Graziadio 1991

The Process of Social Stratification at Mycenae in the Shaft Grave Period: A Comparative
Examination of the Evidence

Author(s): Giampaolo Graziadio
Source: American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 95, No. 3 (Jul., 1991), pp. 403-440
Published by: Archaeological Institute of America
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/505489
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The Process of Social Stratification at Mycenae
in the Shaft Grave Period: A Comparative
Examinationof the Evidence
GIAMPAOLOGRAZIADIO
Abstract Middle Helladic period). On the other hand, Late Phase

This paper discusses the evolution of grave form and II (i.e., Late Helladic I) Circle B graves show markedly
the richness of the burials in the two Grave Circles at regressive features, and burials are characterizedby a
lower degree of wealththan those of the precedingphase.
Mycenae, where a crucial phase of the process of social This is clearly to be related to the fact that during this
stratification in the Aegean Bronze Age is represented. In
order to quantify the degree of wealth of each burial in period, the highestsectorof the rulingclasschose another
Circle B, a multivariate analysis is used that takes into
burial area, Circle A, for their more elaborate and far
account the composition of grave assemblages in terms of
richer graves.*
total number and range of artifacts as well as the "value"
of individual offerings, determined by comparing them
with functionally equivalent objects. For Circle A, such THE NATURE OF THE EVIDENCE FROM GRAVE
criteria can only be applied to the one single burial, Grave CIRCLESA AND B
II, but the more general grave wealth provides useful There has been much discussion by archaeologists
terms of comparison with Circle B burials.
The progressive separation of the elite members from and anthropologists about the value of mortuary data
the lower sectors of the community took place during the in reconstructing the social organization of ancient
Circle B Early Phase and Late Phase I (late and final societies.1 Aegean prehistorians have repeatedly
* I am
greatly indebted to M. Benzi, T. Cullen, C. Gates, rtCvMvxrv6(v (Athens 1973).
G. Nordquist, J. Rutter, and J. Wright, as well as AJA's two Nordquist G.C. Nordquist, A Middle Helladic Vil-
reviewers, for their very useful suggestions and perceptive lage. Asine in the Argolid (Uppsala
comments on earlier drafts of this paper. I am entirely 1987).
responsible for any remaining inadequacy and for the opin- Schliemann H. Schliemann, Mycenes (Paris 1879).
ions here expressed. Transition R. Laffineur ed., Transition. Le monde
The following abbreviations are used: egeen du bronze moyen au bronze recent
Dickinson O.T.P.K. Dickinson, The Origins of My- (Aegaeum 3. Actes de la deuxieme
cenaean Civilisation (SIMA 49, G6te- Rencontre internationale de
,genne
borg 1977). de Liege, 18-20 avril
Graziadio G. Graziadio, "The Chronology of the l'Universit,
1988. Liege 1989).
Graves of Circle B: A New Hypothe- From the vast bibliography concerning these problems,
sis," AJA 92 (1988) 343-72. see in particular: P.J. Ucko, "Ethnography and Archaeolog-
Karo G. Karo, Die Schachtgriiber von Mykenai ical Interpretation of Funeral Remains," WorldArch 1 (1969)
(Munich 1930-1933). 262-80; A. Saxe, Social Dimensions of Mortuary Practices
Kilian-Dirlmeier I. Kilian-Dirlmeier, "Beobachtungen zu (Diss. Univ. of Michigan, Ann Arbor 1970); L.R. Binford,
1986 den Schachtgrabern von Mykenai und "Mortuary Practices: Their Study and Their Potential," in
zu den Schmuckbeigaben myken- J.A. Brown ed., Approaches to the Social Dimensions of Mor-
ischer Minnergraber," JRGZM 33 tuary Practices (Memoirs of the Society for American Ar-
(1986) 159-98. chaeology 25, 1971) 6-28; R.W. Chapman, "Burial Practices:
Kilian-Dirlmeier I. Kilian-Dirlmeier, "Jewellery in Mycen- An Area of Mutual Interest," in M. Spriggs ed., Archaeology
1988 aean and Minoan 'Warrior Graves'," and Anthropology (BAR Suppl. Series 19, Oxford 1977) 19-
in E.B. French and K.A. Wardle eds., 33. For more recent discussions, additional references, and
Problems in Greek Prehistory (Bristol the state of research, see: V.A. Alekshin, "Burial Customs as
1988) 161-71. an Archaeological Source," CurrAnthr 24 (1983) 137-50 (cf.
