Mary

H as Mother
UMANITIES in the
DILIMAN Flores de
(JANUARY Mayo
-JUNE 2016) 13:1, 98-133

Mary as Mother in the Flores de Mayo

in Poblacion, Oslob

Patricia Marion Y. Lopez

University of the Philippines Diliman

ABSTRACT

The paper reflects on the meanings of the Flores de Mayo ritual as

performed in a town on the southeastern coast of Cebu through the
ex a m i n a t i o n o f M a r y a s a “s e m a n t i c a l l y o p e n ” s y m b o l . T h e e s s a y
illustrates how ideas about Mary are constructed through the discourse
of the Church and are in turn, reinforced through a Church-instituted
and regulated ritual. An analysis of selected elements of the ritual
however, reveals that the symbol of Mary has the potential to hold
“other” kinds of meanings that slip in between “off icial” and “unoff icial”
discourses, highlighting how Mary continues to be a negotiated f ield
between church authorities and the popular faithful.

Keywords: Marian devotion, ritual, Cebu

INTRODUCTION

The enduring devotion to the Virgin Mary in Catholic parts of the Philippines since
the beginning of Spanish colonization in the sixteenth century is partly attributed
to the survival of pre-Christian belief systems despite the efforts of Spanish
missionaries to stamp out all perceived “heathen” traces of the indigenous culture.
The worship of beings believed to inhabit natural places like mountains, caves, and
forests found new expression in Catholic imagery and ritual as noted by Mojares in
his analysis of the discourses surrounding the miraculous Virgin of Guadalupe in
Guadalupe, Cebu.

Christian images in the Philippines were “inserted” into a culture with

a tradition of sacred iconography. Precolonial Filipinos had religious
images of wood, stone, and other materials, called likha (invention),
larawan (image), or landing (shadow). Sculpted animal f igures or
anthropomorphic representations, theses were placed in makeshift
shrines in f ields, riverbanks, or caves, and to these images, propitiatory

98 1655-1532 Print / ISSN 2012-0788 Online

ISSN
 P. M. Y. Lopez

rites (animal sacrif ices, food offerings) were made. It is not diff icult to
conceive that the Guadalupe an image was absorbed into an older system
of iconic practices . . .

. . . The Virgin’s “appearance” in Cebu could not have been disassociated

from an existing complex of legends about an Earth goddess. A myth
widely diffused in the Philippines, it tells of a female deity who inhabits
a cave (mountain, forest) and is regarded as a supernatural provider who
periodically appears and disappears, a goddess of fertility who once
inhabited the mountains and has now vanished. (146)

The resulting syncretism of precolonial Southeast Asian, European, and Catholic

myths and behaviors is the product of the tenuous relationship between church/
colonial authorities and the colonized/popular faithful, and the processes of
negotiation, appropriation and re-appropriation that have occurred. Throughout history,
church leaders in the Philippines actively encouraged Marian devotion but also
periodically enforced regulatory/corrective measures in the performance of rituals
and in the interpretation of Mary’s place in the Church whenever the popular laity
took things “out of hand.” This dynamic process of accommodation/toleration versus
regulation/censure continues well into the present and illustrates how the symbol
of Mary has always been a highly contested terrain. This is complicated by Mary’s
inescapable feminine identity as Mother of God or as Virgin Most Pure, also tied
into the long history of patriarchy within the Church and in Spanish colonial
Philippines.

This paper aims to add to the body of literature on Marian devotion in the Philippines
by reflecting on the meanings of the Flores de Mayo in Poblacion, Oslob, a fourth
class municipality in southeastern Cebu. The research situates the Flores de Mayo,
as practiced in a town, within the broader history of negotiation described above. It
seeks to provide insight into how meanings about Mary are constructed by examining
a devotional ritual as a symbolic performance utilizing frames from interpretive
anthropology. 1

A basic premise is that the symbol of Mary is polysemic and semantically “open”
(see V. and E. Turner, Appendix A). The Flores de Mayo as a religious ritual constructs
notions of who Mary is by reiterating her virtues, her relationship to Christ and to
devotees. While the ritual represents the off icial discourse of the Church, it also
articulates, when examined closely, differing discourses, which in turn reveal an
unstable and dynamic f ield of meanings. Meanings are viewed as multiple (as
opposed to singular), conflicting (as opposed to unif ied), and constantly in a state of

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Mary as Mother in the Flores de Mayo

production (as opposed to stable and “natural”). The meaning of a “text” is not
dictated by the “author” but is ultimately constructed by its “reader.”

The Church is perceived as the authority when it comes to matters of faith and
doctrine, but the vast population of devotees contributes to the construction of
meanings that render an object of devotion “sacred.” Mojares provides a useful
description of the processes by which meanings are constructed and reconstructed,
paying particular attention to the devotees’ creative agency in forming their own
narratives.

In a semantic f ield in which motifs and details coalesced, displaced, or

collapsed into each other, those who regulated the faith (priests,
catechists) could select and heighten those elements they deemed
relevant and useful, and delete or suppress those that were hostile and
inconvenient. At the same time, of course, the faithful themselves could
disentangle, combine or imagine elements of the image according to
their own desire. We have to pay attention not only to the essentializing
and codifying strategies of the dominant but the creativity of the
faithful’s simplifying and meaning-making moves. (151)

THE FLORES DE MAYO AS A GENERALIZED DEVOTION

Figure 1. Photo of the Immaculate Conception church taken in December 2011.

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 P. M. Y. Lopez

The Flores is an adaptation of a European Marian devotion that gained popularity in

the Philippines in the nineteenth century. 2 It is often confused with another popular
May time tradition, the Santacruzan, which is held to commemorate St. Helen’s
f inding of the True Cross. 3 The Flores de Mayo is a monthlong devotion to Mary,
consisting of the daily recitation of the rosary and special prayers, the singing of
hymns, and the offering of flowers to the image of the Virgin. In Cebu, the Flores is
held in practically every town and barangay with children or young girls as its main
participants. The devotion normally culminates with a procession at the end of the
month. The ritual is typically performed inside a church or chapel although it is
believed that the devotion was intended originally to be practiced in homes. To
ensure the proper performance of the ritual, devotees use a Flores de Mayo guidebook
available in their locality, written in the vernacular. The guidebooks are usually
written by priests and are off icially approved by the Archdiocese of Cebu.

Apart from being a form of Marian veneration, the Flores was initially intended as
a form of spiritual formation for the layperson through daily sacrif ices, prayers, and
meditations, packaged as spiritual offerings to Mary. It is said that the practice
started in Rome as a means of counteracting inf idelity and immorality among
students in the Roman College of the Society of Jesus (Holweck n.p.). An example
of an Italian guidebook published in 1733 in Rome is Il mese di Maria o sia il mese di
maggio consagrato a Maria: coll’ esercizio di varj fiori di virti, which roughly translates
to “The month of Mary or the month of May consecrated to Mary: A collection of
exercises of different flowers of virtue.” Flowers are a metaphor of special sacrif ices
an individual devotee makes every day to offer to Mary. The carrying over of this
practice to the Philippines is evident in the earliest known Tagalog Flores de Mayo
guidebook in the Philippines, which uses the same metaphor and includes in its
instructions for devotees a list of daily pious actions as offerings to Mary. 4 The
offering of these types of spiritual gifts to the Virgin is no longer evident in the
current performances of the ritual in Cebu even though the tradition of offering of
actual flowers persists.

In Poblacion, Oslob, hermanas, 5 members of a group called the Children of Mary, 6

ensure the proper performance of the Flores de Mayo every year. The hermanas
come to church every day of May donned in white veils and dresses, with the
Miraculous Medal fastened with a blue ribbon around their necks. The more senior
hermanas7 usually lead the recitation of the rosary at the beginning of the ritual and
read aloud the prayers and meditational passages in the guidebook while the younger
girls assemble at the back of the church and prepare to carry decorated letters
forming the words AVE MARIA to the front of the church. The hermanas also assist

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the young children dressed as angels, who also accompany the girls to bring the
decorated letters to the front of the church. Throughout the ritual, several Marian
hymns are sung. At the end of the ritual, the hermanas, along with the other devotees
who come to attend the Flores, place flowers in a basket placed in front of the altar
as an offering to the Virgin.

Figure 2. Photo of hermanas and angels taken in May 2012.

Figure 3. Photo of procession in May 2012.

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Following Victor and Edith Turner (n.p.) one can say that the Flores falls under the
category of “generalized devotions” as it follows a Church-sanctioned and standard
format with the aim of instilling pious behavior. As opposed to pilgrimages which
are “liminal,” generalized devotions, often formalized in a sodality or fraternity, “…
attempt to purify, and render more virtuous, life in a familiar, structured place,
rather than to seek initiatory renovation through a journey to a far shrine—one
where the Mother of God is believed to have appeared to a humble lay person …”
Generalized devotions, in contrast to liminal ones, tend to be more structured and
institutionally regulated.

