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Crime and Human Nature: A Psychology of Criminality

Article  in  The Behavior analyst / MABA · October 1986

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Book Review
Crime and Human Nature:
A Psychology of Criminality
Michael T. Nietzel and Richard Milich
University of Kentucky
The publication of James Q. Wilson may be weakened by the availability of
and Richard J. Herrnstein's Crime and so many secondary synopses of the book
Human Nature (Simon & Schuster, 1985) often preceded by the reviewer's warn-
has proven to be a major event for crim- ings that the prose is "dry as dust," that
inologists as well as other scholars, the book will leave you "bleary-eyed," or
professionals, politicians, and those that much of it "makes depressing read-
members of the lay public interested in ing." An even greater threat to adequate
understanding the causes of crime. Sel- understanding of the book is the tenden-
dom does a book written by two acade- cy to reduce its themes to shop-worn slo-
micians generate the interest and spark gans or forced positions on simplistic di-
the debate that this one has. Network chotomies. As examples, one encounters
news, the talk-show circuit, and countless such distortions as Time's headline, "Are
newspaper articles have analyzed the Criminals Born, Not Made?" as well as
book with varying degrees of accuracy in Newsweek's more declarative, "Crimi-
their summaries of its content. By the end nals Born and Bred." Nor are such phras-
of February, 1986, we were able to iden- es confined to the popular press; in fact,
tify more than 20 major periodicals or for good old-fashioned ad hominem in-
collections of criticism that had reviewed vective, gratuitousness, and sophistry,
the book, including such notable outlets fellow academicians are hard to beat.
as Time, Newsweek, New York Times Witness Leon Kamin's review in Scien-
Book Review, The New Republic, and tific American (February, 1986). His dis-
Science. Now The Behavior Analyst has missal of the book as "selective use of
joined this group, and the book's mon- poor data to support a muddled ideology
umentality has been assured. ... ," his intimation that social phenom-
There is a danger in this much atten- ena cannot be genetically influenced, his
tion, and that is that the book will be characterization of a psychological ex-
read about rather than read itself. This periment as a "silly game forced (on the
temptation is strengthened by the intim- subjects) by psychologists," and his sug-
idating size (639 pages), encyclopedic gestion that ideas like Wilson and Herrn-
coverage, and occasionally ponderous stein's are to be expected whenever we
prose of the book. Unless the reader is a have someone like Ronald Reagan for
criminologist, a book reviewer, or a com- President reveal more about Kamin than
pulsive graduate student with this book Crime and Human Nature.
required on a reading list, it will take ded- The repeated descriptions of the book
ication to read the book in its entirety. as a predominantly hereditarian account
One's resolve to tackle this Herculean task of criminality mislead the nonreader or
even the casual "skimmer" to summa-
rize it as a naturist theory of crime. It is
The complete citation is Wilson, J. Q., & Herm- not. Wilson and Herrnstein attempt to
stein, R. J. Crime and human nature. New York: restore psychological factors, family vari-
Simon and Schuster ($22.95). Requests for reprints
should be sent to the first author, Department of ables, and individual predispositions
Psychology, University of Kentucky, Lexington, KY (some of which are inheritable and some
40506. of which are not) to a place of importance

211
212 MICHAEL T. NIETZEL & RICHARD MILICH

in criminological theory, which has for ilar seminar at the undergraduate level.
at least three decades been dominated by James Wilson, a political scientist by
sociological explanations. Their attempt training, is well known in criminological
to balance the scales between sociological circles for his Thinking About Crime
and constitutional-psychological theo- (1975; revised in 1983). Several of the
ries of criminality does not mean that themes in Crime and Human Nature,
they place all the weight on individual such as the role of family discipline and
difference variables. A careful reading of warmth in teaching children self-control,
Crime and Human Nature is the most and the growing "ethos of self-expres-
effective antidote to hasty and faulty cat- sion" in America which hinders institu-
egorization of its conclusions. Readers tional control of impulses, were previ-
will frequently encounter statements like, ously presented in the Thinking About
"many factors cause crime, with no single Crime volumes. Richard Herrnstein, the
characteristic either necessary or suffi- psychologist, should be familiar to be-
cient to account for it" (p. 162), "the of- havior theorists for his studies of avoid-
fender offends not just because of im- ance learning and the law of effect. He is
mediate needs and circumstances but also probably better known among lay read-
because of enduring personal character- ers, however, for his role in the contro-
istics" (p. 209), and "If one asks whether versy over the heritability of intelligence
criminals are born or made, the answer, that raged in the 1970s (e.g., IQ in the
in one sense, is that they are both and, Meritocracy, 1973).