Laffineur R. Laffineur, "Mobilier funraire et also comments on pp. 145-48); K.M. Trinkaus, "Mortuary
hirarchie sociale aux Cercles des Ritual and Mortuary Remains," CurrAnthr 25 (1984) 674-
tombes de Mycenes," in Transition 79; B. D'Agostino, "Societaidei vivi, comunitai dei morti: un
227-38. rapporto difficile," DialArch 3 (1985) 47-58; J.C. Wright,
Matthius H. Matthius, Die Bronzegefdisseder kret- "Death and Power at Mycenae: Changing Symbols in Mor-
isch-mykenischeKultur (Prcihistorischen tuary Practice," Aegaeum 1 (1987) 171-84, esp. 171-73;
Bronzefunde 2.1, Munich 1980). C. J0rgensen, "Family Burial Practices and Inheritance Sys-
Mylonas 1957 G.E. Mylonas, Ancient Mycenae. The tems. The Development of an Iron Age Society from 500
Capital City of Agamemnon (London B.C. to A.D. 100 on Bornholm, Denmark," ActaArch 58
1957). (1987) 17-18.
Mylonas 1973 G.E. Mylonas, O B
traPtxdg"KixAog
American Journal of Archaeology 95 (1991) 403
404 GIAMPAOLO GRAZIADIO [AJA 95
noted that information of great importance is pro- and MH grave markers may be regarded as forerun-
vided by funeral contexts in spite of inherent limita- ners of these features,'7 the structure of the Circles
tions.2 In this connection, the Mycenae Grave Circles, reveals the use of formal elements to identify their
displaying a spectacular concentration of wealth, must location and importance. Moreover, in the funerary
be regarded as a unique phenomenon in the whole architecture of the period there is nothing exactly
Aegean area. Some scholars have suggested that the analogous to the general structure of the Circles. Only
two Circles could be taken as evidence of two royal the tumuli, the only monumental tombs in the MH
lines ruling during the final Middle Helladic and Late period, are comparable to the extent that they had a
Helladic I periods, but no general consensus has been circular plan and contained burials of special status.8
achieved.3 Analysis of the main characteristics of the Although the shaft grave was conceived and devel-
two Circles, however, reveals that the origins and the oped during the transitional period, however, there
development of the "Shaft Grave phenomenon" are are no substantial differences in grave appearance
the result of a process of marked social stratification. and body posture between burials in the majority of
The two circumscribed areas of the Circles were no the tumuli and MH traditional graves.9
doubt chosen with a view to separating the shaft The act of constructing the shaft graves is also
graves from the rest of the "dead community" and significant from a social point of view. It is generally
emphasizing the different social status of the burials agreed that the amount of human labor and energy
in the shaft graves.4 The periboloi of the Circles5 and expended on the preparation of a burial is a good
the stelae carved with "heroic" scenes clearly had a indication of the status of the deceased.'0 In terms of
symbolic value as a visual expression of such a dis- expenditure of energy and time, a shaft grave is un-
tinction.6 Although the rare walled burial-precincts doubtedly cheaper than a tholos tomb, but also far
2
C. Renfrew, The Emergence of Civilisation. The Cyclades two Circles originally were tumuli: 0. Pelon, Tholoi, tumuli
and the Aegean in the Third Millennium B.C. (London 1972) et cerclesfundraires (Paris 1976) 148-52 (with refs.); more
370, 374; M.J. Alden, Bronze Age Population Fluctuations in recently, see S. Muller, "Les tumuli helladiques: oii? quand?
the Argolid from the Evidence of Mycenaean Tombs(G6teborg comment?" BCH 113 (1989) 21 fig. 10, 22 n. 100, 26, 30-
1981) 1-6; O.T.P.K. Dickinson, "Cist Graves and Chamber 31, 36 no. 21; contra: Dickinson 51. For social inferences
Tombs," BSA 78 (1983) 56; C.B. Mee and W.G. Cavanagh, from tumulus evidence, see: Dickinson 59; Dickinson (supra
"Mycenaean Tombs as Evidence for Social and Political Or- n. 2) 58-59; Mee and Cavanagh (supra n. 2) 47-48.
ganisation," OJA 3 (1984) 61; Nordquist 12; P. Darcque, 9 See, in general, Muller (supra n. 8) 27-33. In addition
"Les tholoi et l'organisation socio-politique du monde my- to some graves at Argos, listed by O.T.P.K. Dickinson ("'The
cenien," Aegaeum 1 (1987) 185-205. Origins of Mycenaean Civilisation' Revisited," Transition 132
3 For Circle graves interpreted as burials of a royal family, n. 6), a shaft grave in a tumulus at Thorikos is a noticeable
see S.P. Marinatos, ",nEQ' LTOJg vovqg BaottXxo0g ITd~ Ov exception (H.F. Mussche et al., Thorikos VIII: 1972/1976
in A. KEpayorro0AAov (Athens [Ghent 1984] 61, 67).