The generalized character of the Flores in Cebu can be seen in the interventions of
the archdiocese in the performance of the devotion to ensure its compliance with
Church teachings, reinforced through the publication of guidebooks. In recent years,
church authorities prescribed the celebration of the mass within the ritual of the
Flores to stress the primacy of the liturgical rites of the Church over Marian devotion.
The establishment of this new ritual structure necessitated a revised guidebook,
Ang Han-ay sa Flores de Mayo, originally published by the archdiocese in 2007,
which includes the celebration of the mass within the other elements of the ritual.
The new guide is also a more modern, comprehensive, and easier to follow version
of the older guide, Bulan sa Mayo: Hinikay ug pinupo sa daghanang basahon nga
nagadayeg kang Maria Santisima (Month of May: Prepared and picked from the
many readings that give praise to Holy Mary), originally printed in 1915. 8 Alongside
the inclusion of the mass was the altering of some of the texts used in the devotion
to shift the orientation of the ritual from Marian to Christ-centric. The content of
the new guidebook also stresses the centrality of biblical passages in the
interpretation of Mary’s identity and role in the Church. An observation of the
Flores in selected parishes in Cebu reveals that most communities with the
resources to hold a mass every day have complied with this mandate even though
the older guidebook (Bulan sa Mayo) continues to be more popular. 9

BULAN SA MAYO ANG HANAY SA FLORES DE MAYO

(with the Mass)
Rosary Songs are usually sung in Rosary Songs are usually sung in
between mysteries. between mysteries.
*This is typically ended with the *This is typically ended with the
singing of the Salve Regina singing/recitation of the Salve Regina
(Hail Holy Queen) and the (Hail Holy Queen) and the Letania
Letania (Litany). (Litany).

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Act of Contrition Ang Pag-ampo

Memorare Ang Paghalad sa pulong nga ‘AVE’
Ang Pagdala sa pulong nga
‘M-A-R-I-A’(Presenting of the letters AVE
MARIA to the altar)

Pagpalandong… (Meditation) Ang Pamalandong (Meditation)

Ejemplo Ang Santos nga Misa (Holy Mass)
Pag-ampo Ang Pag-ampo sa Katilingban
(Community Prayer)
* The presenting of the letters
AVE MARIA to the altar is done after.

Paghalad sa mga Bulak kang Ang Paghalad sa mga Bulak

Maria Santisima (Offering of Flowers)
(Offering of flowers to Ang Panamilit (Farewell)
Holy Mary) Ang Pag-ampo: Regina Caeli/Angelus
Mga Awit alang kang Maria
(Songs for Mary)

MARY AS DOMINANT RITUAL SYMBOL

Figure 4. Photo of Virgin taken in May 2011.

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 P. M. Y. Lopez

Mary as a complex of signif ieds, using Victor Turner’s frame, is a “dominant ritual
symbol” with “semantic polarity” (cited in V. and E. Turner, Appendix A). The meanings
signif ied by dominant symbols fall within a spectrum between the “ideological” or
“normative” pole and the “sensory” or “orectic” pole. The normative pole refers to
“ideas, values, legal principles, norms of social structure, theological doctrines, and
the like… ,” while the sensory pole represents “objects, activities, relationships, and
ideas which, in the relevant culture, may be expected to arouse emotion and desire,
feeling and willing . . .” (V. and E. Turner). While the divide between “sensorial” and
“normative” may be unwieldy, it is useful in viewing the doctrines and teachings of
the Church versus the interpretations of the popular laity as oppositions between a
tendency towards a generalized and orthodox interpretation and a contextual,
particularized interpretation on the other.

A consistent element in the older and newer guidebook is the following prayer to
Mary. This prayer (referred to as the pag-ampo 10) is usually accompanied by the
procession of AVE MARIA letters from the back to the front of the church.

Putli uyamut nga Birhen Maria, hinigugma namong Inahan, nakaila kami
kanimo; kay ikaw man ang among makagagahom nga Mananabang, ayaw
kawanga ang among mga pag-ampo, sukad karon nagasaad na kami sa
pagdebosyon kanimo ug pagsunod sa imong mga Birtudes. Hatagi kami
sa imong Santos nga grasya aron makaila kami sa among mga sala,
mabiyaan ang mga dautang pamatasan, ug mag-alagad na kami sa imong
mahigugmaong Anak. Ug aron amo kining madangat, halaran ka karon
namo niining mga pagpanghupaw sa among kasingkasing nga among
ipahinungod sa imong matam-is nga ngalan, MARIA.

Maaghop uyamot nga Inahan sa Dios ug Inahan man usab namo, hinumdumi
nga kaming mga alaut nga kaliwat ni Adan, imong gipanganak sa tiilan sa
Krus.

Anak nga pinalangga sa Dios nga Amahan, pangayo-a ang Diosnon niyang
kaluoy ug hatagi ang among mga mata sa mga mapait nga luha aron
among madangat ang pasaylo sa among mga sala.. .

Dios te salve. . .

Rayna sa langit ng yuta, panaplipdi kami sa tanang mga katalagman sa

kalibutan ug luwasa kaming nagsaulog kanimo sa gahom sa among
mabangis nga kaaway. ..

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Dios te salve. . .

Ikaw nga putli nga esposa sa Dios Espiritu Santo, idangat kami sa imong
Diosnong Esposo sa usa ka mainit nga gugma ug sa mga grasya nga
kinahanglanon sa kaayohan sa among mga kalag...

Dios te salve. . .

Alagad na pinalabi sa Dios, hatagi kaming mga makakasala sa imong

Langitnong panabang ug tabangi kaming nagadayeg kanimo sa among
makalilisang nga oras sa pagtinga. ..

Dios te salve...(Ang Han-ay sa Flores de Mayo 9-11)

[Pure Virgin Mary, our beloved Mother, we know you; that is why we
take refuge in you because you are our almighty Helper, do not let our
prayers be in vain, from today, we promise devotion to you and to follow
your virtues. Give us your holy grace in order for us to recognize our
sins, we will leave our evil ways and we will serve your loving Son.
And in order for us to attain this, we now offer you these sighs of our
hearts which we will offer to your sweet Name.

Merciful Mother of God and our Mother, as well, remember that we,
wretched descendants of Adam, were borne by you to the foot of the
cross…

Hail Mary …

Daughter, who is loved by God the Father, ask for his Godly mercy and
give our eyes bitter tears in order for us to attain forgiveness for our
sins…

Hail Mary …

Queen of heaven and earth, protect us from all calamities on earth, and
save us who are celebrating you from the power of our merciless
enemy…

Hail Mary …

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 P. M. Y. Lopez

You, pure Wife of God the Holy Spirit, obtain for us from your Godly
Husband warm love and grace which are necessary for the sake of our
souls…

Hail Mary …

Special servant of God, grant unto us sinners your heavenly aid and help
us who praise you in the most terrible hour of our death…

Hail Mary … 11]

It is in this section where the Church’s construction of Mary’s identity is most

clearly articulated in the Flores de Mayo. Each prayer begins with a title of Mary,
calling on a specif ic role or identity before asking for a request. These multiple
personas, while nothing strange to the average Catholic, may be read as almost
contradictory—as if one always had to be neutralized by the other. Mary embodies
the various roles of femininity: as the Merciful Mother of God who is at the same
time the Daughter, who is Loved by God the Father and the Pure Wife of God the Holy
Spirit. She is also one that represents power—Queen of Heaven and Earth, and yet
she is made lowly and humble, as a Special Servant of God. Reiterating Mary’s
multiple titles reinforces her special, feminine place in the Catholic world, but
always through her multidimensional relationship to Christ/God. This, I believe, is
what the Church has always sought to remind devotees through the Flores de
Mayo—that Mary is not by herself powerful. Rather, she is a vessel from which
God’s power flows.

Figure 5. Photo of medallion worn by a hermana taken in May 2011.

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Mary as Mother in the Flores de Mayo

Mary as the Most Pure Virgin is also reiterated in the Flores. The Miraculous Medal
worn by the hermanas contains the short prayer “Oh, Mary conceived without sin,
pray for us who have no recourse but thee.” This same prayer, shortened to the
Spanish hymn “Ave Maria purisima sin pecado concebida,” is sung several times as
the letters AVE are brought to the front of the church. The image of Mary as pure
and chaste (due to being conceived without sin) is often conflated with her body
being untainted by sex. This is meaningful when examined within the history of
colonization and the role of Marian devotion in constructing ideals of femininity in
Philippine society.

Figure 6. Photo of hermanas taken on 27 May 2012.