in a more important sense, that the ques- Crime and Human Nature consists of
tion is badly phrased" (p. 509). 20 chapters organized into six major sec-
The reader willing to devote consid- tions. The first chapter describes and
erable time and serious effort to this book evaluates available methods for measur-
will be richly rewarded. It is a major piece ing crime (police reports, victim surveys,
of scholarship not only for the sheer brute self-reports, arrest records, observation,
force of the research the authors consider and vital statistics) and distinguishes be-
(more than 1,000 references) but also for tween incidence and prevalence data. The
their attempt to forge the data into a the- authors also use this first chapter to de-
ory of criminality that (1) considers the limit their field of inquiry to what they
combined effects of constitutional, psy- call criminality- serious crimes, con-
chological, familial, and (perhaps) early demned and punished in all societies, in-
school influences and that (2) assigns pri- volving predatory, aggressive, or larce-
mary importance to these variables and nous behavior. For this reason, their
secondary status to sociological variables theory may not adequately explain the
(e.g., unemployment and social class, full range of illegal conduct. As a further
which may exert their strongest effects on result of this definition, Wilson and
"late-blooming" offenders). Not all com- Herrnstein begin their analyses by focus-
ponents oftheir account are equally com- ing on crimes that show regularity on the
pelling, as we suggest later. And not all three variables of age, sex, and place;
of the research they rely on is critically "crime is an activity disproportionately
analyzed with equivalent incisiveness, carried out by young men living in large
another problem we address later. These cities" (p. 26). Beyond these initial reg-
objections, however, do not significantly ularities, other patterns of criminality are
dampen our overall impression of the apparent, and it is these patterns that
book-it is one of the best documented, Wilson and Herrnstein contend will pre-
most provocative studies of serious crim- dispose individuals to criminality.
inality ever written. Their theory of criminality is sum-
The authors bring impressive creden- marized in Chapter two and presented
tials to this collaborative effort which be- mathematically in an appendix. It inte-
gan in 1977 when they co-taught a grad- grates two of American psychology's most
uate course on crime and criminal justice mainstream traditions-behavior learn-
at Harvard and a year later offered a sim- ing theory and individual differences. The
 BOOK REVIEW 213

learning theory component begins with tially powerful, consequences. This con-
the operant principle that behavior is de- cept of impulsivity or time discounting
termined by its consequences. Both crim- is important in understanding criminal
inal and noncriminal behavior have gains behavior, since the gains associated with
and losses. For example, the gains asso- crime (e.g., large amount of money and
ciated with not committing a crime in- revenge) tend to occur relatively imme-
clude having a clear conscience, avoiding diately, whereas the losses associated with
punishment, and maintaining one's rep- such behavior (e.g., punishment and loss
utation. The gains associated with crim- of reputation if detected) usually occur
inal behavior include monetary factors, much later in time, if they occur at all.
revenge, or peer approval. Whether a Thus, for impulsive individuals the ra-
crime is committed depends, in part, on tios of gains and losses may be shifted in
the net ratio of these gains and losses for the direction of criminal behavior.
both criminal and noncriminal behavior. The authors also discuss equity, a con-
When the ratio for committing a crime cept borrowed from social psychology, as
exceeds that for not doing so, there is an an important influence on criminality.