T6•v MvxyqvCv," FUgag
1953) 83, 86; Mylonas 1957, 174-75; G.E. Mylonas, Mycenae 10 See Binford (supra n. 1) 21; J.A. Tainter and R.H.
and the Mycenaean Age (Princeton 1966) 109; J.L. Angel, Cordy, "An Archaeological Analysis of Social Ranking and
"Human Skeletons from Grave Circles at Mycenae," in My- Residence Groups in Prehistoric Hawaii," WorldArch 9
lonas 1973, 392-93; J. Bintliff, "Settlement Patterns, Land (1977) 96-97; J.A. Tainter, "Mortuary Practices and the
Tenure and Social Structure: A Diachronic Model," in Study of Prehistoric Social Systems," in M.B. Schiffer ed.,
C. Renfrew and S. Shennan eds., Ranking, Resource and Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory 1 (New York
Exchange: Aspectsof the Archaeology of Early European Society 1978) 106-41; Wright (supra n. 1) 173-74; Nordquist 103-
(Cambridge 1982) 110 n.5; Mee and Cavanagh (supra n. 2) 104. For general discussion, also see: E.-J. Pader, Symbolism,
48. For different views, see Dickinson, 56-57; Alden (supra Social Relations and the Interpretation of Mortuary Remains
n. 2) 112-16, 318. (BAR-IS 130, Oxford 1982) 60-62; L. Goldstein, "One-
4 Although Circle B was not part of the Prehistoric Cem- dimensional Archaeology and Multidimensional People:
etery proper, it was part of the general formal area of burial Spatial Organisation and Mortuary Analysis," in R. Chap-
and its isolated position on a small hillock may likewise be man, I. Kinnes, and K. Randsborg eds., The Archaeology of
significant. Death (Cambridge 1981) 55-56. More specifically, in the
5 For the supposed circle-wall of Circle A, rejected by Aegean area, a "grave expense index (added complexity of
Gates, see C. Gates, "Rethinking the Building History of grave construction and value of grave-goods)" has been
Grave Circle A at Mycenae," AJA 89 (1985) 265-67. reckoned by G. Nordquist for Asine graves in order to define
6
Wright (supra n. 1) 175. the social organization on the site: G.C. Nordquist, "Asine.
7 Dickinson 34, 51, 59; E. Protonotariou-Deilaki, OVt A Middle Helladic Society," Hydra 3 (Spring 1987) 17-18,
r'UPot troO"Apyovg (Athens 1980) 160-68; Dickinson (su- tables 2-4; Nordquist 101-103; "Middle Helladic Burial
pra n. 2) 58-59; 0. Pelon, "L'architecture funeraire de la Rites: Some Speculations," in R. Higg and G.C. Nordquist
Grece continentale ia la transition du bronze moyen et du eds., Celebrations of Death and Divinity in the Bronze Age
bronze recent," Aegaeum 1 (1987) 108-10. Argolid (Stockholm 1990) 35-41.
8 Note, however, that, according to some scholars, the
1991] SOCIAL STRATIFICATION AT MYCENAE IN THE SHAFT GRAVE PERIOD 405
more expensive than an MH cist grave. In fact, it has than likely, signifying an unusual body treatment;17
been reckoned that 10 men probably worked about in this connection, the so-called "mummy" found in
10 days to dig a shaft as big as Circle A Grave V;11 Circle Grave V might also indicate a particular care
moreover, several workers were involved in digging for that body.'8 We can also infer more complex es-
out and refilling the shafts during every phase of chatological concepts from the funeral offerings
reuse. Therefore, even if the custom of multiple bur- found in the Circles than from those discovered in
ial cannot be attributed tout court to the aristocratic the common graves. The personal possessions of the
class,'2 it seems likely that shaft graves were con- deceased were nearly always more numerous and of
structed with reuse in mind'13in order to assert pub- higher quality than grave goods found in contempo-
licly the ties of status and/or family, indicating that rary graves: they included precious objects as well as
the expression of lineal descent was becoming more simple tools'9 or other objects used in life, as for
important to the community. In fact, the Mycenaean instance a fishhook, oddly associated with a female
ruling class undoubtedly played an active role in the burial in Circle B.20 On the other hand, the presence
rapid development from single-burial graves to large of vases containing traces of food may imply a belief
shaft graves and from the contracted to the extended in an afterlife;21 most of the clay vases may have been
posture of the burial.14 The specific locus of burial placed in the graves to satisfy the presumed needs of
was no doubt chosen on the basis of ties existing in the deceased, in spite of the fact that the high number
life with other individuals: some Circle B graves were of liquid containers from Circle B has been differ-
clearly reused within living memory of the previous ently interpreted.22 In any case, funeral offerings of
deceased.1'5 the earlier burials were not completely removed from
Furthermore, the constant use of rather complex the graves on the occasion of the grave reopening.23
ceremonies--clearly shown by the traces of funeral The symbolic value of many objects must also be
meals in the fills of Circle B and, perhaps, Circle A emphasized, since they can be regarded as "status
shafts'6-seems to distinguish shaft graves from most symbols" or "symbols of authority," i.e., prestige goods
other contemporary types of tomb. The use of designed to signify the social rank of the deceased.24
shrouds or wrappings richly decorated in gold is more For instance, many decorated daggers, mainly from
" Wright(supra n. 1) 174. see Dickinson115, ch. III[5] n. 20.