Carolyn Brewer, in Shamanism, Catholicism and Gender Relations in Colonial

Philippines, 1521-1685, provides an account of role of Mary in the process of
conversion and in the reshaping of gender relations, eventually leading to the
denigration of the status of women in early colonial Philippines. Brewer asserts
“women and feminized men had to lose their privileged status in the spiritual
sphere, and it was necessary to reconstruct the Filipina into the ‘good’ woman of
Hispano-Catholicism by curtailing her freedom of association and sexual expression”
(xv-xvi). According to Brewer, Mary was fashioned as the “ideal woman” in order for
Catholicism to effectively take root and for the virtue of virginity to become

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acceptable. Since the portrayal of Mary as meek, humble, and subservient to a male
God would not have been attractive to women who had occupied a position of
leadership in spiritual matters, Mary’s identity as the powerful mother of God had
to be highlighted to appeal to the sensibilities of precolonial society. However,
Mary’s special role and power had to be qualif ied as only emanating from God’s
grace and as rooted in her being pure from sin and sex. 12

Despite this complex construction of Mary’s identity (particularly in the pag-ampo),

it is Mary as Mother that resonates the most in the more expressive elements of
the ritual. The songs performed as the flowers are offered to Mary (Paghalad sa
Bulak section) refer specif ically to Mary as “Inahan,” despite her many other roles
articulated pag-ampo above. In both songs below, Mary is described or addressed as
Mother by children in most need of her mercy and aid.

Mangadto Kita Let’s Go 13

Chorus: Chorus:

Mangadto kitang tanan Let’s all go

Sa mga bulak magdala Bringing flowers
Ihalad ta kang Maria Let us offer to Mary
Kay maoy atong Inahan Because she is our Mother

Solo: Solo:

Ikaw man ang babayeng putli You are the chosen woman
Maanyag pa kay sa bulan More beautiful than the moon
Maghapa kami sa tiilan We prostrate ourselves at your feet
Kanimo Inahang hamili O Blessed Mother

Ikaw labi pang masiga You are brighter

Kay sa adlaw sa kaudtohoon than the sun at noon
Ang kalag mong bililhon Your precious soul
Sa gugmang nagakasiga Shines with love

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Mary as Mother in the Flores de Mayo

Maghugyaw Kita Let Us Rejoice 14

Chorus: Chorus:

Maghugyaw kita ug magkanta Let us rejoice and sing

Magsa-ulog kang Maria Celebrate Mary
Claveles ug azucena Carnations 15 and tuberose 16
Atong ihalad kaniya Let us offer unto her

Solo: Solo:

Ngari kamo binunyagan Come ye baptized

Ngari kamo kang Maria Come ye to Mary
Ngari kay atong halaran Come for we shall offer

Sa rosal ug azucena Gardenia and tuberose

Ania na kami ania We have come, we are here
Oh Inahan nga nalolotan Oh tender Mother
Tan-awa kami tan-awa Cast your eyes on us
Dinhi sa imong atubangan Who have come before you

The farewell song at the end of the Flores likewise reiterates Mary as a powerful
Mother.

Ad ios Rayna sa Langit Goodbye Queen of Heaven 17

Adios Rayna sa Langit Goodbye Queen of Heaven

Bitoon nga masiga Bright star
Adios, Inahan dalaygon Goodbye,
Adios, adios, adios praise worthy Mother
Goodbye, goodbye, goodbye

That Mary is addressed in the songs as a beautiful, protective, and maternal being is
not counter to the teachings of the Church. It is, in fact, an idea nurtured by church
leaders themselves and which may have well survived until the present especially
during moments of crisis.

The grid layout and the church-municipal hall complex in Poblacion is typical of
Hispanic towns throughout the area. A few kilometers from the town center still
stand the ruins of the watchtowers and the old fort in Daanglungsod, evidence of

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the area’s long history of slave raids from the south during most of the Spanish
colonial years. It was only in the nineteenth century under the leadership of
Augustinian priest Julian Bermejo that a successful defense strategy (including the
installation of watch towers along the coastline) was put in place. It was also after
the quelling of the slavers when the stone church of Oslob, dedicated to the Lady
of the Immaculate Conception, was built.

There is an old miracle myth involving Mary, a version of which was narrated to me
in 2011 by Samuel Luna, a resident of Poblacion. I had asked him about a grotto
with the image of the Virgin of Lourdes a few meters away from the old Spanish
settlement in Oslob (Daanlungsod). The grotto is now in the place called Nigad,
which is named after an old tree growing right above a fresh water spring still
flowing out to the sea. According to Luna, this spot is believed to be the site of a
miracle. Legend has it that a when fleet of slavers were on their way to raid the
town, a lady in white stood there and mysteriously caused the enemy to flee. This
story is reminiscent of the pre-Christian belief in a protective, female deity, but it
also represents how Catholicism has appropriated this legend to reinforce devotion
to the Virgin. The use of the image of the Virgin of Lourdes ties the narrative of the
Marian apparitions in Lourdes, France, to the local mythology and the healing
properties of the miraculous waters of the spring where Mary appeared.

A recent calamity to befall the town happened in 2008 when the convent and the
church were gutted by a f ire, which destroyed valuable artifacts and historical
records. Surprisingly, the wooden relief image of the Virgin above the tabernacle
was spared from the f ire, prompting many to call the event a miracle. Based on a
photo shown to me by a local, Cresencia Oyapoc, the dome of the church’s ceiling
had folded over the tabernacle shielding the image of the Virgin from severe
damage. Oyapoc also showed me photos of the f ire while it was going on and
explained that some claim they saw an image of the Virgin in the f ire itself. 2 After
the unfortunate event, the image of the Virgin was brought to eighteen parishes in
Metro Cebu to generate funds for the rebuilding of the church (Benitez 177).

Crisis may also be on a more personal scale brought on by poverty, sickness, or

death in the family. A local f isherman once narrated his hardships to Luna and his
wife Ikon one afternoon. Because the f ishing boat of the company he worked for
was not operational and was taking several days to f ix, he had no means to feed his
family. Samuel’s wife, after listening to his problems, suggested going to the Flores
that afternoon to ask for a favor from the Virgin. It is not diff icult to imagine
similar cases in the town where sources of livelihood remain scarce. 18

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Mary as Mother in the Flores de Mayo

Figure 7: Photo of tabernacle after the 2008 f ire courtesy of Cresencia Oyapoc.

The construction of Mary’s identity as maternal protector is also clearly expressed

in the town’s festival held every December 8, the feast of the Immaculate
Conception. Not unlike other towns in Cebu, Oslob’s f iesta has transformed into a
spectacle-driven and tourist-oriented festival complete with colorful street dances
and a Miss Oslob beauty pageant. In 2011, the following was the theme song of the
“Toslob Festival” 19 and was used for the street dance competition featuring
performances representing each of the 21 barangays in the municipality.

Toslob sa Oslob 20 Dipping in Oslob 21

I I

Sa yanong kasaysayan, In a humble story of a great beginning

bililhong sinugdanan Oslob of old was sought by all
Oslob kaniadto duawonon sa tanan Travelers, who came to see
Mga langyaw nagsusi Were entranced by its beauty
Sa kaanindot sila nadani

Molupyong nagtuslob-tuslob Natives were dipping something

sa kanhi The Spaniards were warmly welcomed
Mga katsila ilang gi-abiabi Questions misunderstood
Pangutanang wala mahisabti And the place christened Oslob
Sa ngalang Oslob, nabunyagan kini

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Chorus: Chorus:

Toslob, toslob sa Oslob Dipping, dipping in Oslob

Magsadya ta dinhi sa Oslob Let us make merry here in Oslob
Toslob, toslob sa Oslob Dipping, dipping in Oslob
Mabulokong kapistahan gisaulog Celebrate this blessed festivity

Talagsaong tradisyon A rare tradition

Matahum nga talan-awon Beautiful vistas
Kulturang ikapasigarbo A culture to be proud of
Bahandi sa lalawigan sa Sugbo A treasure of the province of Cebu

II II

Mga panaad nga kalamboan Promises of prosperity

Sa katawhan kini gi-atiman Seen by the people
Sa mga nanglabay’ng katuigan Through the passing years
Gi-ugmad ug gipanalipdan Cultivated and protected

Oslob kon imong masusi In Oslob if you look closely

Hulagway kini sa kauswagan you will see
ug kakugi The face of progress and hard work
Mga dumuduong buhong Wanderers we welcome you
sa pag-abiabi Indulge in our joyful festivities
Sadya nga kapistahan kini ipalabi

(repeat chorus) (repeat chorus)

Bridge: Bridge:

Birhen de la Immaculada Virgin of the Immaculate Conception

Concepcion We praise and worship you
Pagadaygon ka ug pagasimbahon You are with us always
Nagauban Ka namo sa kanunay Thank you for supporting us
Salamat sa imong pagsapnay For your guidance and support
Sa pag-giya ug pag-gabay

The performances provide the visual and aural form of the Toslob myth and generate
spectacle primarily through the manipulation of elaborate props by a large group of
dancers. The format is appropriated from the Sinulog Festival, a popular tourist
event held in honor of the Sto. Niño de Cebu in Cebu City every January. In the
Sinulog dances, which reenact the bringing of the image of the Sto. Niño to Cebu,
the highlight is the dance sequence of Queen Juana holding the Sto. Niño. 22 In the
Oslob version, the image of the Virgin Mary replaces the Sto. Niño as the central

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f igure of the performance. In 2011, the image of Mary was literally processed for
the bridge of the song, showing how the symbol of Mary has been appropriated as
a central f igure of the town’s recently exoticized cultural identity. These
performances reinforce her role as a powerful patroness whose presence has been
there since the beginning of the town’s (mythicized) history.

