in terms of communicating the approach and offering them ways to
support their children at home. This conflicts with research emphasizing the impor-
tance of parent involvement for success in primary school (Knowles & Fair Education
Alliance, 2017).
2.11 Conclusion
There is currently growing buy-in from schools for the teaching for mastery approach.
Expansion of government funding and support for the policy, as well as the support
from key stakeholders, including Ofsted, means that the reform has become a central
part of education policy. To date, 37 Maths Hubs are supporting schools nationally;
more than 1,700 schools have already opted-in to the reform and over 280 Mastery
Specialists are working in or with these schools. In 2018, the program began expand-
ing into secondary schools with the first cohort of secondary teachers attending the
MTE.
However, the impact on student performance is difficult to evaluate at this point
in implementation. As the reform is mainly focused on primary schools, we do
not yet have PISA results or other standardized maths results of involved pupils.
Furthermore, the lack of internal evaluation for the reform means we also do not
have solid evidence of the extent to which teachers have implemented these methods.
This is also partly due to the varying forms that a mastery approach can take within a
school; some schools are adopting mastery schemes created by a variety of publishers,
some are using government-approved textbooks, some are using schemes created by
White Rose Maths Hub and others are implementing their own take on the mastery
approach. With this level of variation in methods of current implementation, it is
challenging to evaluate the successes of the reform. The level of implementation has
so far only been evaluated for the first cohort of schools participating in the MTE.
This evaluation showed that, while there were areas of success, Mastery Specialists
have had difficulties in disseminating the approach due to primary math teachers’
lack of subject knowledge and confidence. Additionally, many schools have chosen
not to use accredited, government-approved textbooks.
In conclusion, this is a critical point as the reform expands its reach into sec-
ondary mathematics. At present, while the reform has been implemented in parts,
there is a lack of information about the sustainability and quality of implementation.
Importantly, there is a need to put in place rigorous systems of quality assurance in
order to assess the impact of the MTE, Mastery Specialist programme and Maths
Hubs. Maths Hubs that have shown higher levels of success in recruiting schools and
leading the development of sustained whole-school approaches should be studied.
These Hubs should share their implementation methods to foster more partnership
between Hubs.
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Hannah Blausten works in London at Ambition Institute, a new graduate school providing train-
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Policy at Harvard’s Graduate School of Education.
Christopher Gyngell is a Universities Partnerships Manager at Coursera, working to increase the

quality and range of educational opportunities available to online learners. He previously worked
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to families, school groups, and educational investors. He holds a master’s degree in International
Education Policy from Harvard’s Graduate School of Education.
Hannes Aichmayr is an education expert at Bertelsmann Foundation, Germany. He previously

worked as a teacher in Austria and holds a master’s degree in International Education Policy from
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tificate through University of Cambridge International Examinations and a master’s degree in
International Education Policy from Harvard’s Graduate School of Education. She is interested
in teacher professional development practices to best support learners in multilingual contexts.
Chapter 3
Supporting Teacher Professional
Development: Program Sustainability
in Colombia
Chelsea Raubenheimer, Milena Rosenzvit, Laura Ospina and Rin Kim
Abstract In 2012, the Ministry of Education of Colombia introduced a large-scale

teacher professional development program called Todos a Aprender (PTA) to reduce
the urban–rural education divide in the country. Over two presidential administra-
tions and in the face of initial opposition, PTA has proven to be a public policy
success in a country where program sustainability is historically a challenge. This
case study attempts to distill the salient lessons from the Todos a Aprender story to
provide policymakers with insight into mechanisms to generate long-term support
for such type of program. Above all, PTA centered teachers in their programmatic
decisions by recognizing their deep skill-set and contextual knowledge, thus allowing
them to be the primary agents of change. Textbooks and learning materials were also
of the utmost priority, as schools in many rural regions of Colombia lack adequate
supplies. Finally, effective and efficient implementation, and a focus on continuous
improvement, solidified the program’s gains. Results from impact evaluations con-
ducted by the Universidad de los Andes in 2016 indicated that PTA was shown to
have raised the percentage of students that achieved a satisfactory or advanced level
on the national Saber exams. As such, Todos a Aprender has now become a fully
integrated policy of teacher professional development in Colombia.
3.1 Introduction
In 2012, the Ministry of Education of Colombia introduced a large-scale, in-service

teacher professional development program in primary schools called Todos a Apren-
der (PTA), with the goal of closing the urban–rural student achievement gap. As
in many Latin American countries, Colombia exhibits multipronged disparities in
C. Raubenheimer
Washington, DC, USA
M. Rosenzvit
Harvard Graduate School of Education, Buenos Aires, Argentina
L. Ospina (B) · R. Kim
Harvard Graduate School of Education, 13 Appian Way, Cambridge, MA, USA
e-mail: laura_ospina@gse.harvard.edu
52 C. Raubenheimer et al.
resources and opportunities between urban and rural regions. In 2015, 97.9% of
urban households had access to clean water, compared to 66.5% of rural households.
In that same year, 40.3% of the rural population was living under the poverty line,
while only 24.1% of the urban population was classified as such. As for education,
only 9.6% of the population in rural areas had completed secondary schooling in
2015, while the percentage of the population in urban areas was double that amount
(O’Boyle, 2016).
However, despite these challenges, Colombia is also in a period of transforma-
tion. Economic growth, a reduction in drug violence and a recent peace deal with the
FARC, Colombia’s largest armed rebel group, has increased stability in the coun-
try. This has attracted the attention of international businesses and tourists alike,
encouraging foreign investment and propelling Colombia onto the world’s stage. In
the education sector, following significant reform efforts during the administration
of Minister Cecilia Maria Velez, the primary school enrollment rate increased sig-
nificantly from 67% in the early 1990s to 91% in 2017 (World Bank Data, 2019).
Yet, despite making gains on access to education, the quality of education in Colom-
bia, specifically in the rural regions, remains low. Since 2012, Todos a Aprender,
abbreviated PTA from the Spanish name Programa Todos a Aprender, has become
the government of Colombia’s primary initiative to address this enduring challenge
focusing on the improvement of teacher quality.
In the face of initial resistance to its implementation, unfavorable impact evalua-
tion results, and a shifting political climate, Todos a Aprender (PTA) has continuously
improved to ultimately produce measurable, positive effects on student outcomes.
This chapter analyzes the salient factors of this reform to better understand how the
program not only remained in existence despite many potentially crippling challenges
but also became a desirable model of large-scale professional development which,
we believe, could be of value in other contexts aiming to improve teacher quality. In
detailing the mechanisms behind the political perseverance of Todos a Aprender, we
provide insight for current and future policymakers’ intent on improving educational
quality pursuing an educational intervention of similar scope and scale.
We will begin by addressing the recent history of education in Colombia and
the development of PTA in Sect. 3.2. Section 3.3 will describe the teacher-centered
design of the program. Understandably, teachers are among the most important fac-
tors in education quality. As such, it was paramount for the program to keep them at
the center of all programmatic decisions. In addition, the most important stakeholder
of Todos a Aprender were the teachers themselves, so their trust and long-term sup-
port were key to realize the intended goal of improved student learning. Section 3.4
examines the allocation of learning materials and textbooks. Quickly realized to be a
critical component of the program, textbooks were a highly visible manifestation of
Todos a Aprender and a resource to support instructional change. In the absence of a
national curriculum, they were exceedingly useful sources for unit and lesson plan-
ning. They were also the visible beneficiaries of program participation and, as such,
translated much of the philosophy and goals of PTA into tangible tools to support
instructional practice that operationalized those aspirations. Section 3.5 will illus-
trate unique factors that contributed to the successful implementation of the program.
3 Supporting Teacher Professional Development … 53
From public–private partnerships to a commitment to efficiency, Colombia’s Min-

istry of Education capitalized on innovative solutions to facilitate the implementation
of Todos a Aprender.
Research for this chapter included interviews with several program administra-
tors and educators involved in the program and analysis of different program reports,
including evaluations of its impact. Those interviewed included a former Deputy
Secretary of Education of Colombia, the current program director (as in May, 2019),
two former program directors, a former pedagogical coordinator, teachers in partic-
ipating schools, a PTA tutor, as well as other Ministry staff. Documents reviewed
included the reports of the two large-scale impact evaluations conducted in 2014 and
2016 by the Universidad de Los Andes, an evaluation of the implementation of PTA
in 2015 and subsequent presentations of evaluation results released by the Ministry
of Education in 2017. The two National Development Plans of President Santos,
national curricular materials as well as other official documents from the Ministry of
Education were helpful to understand the broader political and educational context in
Colombia. We also analyzed information about the program available in the media,
online marketing materials and press releases.
3.2 Background
Prior to Todos a Aprender, the largest teacher professional development program

working to address the educational disparities between urban and rural schools was
called Escuela Nueva (EN), or New School. Developed by an NGO in the 1970s,
EN’s mission was to improve the quality of multigrade teaching in rural schools
with one or two teachers. With momentum from the success of EN, the Ministry of
Education of Colombia sought to further support the education of students from its
most rural schools, who consistently obtained the lowest levels of achievement in
national assessments of knowledge acquisition and skills development. Fortuitously,
around that time, Empresarios por La Educación, an alliance of business leaders
committed to improving the quality of education in Colombia, learned of a successful
intervention run by McKinsey to address similar challenges in the rural Brazilian state
of Minas Gerais. The program comprised three key components: capacity building
at the local level coupled with regional and national support, school involvement
in creating improvement targets and distribution of high-quality teaching materials.
From 2006 to 2010, the percentage of eight-year-olds from Minas Gerais reading
at grade level increased from 49% to 86% as a result of their participation in the
program (McKinsey&Co., 2018).
The publication of these positive results from the rural improvement program
in Brazil coincided with the release of the 2009 results of the OECD Program for
International Student Assessment (PISA) measuring knowledge and skills of 15-year-
olds in language and maths. Despite improvements relative to the results of the 2006
assessment, the knowledge and skills of Colombian students still lagged behind those
of their Latin American peers. The results of the 2009 SABER tests—Colombia’s
national standardized assessments—confirmed the low levels of student skills and

the significant gaps in learning outcomes between students attending rural and urban
schools. Over 80% of students in the most disadvantaged regions of the county did
not reach the minimum standards in maths in grades 5 and 9. While the language
scores had slightly improved, still only 20–40% of those same students achieved
the minimum standards. On average across the country, the scores of rural students
were significantly lower than the scores of urban students (Nacional M. d., 2012).
In response to these findings, the Ministry of Education of Colombia proposed the
development of an intervention to support rural schools similar to the one which had
helped students in Minas Gerais. With the support of Empresarios por la Educación,
Todos a Aprender was designed and introduced by the administration of the newly
elected President Manuel Santos.
Initially, PTA relied on a wide range of supports to address the low-performance
of rural schools: in-service teacher training, strategic support of school management
and administration, improvement of school infrastructure, nutritional programs for
students, and stakeholder building in communities. Due to the comprehensive nature
of the reform and its large scale, Todos A Aprender became its own division at
the Ministry of Education. By 2014, however, it was apparent that PTA was not
achieving the intended results of lifting student learning outcomes in rural areas,
perhaps because managing the multiple components of the program was proving
challenging. An evaluation conducted by researchers in one of Colombia’s leading
universities demonstrated that learning outcomes were stagnant and that the coaches
were not visiting schools as regularly as planned (Universidad de Los Andes, 2014).
As a result of these disappointing findings, the Ministry of Education decided to
redesign the program and made instructional improvement the core of its theory
of change. This new iteration of the program, known as PTA 2.0, streamlined the
various programs components to include only two: teacher professional development
and instructional materials.
In 2016, the University of the Andes conducted a second impact evaluation of
Todos a Aprender. At the time of the study, PTA 2.0 had only been in effect for
one year which researchers noted was an inadequate amount of time to study the
impacts of an educational intervention. Moreover, the SABER scores used in the
evaluation were from 2015, as the 2016 scores were not available at the time of the
study. Given these limitations, the research team concluded that PTA still was having
no effects on student learning outcomes (Universidad de los Andes, 2016). Once
the results of the 2016 administration of the standardized assessments SABER were
available, the researchers of the University of the Andes released an updated report
on the impact of the program demonstrating that PTA 2.0 had indeed induced positive
effects on the learning outcomes of students in language arts and math in the 3rd
and 5th grades. More specifically, PTA 2.0 was shown to have raised the percentage
of students that achieved a satisfactory or advanced level on the national SABER
exams (Tiempo, 2017). The redesign and more focused program implementation
were deemed a success. Upon release of the results, President Santos announced in
a celebratory speech that Todos a Aprender had been contributing to closing the gap
in educational opportunities available to urban and rural students as shown by the
narrowing gap in learning outcomes (Mineducación, 2017).
In the lead up to the presidential election in May 2018, key figures at the Ministry
of Education were concerned about the sustainability of Todos a Aprender. Histori-
cally, new administrations in Colombia have tended to end projects initiated by prior
presidential administrations as a way to make space to introduce their own policies.
As many considered this to be the likely fate of PTA, a key program of the Santos
presidency, preparations began to create a new role within each school called the
líder de transferencia. This person would have been directly responsible for main-
taining the practices, structure and support historically provided by the coaches in
Todos a Aprender. Since PTA had garnered massive stakeholder support over the
years, however, from teacher unions and the private sector to the parents of children
enrolled in participating schools, ending PTA would have been very unpopular among
those benefiting from the program. Thus, the Ministry of Education under the new
President Iván Duque Márquez made the decision not only to maintain the program
but to merge the once isolated Todos a Aprender division of the Ministry with the
branch dedicated to improving the quality of Colombia’s public schools. As a result
of this restructuring, PTA will be a more stable and permanent institution within the
education system. With plans to expand the program to reach more at-need schools
around the country, the future of Todos a Aprender looks promising.
3.3 Teacher-Centered Design
The teacher-centered design was a critical element of PTA success, the largest in-
service teacher professional development program in Colombia’s recent history.
Since its inception, the program has followed a cascade model in which it employed
100 facilitators (formadores), 4,200 tutors and 100,000 teachers. The facilitators
train tutors who in turn train teachers. As of 2017, PTA operated in 4,500 schools in
Colombia, reaching 105,000 teachers and benefiting over 2 million students (Colom-
bia Aprende: La Red del Conocimiento, 2017). The cascade model was specifically
designed to support communities of practice among and within schools that would
allow teachers to develop their skills and support each other while improving their
practices. This networked model allowed reaching the teachers at the classroom level
and at the same time scaling the program to an unprecedented number of teachers. A
key component of the program was that those chosen to be tutors were also teachers,
often from the same regions as the teachers. This allowed teachers to learn from and
with colleagues with whom they had a shared experience. At the same time, tutors
received training from the facilitators focused on classroom practices that could be
modeled throughout the training cascade until reaching the classroom.
Teachers participate in two major activities which define the teacher-centric nature
of the program in its design and implementation: periodical workshops (usually 4 in
a year) and continuous follow-up and mentorship in their school (acompañamiento).
A week-long training workshop takes place four times a year. The workshop is
first carried by the facilitators with the tutors, and then the tutors model the same
activities with their groups of teachers. This represents the “top-down” component
of the program, through which the Ministry assures that all teachers get access to the
same guidelines. The second intervention activity, follow-up and coaching, however,
was successful in providing personalized support and guidance to teachers. Once
tutors enter the teacher’s classrooms, they observe lessons and model better teaching
strategies, as well as provide feedback to teachers. With the goal of helping teachers
deeply reflect on their own classroom practice, tutors applied various resources from
student-centered pedagogical documents to classroom management strategies.
Initially, the evaluative element of the coaching cycle was profoundly intimidating
to the teachers, as they had not traditionally been the subject of formal assessment
and appraisal. This led to a temporary loss in teacher trust and ultimately to a teacher
strike in the early years of the program. This was the lowest point in the implemen-
tation trajectory of the program. However, teachers soon began to appreciate the role
of evaluation (which results were confidential) as a useful component of the program
and which calmed their fears about being evaluated. As a result, teacher’s trust in
the program increased and this contributed to a turnaround point, garnering signifi-
cant support for the program from a wide range of stakeholders. Apart from regular
coaching in classroom, tutors spend additional time with teachers, reviewing subject
matter and curricula materials and following up with the most challenging concepts
and issues. Part of teachers’ duties includes developing curricular and instructional
strategies tailored to the needs of their students. This opportunity to receive support
in curriculum and lesson planning was especially significant given the fact that the
Colombian education system is highly decentralized and devoid of national curricu-
lum, and that teachers are generally informed only of general educational standards
but not provided a curriculum to help their students attain them. Given this context,
teachers benefited from the personalized follow-up coaching framework focused on
curriculum development and lesson planning.
Other positive results of the teacher-focused intervention activities included a PTA
developed network of professional learning communities where teachers empowered
teachers. This was possible owing to the program’s built-in trust in the expertise and
experience of teachers, in contrast to the traditional viewing of teachers as having
“deficits” to be “fixed”. The Ministry of Education of Colombia had previously
promulgated the idea of learning communities as “to promote an exchange of expe-
riences and best practices, teamwork, reflection, and collective problem solving to
classroom-specific challenges” (MEN, 2011). Following this idea, peer coaching
and collaborative practice were established as the norms in which teachers regu-
larly observed each other’s practice, exchanging feedback and learning from each
other’s strengths and weaknesses. Such proximity and interactions rapidly dissem-
inated good teaching practices to large numbers of teachers with different teaching
styles. Teachers could observe how the differences in instructional practices drove
changes in student outcomes, and thus were held accountable for leveraging this
evidence-based inquiry into finding out what would work best for their students. The
creation of this inquiry stance and learning orientation helped shape a common aspi-
ration and motivation for teaching not only in improving one’s individual practice
but that of others as well. As a result, effective collective learning was generated.
3.4 Provision of Textbooks and Learning Materials
In addition to the teacher-centered approach of the program, the development and

distribution of textbooks and learning materials was another key component that
positively impacted the instructional improvement. Most importantly, given the lack
of national curriculum in Colombia, PTA textbooks served as guidelines for unit
plans across the year, thus facilitating planning and communication across learn-
ing communities. Colombia underwent an ambitious education reform in the 1990s,
characterized by institutional capacity building in both national and local institu-
tions. While the national ministry centralized some functions of the system (i.e. the
consolidation of information systems), other functions were transferred to local gov-
ernment or individual schools. Until the recent introduction of national education
standards (Estándares Básicos de Competencias), curriculum remained one of the
decentralized functions. In the absence of a national curriculum, each school was
responsible for selecting the topics to be taught each year.
In 2006, the Ministry of Education developed a series of curricular frameworks
which, while not officially national standards, served as a guide of what the year
plan could look like in a school. One of these documents was Derechos Básicos
de Aprendizaje (DBA), or Basic Learning Rights. Despite being a great resource
for teachers, its use was not mandatory and the frameworks did not reach a wider
audience. As such, PTA became an ideal mechanism for these curriculum resources
to reach schools. PTA developed and distributed a series of textbooks, learning guides
and other learning materials based on these curricular documents. The use of the book
was not mandatory. However, thousands of teachers found this resource extremely
helpful in organizing the progression of content within and across years and as a
guide for lesson planning. Furthermore, learning communities of teachers in the
same schools could collaborate in the adoption of these resources and in this way
coordinate instruction across subject matter and grades.
The second key feature of the textbooks was their content. Educators know that
teaching quality usually improves when teachers learn about new effective teach-
ing practices, not only by reading or being lectured about them but by engaging
themselves in those new instructional practices. This is the reason the in-service
component of the teacher training of PTA was instrumental to the success of the pro-
gram: tutors had the chance to model practices with the children in the classrooms,
and to give direct feedback to teachers whose instruction they observed. Textbooks
provided a guide to teachers about possible instructional practices. PTA textbooks
did not include isolated content but suggested activities to be implemented in the
classroom aligned with the teaching practices promoted by PTA. Both language and
math textbooks were focused on higher order cognitive skills rather than memo-
rization of factual knowledge. These practices and textbooks differed considerably
from those aligned with the use of traditional textbooks, and tutors were essential in
helping teachers learn how to use these resources to transform their practice.
The third reason the use of textbooks for PTA was a success was that they allowed
children from underserved families to have access to resources that had historically
been limited to children from privileged families. In Colombia, access to textbooks
and learning materials was mainly restricted to urban and higher income family
children. Since PTA targeted schools and communities that were vastly isolated,
children in those schools had access to school textbooks for the very first time. Parents
appreciated that their children had gained access to high-quality materials that had
historically been absent from their communities. As mentioned, there were questions
about the sustainability of PTA as the change in administration was expected. The
high appreciation of the textbooks led to the support of families in rural areas.
3.5 Successful Implementation
The disappointing results of the 2014 impact evaluation led the Ministry of Educa-
tion to redesign the program. The evolution of PTA to PTA 2.0 narrowed the scope
of the program to focus exclusively on teacher-training and on the design and deliv-
ery of instructional materials. The Ministry realized that the multiple components
of the original program design made implementation challenging and as a result the
intended impact was unrealized. Eliminating some components of the program would
also minimize the bureaucratic hurdles that could impede successful program imple-
mentation in the vast, diverse areas of Colombia. As a result of such streamlining of
the program, Ministry staff transformed the purpose of the school visits from over-
sight of the various program components to a clear focus on in-classroom training
and provision of feedback to teachers. Learning from the results of the impact eval-
uation and soliciting feedback from the tutors, the program leadership streamlined
program implementation. This illustrates the value of evaluations to revise program
and implementation theory and enhance program implementation. Using evidence
to support the need for program restructuring the Ministry was able to focus on the
areas which needed redesign. This use of evidence for program redesign illustrates
a culture of evaluation use in program management.
PTA’s implementation success was also due to its unique ability to reach diverse
areas of the country, including remote rural schools in the states of Amazonas,
Guainía, Guaviare, Chocó, Vaupés, Vichada, and the Guajira. As one interviewee
noted, PTA was known for going “the last mile”, reaching remote and isolated parts
of Colombia that had typically been beyond the reach of government. Especially after
the program was redesigned, efficiency became a primary goal of the Ministry. They
wanted to be thorough and swift in their implementation, committing to send tutors
and textbooks regularly across the country, despite the immense geographic barriers.
This vision came directly from the top. Although a program of such scale had yet
to be successful in Colombia, the team would not allow past failures to dictate the
future success.
Former program administrators also considered the partnership with the private
sector as an important contributor to implementation success. From the outset of the
implementation of Todos a Aprender, the Ministry of Education maintained a robust
relationship with Empresarios por la Educación, the organization which had played
a key role in the adoption of the program. The partnership between Empresarios and
the Ministry was vital to the launch of the program. Acting as the program sponsors,
Empresarios suggested to focus PTA on rural areas of Colombia. They also advocated
for program evaluation, encouraging the completion of impact evaluations by the
University of the Andes.
Moreover, the Ministry was also able to rely on the private sector to hire tutors,
which directly aided in the rapid implementation of Todos a Aprender. In the first
few years, the Ministry was in great need of tutors, as they sought to engage qualified
teachers with strong leadership and pedagogical abilities. A new legal mechanism
provided the necessary flexibility in the government’s hiring process to recruit tutors
from beyond the public sphere. Relieved from the standard bureaucratic obstacles, the
Ministry was able to quickly and easily fill the openings for tutors around Colombia.
Lastly, another factor which contributed to the sustainability of Todos a Apren-
der, across two different presidential administrations, was its relative invisibility to
the public eye. This low political visibility of the program is evident when it is
contrasted with another flagship program from Colombia’s Ministry of Education,
a college access scholarship program named Ser Pilo Paga. The program enabled
high-achieving, low-income students to attend a university of their choice, including
the most selective and prestigious universities in the country, by funding the cost of
their studies if they gained admission. The program was widely publicized within the
media, making it a recognizable public policy achievement of the Santos adminis-
tration. Such high visibility also brought increased scrutiny from opposing political
parties. Despite markedly expanding access to higher education for marginalized
students, Ser Pilo Paga was controversial among adversaries who claimed that the
program was an unsustainable investment (Semana, 2019). The new President Ivan
Duque ended the program within a month of entering office. While visibility was
certainly not the sole reason for the downfall of Ser Pilo Paga, it is notable that Todos
a Aprender, which was also a flagship program of the Santos administration, did not
face the same level of political backlash. Ultimately, PTA lacked political branding
and therefore it never became politicized. As a program for teachers, the only people
who were aware of the existence of the PTA were those who directly benefited from
it, school stakeholders and engaged parents. As a result, when President Duque took
office Todos a Aprender survived the typical policy cleanout that is customary in
political transitions. While not explicitly outlined in the strategic implementation
plan of PTA, keeping the program out of the public eye allowed for a seamless tran-
sition from one government to the next. Thus, while it is advantageous at times for a
policy’s success to be heavily marketed to garner support, in this case, the discretion
of the program likely contributed to its survival.
3.6 Conclusion
Todos a Aprender, Colombia’s most ambitious program for teacher professional