12
Dickinson(supran. 2) 65. 20
Mylonas1973, 234, pl. 21013(Y-322).For another fish-
13 Their
large size enabled them to hold more corpses hook from the area of the Circle,see Mylonas1973, 127, K-
and funeralofferings, and their depth preventedthem from 328, pl. 1061 (cf. Dickinson 40). For fishhooks in more
being robbed (R. Hagg and F. Sieurin, "On the Origin of ordinary MBA and LBA contexts, see H.-G. Buchholz,
the Wooden Coffin in Late Bronze Age Greece,"BSA 77 G. J6hrens, and I. Maull, Jagd und Fischtang (ArchHom 1,
[1982] 184; S. Hiller, "On the Origins of the Shaft Graves," G6ttingen1973)J-172-173. Fora representationof a woman
Transition 138). with a fish, see V.E.G. Kenna, CretanSeals (Oxford 1960)
14 In spite of the
suggested Cycladicorigin of shaft graves 129 no. 282 pl. 11, but cf. J.G. Younger,TheIconographyof
(Hiller [supran. 13] 137-44), some gravesat Argos are very Late Minoan and Mycenaean Sealstones and Finger Rings
similar in type to graves found within Circles A and B at (Bristol 1988) 163, 186 (fisherwoman).
Mycenae (see Dickinson [supra n. 9] 132 n. 6). To date, a 21
They are 1-96-98 (Mylonas1973, 112-14, pl. 95). Some
gradual development from graves of the simpler type to other cases of food offerings have been reviewed by
more complex shaft graves can only be documented at My- G. Nordquist(Nordquist1990 [supra n. 10] 40 n. 43).
cenae. For differences in the attitude to burials laid in a 22 Marinatos
(supra n. 3) 63-66; Mylonas 1957, 169-70.
contractedpositionand burialslaid in an extended position, Note that at least some vases can be proved to have been
see Muller(supra n. 8) 27-28. used in life (Mylonas1973, 109, H-95). For a recent discus-
15 This
may be shown by the female burialin GraveF and sion concerning the use of pottery in MH and early LH
perhapsby the earlierburialin Grave,, displacedwhen the burials at Lerna, see C. Zerner "Ceramicsand Ceremony:
bones were still articulated(Mylonas1973, 47, 177). Pottery and Burials from Lerna in the Middle and Early
16 For Circle B, see Graziadio346
(with refs.). For Circle Late Bronze Ages," in Hagg and Nordquist (supra n. 10)
A, see Mylonas 1957, 113. For traces of burnt deposits 23-34.
associatedwith other graves, see Muller(supran. 8) 28-30. 23 For a discussion of the nature of grave
goods, see
17 Dickinson 50, 72, 75. For the
possible use of shrouds Dickinson53. For the custom of reuse of Circle B graves,
or clothes in other MH graves,see Nordquist39. see Graziadio345-46.
18 For refs., see infra n. 251. As suggested by J. Wright 24 See, in
general:J.A. Brown, "The Search for Rank in
(pers. comm.), however,the "mummy"might have been the PrehistoricBurials,"in Chapman et al. eds. (supra n. 10)
result of an unusual situation in which the mask preserved 29-30; G. Clark, Symbolsof Excellence(Cambridge 1986).
the details of the face and no special effort was made to For prestigeobjectsas indicatorsof rank, see also Chapman
preservethe body. (supran. 1) 28.