Figure 8. The image of the Lady of Immaculate Conception in one of the dances for
the Toslob Festival in 2011.

That Mary has a kind of power that she uses for the protection of her devotees is
hardly blasphemous, and yet, I believe, it has the potential to disrupt the off icial
discourses of the Church or the set of normative meanings that “correctly” def ine
Mary’s identity. A close analysis of the interventions done by the archdiocese in
“containing” the signifieds that the symbol of Mary can hold for her devotees reveals
that the discourses surrounding Mary and the (generalized) devotional practices
that religious leaders promote do not necessarily remain unif ied, consistent, or
stable.

THE PALANDONG AND EJEMPLO

The newer guidebook (Han-ay sa Flores) contains passages to ponder on for each
day of the month called pamalandong. The passage is read aloud by the prayer
leader right before the mass is held. Each pamalandong has a theme based on the
many titles and attributes of Mary based on specific biblical passages. The meditation

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typically extols Mary’s virtues based on a particular excerpt from the bible in the
f irst paragraph and follows with a prayer for Mary’s help and intercession. Below is
the pamalandong for the f irst day of May in the Han-ay sa Flores.

May 1
Santa Maria, Putli nga Asawa ni San Jose (Luke 2:4-5)

Ang atong Mahal nga Inahan mao ang putli nga asawa ni San Jose. Si San
Jose usa ka tawo nga ligdong ug matinud-anon sa trabaho. Si San Jose
wala gayud mibaton og kalagut niya diha sa pagsumbong ni Maria sa mga
kaparian. Diha sa damgo, nahibaw-an ni San Jose, nga ang gisabak ni
Maria, mao ang Anak sa Dios, nga gihinganlan og Emmanuel. Giubanan ni
San Jose si Santa Maria ug gipatubo niy si Kristo hangtod kini mipahulay
sa dayon.

Santa Maria, ang putli nga asawa ni San Jose! Ikaw ang buhing sumbanan
kon unsaon namo pagpuyo diha sa Kristohanang banay. Ikaw, Balaang
Jose, gitudlo-an mo kami unsaon pagpuyo og kinabuhing yano apan puno
sa kaligdong. Ikw, Bulahang Maria, gitdulo-an mo kami unsaon pagpuyo
og kinabuhi nga masinugtanon sa kabubut-on sa Dios. Atubangan sa trono
sa Dios, ipangaliya mo kami dinhi sa kalibutan.

Santa Maria, Putli nga Asawa ni San Jose. . . I-ampo mo kami (12).

May 1
Holy Mary, Pure Wife of St. Joseph (Luke 2:4-5)

Our Beloved Mother is the pure wife of Saint Joseph. Saint Joseph was
a man who was upright and honest in his work. Saint Joseph never
nursed any anger at Mary’s testimony to the priests. In a dream, Saint
Joseph came to know that the child Mary was carrying was the Son of
God, named Emmanuel. Saint Joseph lived with Holy Mary and raised
Christ, until he passed into eternal rest.

Holy Mary, the pure wife of Saint Joseph! You are the living model by
which we live in Christ’s family. You, Holy Joseph, you taught us how to
live a life that is humble yet f illed with righteousness. You, Blessed
Mary, you taught us how to live a life accepting of the works of God. In
front of the throne of God, intercede for us who are here on earth.

Holy Mary, Pure Wife of St. Joseph, pray for us. 23

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As in the new version, the older guidebook (Bulan sa Mayo) also has a meditative
passage for each day of May. Unlike the new version, which is addressed to Mary, the
pagpalandong 24 is directed to the devotees and does not have specif ic references
to the bible. The style of writing is reminiscent of old-style sermons replete with
praises of Mary’s virtues and stern warnings to devotees of the dangers of forsaking
devotion to the Virgin.

Pagpalandong mahatungud sa kapuslanan sa paghalad kang Maria sa Bulan

sa Mayo

Pakadaku, kristianos, sa imong kinahanglan sa mga panabang ni Maria

aron ikaw maluwas! Kon ikaw wala makasala, pagkabulahan nimo! Apan
sa taliwala sa dili maisip nga mga katalagman sa kalibutan takus nimo
kahadlokan nga mawala kanimo ang grasya sa Dios, kon dili ikaw magtawag
sa panabang ni Mariang Santisima. Kon ikaw makasasala, labi na nga
magakinahanglan ka sa mga panabang ni Maria aron luwason ikaw niya s
mga kamut sa yawa. Tungud niining debosyon sa Bulan ng Mayo molaum
ka nga madangat gayud nimo ang iyang panabang ugang imong salbasyon.
Ikatungina ba kaha sa usa ka maaghup nga Inahan ang pagtabang sa usa
niya ka anak nga nagapasidungog kaniya? Palandunga, kristianos, sa
mahinay ug magtinguha ikaw sa pagsugod kutub karon sa pagalagad kang
Maria, paghalad kaniya sa adlawang tanan sa pagpangadye sa Santos
nga Rosaryo ug sa ubang mga debosyon mga nakapahimuot kanya. Amen
(7-8).

[Meditation regarding the usefulness of offering to Mary in the Month

of May

How great, Christians, is your need of Mary’s help in order for you to be
saved! If you have not sinned, how blessed you are! But between the
unthinkable calamities on Earth, it is f it that you fear that the grace of
God disappear from you, if you do not summon the help of Holy Mary. If
you are a sinner, the more you need the help of Mary to save you from
the hands of the devil. Due to this devotion to the Month of May, hope
that you will truly receive her help and your salvation. Will a merciful
Mother deny help to her child who is giving honor to her? Meditate,
Christians, slowly and aim to start until today to serve Mary, offering to
her at all times the prayer of the Holy Rosary and other devotions that
please her. Amen. 25]

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After each palandong is the ejemplo, an anecdote illustrating the theme of the day.

Usa ka bantugang datong ulitawo nga, tungud sa iyang pag-osik sa iyang

katigayonan nga iyang gigamit sa bisyos midangat sa pagkapobre ug sa
pagpakilimos. Tungod sa iyang ka ulaw sa iyang tagilungsod, mibiya sa
iyang lungsod, ug milangyaw sa laing dapit nga walay nakaila kaniya.
Usa niana ka adlaw nga siya nagasuroysuroy, hisugatan sa diwatahan nga
kanhi binatonan sa iyang amahan ug namulong kaniya sa pag-ingon:
maglipay ka kay dad-on ta ikaw sa usa ka halangdong tawo nga magahatag
kanimo sa ngatanan nga imong kinahanglan. Dihadiha gidala kining ulitawo
niadtong diwatahan sa usa ka lasang diin niyang nakita ang usa ka yawa
nga gipamulongan niadtong diwatahan. Ginoo, kining ulitawo nga karon
pobre ug makalolooy uyamut, buot unta mobalik sa iyang pagkadato ug
pagkabahandianon. Dayon mitubag ang yawa. O! Mahimo ko kanang imong
gipaninguha; apan kinahanglan nga biyaan mo ang Dios. Bisan dakung
kahadlok nga gibati sa ulitawo, apan daug sa iyang kahaylo sa sapi, mitubay
siya sa pagbiya sa Dios. Dili pa igo kana, mipadayon ang yawa; kinahanglan
usab kang Maria Santisima. Niini giabut ang ulitawo sa dakung kalisang
ug mitubag nga nagahilak. O! Kana dili ko gayud mahimo. Ako dili gayud
magabiya sa kong hinigugmang Inahan nga maoy akong gilauman; apat
pa hinoon ng magapakilimos ako sa tibuok kong kinabuhi nga dili ko
gayud talikdan si Maria Santisima. Dihadiha milakaw siya ug gibiyaan
kadtong malditong lasang ug mipauli sa iyang balay. Sa paghilabay niya
sa usa ka Simbahan, misulod ug miluhod sa atubangan sa larawan ni
Maria ug nagahilak ug naga-ampo sa Mahal nga Birhen nga idangat unta
siya sa iyang hinigugmang Anak sa pasaylo sa iyang mga sala. Busa si
Maria Santisima nga ginganlan sa atong Santa Iglesya “Inahan sa kalooy”
sa tapus mamati sa mapaubsanon nga pag-ampo, niadtong makasasala
nga midangop sa iyang gahum, nagaampo kang Jesus aron iyang pasayloon
kadtong makasasala ug si Jesus mitubag sa iyang hinigugmang Inahan sa
pag-ingon! Inahan ko, kining dautang tawo mibiya na kanako. Apan kay si
Maria wala man gayud mohonong sa pagpangamuyo kang Jesus tungud
niadtong makasasala, si Jesus mitubag Inahan ko, sayud ikaw nga ako
wala pa gayud magatungina kanimo sa bisan unsang pangayoon nimo.
Busa ako magapasaylo karon nianang makasasala tungud sa imong
paghangyo kanako. Magkugi usab kita pagdebosyon kang Maria aron atong
madangat ang iyang panabang. Higugmaon ta si Maria ug ato karong halaran
niining maapubsanong. (8-10)