increased likelihood of such a crime being Equity theory states that people constant-
committed. ly make comparisons between what they
Although this initial aspect of the the- feel they deserve and what they observe
ory is quite straightforward and consis- other individuals receiving. Inequitable
tent with classical operant principles, transactions are ones in which one's own
Wilson and Herrnstein argue that indi- ratio of gains to costs is less than that of
vidual differences also influence these ra- others. The important point in terms of
tios and help determine whether a given the present theory is that individuals dif-
individual is likely to commit criminal fer in how they respond to inequitable
behavior. These differences, discussed at relationships. Further, these judgments
length in subsequent chapters, affect both of equity may influence the perception of
respondent and operant processes. For the reinforcing value of crime. For ex-
example, relying on Eysenck, the authors ample, if one perceives oneself as being
propose that individuals differ in the ease unfairly deprived by society, this sense
with which they learn to associate, of inequity can increase the gains asso-
through respondent conditioning, nega- ciated with criminal behavior (e.g., steal-
tive emotional states (e.g., anxiety) with ing), since such behavior will help to re-
proscribed behaviors, and positive emo- store one's sense of equity.
tional states (e.g., self-satisfaction) with The second and more controversial
prescribed behaviors. These respondent- component of their theory is what Wilson
ly conditioned responses are what and Herrnstein call "constitutional fac-
Eysenck equates with conscience. Ac- tors" by which they mean factors, present
cording to Wilson and Herrnstein, a at birth or soon after, whose behavioral
strong conscience operates to increase the consequences gradually appear during
gains associated with noncriminal be- development. These factors are discussed
havior and to increase the losses associ- in five chapters dealing separately with
ated with criminal behavior. the topics of somatotyping of criminals
Another differentiating personality and genetic transmission, gender, age, in-
factor relates to the concept of impulsiv- telligence, and personality.
ity or time discounting. Although all The chapter on genetics and the ana-
reinforcers lose strength the more remote tomical correlates of criminality reviews
they are from the behavior, individuals the standard primary sources-Lombro-
differ in delaying gratification and there- so, Sheldon, Hooten, and the Gluecks on
by obtaining reinforcement from poten- somatotyping and Lange, Christiansen,
tial long-term gains. More impulsive in- and Mednick on twin and adoption stud-
dividuals, as defined by Wilson and ies of genetic influence. Wilson and
Herrnstein, have greater difficulty in de- Herrnstein are unusually tolerant of the
riving benefit from distant, albeit poten- methodological deficiencies in the so-
214 MICHAEL T. NIETZEL & RICHARD MILICH
matotyping research, a generosity that we fication and to focus on the long-range
found peculiar for two reasons, First, consequences of crime, it lowers the qual-
physique plays only a peripheral role in ity of moral reasoning, and it leads to
their own theory. Second, their willing- failure in important areas of life (work
ness to excuse methodological blunders and school) that "enhances the rewards
in this research is in such contrast to the for crime by engendering feelings of un-
exacting standards they exercise in ex- fairness" (p. 171). With respect to per-
amining the research on such sociological sonality, we have already discussed some
factors as peer influences or unemploy- of the dimensions that Wilson and
ment. Their treatment of the research on Herrnstein believe are more character-
genetics is more trustworthy, although istic of the criminal. These differences
their concern with the XYY issue seems converge on the construct of psychopa-
to be much ado about nearly nothing. thy. Criminals are more likely to show
From genetic research, they conclude that elevations on the psychopathy, schizo-
certain inherited predispositions (traces phrenia, and hypomania scales of the
of which may be reflected in the meso- MMPI and the socialization, responsi-
morphic bodies thought to prevail among bility, and self-control scales of the CPI.
criminals) make some persons more like- They show tendencies toward chronic
ly to behave criminally when confronted underarousal, poorer conditionability,
with "activating events" that occur in greater impulsivity, and less anxiety. As
their families, schools, or communities. a result of these deviations, a person is
One such predisposition is gender less deterred from crime by aversive con-
(Chapter 4). Males, we are told, are any- sequences and more attracted to wrong-
where from five to 50 times more likely doing.