19 For a reviewof tools from CircleA, apart from knives,
Table 1. Relative Chronology of Circle A and B Burials

CIRCLE B CIRCLE A
EarlyPhase a ~ E•---
(late
_F-••
MH) _-]1:b•-- -a
2Jb L -EL- -
Late Phase I I
(endofMH) ])j•j- ]F
LatePhase11:b I r :b A:b [~ j N:bj
O:a
Ilb
IV:a IV:b
V:a V:b [ ]
a-
(.L H I
:c d M:ab O:bO:c
l•aa VajI:b IldIII
IIi_
II,:c I V:c:b
IV:d
IV:c
LHIII I ,:c .,
Circle A, are actually objets d'art and cannot be con- ers both in Circles A and B;28 metal jugs as well as
sidered real weapons.25 Metal vessels and even a large other objects were wrapped in linen, sometimes silver-
number of clay vases of high quality clearly denote a decorated, cloths;29 some metal or alabaster vessels as
display of wealth. Symbolic value can also be ascribed well as wooden boxes were probably intended as con-
to other well-known precious objects from Circle A as tainers for smaller objects;30 unworked tips of exotic
well as to other items of paraphernalia: in addition to elephant tusks were placed in Circle A Graves IV and
the funeral masks, gold ornaments for dresses or V.31 All these artifacts cannot be referred to any par-
shrouds along with jewelry, sometimes associated with ticular ceremony, and seem rather to have been delib-
single burials in redundant quantity, may be taken as erately stored up in order to stress the high rank of
evidence for a "status uniform," mainly intended to the deceased. In this light a pyxis of the Keros-Syros
emphasize social differences.26 The ornate staffs from culture from Circle B Grave N may also be considered
both Circles as well as a "scepter" from Circle A Grave a prestige good, of "antiquarian value,"32 and it may
IV clearly must be considered very significant status have been a fortuitous finding at the time of the Shaft
indicators, whether they were insignia of rank or of Graves in the Cycladic area rather than an heirloom
office.27 handed down from a distant age.33 Moreover, the
In this connection, other evidence of ostentation assertion that groups of swords might represent a
may be noted. Bronze hydriai were found inside krat- form of wealth seems to be well founded if we con-
25 In
addition to the famous inlaid daggers, the daggers 308) had been greasedand wrappedin a linen cloth(Mylonas
decorated with the "chrissochentissi"technique are to be 1973, 172).
considered "emblems"or "insigniadignitatis"(A. Sakellar- 30 A gold kyathosfrom GraveN as wellas a gold cup from
iou, "Poignies d'-pees et de poignards mycen- Grave F were in fact used as containersfor smaller objects
ouvrag•es
iens," in Aux origines de l'hellenisme. La Crete et la Grhce. (Mylonas1973, 162, N-389; 47, F-316). In Circle A an ala-
Hommage a&Henri van Effenterre [Paris 1984] 128). bastervase, associatedwith the southern burialin GraveV,
26 For "statusuniforms"in
general, see S. Shennan,"The contained38 golden buttonsand a gold funnel (Schliemann
SocialOrganisationat Brand,"Antiquity49 (1975) 284 (with 390; C. Schuchhardt, Schliemann's Excavations [London
refs.); Pader (supra n. 10) 18-27. 1891] 259); gold and silvervasesand other objectsincluding
27 For Circle B ornate staffs, see
Mylonas 1973, 121, I- 100 gold-coveredbuttons were also found inside large cop-
514; 175, pl. 153y (N-394-97). For other examples from per vessels in Grave IV (Schliemann295; C. Tsountas and
CircleA GraveIII and other Argivecontexts,see Dickinson J.I. Manatt,TheMycenaeanAge [London 1897] 90; Dickin-
84, 121 n.16. Cf. also A.F. Harding, The Mycenaeansand son 48).
Europe (London 1984) 114-15 fig. 31.4; J. Bouzek, The 31 O.H. Krzyszkowska,
"Ivoryin the Aegean BronzeAge:
Aegean, Anatolia and Europe: Cultural Interrelations in the ElephantTusk or HippopotamusIvory,"BSA 83 (1988) 231
Second Millennium B.C. (SIMA 29, G6teborg 1985) 80-81. (withrefs.).
For the Circle A scepter,see K. Kilian,"The Emergenceof 32
Mylonas1973, 176, pl. 1546 (N-458). For comparisons,
Wanax Ideology in the MycenaeanPalaces,"OJA 7 (1988) see Dickinson45, 114 n. 21. Cf. also Renfrew (supra n. 2)
294. pl. 6.3-6; J. Thimme ed., Art and Culture of the Cyclades in
28 Circle B Grave E and Circle A Grave IV
provide clear theThirdMillennium(Chicago1977) 104, fig. 85, 28-30, pls.
evidence of such an arrangement:Mylonas 1973, 92; My- 339-40; C. Doumas, Cycladic Art: Ancient Sculpture and
lonas 1966 (supra n. 3) 105; Matthius 24 nos. 197, 224. Ceramics of the Aegean from the N.P. Goulandris Collection
29
Mylonas 1973, 172 (N-310). For other possible cases (Houston 1981) 89, no. 129.