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[A renowned wealthy young man who due to his squandering of his

wealth which he used in vices came to poverty and was begging for
alms. Because he was ashamed to face the townspeople, he left his
town and migrated to another place where nobody knew him. One day,
while he was taking a stroll, he met an animist 26 who was formerly a
servant of his father and spoke to him saying: rejoice for I will bring
you to a noble man who will give you everything you need. The young
man was immediately brought by the animist to a forest where he saw
a devil to whom the animist spoke. My Lord, this young man who is now
rather poor and destitute wishes to go back to being rich and wealthy.
Then the devil answered. Oh! I can give you what you yearn for; but you
must forsake God. Although the young man felt great fear, he was
overcome by his embarrassment towards the animist and his temptation
to money and carried on forsaking God. That is not enough, the devil
continued; you must also forsake your devotion to Holy Mary. With this,
the young man felt great alarm and replied while weeping. Oh! That I
can never do. I will never forsake my beloved Mother on whom lies my
hope. I would rather beg for alms my entire life; I will never turn my back
to Holy Mary. He immediately went on his way, left the evil forest and
went home. He passed by a Church, went in and knelt in front of the
image of Mary weeping and prayed to the Beloved Mary that he may
attain forgiveness from her beloved Son for his sins. Therefore Holy
Mary who was named by our Holy Church as “Mother of mercy” after
hearing the humble prayer of the sinner who took refuge under her
power, prayed to Jesus in order for him to forgive the sinner and Jesus
answered his beloved Mother by saying: Mother, this evil man has already
forsaken me. But because Mary did not stop beseeching Jesus because
of the sinner, Jesus answered: Mother, you know that I have never denied
you anything you ask for. That is why I will now forgive that sinner
because you have asked me to. Let us also strive in giving devotion to
Mary in order for us to attain her help. 27]

The ejemplo genre, also known as exempla, was a popular form of prescriptionist
literature in the Spanish colonial period.28 Exempla were stories missionaries drew
from in their constructions of sermons meant for the popular laity (Javellana 239).
They were preached in the vernacular and included, “animal fables and tales of
Oriental origin, myths, historical events, episodes in the life of the saints, and
anecdotes from the preacher’s experience” (Javellana 239). 29 Though it is not clear

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where all the ejemplos in the Bulan sa Mayo were drawn from, a number were
evidently taken from or inspired by the Glories of Mary, a book written by St.
Alphonsus Liguori in the eighteenth century. 30

The altering of the pamalandong and the omission of the ejemplo in the new
guidebook is compensated by the celebration of the Catholic mass, which includes
the reading of biblical passages and the priest’s homily. The replacement of the
ejemplo and pagpalandong section with liturgical texts and the priest’s reflection
is a clear indication that the former are no longer forms which the Church considers
appropriate for the spiritual guidance of the laity. While the ejemplo and
pamalandong passages are all about forsaking sin (not necessarily against the
doctrines of the Church), their imaginative and emotionally driven characteristics,
generate meanings that potentially expand beyond what is orthodox.

Javellana’s analysis of the sermons of Fray Francisco Blancas for Tagalog-speaking

missions in Bataan in the early seventeenth century provides insight into how and
why texts like the pamalandong and the ejemplo as both literary devices and
instruments of moral reform were constructed. Javellana notes that in seventeenth
century Philippines, sermons were meant to uproot “perceived idolatry and customs
adjudged as contrary to the Christian ideal” (240). 31 Moreover, to make the sermons
more effective, missionary priests like Fr. Blancas had to intimately understand
their audiences and their way of life, and adjust their sermons accordingly. To
induce moral reform, the preacher had to rely not on dry theological arguments, but
on vivid imagery, exaggerated exhortations that appealed to the emotions, and on a
successful weaving of Catholic myths with local experiences. To be truly successful,
sermons had to capture and transform the imagination of the Tagalog converts.

He expected the Tagalogs whom he often calls tawo to share the lot of
fallen humanity. He supposed that they were not easily moved to moral
reform; hence his exhortations are often exaggerated. These were
rhetorical devices to emphasize the urgent need to strive for the Christian
ideal. He had a f ine sense of what was precept and what was counsel.
While painting virginity as an ideal, a state that bound one with the all-
powerful, he knew that asking Tagalog couples to be faithful and true
was asking a lot. (252)

If, indeed, Blancas was able to affect the Tagalog convert through his
homilies, it was due to his ability to relate to the Tagalog world and to
paint an alluring image of Christian life as culled from the bible. He did

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this by bridging the biblical and Tagalog experiences masterfully,

through the use of analogies and metaphors. He brought the Gospel to
life through metaphorical/narrative theology rather than through logical/
discursive thought. (252)

Crucial to this transformation was the metamorphosis of the Tagalog’s

imagined universe. The transformation occurred by placing Tagalog
experiences within a new continuum and proposing a world peopled by
idealized biblical f igures which stood authoritatively outside both the
Tagalog and the Spanish (Castillan) world. The f igures were symbols of
the Christian ideal. The narrative, a literary form known to the Tagalog
through their myths, legends, and epics, was the main literary device
for stimulating the imagination. (253)

Following Javellana’s argument, prescriptionist texts (such as those found in

devotions like the Flores de Mayo) are not only generalized articulations of Catholic
ideals, but could be indicative of local systems of meaning making. If we take this
argument further, a devotional ritual’s “meaningfulness” to a particular community
rests on the capacity of its ritual symbols to accommodate both the “normative/
generalized” and the “orectic/individualized” discourses. Moreover, generalized
devotions like the Flores, while patterned after devotions done in Europe, had to be
tweaked according to the sensibilities of its devotees.

In the ejemplo above, the portrayal of Mary as a loving, merciful, and powerful
mother is contrasted with a more distant, stricter, image of God. The primacy of the
relationship between the young man and Mary is revealed in his emotional outburst
when asked by the devil to forsake Mary, as expressed through the words, “Oh! That
I can never do. I will never forsake my beloved Mother on whom lies my hope. I would
rather beg for alms my entire life; I will never turn my back to Holy Mary.” The focus
on Mary’s maternal qualities and powerful role in a person’s salvation downplays
Christ’s tender and merciful aspects, which are by contrast, imaged clearly in the
gospel. In general, there are no biblical references in the ejemplos or any emphasis
on the life of Christ, which the Church today considers central to the understanding
of Christian values and virtues. Instead, the story focuses on how an ordinary person’s
devotion to Mary has saved them from sin and evil. More so, the story has a sense
of melodrama and strong emotional content. In fact, it is the feelings of guilt, fear,
and remorse, which ultimately leads to a sinner’s salvation.

The origin of this text may have been the following example from St. Alphonsus
Liguori’s Glories of Mary, originally written in Italian.

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It is related by Belluacensis and Cesarius that a noble youth having lost

by vices the wealth left him by his father, became so poor that he was
obliged to beg. He quitted his native land, that might live with less
shame in a distant country where he was unknown. On this journey he
met one day an old servant of his father, who, seeing him so cast down
by the poverty he was suffering, told him to cheer up, for he would take
him to a prince who was so liberal that he would provide him with
everything he needed. Now this wretch was an impious sorcerer. One
day he took the youth with him to a wood on the borders of a moor,
where he began to address some invisible person. The youth asked to
whom he was speaking. “To the devil,” he answered; and seeing the
youth terrif ied, bade him not to fear. Continuing to speak with the devil,
he said: “This youth, oh my master, is reduced to extreme necessity, and
wishes to be restored to his former condition.” “If he will obey me,” said
the enemy, “I will make him richer than before; but in the f irst place, he
must renounce God.” At this the youth shuddered but urged on by that
cursed magician, he yielded, and renounced God. “but this is not sufficient,”
said the demon; “he must also renounce Mary; for it is to her that we
attribute our greatest losses. Oh, how many souls she has snatched
from us, and led back to God and saved!” “Oh, this I will not do,” exclaimed
the youth; “deny Mary! why she is my only hope. I would rather be a
beggar all my life.” With these words he left the place. On his way he
happened to pass a church dedicated to Mary. The unhappy youth entered
it, and kneeling before her altar, began to weep and implore the most
holy Virgin that she would obtain the pardon of his sins. May immediately
began to intercede with the Son for that miserable being. Jesus at f irst
said: “But that ungrateful youth, my mother, has denied me.” But seeing
that his mother still continued to entreat him, he at last said: “Oh my
mother, I have never refused thee anything; he shall be pardoned, since
thou dost ask it.” The citizen who had purchased the inheritance of that
prodigal was secretly present at this scene, and beholding the mercy of
Mary towards that sinner, he gave him his only daughter in marriage, and
made him heir of all his possessions. Thus that youth recovered, through
the intercession of Mary, the favor of God and even his temporal
possessions. (182-84)

While the essence of the story is the same, this version is noticeably longer than
the Cebuano one, perhaps because the writer of the Cebuano version wanted a

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shorter story with a more focused message. The last part of the story, where the
young man marries and regains his inheritance, is omitted in the Cebuano version,
accentuating the importance of spiritual salvation over earthly redemption. The
line of the devil “Oh, how many souls she has snatched from us, and led back to God
and saved!” which is not found in the Cebuano version could have been seen as
superfluous. On the other hand, the line of the protagonist, “I will never turn my
back to Holy Mary,” could have been added to emphasize the intensity of his devotion
to Mary.