development, has been operating successfully in reducing the existing rural–urban
gap in educational achievement. With a teacher-centered approach, the inclusion of
valuable textbooks and learning materials, and strategic implementation, the Min-
istry of Education was able to overcome many of the obstacles that tend to inhibit the
success of education policies. Now spanning the lifetime of two presidential admin-
istrations, Todos a Aprender is improving teacher quality in Colombia. As a mature
program, shaped by constant evaluation and renewed commitment from program
staff, PTA is becoming an international reference for the education community. In
2018, the Regional Program for the Development of the Teacher Profession in Latin
America and the Caribbean (PREDALC) recognized Todos a Aprender as an innova-
tive example of teacher professional development. The program is intended to reach
all teachers in Colombia in the next 8 years.
Another key lesson learned from the implementation of this large-scale program
is that it is possible to both improve the learning of traditional contents (such as
basic math and language) and spread a twenty-first century skills framework. Todos
a Aprender has managed to change language and math teaching practices across the
country in a way that allows students to develop a breath of cognitive, intrapersonal
and interpersonal skills needed in this rapid changing world.
References
Colombia Aprende: La Red del Conocimiento. (2017, October 17). PTA Noticias. Retrieved from
Colombia Aprende, https://www.colombiaaprende.edu.co/es/pta/107102.
McKinsey&Co. (2018, November 30). How we help clients. Retrieved from McK-
insey&Co., https://www.mckinsey.com/industries/social-sector/how-we-help-clients/engaging-
teachers-to-advance-childhood-literacy.
Mineducación. (2017, October 17). Todos a aprender’ ha contribuido a mejorar el desempeño
académico en colegios oficiales y a cerrar brechas entre lo rural y lo urbano: Presidente Santos.
Retrieved from https://www.mineducacion.gov.co/1759/w3-article-363221.html.
Ministerio de Educación Nacional. (2011). Programa para la transformación de la calidad
educativa: Guía para actores involucrados en el programa. Bogotá, DC.
Nacional, M. d. (2012). Todos a Aprender: Programa para la Transformación de la Calidad
Educativa. Buenaaventura: Ministerio de Educación Nacional.
O’Boyle, B. (2016). A tale of two Colombias. Retrieved from Americas Quarterly, https://www.
americasquarterly.org/content/a-tale-of-two-colombias.
Semana. (2012, February 25). ¿Pagó ser “pilo”?: historias que revelan la realidad de este pro-
grama. Retrieved from https://www.semana.com/educacion/articulo/cual-ha-sido-el-impacto-
del-programa-ser-pilo-paga/602858.
Tiempo, E. (2017, October 22). Todos a Aprender, cinco años transformando las regiones.
Retrieved from El Tiempo, https://www.eltiempo.com/vida/educacion/todos-a-aprender-cumple-
cinco-anos-transformando-las-regiones-143640.
Universidad de los Andes. (2014). Evaluación del Programa Todos a Aprender. Bogotá.
Universidad de los Andes. (2016). Evaluación del Programa Todos a Aprender 2.0. Bogotá.
World Bank Data. (2019, March 25). School enrollment, primary (% gross). Retrieved from https://
data.worldbank.org/indicator/SE.PRM.ENRR?locations=CO.
Chelsea Raubenheimer is a 2019 graduate from the International Education Policy program at
the Harvard Graduate School of Education. Based in Washington, D.C., she is a research associate
specializing in the evaluation of public policy and large-scale international development projects.
Milena Rosenzvit graduated in 2019 as an Education Master in Learning and Teaching from the
Harvard Graduate School of Education and as a biologist in 2014 from Universidad de Buenos
Aires. She focuses on science education and has participated in several teacher professional devel-
opment programs working with ministries of education, universities, NGOs and cultural centers
in Argentina and abroad.
Laura Ospina is a non-profit and international education professional. She has worked in pro-
gram management in the United States, the Caribbean and Colombia. Laura is a 2019 gradu-
ate from the International Education Policy program at Harvard Graduate School of Education.
She is currently a masters in public administration candidate at the Harvard Kennedy School of
Government.
Rin Kim is a certified international educator and an alumni of Harvard University (Masters in
International Education Policy). Having studied in South Korea, Hong Kong and the US, Rin is
interested in the intersection of public policy, adolescent development, and global citizenship edu-
cation. She is now transitioning to the new role as a college admissions counselor in international
schools in the Asia Pacific.
Chapter 4
Policies for Teacher Professionalization
in Mexico’s Education Reform
Niki A. Hrusa, Paul Moch Islas, Jesse A. Schneider and Isamar J. Vega
Abstract This chapter examines the role of teacher and principal professional devel-
opment introduced as one of the five central elements of the 2012 Reforma Educa-
tiva (RE), a large-scale education reform that sought to profoundly alter the Mexican
educational system. Chief amongst the reform’s objectives was regaining govern-
mental control of the education sector from the powerful teacher unions; this was
meant to inject accountability into all facets of the system and reprofessionalize a
weak teaching force through higher barriers of entry, in-service teaching assessment,
and widely available and effective professional development activities. The theory of
change underpinning these actions was that these measures would improve student
learning outcomes and better prepare young people for success in the twenty-first
century. Political considerations hindered the RE’s ability to achieve these ambitious
goals. A lack of engagement with key stakeholders, especially unionized educators,
before the RE was signed into law resulted in an illogical implementation sequence in
which revamped teacher and principal professional development was preceded by
educator evaluation. This initial focus on evaluation allowed opponents of the RE to
cast it as punitive toward teachers and not in the best interest of educators. Spaces
that allowed teachers to exchange best practices, develop pedagogical techniques,
and more actively participate in governance and planning of school communities
were welcome innovations in efforts to improve teacher professional development.
However, bureaucratic obstacles, political pushback from unions, weakness in the
supervisory component, and inconsistent implementation among local authorities
ultimately prevented these initiatives from achieving their intended effects.
N. A. Hrusa
Los Angeles, CA, USA
P. Moch Islas (B) · I. J. Vega
Harvard Graduate School of Education, Cambridge, MA, USA
e-mail: paulmochislas@gse.harvard.edu
J. A. Schneider
Washington, DC, USA

64 N. A. Hrusa et al.
Article 3 of the Mexican Constitution states that education should be public, secular
and free, as well as scientific and absent of discrimination in its pursuit of “op-
timal human coexistence” and the “maximum academic achievement of learners”
(Mexican Constitution, Carranza, 2017). Through constitutional change, Mexico’s
Education Reform (abbreviated RE from the initials of the Spanish term, Reforma
Educativa) sought to profoundly alter the key components of the educational sys-
tem by providing a definition for quality education. It sought to do so by changing
the existing structure of evaluation and promotion; articulating the role of federal
and local educational authorities as well as schools themselves, and improving both
pre-service and in-service teacher professional development. Reprofessionalizing a
weak teaching force was seen as a prime mechanism to boost student learning; in this
way, both teacher policies and teacher professional development were central to the
reform’s aim of promoting higher-quality instruction to catalyze improved academic
outcomes and better equip students for success in the modern world.
The results of the 2012 administration of the Organization for Economic Coopera-
tion and Development (OECD) Program of International Student Assessment (PISA)
were released the same year the reform was introduced. The detailed report for Mex-
ico revealed that, while student knowledge and skills as reflected in the 2012 test
scores had increased relative to levels in 2003, the average level of student achieve-
ment on the tests, 413 points on a scale normed to average 500, was still well below,
almost a full standard deviation, the OECD average of 494 (OECD, 2013). Further,
55% of Mexican 15-year-old students did not meet the minimum achievement bench-
mark in mathematics, meaning that between Mexico and the OECD average, there
was a two-year gap in mathematical knowledge (Cabrera Hernández, 2018). This
gap was much greater relative to high-performing countries. Compared to student
knowledge and skills in Shanghai, the highest-ranking PISA participant in the math-
ematics assessment, the gap between Mexican students and their counterparts in the
top-performing OECD member state increases by two more years. This indicates
that the math skills of 15-year-olds in Mexico are, on average, four years behind the
math skills of 15-year-old students in Shanghai and other high-performing countries
(OECD, 2013). The low levels of knowledge and skills of students were confirmed in
other assessments, Mexico’s national curriculum-based assessment of student knowl-
edge and skills, the National Plan for Evaluation of Knowledge (PLANEA), demon-
strated overall low levels of achievement as well as significant inequality between
the learning outcomes of students in urban and rural areas, between students in more
affluent and less affluent states, and between students of different socio-economic
groups. More than half of the students scored in the lowest level of knowledge in
the assessment of Spanish language and communication, while nearly two-thirds of
pupils did not achieve past the lowest level in mathematics (INEE, 2015). These dis-
mally low levels of student outcomes on both international and national assessments
furthered a pre-existing perception that teachers were the reason for underperfor-
mance, and the reform was proposed as an effort to remedy this perceived deficiency
(Tirado, 2018).
It is in this context that Mexico’s RE was introduced in 2013. The stated objectives
of the RE were to ensure quality education for all Mexican students; bolster equity
4 Policies for Teacher Professionalization in Mexico’s Education … 65
and inclusion by closing gaps in access; and promote a shift in the school commu-
nity paradigm, focusing especially on increasing social participation and parental
investment in improving the educational system (SEP, 2017a). To meet these chal-
lenges, the reform created the New Educational Model (NME), a set of standards,
as well as an updated curriculum, with new pedagogical guidelines and community
engagement activities designed to foster continuous dialogue between school-level
stakeholders to impact practice at the classroom level. The reform also reasserted
governmental control over the educational sector and instituted evaluation mecha-
nisms to introduce accountability in the teaching profession (SEP, 2017a). Finally,
professional development was designed to prepare the country’s teaching force to
be able to meet these new accountability demands and specifically designed teach-
ing standards. The theory of change underpinning these components of the reform
was that wrestling control of the educational systems away from teacher unions
and empowering communities to actively participate and invest in the educational
process would reprofessionalize teachers, empower principals and catalyze better
student outcomes aligned with the demands of the twenty-first century. Much of the
professional development introduced by the reform coincided with the strengthening
of mechanisms that had previously lacked rigor or were absent from the educational
system, such as a comprehensive evaluation system and school level initiatives to
promote in-service training.
4.1 Chapter Outline
In order to understand these ambitious goals, this chapter will begin the description
and analysis of the reform by detailing the mechanisms that it used to professionalize
Mexico’s teaching force, arguing that, in terms of both curricular and pedagogical
strategies, the reform could have been well-positioned to reorient teaching activities
and student learning to improve learning outcomes. However, a lack of engagement
with key stakeholders, especially educators, before the reform was signed into law,
necessitated an illogical sequence of implementation in which teacher and principal
evaluation preceded updated teacher training and curricular development. Thus, the
reform was largely perceived as punitive toward teachers, lacking sufficient support.
Although other support mechanisms of the reform were subsequently implemented,
the success of these measures was mixed and their effects were often overshadowed
by the strong opposition to evaluation (Schmelkes, 2018).
This chapter details the context that surrounded the introduction and implemen-
tation of the reform and describes the work of the National Institute of Educational
Evaluation (INEE). Created in 2002 but granted autonomy from the Ministry of Edu-
cation by the reform, the INEE was responsible for creating the evaluation framework
for Mexican principals, teachers and students vital to understanding the RE’s push
toward accountability (SEP, 2002).
Next will be a description of the implementation of the reform along three axes.
The first axis, as mandated by the General Education Law (LGE) and the General
Law of the Professional Teaching Service (LGSPD), was teacher evaluation and
the creation of the Professional Teacher Service (SPD). The SPD was designed to
professionalize the system of teacher selection and advancement as well as stamp
out decades of bad practices and corruption through the establishment of transparent
merit-based selection and promotion assessments (Granados Roldán, 2018a). There
was a shift in the role of principals and supervisors, as well as a change in the process
by which they were selected and promoted. Crucially, neither teacher training nor
professional development was properly aligned to or streamlined with evaluation
content.
The second axis was the creation and publication of the NME. This chapter will
analyze the tools the NME provided for teachers and how it helped promote curricular
development.
The third axis was the introduction of measures to shift the paradigm of the
education community in order to promote more effective teaching practices that
allowed students to develop skills to facilitate their civic and economic participation
in the twenty-first century. This chapter will examine the actions taken to catalyze
this shift and the obstacles they faced in achieving their intended objectives. School
Technical Councils (CTEs) and District Technical Councils (CTZs) were promoted
to create a space for teachers and principals to discuss educational practice and
school goals. In addition, the SPD created the Technical Pedagogical Assessor (ATP)
to facilitate educator-to-educator and school-to-school learning. School Technical
Assistance Services (SATE) were organized to promote best teaching practices across
regions. Finally, School Social Participation Councils (CONAPASE) sought to foster
learning communities where all stakeholders in the educational community were
represented.
Finally, the chapter will analyze the successes and shortcomings of the reform
on each of the three aforementioned axes, discussing how the reform’s theory of
change failed to counter a narrative, one largely put forth by specific factions of the
country’s teacher union and adopted by then-presidential candidate Andrés Manuel
Lopez Obrador, that the provision of evaluation was draconian and disrespectful
to teachers (López Obrador, 2018). It will conclude by reviewing the RE’s main
achievements and shortcomings.
4.2 Historical Context
Mexico has experienced a profound political transformation over the past several
decades. In 2000, for the first time since the Mexican Revolution, the National Action
Party (PAN), helmed by Vicente Fox, won the presidential election against the Institu-
tional Revolutionary Party (PRI), ending a 70-year period of hegemonic party control.
This event is often referred to as the beginning of a “democratic-electoral normality”
where older power structures had to adapt to a new era of political plurality (Wolden-
berg, 2012). During the preceding hegemonic party system, interest groups enjoyed
the privileges of being connected to those in power (Gindin, 2008). The most power-
ful labor union in the educational sector, the National Union of Education Workers
(SNTE), oversaw assignment of teaching positions, promotion decisions and salary
allocation. A prime challenge for the reform was replacing this deeply entrenched
system, which had captured the education system for political patronage, with a more
accountability-oriented approach focused on education results (Nuño Mayer, 2018).
Earlier administrations had attempted to reduce the control the teacher union had
on teacher careers, with limited results. In 1993, the then President Carlos Salinas de
Gortari began laying the foundations of the teacher career ladder (Gómez Zamarripa
and Navarro Arredondo, 2018). In 2002, President Fox created the National Insti-
tute of Educational Evaluation (INEE) to provide the public with information on
the performance of the education system (SEP, 2002). Both measures were meant
to increase accountability of schools to address the enormous social and economic
inequalities that hindered Mexico’s path toward increased development. The teacher
career ladder proved insufficient because the SNTE and one of its most prominent
sections, the National Coordinator of Education Workers (CNTE), maintained their
influence over key aspects of teacher evaluation, reducing the teacher career ladder
to a mere mechanism of political control (Reimers, 2018). The INEE, on the other
hand, has proven to be an essential tool in a push toward teacher and principal profes-
sionalization as well as objective assessment of the education sector. It has done so
by generating guidelines for the evaluation of students, teachers and policies in order
to fill a void of information that was historically lacking in Mexico (INEE, 2018a;
World Bank, 2018). The INEE’s institutional framework measures strengths and
deficiencies in the sector and is fundamental to the reform’s evaluation component.
In the 2006 presidential election, the unions flexed their political muscle, throwing
their weight behind candidate Felipe Calderón of the center right PAN, who defeated
Andrés Manuel López Obrador, of the center left PRD, by a narrow margin of 0.56%.
This allowed unions to secure continued control over key elements of the SEP during
this term. The PAN, both during the Fox and Calderón administrations, continued
employing the same governance mechanisms adopted by the PRI rather than breaking
the cycle of corporatism that had characterized the PRI’s 70 years in power. This was
especially evident in the appointment of Fernando González as Undersecretary of
Elementary Education in December 2006. González was the son-in-law of Elba
Esther Gordillo, the leader of the SNTE. In this way, González’s appointment only
strengthened the union’s influence over educational policy formation.
In 2012, Mexico elected Enrique Peña Nieto of the PRI as president, reinforcing
political plurality as the new norm. This created a culture in which political parties
understood that dialogue and compromise were necessary to overcome the legislative
paralysis that prevented major constitutional reforms (Woldenberg, 2012). A day after
Peña Nieto took office, Congress signed the Pacto por México, a set of structural
reforms meant to promote growth and bring Mexico into modernity. The RE was a
cornerstone of this legislative initiative (IFE, 2014).
4.3 The Role of Evaluation in Teacher Professionalization
The reform’s theory of change relied on institutional and legal modifications to

underpin the three main axes of the reform and catalyze student achievement by
aligning curricular goals with 21CC, improving teacher quality, and producing prin-
cipals well-equipped to take the helm of schools. In 2013, the INEE became an
autonomous constitutional body independent of control by the executive branch of
government, and thus independent of the Ministry of Education to which it had pre-
viously reported (LINEE, 2013). This change was meant to eliminate any conflict
of interest and allow the INEE to create an evaluation framework to objectively and
independently evaluate all educational activities of the Ministry of Education. This
expansion of the INEE mandate allowed it to oversee the union’s role in teacher selec-
tion and promotion (LINEE, 2013), creating friction between the two bodies that had
not previously existed. Additionally, Article 3 of the Constitution and the LGE were
both reformed and the SPD, along with the LGSPD, was instituted to create a rigor-
ous system of teacher selection and promotion. Educator evaluation was the central
tenet of achieving the reform’s stated objective of improving educational quality by
diagnosing educators’ weaknesses and then using professional development to bol-
ster teachers’ pedagogical competencies and principals’ leadership abilities. It also
created a path to replace union influence over the educational sector with increased
governmental control, both at the federal and state levels. Undoubtedly, one of the
key tools of the reform was the creation of the SPD, a body responsible for “repro-
fessionalizing” teacher selection, in-service teacher training and promotion as well
as eliminating the aforementioned legacy of decades of bad practices, nepotism and
corruption in the appointment and promotion of teachers (Granados Roldán, 2018a).
The theory of change also necessitated updating several facets of the educational
model. The NME focused on five areas: (1) the “schools at the center” (escuelas al
centro) initiative; (2) curriculum; (3) educator training and professional development;
(4) inclusion and equity; and (5) governance of the educational system (CIDE, 2016).
The curricular component of the NME sought to modernize education and prepare
students for the twenty-first century by incorporating cognitive, intrapersonal, and
interpersonal competencies into the national curriculum as well as in principals’ and
teachers’ job descriptions to be able to support their students in meeting the NME’s
goals (SEP, 2017a; National Research Council, 2013). In this way, the implemen-
tation of in-service training prepared teachers for curricular changes and the new
expectations these changes introduced.
A focus on 21CC necessitated the transformation of the educator’s role from a
transmitter of knowledge to an active participant in the learning ecosystem. Teachers
were not only expected to help their students develop skills and gain knowledge,
but they were also charged with creating and maintaining ties with a larger school
community (SEP, 2017a). This new conception of the teachers’ role necessitated
ample support in the form of professional development in order to prepare teachers
for expanded job responsibilities. Integrating the 21CC into principals’ responsi-
bilities also reimagined the role of the school leader in the Mexican educational
system. Under the reform, the ideal principal would provide both administrative and
instructional leadership for teachers; create collaborative learning environments; and
proactively forge connections with families, the surrounding community, businesses
and non-profit organizations in order to better prepare students for success in the
twenty-first century (INEE, 2018b).
A final strategy that informed the theory of change of the reform was a paradigm
shift in the educational community. This placed schools themselves at the center of
all learning objectives, which created a sharp contrast to a previous model in which
schools were seen as one of many elements in the educational community and were
not given full decision-making power (Reyes, 2018). The updated model sought to
ensure that the learning objectives outlined in the NME were met. This change was
meant to result in improved access to educational opportunities as well as quality
instruction (Reyes, 2018). This shift was promoted by an improvement in infrastruc-
ture thanks to the “A + Schools” (Escuela al Cien) program and the implementation
of mechanisms to foster a change in work culture (SEP, 2017c). Teachers had a central
role in reclaiming school governance with community members, and professional
development was designed with this objective in mind.
Within this strategy, educator professional development consisted of creating net-
works within and between schools in order to facilitate the exchange of best practice
ideas among principals and teachers (Reyes, 2018). It also sought to provide guidance
for school development plans. The reform established CTEs and CTZs to facilitate
discussion of teacher’s practice and assessment of the school community (LGE,
2013). ATPs were installed to facilitate school-to-school collaboration and learning
alongside the SATE (LGSPD, 2013). Finally, school, local, state and national CONA-
PASEs helped create learning communities made up of several schools, rather than
schools’ learning activities being confined to the immediate surrounding community
(LGE, 2013).
Central to the idea of empowering schools with increased autonomy was ensuring
that principals, all of whom had been promoted to their post from a teaching position,
were fully equipped to exercise effective leadership. Another important figure was
that of the supervisor, who was meant to act as another support mechanism for
school communities and educators (Schmelkes, 2018). Developing school leaders
was, therefore, the main focus of the reform (Reyes, 2018). This would be key to
dispelling the perception that principals were under the political control of unions, as
had been the case in the previous system when unions determined principal placement
(Schmelkes, 2018).
This reimagining of the educational system entailed a variety of intertwined prin-
ciples. From a governance standpoint, the Ministry of Education would focus on
gathering existing best practices and disseminating them to schools nationwide.
Although the federal government would oversee the distribution of human and finan-
cial capital as well as didactic materials, decisions about where to ultimately allocate
these resources were the responsibility of the local education authorities, in accor-
dance with Article 19 of the LGE (LGE, 2013). Further, school communities would
benefit from their newly gained agency to determine how to use these resources
(Reyes, 2018). These changes created a system in which professional development