from the two Circles,see Nordquist58 (with detailed bibli- 33 Mylonas1973, 176 (interpretedas a possibleheirloom).
ography). Note that even a spearhead from Grave N (N- Although lakovidisregardeda Cycladickernos from Grave
sider that very large numbers of weapons (collections terms "Early Phase," "Late Phase I," and "Late Phase
of 20 and 60) were found heaped in Graves IV II" are here used to refer to the relative chronology
and V.34 of Circle B graves and burials, as defined in a former
Finally, as shown by Angel, the high-status individ- study.40 In terms of Helladic chronology, they corre-
uals of the Circles enjoyed a far higher standard of spond respectively to a late but not final phase of MH,
living than their near-contemporaries at Lerna and to the very end of MH, and to LH I.
Asine, although some of them died rather young.35 Early Phase. With the exception of Grave I, clearly
They also stood out from the lower sectors of com- larger and deeper (2.55 x 1.30 x 2.85 m) than the
munity because of their physical size.36 Thus, physical others, most Early Phase graves (table 2) do not exceed
anthropological evidence seems to suggest that the 1.90 m in length at the level of the floor (Grave Z),
members of the ruling class shared a common status.37 and 1.15 m in width (the circular (;rave A 2); the
Because they isolated themselves from the rest of the deepest grave (Grave E) is 1.90 m deep, but other
community and stressed their family and/or status ties graves (H and Z) are notably shallower (max. depth
to give a united expression of their power, it seems 0.90 m). Therefore, since the amount of earth and
therefore likely that a "class consciousness" was pres- bedrock required to be removed for their construc-
ent among Mycenae's upper classes. tion does not exceed 3 m3, the amount of human
On the other hand, the period of use of the two labor expended in their construction is relatively
Circles is rather short and many graves were concur- small. Of course, the measurements of Grave I, similar
rently used during every period and particularly dur- to those of later shaft graves, imply a greater expen-
ing LH I (table 1).38Nevertheless, a general evolution diture of labor.
from the beginning to the end of the period can be All the Early Phase graves except H, S1, and E41
recognized and the development of social stratifica- had a roof enclosing the lower part of the shafts. Only
tion at Mycenae can be considered gradual. A com- Graves T and E, however, had walls of mudbrick or
parative analysis of the evidence, therefore, can now rubble lining the sides to bear the weight of the roof
be attempted to clarify the distinct stages within this beams; in the others the beams were supported by
process. shelves cut into the bedrock and Grave Z had post-
holes in the corners, probably once containing sup-
GENERALFEATURES ports for the roof. All the Early Phase graves,
including the simple earth-cut Grave S 1, had a floor
Circle B covered with pebbles.
Although a progressive increase in the degree of No stelae can be securely attributed to this phase,
grave elaboration has already been suggested,39 it is although a stele on Grave I was suggested by My-
worth analyzing the architectural evolution of the lonas.42 Stone perimeters have been shown to have
graves as well as other factors, period by period. The marked some graves (H, Z, I, and 5), however, and
122 at Peratias contemporarywith the late Mycenaeanfinds O.T.P.K. Dickinson's review of Mylonas 1973, in JHS 96
from the grave, this might also have been an "antique"from (1976) 236.
the Cyclades: S.E. Iakovidis, ITE7arr). T6 VExQOTraq~OV 36 On average, individualsfrom Lernaand Asine are 5 cm
(Athens 1969, 1970) vol. A, 424 no. 866, pl. 126, vol. B 264- shorter than those from the Circles (Angel 1971 [supra n.
65. 35] 110; Angel 1982 [supran. 35] 107).
34 Dickinson 68; S. Hood, "ShaftGrave Swords: Mycen- 37 Kilian-Dirlmeier 1988, 164.
aean or Minoan? in "IEJ1aQaytLVa TiooAtEOvofg KQrlto- 38 Note that 44 burials in Circle B have been listed by
Xoyixof IhvvE6itov (Athens 1980) 242; O.T.P.K. Dickinson Laffineur (Laffineur 228-29, table on p. 232). In addition
in E.B. French and K.A. Wardle eds., Problemsin Greek to burials without offerings not considered here (A 1, A2, E,
Prehistory(Bristol 1988) 165. I [two burials], and T) that possibly belong to the Early
35 For the standard of living of the deceased in the Circles Phase (Graziadio 362, table 5), he has also tabulated a pos-
in comparison with that of MH people, see: Angel (supra sible burial in Grave I which did not leave any significant
n. 3) 386-89; J.L. Angel, Lerna II: The People (Princeton traces (Graziadio 348 n. 23) and the bones from the fills of
1971) 89-90, 110; "Ancient Skeletons from Asine," in Graves A and N, which, however, might belong to older MH
S. Dietz, Asine II. Results of the Excavations East of the Acrop- graves (Graziadio 346 n. 18).
olis 1970-1974, 1: General Stratigraphical Analysis and Ar- 39 Dickinson 42-46; Graziadio 359, 363, 369-71.
chitectural Remains (Stockholm 1982) 107, 111; P. Halstead, 40 Graziadio 362, table 5.