As translated to the vernacular, the Cebuano version, while shorter, adds local flavor
to the narrative. Particular details that set the story in a specif ic point in time
(“related by Belluacensis and Cesarius”) and place (“to a wood on the borders of a
moor”) that are found in the original, are no longer seen in the Cebuano version. The
use of the word “diwatahan” in the Cebuano version as a translation for “sorcerer” or
“magician” is also significant. The term “diwatahan” (translated by Mojares as “animist”),
evokes older belief systems and practices which had existed in the islands. Compared
to the Liguori version where the young man is just described as having left “the
place” after speaking to the devil, in the Cebuano version, the diwatahan’s abode
(the forest) is described as evil (malditong lasang). The evil space is countered by
the church, which becomes the protagonist’s space of sanctity and refuge. We could
read this spatial dichotomy as a legacy of the efforts of missionaries to transform
the church into the center of worship and spiritual activity in the Poblacion, alongside
the demonization of the practice of seeking help from the spirits who resided in
nature.

A popular legend in Cebu that could represent the pervasiveness of the belief in
benevolent beings (framed as evil in the ejemplo) is the one of Maria Cacao, an
elusive, female engkantada. According to a version of this legend from Argao, a
town not very far from Oslob, Maria Cacao was a beautiful fairy who lived in a cave
on the mountain of Lantoy (Kintanar-Alburo, Cebuano Folktales 39-43). In the
variations of this story, there are recurring motifs. One is the presence of a kindhearted
being (an engkantada, or an agta [giant]) who lives in a cave or in a tree, somewhere
isolated from townsfolk. This being is believed to be a lender of things (in the form
of plates, silverware, kitchen utensils, wedding dresses, or jewelry) which the
townsfolk would ask for weddings, baptisms and other events. However, because of
an abuse of trust, the kind hearted being stops lending the townsfolk these objects
and no longer appears to the people (Kintanar-Alburo, “A Study of Two Cebuano
Legends” 46-47).

Stories in Cebu about frightening mythical creatures including the sigbin (a kangaroo-

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like animal which eats human liver), agta or kapri (a hairy giant who smokes cigars),
tambaluslus (a being in human form with very wide lips), mangtas (a f ierce beast),
kikik/wakwak (a bird which eats unborn babies), and the unglu/manananggal (a
creature which can detach its upper half when it flies) are still well-known. Despite
their fearful natures, there are ways to avoid, counter, or sometimes control these
creatures. Stories told by the older generation in Oslob for example, claim that a
family may own and control their own sigbin and become very successful or wealthy
from it (Gonzalez 2013). Thus, the sigbin, associated with the world of myth and
nature, could be analogous to the world of the diwatahan in the forest.

The vulnerability of people to unseen creatures of the mythical realm is paralleled

in the world of the ejemplo where demons abound and are always ready to inflict
harm on people. Those who are vulnerable are those who commit sin or who stray
from Mary. Even those who speak against Mary are made vulnerable to the powers
of evil. In a world where one is constantly in danger and where spiritual evil
manifests in the physical realm, it is devotion to the powerful Virgin Mary who is
feared by the enemy, which is the only recourse.

The following ejemplo from the Bulan sa Mayo also illustrates this. Unlike the
previous example, this one includes details which clearly set the story in a different
time (life of St. Domingo de Guzman) and a foreign place (Carcassone). Like the
previous ejemplo, this one includes lines from the demons themselves, as if
something one could act out in a play.

Mabasa nato sa kinabuhi ni Santo Domingo de Guzman nga sa pagwali

niya didto sa Carcasona, gitagbo siya sa usa ka herejes nga, tungud sa
iyang pagtamay sa debosyon sa Mahal nga Birhen Maria, gisauban sa
yawa. Gisugo ni Santo Domingo ang mga yawa nga misulod sa lawas
niadtong herejes sa ngalan sa Dios aron nila ipahayag kon matuod ba ang
ngatanang giwali sa Santo mahatungud sa pagdebosyon kang Maria ug
silang tanan nga mga yawa naghiusa sa pagtubag. Mga kristianos nga
namati karon patalinghugi ninyo ang tanang giwali ug gitudlo nianang
tawhana nga among kaaway mahatungod sa pagdebosyon kang Maria.
Ang tanan matuod nga gayud. Walay bisan mausa nga makondenar
niadtong nagkanunay sa pagdebosyon kang Maria, kay ang Birhen
magahatag sa mga makasasala sa mapait nga luha aron makadangat siya
sa paghinulsul sa mga sala ug dihadihanamulong ang mga yawa nga sila
walay gahum sa mga debotos ni maria. Nan, kinsa kanatong mga kristianos
ang dili maninguha sa pagdebosyon kang Maria? Kinsa ang dili molaum

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sa iyang gahum? Modangop kita kang Maria aron luwason kita niya sa
gahum sa atong mga kaaway nga sa kanunay nagatukmod kanato sa
pagpakasala, aron ato kining madangat sa dakung kainit sa atong
kasingkasing pangadyeon nato kining mosunod nga pag-ampo . .. (19-20)

[We can read in the biography of St. Domingo de Guzman in his sermons
in Carcassonne, that he met up with a heretic, who in his defiance of the
devotions of the Beloved Virgin Mary, was possessed by demons. Sto.
Domingo ordered the demons who had entered the body of the heretic
to reveal in the name of God if everything he had preached about the
devotion to Mary was true, and the demons answered in unison “Christians
who are present, heed all the preachings and teachings of this person
who is our foe, regarding the devotion to Mary. All of this is indeed true.
None of those who have a constant devotion to Mary will be condemned
because the Virgin bestows unto the sinners her bitter tears so that she
may obtain the repentance for their sins.” And then and there, the demons
stated that they have no power over the devotees of Mary. So who
among us Christians should not strive in devotion to Mary? So who
among us should not place our hopes in her power? We seek refuge in
Mary that she may save us from the power of our enemies that constantly
force us toward sin, that we may obtain this f ire in our hearts. We now
recite the following prayers … 32]

The following story reiterates the necessity of the participation of an ordinary

person in a religious association devoted to Mary as part of his/her salvation. If we
situate this story in the f irst half of the twentieth century in Oslob, 33 a person’s
membership in a sodality or confraternity is not just as a public expression of love
for Mary, but an essential step in saving oneself from harm and evil.

Usa ka olitawo nga sakop sa usa ka Cofradia sa Mahal nga Birhen, matud
ni San Alfonso sa Glorias de Maria, nga mibiya sa pagka kofrade ug
nagpuyo sa usa ka kinabuhi nga kalibutanon. Sa usa ka gabii gitunghaan
sa yawa sa makalilisang uyamut nga dagway ug kadtong karaan nga
kofrade nagatawag sa Mahal nga Birhen ug ang yawa namulong sa pag-
ingon: kawang lamang ang imong pagtawag niadtong imo karong gibiyaan;
kay aron ako ikaw nga olipon tungud sa imong mga sala. Ang olitawo
giabut sa dakung kakulba, mingluhod sa atubangan sa usa ka larawan sa
Mahal nga Birhen ug nangadye sa pangadyeon niadtong Cofradia nga

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iyang gibiyaan; Birhen nga Santos ug putli uyamut, tabangi ako niining
dakung kadaut nga midangat karon kanako. Dihadiha mitungha usab ang
Mahal nga Birhen ug sa pagkakita sa yawa, nawala dayon ug namulong
kadtong mahigugmaong Inahan sa makasasala nga olitawo; dili unta ikaw
takus sa akong panabang, tungud sa imong pagbiya kanako: apan nalooy
pa ako kanimo aron biyaan nimo kanang imong mahugaw nga kinabuhi ug
mobalik ikaw sa pagpasakop sa akong Cofradia. Sa sunod nga dalaw
nikompisal ug mibalik sa pagpasakop sa Cofradia sa Mahal nga Birhen
nga iyang gibiyaan hangtud sa iyang kamatayon nga mahimayaon. (82)