was jointly managed by the federal government and the local education authorities.
4.4 First Axis of the RE: Evaluation as a Tool

of Professional Development
A key barrier to aligning the country’s education to success in a new century was an
opaque system of teacher selection and promotion that depended more on union ties
than professional merit (Nuño Mayer, 2018). In order to ensure improved student
outcomes, the reform defined quality in education as its cornerstone and implemented
technical and political accountability mechanisms that had historically not existed
to assess educators and contribute to their professional development (Nuño Mayer,
2018).
Professional Teacher Service. International evidence overwhelmingly shows that
educational programs, didactic materials and technology may strengthen and amplify
the effects of good instruction, but do not replace bad instruction (Majgaard and
Mingat, 2012). The main goal of the RE, then, was to ensure, through assessment,
that there was a good teacher in every classroom (Granados Roldán, 2018a). This
meant deep changes in the LGE, as well as the creation of the LGSPD. The LGE and
the LGSPD instituted evaluation procedures to ensure that only professional merit
determined hiring decisions (Granados Roldán, 2018a).
One of the fundamental innovations of the reform was the creation of the SPD
because it established the criteria, terms and conditions used to assess teachers,
ATPs, principals and supervisors in four facets: entry into the profession (ingreso),
ability to keep a teaching position (permanencia), recognition of performance
(reconocimiento) and career progression (promoción) (LGSPD, 2013). That is, teach-
ers could either advance within the teaching profession to be recognized for their
performance (horizontal promotion), or move up to leadership roles such as princi-
pals, supervisors or ATPs (vertical promotion). The reform mandated that assessment
would be the first aspect of the RE to be implemented (LGSPD, 2013). Before this
system was introduced, years in the profession and union loyalty were the indicators
used to determine promotion. The criterion used by the SPD to assess teachers was
based on the evaluation framework developed by INEE (INEE, 2018b).
National Institute of Educational Evaluation. The INEE operated as a con-
stitutional autonomous body that was a state entity, not under government control,
and started in 2013. This autonomy is a key difference from the way the institute
had been governed since its creation in 2002, which was under the jurisdiction of
SEP (LINEE, 2013). INEE’s mission was to generate the framework for assessing
students, teachers, principals and policies in order to provide sectoral information
which had been historically lacking (LINEE, 2013; World Bank, 2018). The INEE
had five main functions:
1. Assessment of the educational sector (LINEE, 2013).

2. Coordination of the National System for Educational Evaluation (SNEE), com-
prising the SEP, the AELs, unions, teachers, parents and the private sector (World
Bank, 2018).
3. Creation of guidelines and framework to evaluate teachers, principals, policies
and programs (UNESCO, 2017).
4. Publication and analysis of evaluation results.
5. Analysis of policies implemented by the SEP with the authority to ask questions
and make recommendations that must be addressed by the SEP.
This institutional framework to measure teacher performance provided a founda-
tion on which the RE’s assessment component would be built.
INEE rubric for ideal teacher performance. The reform explicitly defined a
high-quality educator using INEE’s framework, across two dimensions: curricular
and didactic knowledge and lesson and course planning. The curricular and didactic
knowledge dimension described the ideal primary school teacher as the following:
An ideal level-four teacher recognizes the key stages and trajectory of children’s development
and learning processes, keeping in mind the important influences that family, society and
culture have on their students. They recognize the importance of the formative nature of learn-
ing goals and demonstrate knowledge of school and curricular content. They know how to
measure progression such that it promotes student achievement and results in the attainment
of learning goals. Ideal teachers recognize the characteristics of didactic approaches incor-
porated into a curriculum that is based on pedagogical references. They identify strategies
aimed at improving their own professional development (INEE, 2018b, p. 7).
The lesson and course planning dimension described the ideal primary school
teacher as the following:
A level-four or ideal teacher argues about how to link the individual characteristics of students
to their sociocultural, school and family contexts, in order to enhance the probability that
achievement goals are met while students experience learning environments that motivate
them to learn. Such teachers are able to explain evaluations and feedback methods that they
use with students to improve their learning. When reflecting on the results of their practice,
level-four teachers legitimize their actions based on accepted philosophical, normative and
ethical principles that regulate the teaching profession. In addition, they offer arguments
in favor of the strategies to enrich their professional development and teaching capacity,
and explain clearly how new techniques can be operationalized to strengthen their students’
learning expectations (INEE, 2018b, p. 6).
Four levels of teacher evaluation. Teacher evaluation was divided into four
categories: initial teacher assessment (ingreso), continued teacher assessment
(permanencia), performance recognition assessment (reconocimiento) and career
progression assessment to advance within the SPD (promoción).
Initial teacher assessment. Before the reform, graduates from teacher training
colleges, which were the only institutions that could train teachers, were ensured
teaching positions (Reimers, 2018). Teacher training colleges have shifted over time
from being equivalent to a secondary education to being equivalent to an undergrad-
uate degree (Reimers, 2018). The reform instituted requirements to restrict entry
into the profession for candidates with the best results on the initial teacher assess-
ment, regardless of previous training (SNTE, 2015). Today, degrees in primary or
secondary education as well as pedagogy are all viable entryways into the profession.
The reform reimagined a teachers’ role from a mere transmitter of knowledge to
a facilitator of learning, an active participant in the academic environment and a key
driver in creating harmony among students and the school community (SEP, 2017a).
All teachers who passed the entrance evaluation were expected to demonstrate these
competencies. The results of a national assessment are reviewed to ensure that only
the most prepared teachers are selected and allowed to retain positions (SEP, 2017a).
This procedure is meant to eradicate the nepotism, favoritism and low standards that
had earlier permeated the profession. Previously, any graduate of a teacher voca-
tional school was guaranteed a position without having to pass an exam. Professional
development was vital in helping teachers who had attained positions through the
old system in updating their skills and conforming to new standards. It was also key
to ensuring teachers who entered the profession through the new system continued
to meet the established benchmarks.
Continued teacher assessment. Continued teacher assessment became one of the
defining characteristics of the reform. It was introduced to evaluate the competencies
of teachers who were already part of the country’s teaching force and dictated if they
would keep their teaching position (Nuño Mayer, 2018). It is important to note that
teachers had three opportunities to pass this exam, which consisted of a questionnaire
as well as a test of subject knowledge (INEE 2018). If teachers were unable to pass
the exam after a third attempt, they would not be removed from the teaching force
altogether, but they would no longer be able to teach in the classroom. This applied
only to teachers who had entered the profession through the entrance exam in 2015,
not to those that had already secured a position (LGSPD, 2013). This exam arguably
generated the most controversy and opposition from specific factions of teachers
and the union. Insufficient performance on the initial two attempts on this type
of assessment did not lead to immediate removal from the classroom, but instead
mandated that teachers who did not pass receive professional development to bolster
their performance.
Performance recognition assessment. Evaluation for recognition of performance
had three objectives (LGSPD, 2013). First, it would recognize and support individual
teachers as well as schools in their pedagogical activities. Second, it would introduce
temporary or one-time incentives. Any monetary recognition was awarded with con-
sideration of student outcomes as well as the socioeconomic status of the school in
which the teachers were placed. Finally, it would link professional development to
incentives so that even the highest achieving teachers were encouraged to improve
their skills.
Career progression within the SPD. In addition to advancing horizontally in the
teaching profession through performance recognition, educators in Mexico may also
pursue leadership roles. There are great disparities worldwide in candidates’ knowl-
edge of and preparation for school leadership positions (Chapman & International
Institute for Educational Planning, 2005). All principals, ATPs and supervisors in the
Mexican educational system possess at least 2 years of classroom experience and have
either completed teacher vocational school or earned a degree in education (LGSPD,

2013). The LGSPD states that principals plan, program, execute and evaluate school
functions; organize and support teachers, perform administrative work and facilitate
communication between schools, families and mentors (LGSPD, 2013). The reform
reimagines the principal’s role as not just administrative but aligned with 21CC and
better equipped to implement the NME.
The INEE follows a four-level rubric to analyze each assessment, with each level
indicating better preparation. This rubric outlines the specific abilities candidates
must possess in order to be ranked at each level. The process for ATP and supervisors
follows the same logic (SEP, 2017b). This rubric provides guidance for the ideal type
of professional development to offer.
Level 1 indicates a lack of knowledge of school workings, underdeveloped man-
agement skills and poor curricular knowledge. Level 2 shows better, but still basic,
familiarity with management skills and school functions as well as a rudimentary
knowledge of curriculum. Level 3 corresponds to a familiarity with school work-
ings and the role of the principal, but inability to create fully-formed collaborative
and inclusive school environments. Level 4 describes mastery of the fundamentals
of school work and management as well as firm knowledge of curriculum, best
classroom practices and mechanisms to improve teaching; this level describes can-
didates who have the ability to create collaborative and inclusive work environments
and identify actions to connect the school to families, the community and other
institutions, such as businesses and non-profit organizations (INEE, 2017).
Educator training and professional development. Training and professional
development for teachers and principals can be categorized as initial teacher training,
in-service teacher training, initial principal training and continuous principal training.
Initial teacher training. The RE mandated that all incoming teachers demonstrate
mastery of the skills necessary to teach the new curriculum published as part of the
NME (LGSPD, 2013), even though it would not be published until years later. In order
to accomplish this lofty goal, the SPD emphasized the need to start implementing
the NME curriculum goals in the early stages of both vocational schools and other
degree programs (LGSPD, 2013). In previous attempts at reform, introduction to
new curricular content was done years after teacher training had taken place, causing
misalignment between teacher skills and what teachers were expected to teach (SEP,
2017d). The reform included an innovation in the initial teacher training with the
introduction of a degree with a focus on primary education. This created an additional
path into the profession and helped break the monopoly the teacher training colleges
had held on the selection and promotion of teachers (Mexicanos Primero, 2018).
Very few changes have been implemented in teacher training colleges (escuelas
normales), making it difficult to satisfy the essential components of content for the
Model for Teacher Education (modelo de educación normal) (Consejo Asesor, 2014).
Fulfilling the model’s ambitious goals means diversifying training approaches in
teacher preparation programs to incorporate pedagogy that explicitly includes 21CC,
an essential component of the NME. Effective professional development would also
close the gap in skills between a teacher rated at Level 2, the minimum passing score
and one rated at Level 4, the ideal benchmark.
In-service teacher training. In-service training is provided by a mixed system:
a series of online and lecture-based teacher workshops, which reached 1.2 million
teachers to prepare them to teach the new curriculum (Granados Roldán, 2018a),
peer-to-peer instruction, discussion of the teaching practice and experience, and
learning-through-action mechanisms. CTEs were the fundamental spaces for the new
policy of in-service teacher training and development. Beginning in 2013, the SEP
set aside monthly four-hour sessions that took place eight times a year so that teachers
and principals could plan collaboratively, follow-up with students on school projects
and activities, and develop research-based pedagogical abilities (Mexicanos Primero,
2018). The focus of the CTE expanded from training within schools to professional
development between schools in hopes of creating a network of educators that could
share best practices throughout communities (SEP, 2015). Chronologically, this form
of training was harder to implement. Although it was promoted at the same time that
the LGSPD and LGE were published, the mechanism took longer to become the
norm (Reyes, 2018; Schmelkes, 2018).
4.5 Second Axis: The New Educational Model as a Tool

for Educators
The NME was a comprehensive approach to changing the educational system in

order to address the new challenges of the twenty-first century (SEP, 2017e). Major
changes introduced by the NME had a profound impact on teacher professional
development because they meant altering or adapting existing resources to be aligned
with the goals of this new model. Because educating the whole child is a holistic
endeavor requiring systemic alignment, the NME was centered in five key areas:
(1) the curriculum, as outlined in the document Aprendizajes Clave; (2) schools to
the center, which encompasses teachers, the SPD and teacher training colleges; (3)
initial and continuous teacher and principal training; (4) equity, which emphasized
education as a human right that was not constrained to schooling, but rather viewed
as a lifelong learning process; and (5) governance (SEP, 2016).
The NME’s curriculum emphasized 11 primary skills that students must develop
in the new national education system which fall under three categories: Fields of
Academic Knowledge, Areas of Social and Personal Development, and Spheres for
Curricular Autonomy (SEP, 2017a). Teacher and principal assessment rubrics and
training goals were, in theory, oriented around the ability to teach and internalize
these 11 skills. Some of the innovations that were included in this new approach
that transformed all the schooling process from pre-school to higher education were:
socio-emotional education, a bilingual approach that promoted learning in the child’s
mother language, a focus on diversity which implied specific goals for individual
needs and a promotion of personal and social development.
The NME presented a set of standards and new curricula that represented a novel
approach to achieving learning objectives by emphasizing questions, projects and
problems which consider the real interests of students and promote personal research,
collaborative learning and flipped classroom models (SEP, 2017a). It was a shift in
the way the educational system worked because it placed the student at its center
(SEP, 2017a) by defining clear learning outcomes as well as ensuring that teachers,
teachers in management positions and principals played a new role that envisioned
the teacher as a facilitator of key abilities to develop well-rounded students.
The NME established a new pedagogy and stated learning outcomes, new assess-
ments for learners, and a new approach to share this with parents, while also allow-
ing for adaptability to the different socio-economic, cultural, regional and linguistic
contexts throughout Mexico (Granados Roldán, 2018b; SEP, 2018).
In 2017, the SEP published the NME curriculum after consultation with national
stakeholders. The 2014 “National Consultation on the Educational Model” included
18 regional and three national forums with 28,000 participants in total, including both
the general public and experts. This generated 15,000 proposals and four documents
totaling 1,943 pages (Nuño Mayer, 2018; Díaz-Barriga, 2018), which received input
and feedback from universities, CTEs and CTZs (Nuño Mayer, 2018). The theoretical
foundations of the reform are compiled in Key Learnings for Educating the Whole
Child, which outlines the new curriculum and suggests pedagogical innovations and
guidelines for their implementation into the classroom (SEP, 2017a).
4.6 Third Axis: Professional Development, Dialogue

and Community Involvement
In order to catalyze a shift in the educational community paradigm, the reform moved
away from requiring state-mandated mechanisms for meeting curricular goals and
entrusted schools with the responsibility for communal strategizing to meet student
learning objectives. This was designed to give more autonomy to schools in order to
customize instructional methods and better meet the specific needs of their students.
The reform instituted the previously mentioned CTEs, CTZs, in addition to the SATE
and CONAPASEs, as programs to promote information-sharing, mutual learning
and communal goal-setting among local school stakeholders. The inclusion of these
new mechanisms in the school ecosystem allowed for professional development and
teaching practices that focused more concretely on learning through collaboration
with other educators and schools.
SATE were organized to improve school functioning and promote teacher and
principal best practices across regions via support, assessment and monitoring of
individualized professional development, knowledge, skills and capacities. A key
provision of SATE’s goal of facilitating peer-to-peer knowledge exchange was a
mentorship program between senior and beginning teachers, an arrangement that
had been lacking in previous training (SEP, 2017b).
CONAPASEs sought to create learning communities where all stakeholders in the

educational community were represented. Both school leaders and families would
come together to foster co-responsibility in the learning and holistic development
of students. To do so, they would participate in the design and implementation of
a school improvement plan, development of a productive learning atmosphere, and
vigilance of proper school management and operations. This equipped educators
with opportunities to better develop the skills that would allow them to reach the
level 4 indicator.
4.7 Analysis of the Implementation of the RE’s Theory

of Change
Countries must address political constraints to realize a reform’s objectives and break
out of low-learning equilibriums (World Bank, 2018). The reform instituted gover-
nance mechanisms to recover the state’s control of educational systems from teachers’
unions and empower communities to participate in the educational processes, such
as the establishment of the SPD, new pathways into teaching positions and the four
types of assessments that ensure a merit-based system of entry and advancement.
By shifting influence and decision-making from unions to the state, the reform’s
implementation threatened privileges that teachers had historically enjoyed, such as
the abililty to inherite or sell teaching positions or awarding principal positions to
those who demonstrated loyalty to the union. The challenge, then, was fashioning a
new model that did not appear punitive of teachers. This was vital to ensure buy-in
from a stakeholder who had both high interest in and influence over the execution of
the reform (Bardach, 2012).
The two necessary elements to any reform or intervention are the program the-
ory, which details stated outcomes and the inputs necessary to achieving those out-
comes and the processes which are expected to produce those outcomes, and the
implementation theory, which indicates the series of actions that must be imple-
mented to accomplish the theory and its expected outputs (Kemmerer, 1994). In
the case of the reform, there was a fundamental misalignment between elements of
the reform’s program theory, modernization of the education system to align to the
21CC, and its implementation theory, for the state to regain control of the sector
by assessments. This misalignment, compounded by resistance from some mem-
bers, specifically the CNTE in the southern states, of the educational community as
well as the improper functioning of organisms meant to promote cooperation and
interconnectedness, prevented the reform from fully achieving its goal of improving
educational quality and equipping all students with 21CC for success in the modern
world.
4.8 Analysis of the First Axis: Evaluation as an Indicator

for Professional Development
The architects of the reform designed an implementation theory that instituted rigor-
ous teacher and principal evaluation and created a framework for educator selection
and promotion. The program theory, then, was to develop a better-trained teaching
force and a transparent process for entry into and promotion within the profession.
Additionally, the program theory hinged on an effective system of professional devel-
opment that would support educators at all junctures of their careers. Finally, it was a
direct attempt to break the stranglehold that the labor unions enjoyed over the sector
for decades. However, several obstacles prevented this vision from coming into full
fruition.
Both a desire to take immediate action after the Pact for Mexico had been
announced and a restrictive legal framework meant that the evaluation was the first
measure implemented by the reform as was mandated in the transitory articles of the
LGE (LGE, 2013). While a top-down approach, which was the result of an agreement
between the political parties represented in Congress, necessitated decisive action,
this did not allow time for a more extended consultation period that could have pro-
vided teachers with a clearer understanding of what the reform sought to accomplish.
Moreover, these consultations took place after the laws were published and focused
on the NME and the curriculum, not on the laws (Consejo Asesor, 2014; CIDE,
2016). Although it is true that many different mechanisms were used to promote
dialogue, they came too late. The unnecessarily accelerated pace at which teacher
evaluation proceeded reinforced the perception that the RE was punitive, undermin-
ing the efforts of the 2014 and 2016 forums conducted by the University of Baja
California and the CIDE respectively, which were created to gather the input of all
key stakeholders. The positive outcomes of teacher assessment to enhance profes-
sional development were never properly explained, which gave more weight to the
voice of teachers who opposed the RE (Schmelkes, 2018). That is, the group of edu-
cators that did object to the evaluations felt as if they were the targets of mandates
and directives rather than collaborators in the authorship of the reform because of
the timing of the reform’s implementation (Tirado, 2018).
The permanencia exam, which determined whether a teacher could keep his or her
position, was misaligned and only exacerbated the larger perception that evaluations
were a form of punishment, rather than an avenue through which to improve. In
fact, since the reform’s implementation, the idea of evaluation has been consistently
used by its detractors to attack the reform as disrespectful of teachers and more
of a labor reform than an educational reform (Granados Roldán, 2018a). Crucially,
SEP’s framework never secured the backing of the SNTE, and was in fact the target of
substantial criticism and the subject of widespread resistance (Reimers, 2018). This
lack of acceptance clouded the perception of assessment, not just as a mechanism
of the reform, but in the sector as a whole, which had far-reaching consequences,
including Lopez-Obrador’s decision to dismantle the INEE (Lopez Obrador, 2018).
It should be noted that these mechanisms had different levels of acceptance from
the teachers and schools. While the CTEs were widely implemented and quickly
became a fundamental space for teachers to collectively discuss their experience in
classroom and improvements to their pedagogy, other mechanisms were not well
received (Mexicanos Primero, 2018). Although the provision of evaluation did not
satisfy all parties involved, it is important to reiterate that there was acceptance from
teachers throughout the country, with more than 500,000 teachers to be assessed in
the first 2 years of the implementation (Granados Roldán, 2018b). A survey regarding
satisfaction of teachers shows the type of in-service training they received as well as
how happy they were with it. The results of this survey suggest that there is perhaps
enough acceptance of evaluation of educational activities to continue to form part of
the educational landscape in Mexico under future administrations.
4.9 Analysis of the Second Axis: The New Educational