to be arrested as females, a finding that Chapters eight, nine, and ten discuss
Wilson and Herrnstein conclude is due the role of developmental influences
to biological differences in aggression and within the family and the school, which
other primary drives that influence en- can "moderate or magnify" any natural
actment of different sex roles. Chapter dispositions. Families that foster (1) at-
five's topic, age, while not strictly a con- tachment of their children to their par-
stitutional factor, is correlated with phys- ents, (2) longer time horizons by which
ical growth, cognitive development, and children consider the distant conse-
changes in the meaning and availability quences of current actions, and (3) strong
of certain reinforcers that conspire to consciences that internally constrain mis-
make the juvenile years the peak offend- behavior will help counteract criminal
ing period of life. Thereafter, crime rates predispositions. The primary child-rear-
decline either because older persons ing methods for inculcating these three
commit fewer crimes, or because a large qualities involve a combination of warm
percentage of younger persons commit a supportiveness with consistent enforce-
few offenses and then stop, or both. ment of clear rules. Unfortunately, these
Chapters six and seven discuss what methods are least likely to be practiced
Wilson and Herrnstein regard as the cru- by parents whose own traits reflect the
cial predispositions of intelligence and predispositions they have passed to their
personality, which they estimate to be children. Therefore, children may suffer
between 50-80% and between 30-60% the double whammy of having problem-
inheritable, respectively. Criminals show atic predispositions compounded by ad-
an IQ deficiency of approximately 10 verse forms of parental control.
points from noncriminals, a difference Of some, but lesser importance, is the
accounted for largely by decrements in interaction between constitutional defi-
verbal rather than performance scores. cits and early experiences in school. Im-
Wilson and Herrnstein argue that bor- pulsive, unsocialized personalities and
derline or low intelligence can predispose lower intelligence not only directly make
a person to criminality in a number of criminality more likely, their interactions
ways: it makes it harder to delay grati- with cold, permissive schools that do not
 BOOK REVIEW 215
improve educational attainment may be national variations in crime (Chapter 17),
additionally criminogenic. and racial differences and crime (Chapter
The next four chapters are concerned 18). Much of this material is more spec-
with what Wilson and Herrnstein term ulative than the treatment of constitu-
the "social context" of crime-aspects of tional and developmental influences as
community life (including peer influ- other reviewers have been quick to ob-
ences, neighborhood boundaries, and op- serve. Some of it, notably their conten-
portunities for crime), unemployment, tion that society's institutions for con-
media violence, and the use of alcohol trolling impulsive behavior have
and heroin. Although each of these fac- weakened in the latter half of the 20th
tors is accorded some influence on crime, century and that this change contributes
Wilson and Herrnstein attribute rela- to rising crime rates, has been criticized
tively minor importance to all of them for being too "value laden" (Bruck, 1986).
in comparison to personal traits, family Other parts, for example their conclusion
socialization and early school experience. that there is not enough evidence to de-
What effects they do have are usually seen cide on any one explanation for high
as redundant with earlier constitutional crime rates among blacks, have been por-
determinants (a relationship that the au- trayed as being "dainty with [a] hot po-
thors classify as "common causes") or, tato" (Gewen, 1985). Here again, wheth-
as is the case with alcohol, due to exac- er one reads Wilson and Herrnstein or
erbation of the personal traits of impul- reads their reviewers will leave very dif-
siveness, time discounting and aggres- ferent impressions.
siveness. Wilson and Herrnstein point to three
The final chapter of the "social con- influences that they believe account for
text" section reclassifies three recognized historical and national trends in crime
policies for modifying crime rates-de- rates: (1) increases in the proportion of
terrence through punishment, enlarged young males in a population, (2) changes
opportunities for rewarding noncriminal in the ratio of benefits to costs for crim-
conduct, and rehabilitation of individu- inality, and (3) broad changes in society's
als -into the two categories of "changing commitment to instilling self-control via
subjective states" and "changing contin- the family, schools, and special institu-
gencies." Even though Wilson and tions like the church. The possibility that
Hermstein later acknowledge the inter- individual differences can still account for
relatedness of these two methods, they some international differences in crime
argue that changing subjective states does rates is considered, albeit very tentatively
not work very well -changing contingen- in Chapter seventeen, by contrasting the
cies does better. They believe that the Japanese with people from other coun-
most powerful contingencies are avail- tries. Their analysis of race differences in
able in families rather than in the labor crime rates is cautious; it considers the
market or neighborhood, a theme that possibility that constitutional factors play
echoes earlier chapters and portends later a role, but only as they are embedded in
ones. In addition, Wilson and Hermstein a "continuing tangle" of social, econom-
suggest that the swiftness, severity, and ic, and cultural-familial causes.