[There was a young man who was a member of the confraternity of the
Beloved Virgin, according to St. Alfonse of the Glory of Mary, who left
the confraternity and lived a worldly existence. One night, the devil
came to him with a most hideous visage and the former lay brother
invoked the Beloved Virgin and the devil spoke these words “It is futile
to call upon that which you have forsaken because now you are my
slave due to the sins you have committed and the youth was stricken by
a most profound terror. He fell to his knees before an image of the
Beloved Virgin and recited the prayers of the confraternity that he had
forsaken, “Holy Virgin Most Chaste, aid me in this terrible evil that has
befallen me.” Then and there appeared the Beloved Virgin and when
she cast her gaze upon the devil, he vanished immediately and the
Loving Mother spoke unto the erring youth, “You should not be deserving
of my aid because you have forsaken me but I show you your mercy that
you may forsake your f ilthy existence and return to service in my
confraternity. The next day, he took confession and returned to service
in the confraternity of the Beloved Virgin that he had previously forsaken
and remained so until his glorious death. 34 ]

The dire consequences of forsaking Mary so vividly portrayed in these stories could
be, as Javellana notes, ways of capturing the imagination, evoking emotions of fear
and guilt in order to instil piety. What is reiterated in these texts is an image of a
Mother Mary that is at once powerful, feared by all enemies, and merciful to repentant
sinners. If read narrowly, the emphasis on Mary’s salvif ic power potentially
overshadows the central role of Christ in salvation, and displaces the biblical
narratives in the spiritual life of devotees. The removal of these stories in the
newer guidebook and the mandating of the celebration of the mass are thus means
of countering this potential by ensuring the correct interpretation of Mary’s identity.

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Mary as Mother in the Flores de Mayo

CONCLUSION

There are signif icantly less people who attend the Flores in the town compared to
the early to mid-twentieth century. The younger generations are not as interested
in joining a religious devotion that is increasingly perceived as antiquated. The
aesthetic qualities of the ritual, particularly its musical performances, have also
noticeably declined. In contrast to the f irst half of the twentieth century, Oslob had
a wider repertoire of church music, a more competent choir and church musicians.35
Compared to the spectacle and pomp of the Toslob festival performances, the
Flores is markedly simple and quiet.

Despite the increased secularization of everyday life in the town, there continue to
be individuals who perform the tradition faithfully every year. Many of them are
elderly women, but there are also several from the younger generation who willingly
attend to the ritual. Many go regardless of the changes that have been made to the
ritual and its texts. Due to the fact that the ritual is performed the same way every
day, every year, it is also not surprising that most of the participants do not pay full
attention to the prayers when they are read aloud. In fact, many of the hermanas are
too preoccupied with their duties or are usually chatting with each other at the back
of the church when the ritual unfolds.

Interviews of the hermanas reveal that the desire to participate in the Flores does
not come from a place of fear and guilt. Neither is the motivation from the more
known panata or personal vow/promise a devotee makes to a saint in exchange for
a favor. When asked why they do it, many of the respondents seemed to have a
diff icult time articulating a reason, as if the ritual is performed “just because.” One
replied that she did it to ask a favor from Mary, and a couple replied that it was for
their spiritual salvation. Most of the responses were “Because it makes me happy,”
“Because I’ve been doing this as a little girl,” “To serve,” and “To give thanks.” A
number of girls joined because their mothers told them to or because their friends
or siblings were also hermanas. These answers seem to show that the Flores de
Mayo is performed because it is enjoyable, because it satisf ies a sense of “what is
good” and “what is ought to be.” It could be the product of “habitus” (following
Pierre Bourdieu), 36 shaped throughout one’s life in the town, and reinforced by
family and friends.

The performative aspect of the Flores de Mayo ritual, where women f igure
prominently, must also be taken into account. A reason for the association of women
with the Flores could be the fact that the ritual was intended to be practiced in
homes, the space to which women became mostly conf ined in nineteenth century

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 P. M. Y. Lopez

colonial Philippines. This is supported by the fact that the f irst performances of
devotion in Cebu started in the homes of prominent and pious women in town of
San Nicolas in 1894 (Kintanar-Alburo, Sumad 77). The connection of women to the
Flores may also have to do with the role of Mary as Virgin in shaping ideas of ideal
femininity in a nineteenth century patriarchal and Catholic world. 37 The hermanas’
emulation of Mary’s virtues and appearance, through their pious devotion signif ied
by the donning of the white dress, 38 the veil, and the Miraculous Medal, could be
interpreted as a set of “restored behaviors” (Schechner ch. 2), 39 aff irming the ideal,
virtuous, pious, and chaste woman in colonial society (in contrast to her foil, the evil
temptress/whore). At the same time, this same performance could have also been
a means of acquiring and reinforcing a kind moral authority in society, a power
stemming from the powerful Mother. 40

To conclude, I hope to have illustrated here that Mary as a dominant symbol of the
Flores de Mayo ritual represents meanings that are mostly orthodox. But despite
its generalized character, Mary’s symbol continues to be polysemic, with the potential
to hold “other” kinds of signif ieds, which may complement or disrupt what is
considered “proper” or “correct.” The instability of the field of meanings occasionally
necessitates the Church to enforce/create rules to assert its role as the regulator of
the faith. However, it is the very openness of Mary’s symbol that renders the Flores
de Mayo more “meaningful” to her devotees, who in the end, negotiate and perform
what they think, feel, and believe.

ENDNOTES

1
For a more extensive analysis of the Flores as a symbolic performance (including a
history of Marian devotion in the town of Oslob and other aspects of the ritual
performance) on which this paper is based, refer to Lopez, Patricia Marion. “Expressions
of Devotion: The Flores de Mayo in Poblacion, Oslob.” MA thesis. University of the
Philippines, 2013. Print. The research was partly funded through a grant from the Off ice
of the Vice-Chancellor for Research and Development, University of the Philippines
Diliman.

2
Exactly when the Flores de Mayo tradition started in the Philippines is not known
although the earliest documented booklets written for the Flores de Mayo were published
in the latter half of the nineteenth century. It is believed that the f irst Flores de Mayo
booklet in Tagalog was translated by Mariano Sevilla (1839-1923), a Filipino priest and
religious writer.

3
It is not uncommon for the two to be held concurrently especially on the last day of May
as is done in Poblacion, Oslob.

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Mary as Mother in the Flores de Mayo

4
Based on the 1912 version of Mariano Sevilla’s Flores de Maria o Mariquit na Bulaclac na
sa Pagninilaynilay sa Boong Buan nang Mayo ay Inihahandog nang manga Devoto cay Maria
Santisima, originally published in Manila in 1867.

5
The word “hermana” technically refers to a girl who has undergone the pagsad-ong in the
previous year. The pagsad-ong is a ceremony usually off iciated by the parish priest
during which he places the blue ribbon with the medallion or “sad-ong” on a devotee.
The girls who were newly “sworn in” have the obligation of assisting with the Flores in
May the following year. Once the month is over, they become diputadas. In practice
however, diputadas continue to assist in the Flores every year and continue to be
referred to as hermanas.

6
“Children of Mary” is a general name for a sodality or confraternity dedicated to Mary.
There was a revival of the Children of Mary movement in the nineteenth century to
promote devotion to the Miraculous Medal, a design revealed by the Virgin to St. Catherine
Laboure in 1830 (“Children of Mary” 1995). In Poblacion, Oslob, the name of the group
used to be Hijas de Maria, indicating that the tradition was traditionally exclusive to
women.

7
Rosita Rendon, the prayer-leader I was able to interview from 2011 to 2012, is in her 60s.
Hippolita Lozano, the other prayer-leader I interviewed, was in her 80s. She passed
away in 2013.

8
The guidebook was reprinted several times. Its copyright is dated 1937. The imprimatur
on the second page, however, dates the publication to July 9, 1915.

9
Based on observations of the Flores in the Poblacions of Carcar, Santander, Boljoon, and
Cebu City in 2012. It is different in the smaller chapels of the barangays where a priest
or lay ministers are not always available.

10
The term “pag-ampo” is Cebuano for prayer. In this paper, however, it refers to this
particular prayer in the Flores.

11
Translation by Lyndielou Egnar.

12
According to Reid, in sixteenth to seventeenth century SEA societies, while women were
not exactly viewed as equal in stature to men, they enjoyed relative autonomy, which
extended to a stronger position in sexual relations (146). Women were free to divorce
their husbands if they were dissatisf ied in their marriage. Evidence that men wore
various types of penis ornaments as a means of satisfying women better during
intercourse shows that women’s sexual preferences were respected rather than vilif ied
(146-58).

13
Translated by Edmund Gonzalez and Piedad Gonzalez.

14
Translated by Edmund Gonzalez, Piedad Gonzalez, and the author.

15
The word “clavel” is Spanish for “Dianthus caryophyllus” or is more commonly known as
“carnation.”

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 P. M. Y. Lopez

16
“Azucena” is a Spanish word which translates to “lily,” which is a general category of
flowers derived from the order Liliales. “Lily” when translated to Cebuano, however, is
“liryu,” which is not the same as “azucena.” Wolff’s dictionary def ines the word “asusinas”
(Cebuano spelling) as “bulbous ornamental plant with spikes of fragrant white flowers,
borne in pairs: Polianthes tuberosa.” Thus, a more accurate translation for “azucena” in
English is “tuberose.” See “Azucena.” Philippine Medicinal Plants. www.stuartxchange.com.
Web. 6 Jan 2015.