Model as a Tool for Educators
While the reformed curriculum incorporates cognitive competencies as well as intrap-

ersonal and interpersonal skills, there is still a clear imbalance in favor of the first
two of these three categories. This suggests that, while the NME standards have
pushed for the development of cognitive competencies, the skill area which most
closely correlates to traditional conceptions of school learning, it has also catalyzed
the development of competencies found in the intrapersonal skill area. In contrast,
leadership abilities, which embody the interpersonal skill area, are not similarly prior-
itized. However, educators were not explicitly trained to deliver the new pedagogical
approaches to transmit these specific new skills to learners.
INEE rubrics. Mexico’s reform made an explicit effort to align its curricular goals
with the 21CC, but a more concerted effort to develop interpersonal skills would have
created more balance between the three categories and would have more explicitly
emphasized collaboration and leadership for twenty-first century education. Only
candidates achieving the criteria of Level 4 on the INEE rubrics, and to a lesser
extent Level 3, display the capacities that fully realize the reform’s expectations, and
the ability to incorporate the 21CC into the NME. However, since Level 2 is the
passing grade, teachers and educational leaders are selected even though they don’t
possess the attributes of an ideal educator. This highlights the necessity of promoting
professional development so that an increasing number of educators can achieve the
Level 4 standard.
Recent data show that 52% of 134,009 applicants were hired (Granados Roldán,
2018b). These numbers reflect a large pool from which to select the most-qualified
candidates, but existing data does not show what portion of these 52% scored at
Level 3 or 4. More evidence would have made clear how many candidates are at
the ideal benchmark and how much additional training is needed to improve the
preparedness of the application pool. In spite of advances in explicitly incorporating
21CC into the NME, many criticized the reform for lacking the mechanisms to ensure
that 21CC were taught (Cordero et al., 2017). Although the NME is predicated on
student-centered learning, the same concept is not applied to teacher and principal
training.
4.10 Analysis of the Third Axis: Professional Development,

Dialogue and Community Involvement
In order to shift the paradigm of the educational community, the reform employed
the intertwined strategies of instituting accountability standards, loosening central
government control and providing schools with greater decision-making power as
well as better prepared leaders. It facilitated exchange of ideas and best practices
via continuous professional development and community learning spaces (Reyes,
2018).
Online training and lectures trained large numbers of educators but did not account
for peer-to-peer interactions or learning through action, which were a staple of the
reform’s understanding and teaching of the 21CC.
TALIS found that close to 90% of teachers participated in SATE training work-
shops. Out of those, 20% of teachers reported that they did not feel prepared to teach
the required content (OECD, 2014). Other programs focused more on the strength-
ening of interpersonal competencies in teacher training, but these were much less
utilized.
Teachers reported satisfaction with the program, which created a school learning
plan in 170,000 out of the 200,000 CTEs established with a close collaboration
between the teachers and principals (Velasco and Treviño, 2018). In sum, CTEs
were acknowledged as welcome learning spaces, but few concrete action plans came
out of these meetings (Schmelkes, 2018). SATE were meant to reorganize the ATPs,
which ended up with a more administrative role than pedagogical, even though that
is what the reform had sought to achieve. The short implementation span, which
began in 2017, did not allow for them to be correctly understood, leaving them as a
task yet to be fulfilled (Bonilla-Rius, 2019).
Additionally, the potential effectiveness of these learning spaces was severely
hampered by inconsistent implementation. While some schools were able to put into
practice these bodies, others were reluctant to adopt them. To bridge this gap, the SEP
tried to make the above-mentioned mechanisms more widely accepted by promoting
the use of guidelines and conducting the meetings for them to become actual spaces
for co-learning (Reyes, 2018). However, instead of enhancing the dialogue and reflec-
tion about teaching practices, government involvement added to bureaucratic tasks
for teachers and principals, which made the educational community resent these
initiatives more (Schmelkes, 2018).
4.11 Advances and Shortcomings of Professional

Development in the Reform
A retrospective look at the reform allows for a more holistic analysis that accounts for
how the main actors in the educational system reacted to the core tenets of the reform.
The principal achievements and pitfalls of the professionalization of educators in the
reform provide lessons for other countries and have broad implications for large-scale
educational reform efforts.
4.12 The Curricular Component of the Reform
The reform sought to infuse the NME’s curriculum with 21CC that would catalyze
learning and equip Mexican students with the breadth of skills necessary to succeed
in the current century. However, the lack of established in-service training programs
for teachers was a prime obstacle to achieving this goal. The Level 2 passing score
on the entrance exam for teachers and principals required that educators possess a
moderate level of cognitive and intrapersonal competencies, but did not establish the
same requirement for interpersonal skills required in the curriculum. This made it
even more difficult for students to acquire these skills. The new in-service teacher
training delivered via the CTEs was a prime opportunity for intentionally developing
interpersonal skills, but the lack of sufficient presence from and acceptance of ATPs
made it difficult for the CTEs to remedy this specific problem.
4.13 Evaluation and Its Impact on Professional

Development
An order of implementation that began with laws was logical, but placing evaluation
before training only reinforced the narrative of some union factions that the reform
was setting up teachers to fail. The evaluation for continuing teachers and the pro-
visions around it were particularly problematic given that the multiple opportunities
to pass, and its consequences of removal from the classroom but not the school, may
not have been properly understood by all teachers. Better articulating the provisions
of this specific evaluation may have helped to soften the blow and make the reform
more palatable to teachers.
The task of replacing a decade-long teacher selection and promotion process with
a new model was challenging, especially in the face of a powerful teachers union.
Nonetheless, implementation of evaluations was a step in the right direction. Assess-
ments were used to control entry into the profession, assign appropriate in-service
training, incentivize exemplary teachers with better compensation, remove underper-
forming educators from the classroom and promote teachers, both within the teaching
track and to positions of leadership. Teachers who reached a “sufficient” grade were
not mandated to take part in certain professional development opportunities. This
did not go far enough in actively promoting continued improvement and disrupting
any remaining complacency in the profession.
In any case, it is important to again emphasize that not all teachers objected to the
RE. In fact, many teachers welcomed the performance evaluation, as evidenced by
strong and increased participation in these evaluations. Regardless of this, the nar-
rative advanced by the unions was one that characterized the reform as disrespectful
toward teachers, a difficult message to counter. In fact, neither the INEE nor the
SEP was successful in doing so. Perhaps even more importantly, the architects of the
reform were unable to break through the image that they were creating a construct
that confined teachers rather than communicating directly with educators in order to
forge a path forward. While teachers are arguably the stakeholders most affected by
any educational reform, the perception of the reform advanced by its detractors was
that teachers were not a central part of its planning.
4.14 Key Lesson: Dedicated Professional Development

Spaces with Teacher Input
A critical lesson from the reform is the importance of intentionality in dedicating both
time and space to professional development. The CTEs and CONAPASEs were essen-
tial spaces for teachers to share best practices, develop pedagogy and engage in the
governance of and planning for school communities. Ultimately, bureaucratic obsta-
cles and inconsistent implementation prevented CTEs from achieving their maximum
potential. CTEs often became groups for completing administrative responsibilities
as opposed to promoting in-service teacher training, especially without a fully staffed
and trained ATP. An ATP dedicated to meeting NME and teacher needs as revealed by
assessment results may have been more impactful in removing bureaucratic red tape
and ensuring consistent implementation across schools. While teachers participated
in the consultation process and their input often led to the reimagining of specific
aspects of the NME, a more concerted effort to shore up teacher professional devel-
opment may have helped to avoid some of the problems that arose with the CTEs
and could have resulted in a type of in-service training that was immediately aligned
with curricular needs and teacher skill gaps, minimized bureaucracy and maximized
participation through multiple stakeholder buy-in. Different actors in the education
sector, especially teachers, have to be heard in all stages of the process from the
design, to the implementation, and evaluation in a continuous manner. Ultimately,
this was the cardinal lesson of the reform: it is essential to consult educators and
include their input into any substantial reforms.
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Chapter 5
Building Teacher Capacity
at the Telangana Social Welfare
Residential Educational Institution
Society
Tanya Kant, Aditi Nangia, Usha Nikita Satish and Aarya Shinde
Abstract In this chapter, we explore the effects of teacher professional development

on student achievement at a high-performing public school network in Telangana,
India. The school network is the Telangana Social Welfare Residential Educational
Institutions Society (TSWREIS). The aim of TSWREIS is to address some of the
challenges that students from marginalized castes face when obtaining an education.
Our examination of this school network will include an overview of the current
public education system in India, caste-based discrimination, program description,
teacher and principal development description, and the integration of twenty-first
century skills into the school network’s curriculum. These core components highlight
what makes TSWREIS successful in its mission to provide a quality education to
marginalized students. A concluding section discusses the key enablers of that allow
the project to have stable leadership and a sharp focus on their vision and goals, rather
than the instability that reforms sometime face because of change in leadership.
5.1 Introduction
In this chapter, we will examine a network of social welfare schools in Telangana,

India, paying close attention to the effects of teacher professional development on
student outcomes. The school system that we analyze is the Telangana Social Welfare
Residential Educational Institutions Society (TSWREIS). This school system aims
to address the education inequality faced by millions of Indians due to caste-based
discrimination. The network emerged in response to the failure of the public education
sector in Andhra Pradesh, the state in which Telangana originated, to offer adequate
educational opportunities to children from lower castes. TSWREIS is thus focused on
providing such high-quality educational opportunities to students from marginalized
communities in Telangana, India.
T. Kant (B) · A. Nangia · U. N. Satish · A. Shinde

52 Dover Street, Somerville, MA 02144, USA
e-mail: tanyakant@gse.harvard.edu

88 T. Kant et al.
We begin our analysis by first providing social and political context of India and
an overview of the education landscape in Telangana. We then describe the core
elements of the TSWREIS model as well as the school network’s theory of change
that undergirds its approach to teacher professional development. We also focus on
how teacher and school leadership development contributes to the success of the
TSWREIS model. We conclude with key lessons learned from the analysis of this
reform and its components.
5.2 Public Education in India
The Indian public school system educates over 12 million students of different faiths,
beliefs and socio-economic status, making it one of the largest and most diverse
school systems in the world. Over the last two decades, the public school system in
India has expanded rapidly with policies like the Right to Free and Compulsory Edu-
cation Act (RTE, 2009), which ensured that children, regardless of socio-economic
status, are able to attend public schools for free.
However, the progress made on expanding access to education has not been
matched in the improvement of the quality of education being provided. Public
schools across India still struggle to meet the infrastructural criteria specified in the
RTE, with many schools still not having regular access to fresh drinking water, func-
tional toilets or running electricity. These roadblocks have negative implications on
student learning and student performance. On top of these challenges, certain groups
of students within the system also face the burden of caste-based discrimination.
5.3 Understanding Caste-Based Discrimination
The caste system in India distinguishes people within the Hindu society into four
categories based on occupation and social status. Ascription to a particular caste is
hereditary and cannot be changed as a result of the desires, effort or ability of an
individual. Because occupation is related to membership in a particular caste, the
system has historically limited access to jobs and other development opportunities
for members of the lower castes. Until a couple of decades ago, lower caste or the
shudras and the dalits lived in the periphery of cities or villages without access to
basic human or education rights.
In attempts to make amends and redress the inequalities caused by the caste
system, the Indian Constitution outlawed caste-based discrimination and launched
India’s affirmative action program in 1950. This program reserved seats in the legis-
lature, government jobs and in public higher education institutions to increase partic-
ipation from individuals from marginalized communities, which were re-grouped as
Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST) and Other Backward Classes (OBC).
While this bill improved access for some members of these communities, the stigma
5 Building Teacher Capacity at the Telangana Social Welfare … 89
associated with lower castes was not eliminated. Thus, caste-based discrimination
still prevailed in overt and covert ways, often manifesting itself in the form of barriers
to basic education and equal employment opportunities.
5.4 Inception of TSWREIS
As a response to the prevalent inequalities based on social classes in the society,

in 1984, a network of social welfare schools was established in Andhra Pradesh
to provide free, high-quality residential education to students belonging to the SC,
ST and OBC. The creation of such a space for minority communities in the state
was led by S. R. Sankaran, a bureaucrat in the Indian Administrative Services who
established the Andhra Pradesh Social Welfare Residential Schools and promoted
policies that empowered the SC community. At a time when the Indian government
had made limited efforts to increase enrolment in public schools, the establishment
of these schools ensured that students from SC, ST and OBC communities had access
to free, good quality education from grades fifth through twelfth. (TSWREIS Note
2, 2018).
A significant shift in the system occurred in 2014 when the state of Telangana
splintered from Andhra Pradesh, which caused the existing network of social welfare
schools to split, giving rise to the Telangana Social Welfare schools (TSWREIS) as
a separate entity. The social welfare schools in Telangana came under the leader-
ship of Dr. R. S. Praveen Kumar, a bureaucrat with the Indian Police Services, who
became the Secretary of the TSWREIS network and steered the institution toward
innovation, excellence and improved accountability. Before assuming his role as the
Secretary, Dr. Kumar had studied at the Kennedy School of Government at Har-
vard University where he cross-registered ed in a course on comparative education
policy at the Harvard Graduate School of Education. His education at the Harvard
Kennedy School inspired him to employ diverse strategies to improve the social
welfare schools.
A key factor that aided initial progress within the TSWREIS system was govern-
mental support. In the newly formed state of Telangana, Chief Minister K. Chan-
drasekhar Rao supported the expansion of social welfare schools and supported the
opening of 103 social welfare schools and 30 residential degree colleges for women
in the academic year 2016–2017. As a result of such support, as of 2019, TSWREIS
runs 268 residential educational institutions from grade five to undergraduate level
in Telangana and caters to almost one hundred and thirty thousand students from the
SC community. This level of outreach has ensured that over the last three decades,
students from the SC community, who would have earlier not attended school or
attended schools without basic facilities, now have the opportunity to access good
quality schooling. The TSWREIS network is also supported by the Ministry of Sched-
uled Caste Development in Telangana which provides essential support in terms of
funding and resources to allow the school network to expand. By 2022, the network
hopes to enroll one million students in the social welfare schools across Telangana
(P. Kumar, personal communication, Dec. 04, 2018).
90 T. Kant et al.
In the following section, we analyze the internal coherence of the TSWREIS model
by evaluating its theory of change using Carol Weiss’ framework, as explained in the
working paper compiled by McCoy and Schindler (2017). The analysis will focus on
four key areas: ultimate outcomes, intervention activities, mediating processes and
moderators.
5.5.1 Ultimate Outcomes
The TSWREIS schools have a clear vision to develop an institution that can impart
quality education to students belonging to marginalized communities in order to
promote equality of choice and opportunities.
5.5.2 Intervention Activities
One of the key strengths of the TSWREIS system is the focus on improving the per-
formance of the different actors composing the school system. Over the last six years,
they have progressively improved their interventions for teachers, students and prin-
cipals and have partnered with multiple external organizations, which is a practice
that is still gaining momentum in the rest of the government school systems across
the country. Their focus on improving the school network is evident in their efforts
to build the capacity of their teachers and principals while seeking support from
external organizations that are experts in their fields.
Their intervention activities for teacher training and development constitute pre-
service and in-service training of teachers. While the pre-service training runs for
ten days, the in-service training component is delivered over the course of an aca-
demic year. The second type of intervention activity is professional development for
school leaders. Over the last three years, several cohorts of principals have undergone
training and coaching in key aspects of instructional leadership provided by India
School Leadership Institute (ISLI), a non-governmental organization that aims to
build capacity and develop strategies for improving student learning outcomes and
overall school performance. Another type of intervention is parental engagement and
collaboration. The school system provides multiple opportunities for parents to be
involved in their children’s education, such as having an open channel for parents
and teachers to share information and concerns and having programs like home visits
by teachers to maintain strong community engagement, even when the parents live
far away.
The last intervention that leaves an impact on the quality of education provided in
these schools is the curriculum design for the school network. While the academic
curriculum being followed in the schools is the same as that in the rest of the state
(Andhra Pradesh State Curriculum), the TSWREIS model has additional provisions
in terms of co-curricular activities and opportunities to promote whole-child devel-
opment. This intervention has increased students’ learning time beyond school hours
and provides students with the opportunities for physical and co-curricular activities,
both before and after school, and during the summer vacation in an attempt to provide
students with a holistic education.
5.5.3 Mediating Process
For teacher preparation, the mediating process supporting the intervention includes
different levels of strategy meetings that are held throughout the academic year
to promote information exchange between the leadership and the teaching staff.
For principal development, the accompanying mediating processes consist of the
training sessions led by representatives from ISLI, along with monthly inspections
and monitoring by regional coordinators. To improve the instructional leadership
capacity within the school network, the schools have partnered with Aavishkaar, an
organization that improves teacher knowledge and pedagogy for teaching conceptual
math and science lessons. For parental engagement, the supplementing mediating
processes include efforts such as end-of semester home visits as part of the QUEST
initiative, which provides a platform for the teachers to share progress reports with
parents. Another set of mediating process that is put in place to enhance stakeholder
engagement is the interaction camp that is organized to initiate discussions on the art
of effective parenting and opportunities available for their students to explore after
school, among other topics of discussion.
5.5.4 Moderators
Some of the key moderators that enable the TSWREIS system to function effectively
stem from the very design of the initiative. Since the TSWREIS schools are residential
in nature, the first benefit they gain is additional instruction time. Another resource
that the school systems gain is in the form of additional funding, which comes in
from both the state government and the Ministry of Scheduled Caste Development.
The government spends approximately one lakh rupees (approximately fourteen hun-
dred US dollars) per child per year (G. Varkey, personal communication, September
28, 2018). This level of expenditure roughly matches the investment that an average
middle-income family would make on private school education in the country.
92 T. Kant et al.
5.5.5 Implicit Assumptions
The TSWREIS model functions with several implicit assumptions about how the
inputs it delivers produce the expected outputs. For instance, the teacher training
and development model is based on the assumption that investing in teacher training
modules will improve teacher knowledge. Similarly, implicit in the initiatives taken
to build teacher–parent interactions is the assumption that regular discussion about
student and school performance will help reduce information asymmetry, thereby
promoting a culture of trust and collaboration between the parties.
The next section describes the intervention programs for teachers, principals
and curriculum development in greater detail, along with a comparative analysis
of TSWREIS’ approach on each of these components with contemporary frame-
works that outline a vision for strong teaching and school leadership. The section
will also assess the impact of these programs on the larger TSWREIS school system
and improvements in student outcomes.
5.6 Program Description: Principal Development
TSWREIS’ principal recruitment, training and development are aimed at ensuring