"The Bronze Age Demography of Crete and Greece. A 41 It should, however, be noted that Grave
9 was evidently
Note," BSA 72 (1977) 108, 110; Nordquist 21-22. For An- damaged before excavations(Dickinson42).
gel's inferences about their age of death, see Angel (supra 42 Mylonas 1957, 151.
n. 3) 391-93; however, cf. Alden (supra n. 2) 114-16;
Table 2. General Features of Circle B Early Phase Graves
Early Phase Graves

Features Al A2 Z H 0 I A2 l
1
at rock surface 3.20x2.05 - - - 1.65x 1.
SIZE atfloor 1.50x0.80 1.30x1.15 1.90x1.10 1.10x0,75 ?x0.75 2.55 x 1.30 ?1.10x0.60 1.58x 1.02 ? 1.50x0.8
.
(in m) depth 1.90 0.60 0.62-65 ? 2.85 ? 1.90 1.25
- -
GRAVE stone perimeter X - X X
- - - X ? X
MARKERS pile of stones
stele
roof (twigs, - ?...
X X X - X
X X X -
flagstones, clay)
ROOFING wooden X - X
beams X X X - - X
lining walls - - - - - - - X - -
FLOOR rocky floor - - -x

-
X X -
X ? xX
pebble floor X X -..
X Present
- Absent
Table 3. General Features of Circle B Late Phase I and II Graves

Late Phase I Graves
Features A B F A E A N Y K
at rock surface 3.90x2.90 2.60x 1.85 3.80x2.80 3.25x2.55 3.25x2.20 3.65 (3.15)x 3.90x3.10 - -
2.71 (2.68)
SIZE at floor 2.80 x 1.70 2.27x1.28 3.20 x 1.80 2.50x 1.38 2.55 x 1.60-1.50 2.55 x 1.73 2.60x 1.80 1.85x1.30 2.22xl.55- 1.1
(in m) (2.00 x 0.95) 1.60
3.00 1.95 3.50 1.60 (2.10) 2.83-2.85 2.40 (2.10) 2.30 0.80 (?) 1.40
depth
- - - X -
GRAVE stone perimeter X X
pile of stones - X - - X X
MAKERS
stele X X - X
roof (twigs, X X -
X X X X X
ROOFING flagstones, clay) X X X X X X X -
wooden beams ?
- ? ?
lining walls X X X X X
rocky floor - - -
FLOOR
pebble floor X X X X X X X X X
X Present
- Absent
this might be true of other graves as well.43 The (Graves B and Y) can be assigned to Late Phase I.
positions of Graves 5, , and possibly E1 were also They also appear more developed than the corre-
marked by a heap of stones, possibly indicating special sponding Early Phase graves: Grave B is almost as
status burials.44 large as multiple-burial Graves A and E, even if shal-
Like traditional MH graves, most of the early graves lower, and had lining walls and a pebble floor; Grave
in Circle B contained only one burial, laid in a con- Y is apparently smaller, but probably also had lining
tracted position. A change from contracted to ex- walls47 and a pebble floor.
tended position first appears in the multiple-burial Another noteworthy development is the first well-
graves: although the earlier burial in Grave S was in attested use of a stele on Grave F. The absence of
a contracted attitude, the children buried last in grave markers on multiple-burial Graves A and A may
Graves A2 and E were in an extended position. A be accidental, since even single-burial Graves B and
small pile of pebbles and earth supported the head of Y were marked by stone perimeters and central piles
the later occupant of Grave I. The treatment accorded of stones. The extended posture was observed in all
to earlier grave goods changed with time: in earlier the preserved burials, including those from single-
multiple burials, the goods from previous burials were burial graves.48 Moreover, in the only reused grave,
heaped along the sides of the tomb, whereas in later Grave A, the funerary ritual corresponds to that in
burials these goods were removed from the interior evidence in most Late Phase II graves: pottery accom-
of the tomb. Such changes suggest that it took some panying the earlier burial was removed from inside
time for the burial ritual associated with tomb reuse the grave and at least three goblets were carefully
to become standardized. placed on the roof.