certainty of society's punishment of The final two chapters of the book ex-
criminals affect their subsequent behav- amine the implications of Wilson and
ior, although this conclusion seems to ap- Herrnstein's theory for the appropriate-
ply best to offenders (e.g., drunk drivers ness of punishment of criminals and for
and nonchronic offenders) who are quite alternative views of human nature and
different from the criminals Wilson and the social policies derived from these
Herrnstein tell us in Chapter one they views. On the matter of punishment, they
are most interested in. acknowledge the utilitation purposes of
A "History and Culture" section ad- punishment (deterrence, moral educa-
dresses the question of historical trends tion, and incapacitation), but base the ul-
in crime rates (Chapter 16), cultural and timate justification for it on the grounds
216 MICHAEL T. NIETZEL & RICHARD MILICH

ofretribution and the concept ofjust des- phisticated reader is going to experience
serts. Punishment is just when it restores some difficulty digesting the mass of ma-
society's sense of equity by requiring terial presented. Besides its sheer mass,
criminals to pay a debt that cancels the there are other aspects of the book that
unfair advantage their crime produced. would overwhelm most lay readers. First,
Conditions that might affect judgments the reader is exposed to competing the-
about when punishment is deserved (e.g., ories within several different branches of
insanity and social hardships) are dis- the social sciences, including economics,
cussed in a manner that preserves the sociology, anthropology, and psycholo-
moral necessity of punishment. On the gy. Even a scientist in one of these fields
different views of human nature, Wilson will have difficulty evaluating theories
and Herrnstein contrast the Hobbesian from other disciplines. It is hard to imag-
"man as calculator" model with the ine that the lay reader will be anything
Rousseauian "man as innocent" ideal and but overwhelmed by these diverse the-
not surprisingly reject them both (Rous- ories from disparate disciplines.
seau a little more vigorously) in favor of An additional problem facing the lay
an Aristotelian "man as social animal" reader is evaluating the authors' critiques
formulation in which the family is seen ofthese various theories and the research
as the crucial bender of important cri- associated with them. To comprehend the
minological twigs. In addition to again points the authors are making, it is help-
asserting the centrality of family pro- ful if the reader has some familiarity with
cesses in the formation of human char- issues relating to research design. For ex-
acter, the authors use this last chapter to ample, at times Wilson and Herrnstein
call for social practices that reaffirm per- discuss the differences in the quality of
sonal responsibility, that uphold stan- observational, laboratory, and field stud-
dards of right conduct, and that establish ies. At other times they contrast the re-
penalties for wrong conduct. sults obtained from twin and adoption
In any book of this scope, reviewers studies. They also discuss the various
are bound to find some problems and ways that significant relationships can be
have some complaints. We are no excep- interpreted in terms of identifying cau-
tion. One problem that the authors do sality, and throughout the book they
not completely resolve is the identifica- discuss the issue of statistical control to
tion of the audience for whom the book indicate that certain competing expla-
is written. Aspects of the book suggest nations can be ruled out. The reader who
that it is aimed at criminologists, but the is not sophisticated regarding issues in
book was clearly intended for the lay research design is at a disadvantage in
reader as well. This is most evident in comprehending the authors' evaluations
Chapter two, where the authors suggest of available research. Such a reader is
that the lay reader skip the more tech- likely to accept at face value the conclu-
nical aspects of the theory being pro- sions drawn by the authors, and skip the
posed. The large number of reviews of reviews and critiques of the available re-
the book in the popular press, as well as search.
the appearance of the authors on televi- The social scientist who reads this book
sion talk shows, further reinforces the is likely to have different reactions.
supposition that the book was intended, Someone who is familiar with research
and is being marketed, for a wider au- in a specific area may find sections of the
dience than professionals in the field. book superficial in its treatment of these
Obviously, whenever scholars try to topics. For example, most researchers fa-
reach such a diverse readership, difficul- miliar with research on hyperactivity and
ties are going to arise, and Wilson and conduct disorders would probably take
Hermstein are not immune to this prob- exception to the statement "Most chil-
lem. The result is a book that may be at dren who have conduct disorders are also
times disappointing to both the profes- hyperactive, and vice versa" (p. 243).