that principals are effective administrative leaders. The recruitment criteria require
that the candidates have at least eight to ten years of teaching experience and the
hiring takes place either from within the teaching staff or through external recruit-
ment. The selected candidates are trained in school administration, school finance,
record keeping and instructional expertise. The responsibilities of the principals
on the ground are structured such that a majority of their time is spent on school
administration, including duties such as monitoring student boarding and nutrition,
data analysis for assessments, teacher development through meetings and obser-
vations, parent engagement and implementing programs as directed by TSWREIS
office. They have opportunities to provide instructional inputs to the teachers; how-
ever, these are often generic and not subject-specific, given that they may not have
advanced subject expertise required for coaches in grades ninth through twelfth. For
this purpose, their work in instructional leadership is supported by regional coordi-
nators. Overall, the tasks undertaken by the principals and vice-principals are heavily
focused on administration, management and conducting the activities mentioned in
the TSWREIS calendar of events, rather than being aligned to the students’ reality
and the school’s vision and long-term goals (Telangana Social Welfare Residential
Educational Institutions Society Calendar of Events, 2018).
In contrast, Singapore’s Leaders in Education Program (LEP), which develops
principals’ abilities to create a strong school culture, navigates diversity in student
demographics and works on hands-on projects. While the LEP empowers principals
to be adaptable, flexible and helps them be ready to analyze the needs of the school
and tailor national policies to the school’s context, the TSWREIS training heavily
focuses on the principal’s abilities to implement the existing policies and less on the
principal’s ability to create a vision, build a collaborative teaching team and develop
school development plans aligned to their schools needs and vision (Tan & Low,
2018). Providing the TSWREIS principals with similar skills through training and
coaching would enable them to identify needs of their schools, use data to inform
instructional and administrative decisions at schools and align their school’s activities
with their school’s context and vision. Once they are able to design interventions,
monitor progress and facilitate effective trainings, they would have the autonomy to
test solutions that work for their schools and make decisions supported by evidence.
5.7 Program Description: Teachers
Teacher development in TSWREIS includes both pre- and in-service training. Their
pre-service teacher training focuses on improving pedagogy, understanding textbook
philosophy, classroom management, effective communication in English, practical
teaching experience with feedback and opportunities to build relationships with stu-
dents and their families prior to the start of the school year. In-service training is
delivered over the academic year and includes teacher seminars, regional trainings
in innovative pedagogy, peer observations and weekly meetings to discuss focus areas
for the school and attend master classes by senior teachers within the school and intro-
duce best practices in their own teaching practice. The principals conduct weekly
school team meetings to discuss problems faced by the teachers and brainstorm
solutions for those problems.
The TSWREIS teacher training model builds upon the existing models of teacher
preparation in the country, but areas of improvement have been identified and are
being addressed through the New Quality Policy (NQP) introduced in 2016. The NQP
includes guidelines to improve the structure of in-service training and teacher eval-
uation and seeks to empower teachers to help students develop twenty-first century
skills and improve academic achievement among students. It introduced advanced
pedagogical practices in the classroom, such as flipped classroom teaching and mod-
ular teaching (cross subject, theme-based teaching) and enables the teachers to real-
ize their full potential through peer learning. The NQP also contains guidelines to
assess teachers through regional seminars and provides support to struggling teach-
ers through continuous guidance, mentorship and remedial training programs (New
Quality Policy, 2016).
While some of TSWREIS’ practices in teacher development compare well with
widely known frameworks for effective teacher practices and models for teacher
development, there are aspects that the NQP does not cover. The eight dimensions
about teaching included in the World Bank’s Systems Approach for Better Education
Results (SABER) Teachers framework (Liang, Kidwai, & Zhang, 2016) comprise
setting clear expectations for teachers, attracting the best into teaching, preparing
94 T. Kant et al.
teachers with useful training and experience, matching teachers’ skills with students’
needs, leading teachers with strong principals, monitoring teaching and learning,
supporting teachers to improve instruction and motivating teachers to perform. While
some of these components exist in the NQP framework, some core elements still
remain unaddressed. For instance, the components of NQP reward good performance,
thereby motivating teachers in TSWREIS schools to perform consistently and strive
to improve their teaching methods. Similarly, the pre-service and in-service teacher
development framework also aligns with the third, fourth and eighth goals of the
SABER-Teachers framework and ensures that teachers are empathetic toward their
students. However, a major area that is not addressed is closely matching teacher
skills with specific student needs. There is limited evidence to suggest that the teacher
training model in place is adaptable to student outcomes in the classroom.
In addition, examining the teacher development model through the wide range
of models presented in the comprehensive review of teacher professional develop-
ment models: “Teacher Professional Development—an international review of the
literature” by Villegas-Reimers (2003), we observe that TSWREIS uses observation
of excellent practice, supervision, workshops and seminars for creating opportuni-
ties for vertical growth in their model. Investing substantial resources and efforts
on teacher pedagogy has begun a move away from the prevalent practice of rote
learning in the classroom. However, the existing practices can be improved further
to include opportunities for skills development, reflection and case-based learning
to help teachers understand the continuous and evolving vision for twenty-first cen-
tury skills and receive the day-to-day support and coaching that can improve their
instruction toward holistic student learning outcomes.
5.8 Program Description: Integrated Curriculum
In the National Research Council’s report “Education for Life and Work: Developing
Transferable Knowledge and Skills in the 21st Century” James W. Pellegrino and Mar-
garet L. Hilton categorize twenty-first century competencies into three major groups:
cognitive competencies, intrapersonal competencies and interpersonal competencies,
as described in the first chapter of this book. Some of the cognitive competencies
include critical thinking, creativity, oral and written communication. Intrapersonal
skills include cultural awareness and competence, initiative, citizenship and career
orientation among others. Interpersonal skills include teamwork, negotiation, social
influence and so on.
The Telangana State Curriculum Framework (TSCF) is similar to the Andhra
Pradesh State Curriculum Framework (APSCF) created in 2011, which is based on
suggestions from the National Curriculum Framework created in 2005. The state
curriculum envisions that education will produce rational and responsible citizens
who can appreciate their heritage and become agents of social change. Subjects
taught include English, Mathematics, Science and Social Studies, Work Education,
Art and Culture, Value Education and Life Skills, Information and Communications
Technology, and Physical Education. These subjects identify learning goals as aca-
demic standards. Some of the academic standards are problem-solving, reasoning-
proof, appreciation and sensitivity, reading comprehension, information skills, citi-
zenship, creativity, community service and interpersonal communication. Compar-
ing the skills included in the Hilton-Pellegrino framework with those included in the
TSCF, we observed that the TSCF covers 75 percent of the skills in the cognitive
domain but only 50–60 percent of the competencies in the interpersonal and intrap-
ersonal domains. The curriculum has a stronger focus on traditional academics and a
thin emphasis on twenty-first century skills, such as taking initiative, meta-cognition
and self-regulation.
Although the TSCF does not include many of the skills required for living and
working in the twenty-first century, TSWREIS conducts activities beyond regular
school hours and over the summer vacation to ensure that students do have oppor-
tunities to develop these skills. For instance, the development of strong language
and communication skills is promoted through English-Plus and Writing-Plus clubs
that provide an exploratory space for the students to independently familiarize them-
selves with the English language. Their early foundation program for classes fifth and
sixth is developed in collaboration with an external partner, Karadi Path, to help new
students gain English language skills through songs, stories and other audio-visual
resources. These have helped to improve academic performance within the school.
There are also extracurricular activities that ensure that students develop different life
skills. Some of these programs include the Ignite initiative and the annual Science
Fair, which gives the students a chance to showcase their learning in widely attended
student conference. The schools also have initiatives such as the Green Gurus pro-
gram and the S. R. Sankaran super lectures, which encourage students to collaborate,
refine their communication skills and earn extra money by teaching their peers. They
have partnered with external organizations, such as Design for Change, an online
platform that promotes practical application of learning and civic engagement by
giving the students a chance to create innovative solutions for immediate problems
faced in the world (Telangana Social Welfare Residential Educational Institutions
Society Calendar of Events, 2018).
Additionally, an annual summer camp project was conceived in 2011 with the
objective of giving the students a chance to engage with a range of academic,
non-academic and athletic opportunities in order to identify their areas of interest.
Between 2011 and 2018, the camp grew in size and quality, from ten camps and eight
thousand students to reaching over forty thousand (G. Varkey, email communication,
November 30, 2018).
Although preliminary analysis suggests that the TSCF and the additional activities
conducted by TSWREIS cover most of the skills in the Hilton-Pellegrino framework,
the efforts to inculcate twenty-first century skills are dispersed and in silos. In order
to support students in developing a strong foundation of twenty-first century skills,
targeted efforts need to be directed toward infusing opportunities to develop these
skills in everyday teaching practice inside the classroom and in the extended learning
hours.
96 T. Kant et al.
5.9 Key Enablers
As a chairman of TSWREIS, the Minister of the Scheduled Caste Development

heads the society and has the authority to sanction funding for new ideas within the
project. The in-built supportive structure helps by reducing the number of stakehold-
ers involved in decision-making and supporting the implementation of new ideas and
projects. Most bureaucrats in India are given fixed term appointments to positions
at the secretary level, sometimes switching departments after just two years. The
long-term appointment of Dr. Kumar as the Secretary of TSWREIS has enabled the
project to have stable leadership and a sharp focus on their vision and goals, rather
than the instability that changes in leadership can cause.
Another factor that has supported the reform is the staff structure. TSWREIS
staff can be categorized into two levels: leadership and school staff. Their leadership
team includes regional coordinators, school principals, and senior and junior vice-
principals. The teachers in the school, based on their experience and the grades
they teach, can be categorized as senior teachers and junior teachers. The school
structure enables junior teachers to be mentored by senior teachers through master
lessons, classroom observations and feedback. Teachers’ welfare is also taken care
of by the teacher union. The teacher union under TSWREIS is a democratically
elected body that consists of senior teachers and is registered with the government.
According to Mr. George Varkey, a TSWREIS official involved in teacher training
and development, like most teacher unions, they resisted the innovative practices
and changes in teacher training when TSWREIS started to make changes to their
program. However, they soon realized that the changes were beneficial to the students
and helped achieve TSWREIS’ vision. They now function as a cooperative body that
works together with the management toward the common goal of improving student
outcomes.
Another key strength of the TSWREIS model is having spaces for the different
stakeholders to collaborate, both within the school system and outside. We examine
these partnerships on two levels: internal capacity partnerships and external capacity
partnerships. Within the school system, a collaboration between the school leader-
ship and the teachers is promoted through weekly T-plus meetings, which ensure that
the teachers are given the chance to discuss success any challenges faced through the
week with the principals. This ensures that the school administration and the school
staff are on the same page with regards to issues related to school improvement and
key decisions within the school. Collaboration between the teachers is promoted
through strategy meetings, held at the beginning of every week. During these meet-
ings, experienced teachers demonstrate model lessons across several topics for the
newer teachers on the payroll. After a week, the roles are flipped as the newer teach-
ers apply the planning and execution strategies observed previously into a sample
lesson. There is a constant feedback chain maintained throughout the process, which
helps to identify the need for remedial training (G. Varkey, personal communication,
September 28, 2018).
Another important component within the internal capacity partnerships is the

interaction between parents and teachers. Since the schools also operate as residen-
tial institutions, great emphasis is placed on ensuring that the teachers understand
the context of the students in order to provide the required personal and emotional
support. To achieve this, collaboration between teachers and parents is promoted
through home visits that the teachers have to undertake after the end of each term, in
order to understand the challenges that the students might be facing at home. These
meetings also work to improve the levels of trust between the parents and the teach-
ers (Telangana Social Welfare Residential Educational Institutions Society Calendar
of Events, 2018). Their internal feedback mechanisms, which include video confer-
ences between principals and the secretary and student councils and the secretary,
enable regular evaluation of school-level programs and give students a chance to
share some school-level feedback with the Secretary.
In terms of external partnerships, the TSWREIS schools collaborate with several
organizations working in areas such as teacher training, school leadership develop-
ment and curriculum design to leverage specialized support to supplement the state’s
efforts. For instance, two key partnerships developed to support teacher training
include those with Russell’s Spoken English and Aavishkaar. The former initiative
is undertaken to equip the teachers with strong English language and communication
skills, which is reflective of the core emphasis placed on English communication com-
ponent for the students. The second partnership with Aavishkaar, a non-governmental
organization that develops interactive methods to impart science and math education,
has been initiated since the summer of 2018 to equip the teachers with varied skills
to teach science and math for grades six and above (Telangana Social Welfare Res-
idential Educational Institutions Society Calendar of Events, 2018). Parallel to the
partnerships developed for teacher training, the TSWREIS schools also collaborate
with ISLI. This is a stepping-stone to expand the role of the school leaders within the
TSWREIS system beyond the traditional role of school principals and vice-principals
focusing exclusively on administration.
5.10 School Evaluations
School evaluations are the key in assessing whether the school is functioning up to
the standards mentioned in the reform. The Central Board of Secondary Education,
India (CBSE) conducted an evaluation of the schools managed by TSWREIS. The
CBSE rating has three levels: emergent, satisfactory and good. While there is merit in
having a multileveled evaluation model, the CBSE has not generated a robust rubric
that indicates what makes a school emergent, satisfactory or good. The CBSE has
seven performance standards that are used to assess the rating of a school, which are
outlined below and were used for evaluating the schools.
The CBSE uses seven performance standards in their evaluation. These per-
formance standards include: PS1—academic outcomes, PS2—personal and social
outcomes, PS3—teaching, learning and assessments, PS4—academic, co-academic
98 T. Kant et al.
and extracurricular inputs, PS5—health, safety, protection and guidance, PS6—

infrastructure and PS7—leadership. This evaluation was conducted for all schools,
according to their districts.
We notice that most of these schools performed between the range of emergent to
good, with an external evaluation rating as “emergent” and self-evaluation rating as
“satisfactory”. The four school reports reviewed by us indicate that those TSWREIS
score the best on “personal and social outcomes of students” and were satisfactory
in providing academic, co-academic and extracurricular inputs to students. The dif-
ference in the ratings leads us to question the process of evaluation. We notice that
the assessment used by CBSE is not a standardized assessment and does not norm
on specific criteria. For example, schools with tenth-grade passing rates of 96 and 60
percent are both given the same accreditation under academic outcomes. Similarly,
in many sections of the report, it is unclear what weight is given to various factors
in assigning a ranking. Thus, even though evaluations have been conducted, there is
no standardized assessment with clear guidance on areas of excellence and areas of
growth for the schools (Assessment and Accreditation Report, 2016–17).
Since there is no assessment of the reform yet, we can look at other results as
indicators of success of the reform. According to Dr. Kumar, six schools which
are part of TSWREIS won national-level awards in the national Design for Change
competition. Several students have successfully secured admissions in prestigious
institutes in India and internationally, in the fields of law, engineering, humanities
and science (Telangana Social Welfare Residential Educational Institutions Society
Calendar of Events, 2018). TSWREIS students have also performed well in sports,
securing medals in national and international level championships for karate, chess,
handball and regatta and scaling Mt. Renock as a group (Scaling Mount Renock,
2016). Therefore, we see some evidence of success of the reform in ways that are
not captured entirely through the external evaluation produced by the CBSE.
Lastly, a way to identify if the intended outcomes are being achieved is to analyze
results against the theory of change of the reform. It is clear that due to the oppor-
tunities provided by TSWREIS, several students from marginalized communities
have been academically successful. However, the success of TSWREIS should not
depend on a single structure or leader and should be sustainable in the way that these
sections of the society can create this change for themselves.
5.11 Lessons Learned
The TSWREIS schools have significantly improved student outcomes in comparison

to the public schools which exist across the rest of the state. However, there are several
areas where the school system can be further refined and strengthened. These are
discussed in four broad areas below.
5.11.1 Teachers
While the TSWREIS model has established a functional base for teacher training,
there is room for improvement with respect to creating a strong vision for teacher
professional development. In the current system, teachers have access to pre-service
training and in-service training, but there is a lack of a cohesive developmental path
for the teachers. There is also a lack of differentiation in training based on teachers’
existing level of experience, interests and needs. A possible way of addressing this
challenge is to have the school leaders create professional learning opportunities that
align with the goals that teachers are working on every quarter. These goals should
be assessed on a quarterly basis, so that school leaders can adjust the learning path
based on progress made. Additionally, the training should differentiate between the
specialized needs of teachers so that teachers of all levels of experience are trained
in areas that allow them to grow as facilitators and leaders.
Another element in the current model that shows room for further growth is prepar-
ing the teachers to integrate twenty-first century skills into classroom instruction
independently.
Throughout the school year, teachers do not have learning opportunities to develop
the necessary skills for them to strategize closely based on the needs of their class-
rooms. For this, explicit training on how to integrate twenty-first century skills into
the current curriculum is needed as part of the in-service or pre-service component,
so that teachers are equipped to incorporate these skills into their teaching. This can
ensure that inter and intrapersonal competencies are developed during class hours
and afterwards in the activities that students participate in.
5.11.2 School Leaders
In terms of school leader preparation and support, due to the complex structure of
the management team and the multiplicity of voices involved, principals and other
higher officials make decisions. However, there is less autonomy for them to focus
on certain aspects that align to their schools’ needs and vision. Furthermore, school
leaders are burdened with administrative responsibilities and hence cannot devote
enough time to teacher growth and development or student outcomes. This leaves
room for capacity building for the principals to prepare them to execute all aspects
of their roles effectively and to build a strong school team culture that focuses on
outcomes for all children. The administrative pressure on the principals can also be
relieved by looking at hiring and training additional staff or temporary workers to
manage operations.
100 T. Kant et al.
5.11.3 Curriculum
Even though the curriculum and the activities implemented by TSWREIS include
most of the skills included in the Hilton-Pellegrino framework, the activities leading
to these skills are not adding up to the goals of the reform. The inputs toward building
twenty-first century skills can be streamlined through a curriculum sequence that
describes the vision for mastery of the skills mentioned in the reform goals. Instead
of the schools trying to focus on all skills at once, the skills can be sequenced
in different grades. This would allow students to gain a wide range of skills with
greater depth as they progress through school. This could also enable the teachers to
implement twenty-first century skills more effectively in their lessons.
5.11.4 System Level
The TSWREIS model has scope to strengthen two of the four areas of system-
wide alignment outlined in the World Development Report, 2018. These are unclear
objectives and blurred responsibilities; lack of information and metrics and actor
incentives. This could be addressed by promoting strategic planning that exam-
ines Strengths-Weakness-Opportunities-Threat for each school (including analysis
of student assessment data). It could be supported further by aligning classroom and
school-level activities to the school vision, defining clearer job roles with greater
autonomy and professional development to decentralize some school-level deci-
sions related to student learning, and providing non-monetary incentives to improve
student outcomes in twenty-first century skills for teachers and students alike.
5.12 Conclusion
Overall, TSWREIS has gone against the grain in its efforts to provide quality edu-
cation to students from marginalized communities in Telangana. The model has
managed to increase the efficiency of the actors involved in the school system, such
as the teaching staff and the school leaders, by reducing information asymmetry and
promoting collaboration at several levels. This has resulted in notable improvements
in student outcomes, which have allowed graduates from the TSWREIS system to
access premier education institutions in the country. At the same time, the model
can be refined further by ensuring that their curriculum framework and teacher train-
ing framework more intentionally adopt a twenty-first century and deeper learning
approach.
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Tanya Kant holds a Master’s in International Education Policy from the Harvard Graduate School
of Education. She also holds a B.A. in English Literature from Delhi University. She has served
as a Teach for India Fellow from 2016 to 2018, and is passionate about using data to improve
decision-making in school systems.
102 T. Kant et al.
Aditi Nangia works with the governance team of Central Square Foundation, a non-profit organi-
zation working with the vision of ensuring quality school education for all children in India. Aditi
is interested in understanding market economies, incentives and improving school systems.
Usha Nikita Satish holds a Master’s in International Education Policy from the Harvard Gradu-
ate School of Education. Usha is an education entrepreneur who plans to create a high-performing
international network of schools that focuses on implementing a curriculum that teaches twenty-
first century skills. Usha’s education career started out as a 2013 Teach for America Corps in
Miami-Dade (TFA), she then went on to teach for 3 years at KIPP DC: College Prep for a total
of 5 years of Teaching History and English.
Aarya Shinde holds a Master’s degree from the Harvard Graduate School of Education, specializ-
ing in International Education Policy. She has explored roles related to teaching as well as school
leadership, during her work with Teach for India from 2015 to 2018. She is interested in analyzing,
designing and implementing customized education solutions through strategic solution.
Chapter 6
Cambodia’s New Generation Schools
Reform
Melissa Donaher and Nuoya Wu
Abstract The New Generation Schools (NGS) reform in Cambodia was launched
in 2015 with the aim of improving the quality and relevance of education to better
prepare Cambodian youth for the twenty-first-century workforce. The reform aims to
develop students’ cognitive competencies, with a particular focus on STEM, ICT, and
critical thinking skills, as well as inter- and intrapersonal competencies. As of 2018,
the reform operated in 10 designed “New Generation Schools” across the country
which combinedly served over 4,000 students. New Generation Schools are unique in
that they operate similar to charter schools in the United States, where school-based
administrators and staff have a high degree of autonomy over school operations,
resources, curriculum, and instruction. This is coupled with high professional stan-
dards that hold schools accountable for improving the quality of teaching and learning
in their schools. To support teachers in using their autonomy to deliver innovative,
twenty-first century instruction, the reform includes a robust teacher professional
development program based on a reflective teaching model. The professional devel-
opment program employs a variety of modalities, including pre-service training, pro-
fessional learning communities, career path planning, individual feedback, classroom
observations, visits to other schools, and ongoing in-service training. Ultimately, as
the reform scales, it aims to create a larger cultural shift in the education system
by professionalizing the role of the Cambodian teacher. The NGS reform provides
valuable insights for practitioners, researchers, policymakers, and funders looking
to enhance teacher capabilities to deliver twenty-first century instruction through a
combination of high professional standards and robust professional development.
M. Donaher
1812 Wyoming Ave NW, Unit 403, Washington, DC 20009, USA
N. Wu (B)
1818 H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433, USA
e-mail: nuoyanora@alumni.harvard.edu

104 M. Donaher and N. Wu
6.1 Introduction
In 2015, the Cambodian national government launched the New Generation Schools
(NGS) reform. In support of the broader national goal of enhancing the quality and
relevance of education, the program provides greater autonomy and funding to desig-
nated “New Generation Schools” with the aim of spurring innovation in curriculum,
instructional practices and use of resources to ultimately improve learning outcomes,
and prepare students for the twenty-first century workforce. Now in its third full year
of implementation, NGS currently operates at 10 school sites (6 secondary and 4 pri-
mary) and serves approximately 4,000 students. Since 2015, the Ministry has invested
$4.65 million USD in NGS, with plans for further investment and expansion to 100
schools by 2022.
This chapter analyzes the theory of change and implementation of the NGS reform,
with a specific focus on how the reform prepares teachers to deliver innovative,
twenty-first century instruction. First, we consider the context of the reform within the
broader Cambodian economy and education system. Second, we describe the design
and planning of the reform. Next, we describe the reform’s theory of action, which is
as follows: If the reform creates a system and culture of high teacher professionalism
and provides high-quality professional development to teachers, then teachers will
utilize innovative teaching and learning practices and help students develop twenty-
first century skills. We also present preliminary process and outcome results of the
NGS reform. Finally, we identify lessons learned from the NGS reform which can
be leveraged in other contexts, aiming to support teachers in delivering innovative
twenty-first century instruction.
6.2 Methods
Our analysis was conducted based on a review of reports provided by the Ministry of
Education, Youth and Sports and KAPE, as well as information publicly available on
the internet. We received an email response to our questions from H.E. CharVann Lor,
the Deputy Director General of Education at the Ministry of Education, Youth and
Sports. We also conducted a phone interview with KAPE Senior Technical Advisor,
Kurt Bredenberg, with subsequent follow-up via email. We would like to thank Kurt
Bredenberg and the Ministry of Education in Cambodia for their support of our
study. Given our limited data sources and the scope of the project, we were unable
to conduct additional fieldwork or other stakeholder interviews.
6 Cambodia’s New Generation Schools Reform 105
6.3 Context of the New Generation Schools Reform
Cambodia’s recent history and current economic state are important driving factors
underlying the national education goals. In the 1970s, the Khmer Rouge regime
decimated Cambodia’s formal education system and eradicated a generation of edu-
cation professionals. Since then, the government has made great progress in rebuild-
ing education institutions, with a primary focus on improving access to and quality
of primary education. With funding from the World Bank in 2005, the government
increased its investment in secondary education to meet the demand for a more skilled
workforce. However, Cambodia continues to face several challenges to its economic
growth and development, including economic competition in the ASEAN region
and globally, increased urbanization, and a population with a large, unskilled youth
workforce (Bredenberg, 2018). For Cambodia to achieve “upper-middle income”
status by 2030, the national government has committed to improving education.
The NGS reform is one of 15 initiatives in the Cambodian National Education
Strategic Plan (2014–2018), which aims to prepare students for the twenty-first cen-
tury workforce. The Education Strategic Plan targets the Ministry of Education,
Youth, and Sport’s vision that “graduates from all its institutions will meet regional
and international standards and will be competitive in the job markets worldwide
and act as engines for social and economic development in Cambodia” (Ministry of
Education, 2014). The Ministry’s three-core policy priorities are equity, quality and
relevance of learning, and effective school leadership and management. The plan
includes goals for improving language, math, science and technology instruction, as
well as skills in communication, research, problem-solving and decision-making. It
also includes a goal to ensure students have an “understanding of human rights as
responsible citizens as an individual and a member of a family, community, society,
region and the world” (Ministry of Education, 2014). These national goals guided
the development of the NGS program.
Low teacher quality in Cambodia poses a major challenge to reform. In 2011, the
World Bank’s Systems Approach for Better Education Results (SABER) analysis
of Cambodia indicated teacher training programs did not include sufficient prac-
tical professional experience to help teachers transition from learning to teaching.
In addition, few incentive structures were in place to motivate teacher performance
and systemic professional development was absent for all primary and secondary
teachers (World Bank, 2011). As of 2015, Cambodian teachers are more highly edu-
cated than in the past, but significant gaps remain in qualifications across levels and
between urban and rural areas. Two-thirds of Cambodian teachers held a Bachelor’s
degree, with a greater proportion at the secondary than primary level. For example,
primary teachers in rural schools may have only completed grade 9, whereas in urban
areas primary teachers have typically completed at least grade 12 (Tandon & Fukao,
2015). Teacher development takes place through District Training and Monitoring
Teams (DTMTs) and through workshops arranged by the Ministry and development
partners. The current model, however, has also drawn criticism for not providing
broader ongoing capacity development and follow-up for teachers (King, 2017).
6.4 Design and Planning of New Generation Schools