17
Translation by the author.

18
In fact there is a video on YouTube of the f ire which shows an outline of the Virgin on top
of the roof of the church (jingaranjuez 2008).

19
The word “toslob” which means “to dip” is drawn from the legend surrounding the origin
of the name of the town. The story is about two Spaniards who had come to the area and
had asked a couple of locals what the place was called. The locals, who were at the time
dipping bananas into salt or vinegar, misunderstood the question and answered “toslob-
toslob,” which meant “dipping” or “dunking.” Myth has it that this was the origin of the
name Oslob.

20
Music and lyrics by Gani Villarojo.

21
Translation by Edmund Gonzalez.

22
In the past few years, this part was always danced by former Governor of Cebu, Gwendolyn
Garcia.

23
Translation by Edmund Gonzalez.

24
In the new version it is called “pamalandong.” In the older version each section begins
with “pagpalandong.”

25
Translation done by Lyndielou Egnar.

26
“Diwatahan” is translated as “animist” in Mojares, “Stalking the Virgin,”157.

27
Translation by Lyndielou Egnar; emphasis by the author.

28
Other prescriptionist texts include vidas (stories of saints’ lives), as well as novenas,
prayerbooks, conduct books, and meditation books (Lucero 182).

29
Javellana also adds that many of the ad populum sermons would be compiled and
published and used widely as books of private devotion in the seventeenth century. This
could explain the origin of the exempla texts found in the novenas and guidebooks for
devotional practices used until the early twentieth century.

30
Alphonsus Maria de Liguori is an Italian Catholic saint born in 1696. He studied law
before becoming a priest and wrote several works on theology and morality. He was
declared “Doctor of the Church” by Pope Pius IX. The Glories of Mary is a scholastic
treatise on Mary’s virtues, written to counter the criticisms of Marian devotion at the
time.

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Mary as Mother in the Flores de Mayo

31
This included the need for Tagalog converts to take to heart the virtues of virginity and
chastity in order to secure their salvation.

32
Translated by Edmund Gonzalez.

33
This was roughly the time when the devotion was at its peak.

34
Translation by Edmund Gonzalez.

35
This is based on oral histories acquired from older generation choir singers and musicians
in the town and a music collection obtained from the town’s former church organist,
Bernardo Luna.

36
Habitus is def ined as “the system of durable and transposable dispositions through
which we perceive, judge, and act in the world. These unconscious schemata are acquired
through lasting exposure to particular social conditions and conditionings, via the
internalization of external constraints and possibilities . . . It implies also that these
systems of dispositions are malleable, since they inscribe into the body the evolving
influence of the social milieu, but within the limits set by primary (or earlier) experiences,
since it is habitus itself which at every moment f ilters such influence” (Wacquant 6).

37
Teresa Wright highlights the role of rulebooks for women which were published the
nineteenth century in reinforcing patriarchal behaviors and attitudes among women,
particularly the need for propriety, and the importance of doing one’s duty. In the analysis
two popular Cebuano works (Avisos muy utiles para las casadas and Lagda) were discussed.
In Lagda, excerpts from Alphonsus Liguori’s work are cited (25 to 37).

38
Traditionally, only unmarried women wear the white dress. In Poblacion, there is a
tradition of single women (dalaga) holding the responsibility of managing the Flores de
Mayo every year.

39
Schechner describes restored behaviors as “… living behavior treated as a film director
treats a strip of film. These strips of behavior can be rearranged or reconstructed; they
are independent of the causal systems (personal, social, political, technological, etc.)
that brought them into existence. They have a life of their own. The original “truth” or
“source” of the behavior may not be known, or may be lost, ignored, or contradicted—
even while that truth or source is being honored. How the strips of behavior were made,
found, or developed may be unknown or concealed; elaborated, distorted by myth and
tradition” (ch. 2).

40
Cecilia De La Paz has a similar point in her dissertation on the Dead Christ in Lucban,
Quezon, where she notes how the group of women or “manang” (believed to be derived
from the word “hermana”) who are responsible for dressing and cleaning the image of
the Dead Christ acquire a special kind of authority and power due to their intimate
proximity to the sacred image.

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 P. M. Y. Lopez

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Benitez, Jiolito. “Oslob.” Cebu City: The Provincial Government of Cebu City, 2010. Photocopy
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Bourdieu, Pierre. The Logic of Practice. Translated by Richard Nice. California: Stanford UP,
1990. Print.

Bulan sa Mayo: Hinikay ug pinupo sa daghanang basahon nga nagadayeg kang Maria Santisima.
1935. Cebu City: Archdiocese of Cebu, 2003. Reprint.

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Brewer, Carolyn. Shamanism, Catholicism and Gender Relations in Colonial Philippines, 1521-
1685. UK: Ashton Publishing Limited, 2004. Print.

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de La Paz, Cecilia S. M. “Ang mga Poon ng Lucban, Quezon: Ang Iskulturang Pangrelihiyon
bilang Pandayan ng Kahulugan, Kasaysayan at Relasyong Panlipunan.” Diss.
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Vitaliano R. Gorospe, SJ. QC: Ateneo de Manila UP, 1994. Print.

Jingaranjuez. “oslob church fire_joy mision.” YouTube, 29 May 2008. Web. 6 Jan 2015.

Kintanar-Alburo, Erlinda. “A Study of Two Cebuano Legends: The Lost Lender and Maria
Cacao.” Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society 8, (1980): 46-47. Print.

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Liguori, Alphonsus. The Glories of Mary (Translated from the Italian of St. Alphonsus Liguori,
founder of the Congregation of the Holy Redeemer). NY: PJ Kennedy and Sons, 1888. PDF.

Lopez, Patricia Marion. “Expressions of Devotion: The Flores de Mayo in Poblacion, Oslob.”
Thesis. University of the Philippines Diliman, 2013. Print.

Lucero, Rosario. “From Bagongbanta to Bonifacio: Philippine Literature: 1565-1898.” Ed.

Nicanor Tiongson. Igkas-arte: the Philippine Arts during the Spanish Period. Manila:
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Mojares, Resil. “Stalking the Virgin.” Waiting for Mariang Makiling. QC: Ateneo de Manila UP,
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1985. Kindle f ile.

Sevilla, Mariano. Flores de Maria o Mariquit na Bulaclac na sa Pagninilaynilay sa Boong Buan

nang Mayo ay Inihahandong nang manga Devoto cay Maria Santisima. Manila, 1912. PDF.

Turner, Victor and Edith Turner. Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture. NY: Columbia UP,
1978. Kindle f ile.

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INTERVIEWS

Benso, Goning. Personal interview. 29 May 2011 and 30 May 2011.

Catarata, Basilio. Personal interview. 15 May 2012.

Gonzalez, Edmund Jude. Personal interview. 2 April 2013.

Luna, Dane. Personal interview. 20 May 2012.

Luna, Josefina M. Personal interview. 27 May 2011.

Luna, Fermina. Personal interview by author and Piedad Gonzalez. 25 April 2010.

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 P. M. Y. Lopez

Luna, Fermina, Wilfredo Luna, and Piedad Gonzalez. Personal interview by author and
Piedad Gonzalez, 29 December 2009.

Luna, Samuel. Personal interview. 29 May 2011.

Oyapoc, Cresencia. Personal interview. 30 May 2011.

Rendon, Rosita, Dianne Nazareno, and Dane Luna. Personal interview. 27 May 2011.

Soriano, Maria Avelyn. Personal interview. 30 May 2011.

Laviste, Gregoria. Personal interview. 18 May 2012 and 22 May 2012.

Laviste, Gregoria, Maria Romas, and Pilar Mirasol Elisio. Personal interview. May 2012.

Luzano, Hipolita. Personal interview. 14 May 2012.

Luzano, Hipolita, and Rosita Rendon. Personal interview by author and Edmund Gonzalez.
10 May 2012.

Sareno, Emerenciana. Personal interview. 30 May 2011.

Ynclino, Rosario Cuico. Personal interview. 30 December 2009 and 14 April 2010.

Patricia Marion Y. Lopez <pmylopez@gmail.com> is an Assistant Professor from

the Department of Art Studies, College of Arts and Letters in the University of the
Philippines Diliman. She holds an MA in Art Studies, major in Art History from the
same University, which she obtained in 2013. Her thesis, Expressions of Devotion:
The Flores de Mayo in Poblacion, Oslob, is a lengthier analysis of the Flores as a
devotional ritual utilizing the frames of performance studies and interpretive
anthropology. Her research interests include devotional rituals and church music in
Cebu.

133