sional and lay reader. Even the most so- Similar superficial summaries of contro-
 BOOK REVIEW 217

versial areas can be found. It is under- exacting standards for the definition of
standable that in such a comprehensive economic concepts could also be given.
review of the research on crime certain But what requirements do they impose
areas will receive a somewhat superficial on a favored concept like impulsivity?
handling. Nevertheless, this does give one One does not find much concern about
pause in attempting to evaluate the au- adequate operationalization let alone
thors' summaries of areas with which one construct validity of this term. Is it really
has less familiarity. harder to classify persons as black or white
An additional reaction that the reader than it is to judge them impulsive or re-
from the behavioral sciences may have is flective? Wilson and Herrnstein appear
that, although Wilson and Herrnstein of- to act as though it were.
fer an excellent summary of available re- We also found their attention to meth-
search, there basically is nothing original odological rigor to be selective at times.
about the theory they are proposing. Some of this problem is no doubt due to
There appears to be widespread accep- the massive amounts of research they
tance in the behavioral sciences that be- summarize, a task sure to dull even the
havior is a result of the interaction of sharpest eye, but that is not the whole
both constitutional and environmental story. Their examination of the defects
factors. Similarly, the authors' use of both in the literature on TV violence and
respondent and operant conditioning aggression is incisive and reads like an
models in their theory has a relatively article for the Psychological Bulletin.
long history in the study of criminal be- Their treatment of the somatotyping
havior. We were surprised to see scant studies by Sheldon, Gibbens, and the
recognition paid to some psychological Gluecks is another matter. It sounds like
theories of criminality with marked sim- Psychology Today. This problem does not
ilarity to Wilson and Herrnstein's. Most invalidate the theory propounded in
notable here is Feldman's (1977) Crim- Crime and Human Nature, but it does
inal Behavior: A Psychological Analysis, suggest some infusion of ideology which
and to a lesser extent Yochelson and Sa- makes an easy target for critics.
menow's narrower and more controver- We have one other less substantive
sial The Criminal Personality (1976). complaint with the book. Portions of
Although the knowledgeable profes- some chapters are redundant, especially
sional may be somewhat disappointed in with respect to Wilson and Herrnstein's
occasional superficalities, the scholar, like frequent reliance on such classics as
the lay reader, will also at times feel over- Glueck and Glueck, McCord and Mc-
whelmed by the diversity oftheories and Cord, Robins, and West and Farrington.
disciplines covered by the authors. A stronger editorial hand would have
Therefore, the professional reader who been beneficial.
does not specialize in the study of crime Despite these several and sometimes
will at times feel helpless in his or her nontrivial problems, the fact that we re-
ability to evaluate the research summa- main impressed by the overall quality of
rized by the authors. this book is testimony to its unique
Another problem that concerns us is breadth and the authors' ability to syn-
the differential tolerance Wilson and thesize this material into a theoretical
Herrnstein show for defining concepts framework. Crime and Human Nature is
that are either stressed or deemphasized now the standard against which psycho-
by their theory. For example, they say logical formulations of criminality will be
that the effects of child abuse are poorly measured. Its comprehensiveness sug-
understood in part because "there is no gests that it will remain the standard for
settled definition of abuse" (p. 253). With years to come.
regard to race, they suggest that ethnic
identity is "a bit arbitrary" (p. 160), and REFERENCES
that this makes analysis of racial differ- Bruck, D. (1986). The great American trouble.
ences difficult. Other examples of their The New Republic, January 20, 27-32.
 218 MICHAEL T. NIETZEL & RICHARD MILICH
Feldman, M. P. (1977). Criminal behaviour: A Wilson, J. Q. (1975). Thinking about crime. New
psychological analysis. New York: John Wiley. York: Basic Books.
Gewen, B. (1985). Shedding light on crime. The Wilson, J. Q. (1983). Thinking about crime (rev.
New Leader, October 21, 15-16. ed.). New York: Basic Books.
Herrnstein, R. J. (1973). IQ in the meritocracy. Yochelson, S., & Samenow, S. E. (1976). The
Boston: Atlantic-Little, Brown. criminal personality. New York: Jason Aronson.
Kamin, L. J. (1986). Book review of Crime and
Human Nature. Scientific American, February,
22-27.

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