Reform
6.4.1 Reform Goals
The first step in the design of the NGS reform was to define specific goals for student
learning aligned to twenty-first century workforce needs. Given the burgeoning global
technology sector, the NGS reform aims to develop students’ cognitive competencies
in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics), ICT (Information
and Communications Technology) and critical thinking.
6.4.2 Reform Design and Planning
The NGS reform was strongly influenced by the international school-based man-
agement (SBM) movement. This includes both the charter school movement in the
United States as well as innovative schools in South-East Asia, which provide a high
level of autonomy to school-based staff. Recent research has shown school-based
management can be effective in improving student outcomes, but effective imple-
mentation requires school leaders have expertise in both instruction and management,
as well as the true autonomy to implement changes in their schools (Demas & Arcia,
2015).
New Generation Schools originated in 2011 with the Beacon School Initiative
(BSI) pilot project funded by an Australian development agency and implemented
by the Cambodian education non-profit Kampuchean Action for Primary Education
(KAPE) (Bredenberg, 2018). In 2013, the new Cambodian Minister of Education,
Dr. Hang Chuon Naron, mandated to improve the current education system and was
empowered by the Prime Minister to exercise his political leadership. In 2015, the
Ministry of Education approached KAPE to replicate the original BSI pilot on a
larger scale, which became the NGS reform (Bredenberg, 2018). NGS is no longer
a time-bounded project, but instead a comprehensive education reform within the
national education strategic plan facilitated by a public–private partnership between
the Ministry of Education and KAPE. After the development of the NGS policy
framework and accreditation guidelines in 2015, the NGS reform has expanded from
2016 to 2018 (Bredenberg, 2018). In 2017, NGS began to operate in primary schools
in addition to operating in secondary schools.
The NGS reform is implemented by KAPE with strong support from the Ministry
of Education, Youth and Sports, the Ministry of Economy and Finance, and the
Ministry of Public Works (CharVann, 2018). NGS schools operate in four provinces
(Kandal, Kampong Cham, Svay Rieng, Kg Speu) and the capital city Phnom Penh. By
2017, ten NGS schools were established with six secondary schools and four primary
schools. By 2017, NGS student enrollment reached 4,039 students in 117 classes.
There are three NGS school models. Seven schools follow the “Whole School”
model, where the entire school is a NGS school, as opposed to the “School in a
School Model”, currently only operating at Sisovath High School, which refers to a
“distinct and independent institutional environment that is created within an existing
school where a majority of school stakeholders are opposed to educational reforms
because they challenge certain vested interests” (Ministry of Education, 2018a, b).
The remaining two schools operate under the “New School” Model, which refers to
a newly established school where principals and teachers are newly hired (Ministry
of Education, 2018a, b).
6.4.3 Reform Funding
From 2015 to 2018, $4.65 million USD was invested in the NGS reform from a
combination of public and private sources. NGSs are funded by the government,
development partners and school-generated income, such as from student and family
contributions (CharVann, 2018). Approximately 80% of the investment in NGS has
been funded by the Ministry of Education. The remaining 20% has come from three
major foundations since 2015: Franks Family Foundation Child Fund Australia and
Oaktree Foundation. In 2017, the Ministry invested approximately $550 USD per
secondary student in New Generation Schools (Ministry of Education, 2018a, b).
Some NGS schools also generate their own additional income, and two of the NGS
primary schools are entirely self-funded (Ministry of Education, 2018a, b).
6.4.4 Future Planning and Implementation
The Ministry plans to scale up the NGS reform by expanding the number of NGS
schools in the coming years (CharVann, 2018). Funding from the World Bank will
enable NGS to operate in 25 provinces and 100 schools by 2022. In addition to
scaling up within Cambodia, there is also a possibility for the NGS model to be
adopted within South-East Asia, as in 2018 the Ministry of Education of Laos PDR
visited Cambodia to learn more about the NGS model (Bredenberg, 2018).
6.5 Theory of Change of New Generation Schools
The New Generation Schools reform’s theory of change for teachers is: If the reform
(1) creates a system and culture of high teacher professionalism and (2) provides high-
quality professional development to teachers, then teachers will utilize innovative
teaching and learning practices and develop students’ twenty-first century skills.
6.5.1 System and Culture of Teacher Professionalism
New Generation Schools create a system and culture of teacher professionalism

through the governance framework. There are four core principles of the NGS gov-
ernance framework: operational autonomy, high professional standards for principals
and teachers, a rationalized resource allocation framework and strict accountability
requirements with a required annual accreditation process (Ministry of Education,
2018a, b).
High Professional Standards: First, NGS establish high professional standards
for principals and teachers. The NGS reform is based on the notion that one of the core
barriers to improving learning outcomes is rampant corruption at the school level.
The reform targets this corruption by establishing an expectation of teacher profes-
sionalism, where school accreditation is based on adherence to the following criteria:
“(1) private tutoring abolished and (2) practice of mandatory student purchases of
teacher goods (e.g., study papers, cake, etc.) abolished.” An even higher expectation
has been applied to principals, as “the role of the principal as a school leader is to set
an example of high professionalism for teachers” (Ministry of Education, 2016a, b).
Both teachers and principals are compensated for adherence to high professional
standards. There are two types of pay incentives. The first are fixed payments linked
to the agreement among NGS teachers to abolish private tutoring, which are set at
a minimum of $100/month for teachers and $250/month for principals (Ministry of
Education, 2016a, b). Teachers can also receive task-based payments for respon-
sibilities such as leading clubs or organizing field trips, which vary depending on
school needs and availability of resources (Ministry of Education, 2016a, b). The
Ministry posits rewarding teachers and principals for maintaining a high standard of
professionalism will reduce corruption (Ministry of Education, 2018a, b).
NGS teachers are selected primarily based on their alignment to the NGS vision
and expectation of high professional standards. As Bredenberg (2018) noted, given
the high accountability standards which differ starkly from the traditional Cambodian
education system, NGS staff must be intrinsically motivated and dedicated to serving
students well. They also should be willing to innovate and continually improve their
instructional practices. For example, NGS teachers should be willing to incorporate
ICT and constructivist pedagogy into their classroom.
Operational Autonomy: Next, NGS school-based staff, including principals and
teachers, have nearly complete autonomy over their schools, provided they can justify
how they will “promote innovation and increase educational quality” (Ministry of
Education, 2018a, b). This includes autonomy over teacher recruitment, curriculum
modifications, student–teacher ratios and use of education technology. NGS prin-
cipals have a special allocation budget to fund innovative practices in teaching and
learning, which specifically target STEM, ICT and critical thinking skills (Ministry
Rationalized Resource Allocation: Third, NGS must demonstrate a rational-
ized resource allocation framework. NGS receive additional discretionary funding
to achieve their learning goals. However, the rationalized resource allocation frame-
work requires schools abolish all informal fees and demonstrate funds are being used
effectively in support of the NGS goals, such as for “the delivery of high quality stu-
dent services, teacher incentives that are linked to performance, and investment in
school facilities”(Ministry of Education, 2016a, b). Overall, the governance frame-
work is designed to provide autonomy to highly efficient and effective principals
and teachers to innovate at the school level to improve the quality of instruction and
student outcomes.
Accountability and Accreditation: Finally, the school-level autonomy and high
professional standards are accompanied by strict accountability requirements for
NGS accreditation. The NGS Policy Guidelines include 24 criteria that NGS must
meet to maintain status and funding. To monitor NGS compliance with the accredi-
tation criteria, the Ministry has created a national NGS Oversight Board. The Board
is comprised of both representatives from the Ministry and non-state actors from
the private sector. The Board is responsible for approving and monitoring the use of
funds to ensure the additional investment in NGS is producing higher quality learn-
ing. The Board also oversees NGS accreditation visits and based on these evaluations
makes recommendations for whether or not a NGS should maintain accreditation. If
a NGS school loses its funding, it will no longer have access to Ministry resources
and funds (Ministry of Education, 2018a, b). The strict accountability requirements
and robust annual accreditation process are designed to ensure NGS use their opera-
tional autonomy and additional resources to improve the quality of education in their
schools.
6.5.2 High-Quality Professional Development
The NGS reform utilizes several modalities to provide comprehensive support and
training to teachers to encourage innovations for twenty-first century teaching and
learning.
Initial Training: The Ministry and KAPE are developing a specialized training
institution for NGS teachers: the New Generation School Training Center (NGSTC).
The institute will be affiliated with the national recruiting system and will directly
recruit and train teachers for the NGS program. The NGSTC will provide an 8-month,
34-credit master’s degree for young teachers. The curriculum at NGSTC will focus
on academic leadership, professional ethics, mentoring and twenty-first century pro-
fessional skills (Ministry of Education, 2018a, b). The program will use innovative
advertising to recruit teachers and employ a selection process, which includes not
only written examinations but also multiple rounds of interviews and evidence of
community service (Ministry of Education, 2018a, b). This holistic application pro-
cess will allow NGSTC to select candidates not only on their content and pedagogical
expertise but also their intra- and interpersonal skills. Moreover, to ensure teachers
have continued support when they leave the institute and enter the classroom, NGSTC
is developing a software platform to enable virtual mentoring and provide access to
success story podcasts. It will also use interactive voice response to track students’
progress via real-time data (Ministry of Education, 2018a, b). Overall, the proposed
teacher recruitment and training process at NGSTC is well structured to prepare
teachers to work in New Generation Schools.
Career Planning: Once teachers are in their schools, all New Generation Schools
provide ongoing instructional support to teachers via the Formative Teacher Support
System. The system is centered on the practice of reflective teaching, which asks
teachers to continually reflect both individually and in collaboration with colleagues
and mentors on their practice (Ministry of Education, 2016a, b). There are seven key
elements of the Formative Teacher Support System in a New Generation School:
teacher profiles, study trips to other schools, professional learning communities,
career path planning, individual conferencing, classroom observations and on-going
in-service training opportunities. Teachers track their own professional growth and
development by maintaining a professional profile, which includes documentation
of their professional goals and accomplishments, including a CV, career path plan,
special certificates or awards, and observation and evaluation forms.
Mentoring: All NGS schools have designated teacher mentors, who may be a
vice-principal or KAPE staff member, to provide instructional support and feed-
back to teachers (Ministry of Education, 2016a, b). Mentors partner with teachers to
develop, progress and monitor their career path plan, conduct individual conferences
at least twice annually to provide feedback on classroom observations or a team-
taught lesson, and arrange study trips to other innovative schools so teachers can
observe different pedagogy and practices (Ministry of Education, 2016a, b). Men-
tors partner with teachers to develop a career path plan, with specific and measurable
professional goals for the next 5 years. Teachers keep a weekly logbook of successes
and challenges in progressing toward their goals.
In-service Training: All NGS teachers participate in-service training to
learn about effective methodologies for developing critical and creative think-
ing skills. Some topics of NGS in-service teacher training include con-
structivist learning, problem-based learning, cooperative learning, differentiated
instruction, teaching to promote critical thinking and using ICT in education
(Ministry of Education, 2016a, b).
Professional Learning Communities: All NGS teachers participate in Profes-
sional Learning Communities (PLCs), where they not only collaborate and reflect
on instructional practices but also reinforce the positive behavioral norms of teacher
professionalism which are central to the NGS model. It is suggested that PLCs meet at
least 2–3 times per month based on subject area or grade level to “share information,
plan lessons and examinations together, and provide assistance to one another for
special projects that are common to all teachers such as using educational software”
International Study Trips: New Generation School teachers also have the oppor-
tunity to visit and learn about other twenty-first century schools. For example, the
Ministry organized a trip to Thailand in June 2018 for a group of NGS teachers, prin-
cipals and board members to visit three innovative schools. The experience of inter-
national comparative education allows teachers to identify ways they can enhance
their own school to better achieve their goals for developing students’ twenty-first
century competencies.
Principal Support: NGS principals are ultimately accountable for ensuring high-
quality instruction, although they typically do not support teachers directly in an
instructional capacity. NGS principals are aware of their role in monitoring the qual-
ity of instruction in their schools, as one NGS principal stated, “I have to make sure
teachers [are] ready to transform all young learners with the knowledge and skills
needed to function in a rapidly changing world by integrat[ing] modern and inter-
active methods into their teaching” (Vicheaka, 2016). Principals may collaborate
with teachers to define professional development goals, such as the use of ICT or
constructivist pedagogy in their classrooms (Ministry of Education, 2016a, b). Some
principals also conduct classroom observations, provide written and oral feedback,
monitor teacher reflection journals and support professional learning communities
(PLCs) (Vicheaka, 2016, Ministry of Education, 2016a, b). However, given their other
management responsibilities, principals do not have time to build the instructional
capacity of all teachers in their schools (Bredenberg, 2018).
Given the inputs above, NGS teachers are expected to achieve the following out-
comes: (1) innovative teaching and learning practices and (2) support their students
in developing twenty-first century skills.
1. Innovative Teaching and Learning Practices
The high level of operational autonomy and support provided to NGS is one of the
key factors which distinguishes them from traditional Cambodian public schools.
NGS are expected to use this autonomy and support to innovate to best serve the
needs and interests of students and the community. For example, NGS can adopt
new curricula, increase hours of instruction in a particular subject, extend teaching
hours and reduce class sizes. They also receive additional resources which can be
used to purchase new technology or curriculum. Overall, this approach is aligned
with the theory of school-based management that those closest to students know best
how to allocate resources to meet their needs. The two focus areas for innovation at
NGS are curriculum and instruction and technology and facilities.
Curriculum and Instruction: The NGS reform anticipates principals and teach-
ers will use the autonomy and support they receive to deliver high-quality, innovative
twenty-first century curriculum and instruction. First, NGS teachers are able to adopt
new curricula outside the national framework which is aligned to twenty-first cen-
tury learning standards. Some of the possible instructional innovations articulated
in the NGS Policy Guidelines include “enhanced curricula (e.g., intensive learning
in the STEM subjects) … and (iv) differentiated learning channels to accommodate
students’ strengths and interests” (Ministry of Education, 2018a, b). One example
of an instructional innovation took place in 2018, when several NGS senior English
teachers began implementing the Extensive Reading Program, which is designed
to supplement classroom English instruction, improve English fluency, and prepare
students for standardized English tests. The NGS secondary schools are the first in
Cambodia to adopt this innovative instructional technique (Ministry of Education,
2018a, b). NGS also have the option to reduce class sizes to increase individualized
learning. The increased student instructional hours (36 hours for primary, 40 hours
for secondary) can be used for special subject themes such as STEM or foreign lan-
guage (Ministry of Education, 2018a, b). This autonomy to innovate with curriculum
and instruction is designed to develop students’ twenty-first century skills.
Technology and Facilities: NGS schools are also encouraged to innovate with
technology and facilities to develop a modern, efficient learning environment. This
means ensuring access to a twenty-first century library, science and ICT labs, and
sports and playground facilities. As the Ministry expressed: “the use of technology
will be a key element in New Generation Schools that includes not only access to
hardware but also the introduction of new educational software that will enhance
teaching, learning, and assessment (e.g., Literatu, 3D Classroom, etc.)” (Ministry of
Education, 2018a, b).
2. Twenty-First Century Skills
The New Generation Schools reform aims to support students in developing twenty-
first century competencies, in order to prepare them to contribute productively to
the workforce. NGS’s specific emphasis on STEM and ICT skills is a response to
these growing industries in Cambodia and across South-East Asia. As Minister of
Education Dr. Hang Chuon Naron explained, “Because we are in the 21st century,
technology develops very fast. I think, to make Cambodia advance to the status of a
developed country with an increased income, we need to create new industry, we must
focus our students’ training in STEM” (Sacker, 2017). The Ministry also emphasizes
the importance of critical thinking in preparing students for future employment, as
a recent survey in Cambodia identified analytical thinking and decision-making as
the skills most desired by employers for skilled and semi-skilled work (Bredenberg,
2018). It is this combination of cognitive processes and explicit content knowledge
in STEM and ICT that the Ministry believes will prepare students for future success
in the workforce.
The NGS place a strong emphasis on cognitive competencies, with a particular
focus on content knowledge of STEM and ICT and critical thinking skills. While
the NGS reform aims to improve the overall quality of education, the Ministry has
expressed an explicit goal for NGS is to improve STEM instruction, given historically
more than half of students have not passed the national 12th grade Bac II examination
in Mathematics, Chemistry and Biology (Bredenberg, 2018). This priority is also
reflected in the NGS Operating Guidelines for accreditation, which require all schools
to have a twenty-first century library, ICT lab services and science lab services
(Ministry of Education, 2018a, b). The importance of having a “modern and efficient
learning environment” to facilitate the development of STEM and ICT cognitive
competencies is an important aspect of the NGS model, with special funding allocated
for upgrades of libraries, computer labs and other common spaces in NGS (Ministry
The goals for NGSs also emphasize ICT literacy for both students and teach-
ers. Teachers are expected to have a high degree of ICT literacy and are eval-
uated based on their ability to integrate ICT into their classrooms. Students are
expected to utilize their school’s abundant ICT resources, both as a means to learn
and also to develop technical ICT skills useful for future employment (Ministry of
Education, 2018a, b). For example, in the upcoming school year, NGS will part-
ner with Code.org to offer two hours per week of coding instructions to students
Besides the emphasis on STEM and ICT, the Ministry also requires students to
develop other cognitive competencies such as critical thinking and problem-solving
abilities. One of the key target outcome indicators defined by the Ministry for NGS is
“critical thinking scores among students show a statistically significant improvement
from baseline scores by the end of year 3” (Ministry of Education, 2018a, b). In order
to achieve this goal, NGS utilizes problem-based learning and constructivist teach-
ing methods. Problem-based learning is an inquiry-based, student-driven approach
where students learn through discussion of open-ended, real-world problems. Sim-
ilarly, constructive learning is as an active process of contextualizing information
and constructing meaning based on one’s own life experiences (Ministry of Educa-
tion, 2016a, b). Both approaches require students to utilize critical thinking skills
to analyze relevant real-world problems. The Ministry emphasizes the importance
of critical thinking in preparing students for future employment, as a recent survey
in Cambodia identified analytical thinking and decision-making as the skills most
desired by employers for skilled and semi-skilled work (Bredenberg, 2018).
While goals for inter- and intrapersonal competencies are not explicit in the pro-
gram design, the NGS reform provides opportunities for students to develop these
twenty-first century competencies. For example, the use of problem-based pedagogy
allows students to develop collaboration and leadership skills. Students also have
additional opportunities for interpersonal development outside the classroom through
participation in sports and student organizations. Education Minister Dr. Naron also
includes global citizenship as one of the goals of the reform in stating, “They [stu-
dents] should also have a good attitude…to help them become good national citi-
zens, but also good global citizens. [Students need] to know about global warming
and terrorism, and how to address these issues” (Sacker, 2017). NGS also utilizes
inquiry-based pedagogy to foster intellectual curiosity and self-directed learning.
Ariel Rozenblum, ICT in Education Advisor at KAPE, described the power of this
self-directed learning, “We realize that we only need to open doors, we don’t have to
do more than that. Once we open the doors, the students have a lot of ideas, a lot of
drive by themselves” (Cheyenne, 2017). Thus, the development of students’ inter-
and intrapersonal competencies is embedded in NGS pedagogy; however, these com-
petencies are not explicitly defined, monitored and assessed in the NGS accreditation
criteria.
6.5.3 Risks and Assumptions
There are a few major risks and assumptions with the NGS reform theory of change.
The first assumption is principals and teachers have the expertise required to make
decisions with resources which will positively impact teaching and learning. This
assumption is a current risk because, while there is a robust system for teacher
professional development, there is no standardized process for principal selection
and training. This has not yet been a significant challenge, given the small scale of
the reform and close involvement of KAPE staff, but it will become a critical risk as
the program expands.
Beyond having the knowledge and skill, school-based staff must also be highly
motivated to maintain support for the NGS vision and adhere to the accountability
framework in the context of a larger system that is highly corrupt. As KAPE describes,
“A key assumption…is that teachers are truly dedicated to being a good teacher and
are not distracted by unprofessional activities that seek to exploit students. If this
assumption does not hold at a New Generation School, it is likely that the present
system will not function effectively” (Ministry of Education, 2016a, b). For example,
teachers must be willing to take risks with their instruction and deliver lessons that are
engaging, relevant and personalized to the needs of all learners. Similarly, principals
must effectively manage resources in their schools to ensure the environment is
conducive to twenty-first century learning.
Finally, there are two critical assumptions about the link between twenty-first
century skill development and workforce readiness. First, graduates of NGS must
have employment options that match the twenty-first century skill set acquired in
NGS. The STEM-focused curriculum assumes there are more jobs available in the
STEM field. Second, there is an assumption that NGS graduates will utilize the skills
they learn in NGS to contribute to the Cambodian workforce and economic growth.
6.6 Results of New Generation Schools Reform
With three full years of implementation, current evidence suggests that the New
Generation School reform has been successful in achieving its desired outputs and
outcomes, however, ongoing monitoring and evaluation is needed.
6.6.1 Accreditation Results
Available evidence suggests the NGS governance framework and school-level pro-
fessional support are in place and being implemented with fidelity. In 2017, Sisovath
High School and Hun Sen Kampong High School were evaluated to receive full NGS
accreditation status and were found to be highly compliant with NGS accreditation
criteria. Both schools achieved 100% of the required criteria, while Hun Sen Kam-
pong achieved 90% of preferred criteria and Sisovath achieved 70% (Ministry of
Education, 2017). Hun Sen Kampong fully achieved criteria for teacher career path
planning and teacher support, while Sisovath fully achieved criteria for library, ICT
and science lab services. The Ministry was satisfied with these results, noting: “The
successful piloting of NGS Accreditation Criteria marks an important milestone for
NGS educational reform because it shows the willingness of the educational system
to rigorously apply standards and the motivation of schools to comply” (Ministry of
Education, 2017).
Since 2017, the Ministry has added four additional accreditation requirements for
New Generation Schools and plans to conduct 12 accreditation visits in 2018 and
2019. Given the high level of autonomy and investment in teacher development within
the NGS framework, additional data should be collected to assess changes in teacher
practice, such as from mentor coaching logs or classroom observations. The results
of these evaluations will provide further insight into the fidelity of implementation
of the NGS model.
6.6.2 Teacher Perspectives
NGS teachers report that the use of ICT has modernized the curriculum and enabled
them to be more creative and interdisciplinary. Keo Chanith, a physics teacher at
NGS, expressed the use of classroom multimedia as a great method for develop-
ing students’ cognitive skills: “the administration here focuses on teaching students
critical thinking. We want them to expand on their ideas and create new things”
(Sacker, 2017). Puthy, a mathematics teacher, also reflected on the benefits of cross-
disciplinary practices at NGS, where she has learned to incorporate English and ICT
into her mathematics lessons (Sacker, 2017).
6.6.3 Outcome Results
Students in two NGS with grade 12 cohorts outperformed the national average and
non-NGS schools in the same vicinity on the 2018 Bac II Examination. While the
national passing rate for the 2018 Bac II examination was 67%, 89% of Sisovath High
NGS students and 75% of Hun Sen Kampong passed the Bac II exam. Both schools
also significantly outperformed non-NGS schools in their vicinity (KAPE, 2018).
However, when reviewing these results, it is critical to note that no baseline test data
was collected and student admission to NGS is partially based on merit. Therefore,
the outperformance could result from selection bias instead of the positive impact of
the NGS program. Nevertheless, KAPE Advisor Kurt Bredenberg noted when NGS
began in 2014 it did not have a student entrance exam requirement, and thus students
tended to come from poorer and less advantaged backgrounds than later cohorts.
Further demographic subgroup analysis of Bac II results indicates poorer students
and students with longer exposure to NGS tended to perform better than poorer
students who did not attend NGS (Ministry of Education, 2017). Beyond test scores,
there is also evidence of a change in the culture and attitude of student learning, as
Education Minister Dr. Naron shared, “After one year of visiting Sisovath, I could
see that the students had changed as a result of the altered teaching method. I think
they have curiosity, they want to learn, and they want to explore, to have dreams”
(Sacker, 2017).
6.7 Lessons Learned from NGS Reform
The NGS reform provides valuable insights for practitioners, researchers, policy-
makers and funders looking to enhance teacher capabilities to deliver twenty-first
century instruction through a combination of high professional standards and robust
professional development. We have identified a few key lessons from NGS based on
the key themes for supporting teacher and leader development identified by Reimers
and Chung (2018) in Preparing Teachers to Education Whole Students.
Lesson #1: Professional development is socially situated, responds to current

needs of teachers and uses multiple modalities to provide sustained, extensive
opportunities for teachers to build capacities.
The NGS teacher formative support system is well aligned with best practices for
teacher professional development. First, it is grounded in a model of reflective teach-
ing and continuous improvement, where teachers plan and direct their own profes-
sional learning and development over multiple years with the support of mentors.
The NGS model also utilizes a variety of modalities for teacher professional devel-
opment, including an initial pre-service training, in-service mentoring and targeted
training sessions, PLCs and international study trips.
The NGS approach to teacher development is also socially situated in its attempt to
counteract the broader context of systemic corruption by promoting a culture of high
standards for professionalism. The NGS governance framework requires teachers
adhere to strict accountability requirements by abolishing the common practice of
private tutoring. This can be especially challenging in the “school in a school” model,
such as at Sisovath High School, where NGS teachers work in the same building
as teachers without the same strict professional standards. Given this broader social
context, NGS leaders carefully select the most highly motivated teachers and provide
them with robust professional development. While initial evidence suggests NGS
teachers are aligned with the goals of the reform and compliant with anti-corruption
requirements, this will be an important area for future monitoring as the reform
scales.
Lesson #2: The teacher development programs cover a blend of capabilities,

from a broad focus on helping students develop capabilities to a highly granu-
lar identification of specific pedagogies and instructional practices that can help
students gain skills and competencies.
As Reimers and Chung (2018) note, effective teacher development programs “aim
to develop the autonomy and agency of teachers as professionals, their capacity for
independent learning, their desire for continuous learning, and increased effective-
ness, and their intrinsic motivation to strive for excellent teaching” (Reimers and
Chung, 2018, p. 31).
The NGS teacher mentoring program is built on the philosophy of reflective
teaching and includes feedback cycles which embed the practice of continuous pro-
fessional learning. Contrary to traditional “check and control” approaches, teachers
are provided with opportunities to reflect on their own teaching. While teachers are
the ones who are directly engaged in their own growth and assessments, mentors
can also provide external feedback. Teachers are supported in setting professional
goals which represent a shift from the traditional role of the Cambodian teacher,
such as the utilization of ICT-based instruction. For example, through the country’s
first Extensive Reading Program, English teachers at NGS are not only expected to
develop instructional expertise, but also the ability to monitor a digital technology
platform.
The NGS teacher development model also supports teachers to be more creative
and interdisciplinary through student-centered pedagogy and instruction. NGS teach-
ers are able to incorporate cross-disciplinary practices into their own classrooms and
develop competencies beyond subject-matter knowledge. The feedback from current
NGS teachers reaffirms the need to modernize the curriculum to more intentionally
focus on twenty-first century competencies, as it is a learning process not only for
students but also teachers.
Although NGS allows teachers to develop and educate a broad set of capabilities,
NGS teachers still face a dilemma on whether to “teach to think” or “teach to test”.
To prepare students for the Bac II, NGS teachers may have to compromise some of
their innovative instructional time for exam preparation. To find the middle ground,
NGS provides a special budget to assist students with Bac II preparation from grades
7 to 11 (Ministry of Education, 2017). This includes funding for organizing mock
exams and incentives for teachers to help prepare students for the exam.
Lesson #3: All New Generation Schools model a learning orientation.

The NGS model represents a significant departure from the traditional Cambodian
education system in both the goals and approach to teaching and learning. As the
reform has scaled, the Ministry and KAPE have demonstrated a learning orientation,
collecting detailed information on school-level implementation, such as through the
accreditation visits, to inform the future direction of the reform. This has allowed
the reform to evolve and continuously improve, for example, with the recent updates
to the accreditation criteria and expansion to include primary schools. The learning
orientation that underlies the teacher formative support framework is also embodied
by the leaders at all levels of the reform.
The NGS reform also offers a few unique insights into effective twenty-first
century schools and teacher development.
Lesson #4: The NGS governance framework includes a thoughtful balance

of autonomy, accountability and support for school-based staff.
The combination of high autonomy, accountability and teacher support is the core
strength of the NGS reform. First, operational autonomy allows school-based staff to
take direct action to improve their school. This autonomy without excessive bureau-
cracy allows schools to respond quickly to needs in their schools to have a more imme-
diate impact on students. This autonomy is coupled with the strong NGS account-
ability system which directly targets corruption—one of the systematic causes of
low school performance in Cambodia. Finally, school-based staff receives robust
and ongoing support to make the most effective use of their autonomy.
Lesson #5: The success of the reform is in large part based on strong political
support and public–private partnerships.
A strong public–private partnership and political support have been indispensable for
ensuring the vision and plan for the reform are implemented. NGS maintains strong
backing from the Prime Minister and Minister of Education, Youth, and Sports, which
has been critical for consistency in funding and political support. The strong public–
private partnership between KAPE and the Ministry has ensured coherence in the
design and implementation of the reform. Further, as an implementing organization,
KAPE brings significant technical expertise in school-based management to provide
direct support to principals and teachers. This public–private partnership has proven
to be a great asset for the NGS reform.
6.8 Conclusion
Cambodia’s New Generation Schools reform is a promising model combining high

professional standards and comprehensive professional development to prepare
teachers to strengthen students’ twenty-first century skills in STEM, ICT and critical
thinking. The reform is unique in that it provides significant autonomy and support to
school-based staff in exchange for high accountability for results. Current evidence
suggests the reform is well-aligned to its established goals. Continued study of the
NGS reform will undoubtedly yield valuable insights for policymakers and educators
aiming to improve twenty-first century teaching and learning around the world.
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Cambodia, Ministry of Education, Youth, & Sports (2014). Cambodia education strategic plan
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Cambodia, Ministry of Education, Youth, & Sports (2016). Formative teacher support framework—
new generation schools initiative. Phnom Penh.
Cambodia, Ministry of Education, Youth, & Sports (2016). Policy guidelines for new generation
schools. Phnom Penh.
Cambodia, Ministry of Education, Youth, & Sports (2017). New generation schools achievement
report—year 2 end-of-year report. Phnom Penh.
Cambodia, Ministry of Education, Youth, & Sports (2018a). New generation schools operational
policy guidelines. Phnom Penh.
Cambodia, Ministry of Education, Youth, & Sports (2018b). New generation schools achievement
report—year 3 mid-year report. Phnom Penh.
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schools. Retrieved from http://geeksincambodia.com/kapes-new-generation-school-initiative-
implements-it-in-cambodian-schools/.
CharVann, L. (2018). Questions regarding new generation schools [Email interview].
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King, E. F. (2017). Developing teacher capacity in Cambodia: An expanded model. Asian Education
and Development Studies, 7(1), 2–14. Cambodia: National Institute of Education (NIE). Retrieved
from https://www.geresh-cam.eu/national-institute-of-education-nie-cambodia.
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international comparative study. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Education Press.
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ity in Cambodia. Directions in development. Washington, DC: World Bank Group.
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the-next-generation-improving-teacher-quality-in-Cambodia.
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tion School (New Generation School). Master of Education thesis, Phmon Penh: Royal University
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(SABER) Country report. Washington, DC: World Bank Group. Retrieved from https://
openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/17664 License: CC BY 3.0 IGO.
Melissa Donaher is an Ed.M. graduate of the International Education Policy program at the Har-
vard Graduate School of Education dedicated to improving the access, quality and relevance of
education in the developing world. She currently works at Save the Children supporting research
and evaluation of international youth workforce readiness programs. She previously worked as an
English teacher for WorldTeach China, an education consultant for District Management Group
and research assistant at the Harvard Graduate School of Education EASEL Lab.
Nuoya Wu is an Ed.M. graduate of the International Education Policy program at the Harvard
Graduate School of Education. She is an alumna of United World College and Macalester College,
and previously worked as a junior program manager at AidData, a research and innovation lab at
the College of William & Mary and a content developer for data science professional certificate
program at EdX. She currently works for the Human Capital Project at the World Bank.
Chapter 7
Twenty-First Century Learning
in Burlington Public Schools
Karishma Mhapadi, Brittany Moniz, Franco Mosso and Rose Sagun
Abstract The world is advancing toward a new paradigm of education, one in which
students are no longer required to excel only at standardized testing, but to foster
competencies, such as empathy, citizenship, and creative thinking, which will equip
them to solve the complex problems that lie ahead of humanity. In Massachusetts,
a state in the United States which underwent a long-standing standard-based reform
in 1993, the Burlington Public School district provides an example of an education
system that can challenge the status quo. With a culture of distributed leadership,
collaboration, and innovation, which greatly empowers teachers and principals, the
district of Burlington Public Schools implements its policy “Planning for Success”,
a three-year strategy with the explicit aim of helping students develop twenty-first
century competencies. Based on a combination of observation and in-depth inter-
views at all levels, this study shows how this education system empowers teachers
by focusing on strategic priorities and by achieving coherence, collaboration and
trust among the many stakeholders involved in the school system.
In an increasingly connected world, schools are tasked with not only educating stu-
dents to be citizens but also preparing them to be active and engaged participants in
today’s global economy. With technological advancements and rapidly changing eco-
nomic opportunities, students must develop skills relevant to the current workforce
they will join and the future they will build. Likewise, teachers are also compelled
to upskill, train and develop in their profession to keep up with the demands of their
students, schools and industry practices. In this chapter we study how the Burlington
Public School (BPS) district in Burlington, Massachusetts sustains a culture in the
schools that supports twenty-first century education. To provide opportunities for
students to prepare for life as global citizens, the Burlington Public School system
K. Mhapadi · B. Moniz
Harvard University, Cambridge, MA 02138, USA
F. Mosso
Lima, Peru
R. Sagun (B)
San Francisco, CA, USA
e-mail: rosesagun@gmail.com
122 K. Mhapadi et al.
attracts, develops and maintains a staff of highly engaged educators to carry out this
important work. As a public school district in the United States, BPS serves as an
example of the possibilities that systematic alignment and the ensuing coherence can
bring when investments in human capital focus on collaboration, bounded autonomy
and continuous learning for all.
Approaches like the one implemented by BPS, which places great importance
on culture, coherence and relationships, are supported by the academic literature
of educational change. Bryk highlighted the importance of strong ties, a climate
conducive to learning, and great leadership in a study of Chicago schools that had
a history of success (Bryk, Bender, Allensworth, Easton & Lupescu, 2010). Fullan
and Quinn, in their Coherence framework, highlight four distinct aspects to achieve
educational success: focusing orientation, cultivating collaborative cultures, securing
accountability and deepening learning (Fullan & Quinn, 2015). Chung highlighted
how the Expeditionary Learning Network, a successful professional development
non-profit in the US, based part of their intervention in schools on creating a great
working climate and helping develop a clear strategy (Reimers & Chung, 2018).
In the wake of economic growth in the town of Burlington and the arrival of new
technology companies, there is a deliberate focus by BPS to prepare students for
life and work in the twenty-first century while balancing the demands of societal
pressures and national Common Core curriculum standards. Given the increasingly
diverse student population, of which 11% of students are classified as economi-
cally disadvantaged (2018–19 Selected Populations Report), BPS supports students
in developing global citizenship and engaging in community building, in addition
to developing cognitive competencies, which are the principal focus of state stan-
dards and assessments. Serving over 3,500 students in pre-kindergarten through
twelfth grade, the BPS district includes six schools, many of which explicitly iden-
tify twenty-first century learning expectations in their communications. Based on
a review of district documents, field observations, primary interviews with BPS
leaders and focused discussion groups with teachers, in this chapter we examine
how Burlington addresses cognitive, intrapersonal and interpersonal competencies
in theory and practice.
Cognitive and socio-emotional competencies are given sufficient focus in the
district. Grade-level personalization is facilitated through engaged learning. Stu-
dent engagement in computational thinking skills, such as robotics and coding,
are strongly supported by the district’s investments in technology and encouraged
through the student-led IT help desk, robotics, drone and e-sports programs (Vil-
lano, 2018). To develop interpersonal competencies, BPS encourages participation
in makerspaces such as the TED Clubs and conferences, Northeastern University’s
drive competitions, and the IT help desk modeled on Apple Genius Bar (Villano,
2018). The BPS peer mentorship program is another vehicle for teaching empa-
thy and collaboration. Responding to the growing opioid crisis affecting families in
America as well as to increasing stress and anxiety-related problems in students,
BPS promotes socio-emotional learning (SEL) to develop students’ resilience and
self-management. According to the conceptual framework of skills for life and work
developed by Pellegrino and Hilton and discussed in the first chapter of this book,
this focus on socio-emotional learning is aligned to Positive Core Self-Evaluation
7 Twenty-First Century Learning in Burlington Public Schools 123
(Reimers and Chung, 2016). At the elementary level, this focus is reflected in an
emphasis on mindfulness, and by high school, it includes self-regulation and mental
health awareness. In Burlington High School, there is an effort toward self-regulation
for students to build their character and make smart decisions.
As a way to foster innovation, the leadership of the BPS district decided to partic-
ipate in the Planning for Success process initiated by the Massachusetts Department
of Elementary and Secondary Education. Beginning in 2013, BPS first used the
Planning for Success (PFS) model to establish their three-year District Plan, the
Planning for Success: 2016–2019 document. The PFS model was designed for Mas-
sachusetts public school districts as a flexible planning process aimed at building
capacity and coherence. The process lays out an annual implementation plan, which
every school is mandated to produce, as well as a voluntary multiyear improve-
ment plan (Conti, 2018). The hands-on planning process invites the participation
of stakeholders—students, parents, teachers, staff, administrators and school board
members—in crafting district goals. This participatory process aims to yield shared
community understanding and support of district initiatives.
7.1 Intended Outcomes
BPS has systems in place that focus on well-rounded learning outcomes for its stu-
dents, not only in academic areas but also in areas such as college readiness, twenty-
first century learning and socio-emotional skills. In 2017, BPS had a graduation rate
of 95.5%, which falls well above the 75th percentile across the state of Massachusetts.
In 2018, when compared to the state, Burlington exceeded expectations on all strands
across grades except for English Language Arts for grades 7 and 8 (Massachusetts
Department of Elementary and Secondary Education, 2016). BPS performance on
the Massachusetts Comprehensive Assessment System (MCAS) reflects merely one
aspect of the intended student learning outcomes that BPS aspires and works toward.
Given the standardized nature of MCAS, BPS has invested in assessments that are
timely and that provide continuous data and feedback for them to actively reiter-
ate their approach to schooling. BPS conducts a math assessment thrice a year, and
socio-emotional skills are assessed twice a year. Compliance with state-mandated
assessments coupled with their autonomy over testing internally gives BPS a compar-
ative edge in terms of comprehending student learning. This in turn helps BPS to feed
the resulting data back into the system and align the stakeholder actions—especially
teachers’—with the district’s vision.
The district articulates its formal theory of change to mold students for the future in
the PFS document. The theory emphasizes the belief that, in order to prepare students
for the future, three conditions must happen in concert: (1) Targeted and engaged
learning in cognitive and non-cognitive skills, (2) a supportive environment and

community, and (3) investment in human and financial capital to achieve such means.
Supporting these three conditions are four strategic objectives: Engaged Learning,
Relationships, Communication, and Facilities and Operations. We use the Ecological
Model (Priestley et al., 2015; Eteläpelto, Vähäsantanen, Hökkä, & Paloniemi, 2013;
Emirbayer & Mische, 1998), to assess whether each of these four strategic objectives
have been actualized from policy all the way down to learning. The Ecological
Model is a conceptual framework that posits an interconnected understanding of
various factors that affect student learning. The model’s aim is to relate policy to
student learning. From policy, there are layers to permeate (influence) before reaching
learning: improvement program, school culture, teacher capacity, instruction and then
finally, learning. In other words, through this ecological approach, we can determine
if the theory in concept is indeed the theory in action.
Engaged Learning. This strategic objective of BPS’s theory of change proposes
that, if students receive a rigorous and well-balanced program of studies, then they
will succeed upon graduation and will be ready to succeed in college, in their career,
as well as in their role as global citizens (Conti, 2016). The district uses the term
“balanced” to describe a program that meets the academic, social and emotional
needs of students. In PFS, developing the student and teacher capacity for SEL is
a primary goal contributing to Engaged Learning. This goal is seen in action from
policy through learning in the classrooms. There is an improvement program in
place where student activities align to the improvement of skills as self-regulation
and mindfulness. There is a monitoring system in place for these SEL competencies.
In addition, school leaders, through regular staff meetings and SEL-specific teacher
training, foster the collective culture and instructional capacity needed for continued
impact.
Relationships. The second strategic objective pertains to cultural competency by
building “the capacity of the school community to work effectively and sensitively
across cultural contexts” as well as encouraging teacher leadership (Conti, 2018).
The theory of change posits that, with improved cultural competency of teachers and
administrators, in particular, more relevant teaching can occur, which then makes
students feel welcomed and engaged in the learning process, thereby leading to
better learning outcomes. In light of the Ecological Model, cultural competency is
not fully supported throughout the system, wherein a well-meaning policy does not
have the aligned elements conducive for its effect. Cultural competence, to date,
does not appear to have a clearly articulated capacity-building plan in place nor are
there incentives or measures to monitor the progress or quantify the impact. By all
accounts, efforts on cultural competence appear to be at their nascent stage. This
strategic objective may need more attention in future strategic plans.
Communication. One of the key strategic objectives is communication. They
break it down into smaller, actionable goals: (1) Expanding collaboration, (2) Cul-
tivating partnerships, (3) District communications, and (4) Planning for Success
process. The theory of action prioritizes communication, leading to more dynamic
collaboration, knowledge-sharing, best practices and collective leadership. By all
accounts, the Communication pillar appears to be coherently aligned so that Policy
reaches Learning. The advanced use of technology allows real-time, accurate infor-
mation to be disseminated across the ecosystem. Furthermore, partnerships with the
private sector foster learning from industry practitioners through internships and
company visits.
Facilities and operations. The fourth strategic objective directly supports the
theory of action by providing human and financial resources to address safety, capital
improvements and school programming. Safety of students and staff is paramount to
the facilities and operations objective. Simple tasks, such as posting room numbers
inside and outside of classrooms and re-recording notification system messages with
new protocols, serve as the foundation for schools to address an emergency event
(Conti, 2016). Installing both the physical and financial resources to supply and train
staff, BPS used the PFS process to outline all the preliminary steps necessary for all
students and staff to operate within a safe and secure learning environment. From
an ecological perspective, the facilities and operations initiative relates to the idea
of building system capacity within BPS in order to reach their teaching and learning
goals; this includes dedicated staff and budget allocations that sustain programs and
infrastructure.
It is particularly important to elaborate on the underlying mechanism through
which these priorities would create educational success for students. First, it is salient
and unique that two of the four strategic pillars just described address what some
would call the human component of the work of education (i.e. Relationships and
Communication). BPS focuses on creating great relationships between people at
all levels and depends on creating a district-wide culture where all stakeholders are
aligned, well informed, adequately heard, readily supported and learning all the time.
The assumption would be that such an environment would be responsive to develop
new educational practices for twenty-first century education, because every reform
effort could count on the commitment of teachers as well as the political support of
other key stakeholders.
This theory of change and culture is especially important to rally the commitment
from teachers. Interviews and focus groups revealed that relationships, communica-
tion and constant learning were present at the school level. Teachers had a voice in
school planning, professional development and educational innovation. Furthermore,
the fourth priority of BPS (Facilities and Operations) also helped develop teachers
using technology. For example, in terms of student learning outcomes, the MCAS
acts as a rudimentary tool that is in place as a part of the state mandate. BPS, however,
has its own internal assessments, such as i-Ready, Kahoot, Socrative, Symphony and
Quizlet, that provide exit-ready data. Teachers appreciate that the district invests in
tools that will help them process data faster and find solutions for their students.
As attested by School Superintendent Dr. Eric Conti, “We screen kids for particular
skills. For example, literacy, numeracy and socio-emotional skills are tested three
times a year across the district. We also have progress monitoring that caters to indi-
vidual needs of the learner” (Conti, 2018). These measures of screening are adopted
across elementary schools but the same are missing from the middle schools and high
schools, mainly because the district is learning how to implement such systems in a
gradual way. According to Dr. Conti, this data is further used as a primary method
to increase pedagogical effectiveness and as a measure of accountability.
7.3 Developing Human Capacity Through a Culture

of Bounded Autonomy
School culture is oftentimes difficult to articulate, much less create and develop. It
is a loosely defined concept that can be elusive to pinpoint. However, in the case of
Burlington, their school culture, as we have come to know it, is visible, well-defined
and well-strengthened. What strengthens school culture, first of all? According to
Ebony Bridwell Mitchell, an expert in education leadership and professor at the
Harvard Graduate School of Education, culture is shaped and measured by the degree
of connections:
Culture will be strong or weak depending on the interactions between the people in the
organization…. In a strong culture, there are many, overlapping, and cohesive interactions
among all members of the organization. As a result, knowledge about the organization’s
distinctive character—and what it takes to thrive in it—is widely spread and reinforced. In
a weak culture, sparse interactions make it difficult for people to learn the organization’s
culture, so its character is barely noticeable and the commitment to it is scarce or sporadic
(Shafer, 2018).
Collaboration. Burlington’s district culture is precisely strengthened and made

distinct by the density and frequency of connections and interactions among key
stakeholders. Each major stakeholder in the district—student, teacher, school leader,
parent, industry—has a voice, through formal and informal means, and there are
many opportunities for these groups to collaborate. Parent–teacher committees are
actively engaged, and industry leaders participate via company visits and possible
placements. Meanwhile, the high school, for example, develops global and commu-
nity citizenship through an array of student clubs where students create and execute
ideas for community service (Sullivan, Sheehan, & Deacon, 2018). Teachers and
school leaders see this as an opportunity for collaboration. Another example is the
IT help desk led by students. In the one-to-one implementation process, leaders saw
an opportunity to empower students with the task of solving technological prob-
lems for teachers and other students. Initiatives like these give students a real sense
of responsibility over an important aspect of school improvement, and school and
district leaders are confident in the value of collective leadership (Villano, 2018).
Furthermore, district leaders foster opportunities to collaborate—even in decisions
of resource allocation—and use design thinking principles when crafting policy. A
district leader shared the impact of including student voices:
When we were going through the one-to-one implementation in the high school…we asked
what kind of cases should we get for the iPads, and one kid said, “Don’t buy cases.…People
are going to toss them and buy one anyway.” That would have been frustrating to find on the
floor these cases we paid for (Larkin, 2018).
School principals are also highly collaborative. They involve the whole commu-
nity in planning and implementation processes and regularly contribute to teaching.
For example, an elementary school principal goes into all the classrooms every day
to ensure that he and the teachers have a close and trusting relationship (Lyons &
Larkin, 2018). Again, there was no evidence of specific training in this area, other
than their studies in educational leadership (Villano, 2018), but rather that the district
fosters a culture of broad collaboration.
Autonomy. The BPS district places a strong emphasis on having an empowered,
well-supported staff of teachers and principals. Two main characteristics define the
BPS human capital strategy. First, the district allows for a high level of autonomy
for teachers and principals. In all schools, teachers felt empowered to bring new and
innovative ideas to their principal and district leaders and felt supported in pursuing
those ideas. A teacher-librarian shared: “I had this crazy idea to turn the library
into a learning commons, and so I brought [it] to Eric (Superintendent) and Patrick
(Deputy Superintendent) and to John (Principal)… and not only did they said yes,
but they provided me with help” (teacher-librarian, December 5, 2018). The second
characteristic is focused guidelines that serve to align the efforts across the district as
well as to provide clear boundaries within which the autonomy could be exercised.
The Planning for Success document and its four objective pillars serve as an orienting
document that created alignment throughout the district. Relatedly, a principal shared
how the superintendent had asked all principals to comply with a set of research-based
“non-negotiables”, such as holding English language classes early in the morning,
because research showed that students incorporate language better at this time of
day. The Superintendent emphasized that it was important to have clear direction
with narrowed focus and ample autonomy (Conti, 2018).
Bounded Autonomy. In sum, the balance between collaboration and autonomy
has given rise to what we define as a culture of bounded autonomy. This set of
moderate rules and focused priorities drives a consistent effort throughout the district
without stifling the motivation of teachers or principals. This system culture seems
to resonate with the principles of distributed leadership in which actors are entrusted
with greater responsibility and accountability, and in turn feel empowered to execute
policy with excellence (TALIS 2013 results, 2014). This culture of bounded autonomy
where good relationships are valued contributes to high motivation among teachers,
extending therefore to the classroom level. Noting the role of the Superintendent
and Deputy Superintendent, a teacher shared, “They are pretty open with what they
are communicating to us.…They are present, they are here, they substitute once a
month.…They show up in our ceremonies, that is meaningful, that the superintendent
cares enough about my kid as a student” (elementary teacher, December 5, 2018).
7.4 Teacher Professional Development
The theme of collaboration runs steadily throughout a teacher’s experience in BPS

and is explicitly defined in Burlington’s District Plan. The Plan outlines two specific
strategic initiatives related to teacher training and collaboration. The first initiative
aims to build teacher capacity through professional development opportunities as

well as planning for use of “evolving instructional technologies”; another calls to
“expand collaboration” through efforts to “increase formal and informal collabora-
tion amongst staff” (Conti, 2016). The focus on teamwork, collaboration and leader-
ship among teachers aligns with the interpersonal skills in the Pellegrino framework
for twenty-first century skills (Reimers & Chung, 2016). The dedication to collab-
orative approaches signals an understanding of the importance of the interpersonal
skill-building not only for students but also for educators.
Interviews with BPS leaders reveal that fostering teacher capacity is one focus
areas for professional development (Villano, 2018). Reviews of the literature of pro-
fessional development indicate that professional development can encompass both
formal and informal experiences, which Burlington balances in the opportunities it
provides and allows (Villegas-Reimers, 2003). With limited days allotted for teacher
trainings, it is notable that the professional development opportunities at BPS span
both internal and external environments, meaning there are trainings available during
and outside of the school day. External opportunities may include serving as a mentor
to new teachers or attending an offsite conference or workshop. Examples of internal
opportunities are informal knowledge-sharing at department meetings and observ-
ing lessons in classrooms. More formally, elementary teachers review assessment
data every six weeks to modify lesson plans and adjust for individualized instruction
(Villano, 2018). Further, teachers have access to subject coaches who assist in creat-
ing lessons or refreshing existing lessons to incorporate technology (Villano, 2018).
Working with colleagues and students to maximize learning potential, teachers in
Burlington have the support, resources and access to enhance their own careers and
skill sets.
Notably, Burlington does not face the same hiring challenges that other school
systems may struggle with in attracting well-qualified educators. Most teachers in
Burlington have attended teaching colleges in the region and secured their teacher
licensure from the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, which must be renewed after
five years. Massachusetts also mandates that all teachers seeking their professional
licensure undergo a one-year induction program followed by an additional 50 hours of
mentoring with an experienced educator (Massachusetts Department of Elementary).
Administrators have designed a “feeder” structure wherein support staff, such as
Response to Intervention tutors and substitute teachers, who regularly work in the
schools and already know the organization and their colleagues, so it is easy for
them to be absorbed by the district when vacancies arise. Due to the reputation BPS
has built for itself, it becomes very easy for Burlington schools to fill vacant teacher
positions with highly qualified candidates, according to one school administrator. The
culture of autonomy, innovation and continuous learning supports a robust pipeline
of professional staff at all levels.
7.5 District Leadership
Among the factors that enable and empower teachers is the leadership that the Super-
intendent of BPS, Dr. Conti, provides. Here we analyze certain aspects of his behavior
that are especially relevant.
Taking Fullan and Quinn’s framework of coherence, the mindset of growth in
a leader can be very beneficial to generate a culture of learning throughout the
district (Fullan & Quinn, 2015). It increases the quality of plans because it involves
more stakeholders, and it increases the capacity of the organization to approach
future issues. Furthermore, great leaders act as “Lead Learners”, and they impact
the organization through modeling learning, through shaping the culture through
relationships, trust and engagement, and through maximizing the impact on learning
(Fullan & Quinn, 2015).
Dr. Conti fits the description of a leader that creates trust, relationships and empow-
erment among teachers and principals. Not only does he make sure that the district
has established a few well-understood priorities, which helps to execute the theory of
change, but he also gives a fair amount of autonomy to the school principals, while
making sure to generate a collaborative culture across the district. For example, he
substitute-teaches once a month, attends events that are important for teachers and
visits regularly the schools to share time with staff. If a teacher has a new idea, he
willingly listens and supports that teacher in their innovation journey. However, he
also provides a minimal amount of structure for principals to work. A school princi-
pal, for example, said that Dr. Conti asked all principals to comply only with a list of
research-based “non-negotiables” (i.e., that math should be taught in the morning for
better outcomes), and beyond that they had autonomy to run their schools, knowing
that the superintendent trusts their work. Importantly, Dr. Conti also pointed out that
he always tries to elevate and recognize the leadership of his team (whether principals
or teachers) when something is successful, as opposed to self-attributing the success.
He is not concerned with being congratulated, but for his team to feel successful and
recognized. In difficult times though, he perseveres to lead and absorb the difficulties,
so that the teachers can continue to work ahead in favor of the students.
Leadership is clearly important to establish a culture that supports teacher pro-
fessional development. In this case, we found a collaborative leader that has had a
ripple effect on all stakeholders, thus contributing to enable the whole district to live
into a culture of adaptation, learning and trusting relationships.
7.6 Investment in Infrastructure
Another reason for a thriving culture in BPS that aids teacher empowerment is their
investment in infrastructure, especially in the area of technology. When we first met
Mr. Villano, Director of Technology at BPS, he emphasized a three-step strategy
to roll out a technological reform: (1) Infrastructure, (2) Devices, and (3) People.
Villano mentioned how most reforms that do invest in technology, almost always put
the people first, thus risking the sustainability of the intervention. In BPS, they first
set up the infrastructure, including high-speed wireless internet and routers. Next,
they invested in the one-to-one device program (i.e., an iPad for every child). Once
the infrastructure was in place, they started investing in resources for both teachers
and students. This level of preparedness helped BPS gain trust among teachers who
were the key implementer stakeholders. BPS made sure that the necessary support,
both in terms of lesson planning and diagnostic tools, was present for the teachers.
The teachers make use of technology to collect data from assessments or end-of-day
learning checks through apps, such as i-Ready. The teachers can even rely on the
student help desk, which is an effort to diagnose everyday technical issues in terms
of technology use, both for teachers and students. It is this nature of codependency
and collaboration among the stakeholders and the existing structure that promotes
learning in BPS.
The Burlington teacher preparation experience is a hybrid between structures
and habits that combines top-to-bottom and bottom-up professional development.
In this system, agency, collaboration and leadership are crucial. There is alignment
between teacher preparation and student learning goals, particularly regarding socio-
emotional learning, collaboration, and creativity and innovation. Moreover, citizen-
ship seems to be loosely aligned to a culture of teacher agency embedded in the
system; though there is weak evidence of cultural competency training, a learn-
ing goal that was mentioned regarding student learning goals. Furthermore, digital
learning is highly driven by leadership and formal training from the district.
7.7 Key Takeaways for Educators and Future Research
While Burlington is an example of a high-performing district at work, we are cog-

nizant of the possibility that there are enabling factors present in Burlington that may
elude other school systems in the United States and around the world.
Long tenure of collaborative leaders. While the average tenure of a district
superintendent in the United States is of about 3–4 years (Conti, 2018), the BPS
superintendent is on his eleventh year. Long tenure of leaders and staff provides a
nuanced understanding of how to navigate key relationships in the district and how
priorities should evolve to serve BPS students. A relatively long tenure, we believe,
can play an essential role in building social capital and therefore in developing a
cohesive school culture over time. Developing a culture of collaboration, for instance,
requires focused, intentional effort over a sufficiently long period of time as teams
don’t learn to collaborate overnight.
Hiring policies. Unlike other districts in the world, it should be noted that the
Superintendent can hire the principals, and indeed has hired each of them, and he
can also remove them. This is favorable for the alignment required in a coalition and
leads to the belief that school leaders’ autonomy is mediated by the trust generated
in the selection process.
Financial resources. Especially in developing countries, the choices that BPS

made should be understood within the context of the resources at their disposal. For
example, the total per pupil expenditure in BPS amounts to $20,678 USD annually
(Massachusetts Department of Education 2018), but it is approximately $1,500 USD
in Peru, $167 USD in the Philippines (World Education News + Reviews, 2018)
and as low as $127 USD in some areas in India (Jain, 2017). This is especially
relevant since many of the main factors of BPS involve purchasing goods and services,
such as evaluations and professional development. While cost structures vary across
countries, it is clear that schools need adequate resources, in their respective settings,
to be able to acquire the kind of inputs that can support efforts of instructional
improvement such as those examined in this chapter.
Given these enabling factors, BPS nevertheless proves to be an example for other
school systems. We draw the following lessons from this case, which we hope are use-
ful to education leaders interested in supporting the development of teacher capacity
to empower students with the full breath of competencies necessary.
Alignment around few priorities is key. The strategic planning had few prior-
ities, which were clearly understood by all actors. The priorities describe what to
do (engaged learning) and how to do it (collaboration). Focused alignment can be
reinforced by strong leadership.
The importance of formative assessments. In many systems, standardized
assessments fail to help educators to improve curriculum, either because the data
arrives late, or because they do not provide a comprehensive range of data about stu-
dents. Districts might consider crafting or buying a different set of evaluations that
are commonly agreed upon by all actors, with the specific objective of promoting
frequent collaboration among teachers aimed at improving instruction.
Investment in technology processes. Implementation should follow a three-step
process: (1) Investing in infrastructure (points of access, broadband internet); (2)
Investment in devices (iPads, computers, readers); and (3) Training people (profes-
sional development) (Villano, 2018). School leaders shared that many districts fail to
implement technology-driven instruction because they start by purchasing devices
without proper investment in infrastructure. After implementation, it is also impor-
tant to include maintenance budget lines to continue to update equipment, though
these expenses are considerably less than the initial investments.
A culture of bounded autonomy. Policymakers may benefit from coalescing
actors around elements of structure and direction such as the main goals of the strate-
gic plan, standards, or minimal agreements of execution (such as the “non-negotiable
list of execution” that Dr. Conti shared with principals). However, it is also key to
provide autonomy. Teachers are empowered when they see opportunities to create
products, contribute knowledge and choose their learning; examples include sharing
professional development with peers, building curriculum or selecting BPS Confer-
ence professional development sessions. Teachers should also be asked for feedback
on initiatives.
As we look to the next generations to solve tomorrow’s problems, it is impera-
tive that education systems are designed and implemented in ways that support the
multifaceted student and maximize their abilities and capacity for development. The
following ideas illustrate the complexities of supporting twenty-first century skills

in various educational systems in relation to the goals set forth by the Burlington
Public School district.
Digital citizenship enabled by ICT. Through intentional implementation of the
one-to-one device program, Burlington Public Schools is leading the way in its
application of information and computer technology (ICT). The integration of iPads
and laptops in the classroom has created more dynamic learning experiences and
given teachers and students more flexibility in their communications and interactions.
The one-to-one program supports the cognitive competencies of adaptive learning
and ICT literacy. By virtue of the connectivity and ease of sharing information,
learners in the district are equipped to further develop interpersonal competencies
such as collaboration, teamwork, assertive communication and social influence with
others. The importance of ICT literacy cannot be underestimated, as students prepare
to be active and engaged citizens.
Building to higher-order thinking skills. The ethos of Higher-Order Thinking
Skills (HOTS) is to enable students to lead their learning process—a major aim of
the district. From creating digital portfolios to learning about mindfulness, the stu-
dents in Burlington are creators of their own experience and have ample opportunity
to cultivate HOTS. Further, David Villano, Director of Technology Integration at
BPS, talks proudly about incorporating the SAMR model (Substitution, Augmenta-
tion, Modification and Redefinition) in their curriculum. Burlington uses relatively
simple technology tools like Scratch and Sphero to enhance problem-solving skills.
Widespread support of socio-emotional learning. In Burlington, social-
emotional learning is included in the guiding principles of curriculum frameworks
and in the district’s strategic objectives. Burlington also runs empathy walks, medi-
tation schedules and peer mentorship programs that help kids collaborate and work
through real-life problems or simply cultivate a culture of acceptance (Villano, 2018).
Collaboration and diversity. Relationship management is included in Burling-
ton as a guiding principle for curriculum frameworks. Burlington leaders, curricu-
lum frameworks and strategic plans explain empathy and cultural competence as
understanding the perspective of others.
We conclude this analysis with three questions that we cannot answer at this time.
The first concerns whether the collaborative culture would suffer if the Superinten-
dent changed. It would be important to examine the degree to which district habits
and investments have sufficient legitimacy to continue regardless of changes of lead-
ership at the top. A limitation of this study is that we conducted a small number
of teacher interviews. Further studies may include a broader sample or surveying
teachers to inquire into the robustness of the collaborative culture. The second ques-
tion relates to the tension between one-to-one learning and collaboration. Classroom
visits showed all students conducting individual work on their iPads, which leads to
the question of how BPS can balance personalized learning and teamwork. The third
question asks how BPS will evaluate other competencies in the future. Current eval-
uation systems for math, literacy and socio-emotional learning exist in elementary
school, and it remains to be seen whether and how these policies translate to middle
school and high school.
This analysis serves to draw lessons from Burlington Public Schools as an ecosys-
tem and to help policymakers reflect on their own ecosystems, taking into consid-
eration the complex interplays that must be managed to achieve coherence between
the different actors’ priorities, focus in the district’s efforts, and ultimately, student
progress towards twenty-first century competencies.
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experiences for learners around the world. She previously led communications and marketing ini-
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ket and product innovations in the field of education & learning, which has garnered an interna-
tional award in 2018. She currently resides in San Francisco, California and works on interna-
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nology in social justice and equity, including working at The Asia Foundation. She holds a M.Ed.
in International Education Policy from Harvard University.

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SPRINGER BRIEFS IN EDUC ATION

Fernando M. Reimers Editor

More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/8914

ISSN 2211-1921 ISSN 2211-193X (electronic)

1 Building Teacher Capacity to Educate the Whole Child.

About the Editor

Fernando M. Reimers is the Ford Foundation Professor of the Practice of

Hannes Aichmayr Bielefeld, Germany

Abstract How should teachers be prepared in order to educate their students to

© The Author(s) 2020 1

1.1 Goals of This Book

report on the challenges of scaling ambitious education reforms and innovations

1.2 Content of the Book

levels of performance of those teachers was high-quality teacher initial prepara-

1.3 The Value of Comparative Analysis to Understand How

conclusion regarding the low priority of knowledge-based professional development

There is a growing recognition that we need more nuanced conceptualizations

rank…Overall, Shanghai is characterized by a coherent and comprehensive system of

1.4 The Importance of Studying the Implementation

There is consensus that teacher professional development is part of a system in

Soëtard, M. (1994b). Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–78). PROSPECTS: Quarterly Review of Com-

Hannah Blausten, Christopher Gyngell, Hannes Aichmayr

Abstract Supporting Mathematics Teaching for Mastery in England examines the

© The Author(s) 2020 29

2.2 Differences Between South-East Asian Countries

There are significant differences between the education systems in top-performing

2.3 Theory of Change

2.4 Description of the Reform: Pedagogy

The reform consists of three main components to implement this approach to

2.6 Twenty-First Century Knowledge and Skills

2.7 Cognitive Competencies

2.8 Intrapersonal Competencies

2.9 Interpersonal Competencies

2.10 Evaluation and Challenges

The following section evaluates the success of and challenges to implementation.

Christopher Gyngell is a Universities Partnerships Manager at Coursera, working to increase the

Hannes Aichmayr is an education expert at Bertelsmann Foundation, Germany. He previously

Chelsea Raubenheimer, Milena Rosenzvit, Laura Ospina and Rin Kim

Abstract In 2012, the Ministry of Education of Colombia introduced a large-scale

In 2012, the Ministry of Education of Colombia introduced a large-scale, in-service

From public–private partnerships to a commitment to efficiency, Colombia’s Min-

Prior to Todos a Aprender, the largest teacher professional development program

national standardized assessments—confirmed the low levels of student skills and

3.3 Teacher-Centered Design

3.4 Provision of Textbooks and Learning Materials

In addition to the teacher-centered approach of the program, the development and

3.5 Successful Implementation

Todos a Aprender, Colombia’s most ambitious program for teacher professional

© The Author(s) 2020 63

4.1 Chapter Outline

4.2 Historical Context

4.3 The Role of Evaluation in Teacher Professionalization

The reform’s theory of change relied on institutional and legal modifications to

(Reyes, 2018). These changes created a system in which professional development

4.4 First Axis of the RE: Evaluation as a Tool

1. Assessment of the educational sector (LINEE, 2013).

either completed teacher vocational school or earned a degree in education (LGSPD,

4.5 Second Axis: The New Educational Model as a Tool

The NME was a comprehensive approach to changing the educational system in