Late Phase I. Shaft graves now appear fully devel- Late Phase II. In contrast to the preceding phase,
oped, but the burials assigned to Late Phase I on the many regressive elements can now be noticed. Al-
basis of the pottery number only half those of the though twice as many burials are assigned to Late
Early Phase.45 The construction of most of the larger Phase II as to Late Phase I, only one shaft grave (0)
and deeper Circle B shaft graves (Graves F, A, E, A, is as large and deep as the earlier multiple-burial
N, and perhaps A46) implies a reuse governed by the graves. Grave O corresponds perfectly to the Late
status or family ties of the deceased (table 3). Their Phase I large graves in the degree of architectural
floor areas measure from 7 m2 (Grave E) to 12 m2 elaboration, and is also marked by a stele. On the
(Grave N) and, apart from the shallow Grave A, the other hand, another multiple-burial grave, M, is shal-
shafts are always of considerable depth (up to 3.50 m lower than the Late Phase I single-burial Grave B; all
in Grave F). The construction of Grave F, for exam- the other new graves (K, Al, and H) are single-burial
ple, required the removal of about 15 m3 of material, graves, and Graves Al and i are as small as those
a little more than that necessary for other large graves from the Early Phase (table 3). They also appear less
of this phase. Therefore, the simple act of construct- developed than the corresponding Late Phase I
ing such spacious graves must be regarded as an graves: Grave Al has a rocky floor and no lining walls;
indication of the great social importance of the first no traces of a roof were found in Graves K and II.
individual interred, quite apart from the burial goods Furthermore, none of these graves had any grave
deposited with him. marker.
Other significant features can be noticed: the use Other regressive features can be noted in Grave M:
of rubble or mudbrick to line walls supporting the although it was marked by a stone perimeter, the roof
roof beams becomes virtually standard in this period; was supported by shelves and the floor was left un-
only Grave A has ledges cut out of the bedrock. More- covered by pebbles, which was never the case in the
over, all the graves had pebble floors. Besides the small Early Phase graves. Moreover, regardless of the
multiple-burial graves, two single-burial graves limited available space in Grave M, the pottery of the
43 According to Keramopoullos,Circle A graves were all later burial (a man) undoubtedlycan be attributedto Late
marked by heaped earth and stones: A. Keramopoullos," Phase II (see infra n. 203). Therefore, the possibilitythat
IEgi td6v BcotXktxCvdCT4yv fTg 'Axoxo6kcEwgT6v the earlierburial(a woman)belonged to the precedingphase
MvxTivCOV," ArchEph 1918, 58. Graves in Circle B might cannot be ruled out.
originallyhave been markedin the same way. 47 Mylonas1973, 228.
44 Mylonas1973, 177, 185, 226. For stone piles as possible 48 They are F:a, A:b, A:a (cf. Mylonas 1957, 140: "three
indicatorsof status, see Dickinson42. skeletons were found in an extended position"), and the
45 Graziadio362, table 5. burials in Graves B and Y.
46
Although associationsin Grave A are unknown, the
earlier burial was heaped along the walls as in the ranges from about 1 m (Grave III) to more than 5 m
Early Phase multiple-burial graves. In contrast to the (Grave V), but in some graves the prehistoric ground
general tendencies of the previous period, individuals level probably was considerably higher.
were buried in a contracted position in the small Grave The main characteristics of the graves were not
Al and in the large Grave E. completely understood by the excavators, but Dorp-
feld's reconstruction now seems correct in the light of
Circle A the Circle B evidence.54 The presence of rubble lining
Only the six shaft graves are here considered. Un- walls can be inferred from the descriptions of four
fortunately, Schliemann's account of the excavations graves, whereas in the relatively small and shallow
of Graves I-V, although valuable for its time, is some- Graves II and VI, the wooden beams were probably
times rather undetailed and Stamatakis's excavations supported by ledges carved out of the rock.55 There
of Grave VI are only known from preliminary re- is, however, clear evidence of pebbly floors in all the
ports.49 In analyzing the Circle evidence an almost graves, although their function was misinterpreted by
philological analysis of Schliemann's various accounts Schliemann.56 A stele, the most outstanding grave
(the Tagebuch, his correspondence with the Times, marker, was found in place above almost every grave.
letters to Max Muiller, and the final report) is Only Grave IV, although the largest and richest of
needed,50 but, as shown by A. Xkerstr6m, the scarcity the Circle A graves, had no stele.
of details in the descriptions of the excavation diary There are few clear indications about the position
is also characteristic of the final version, written some of the skeletons in the single burials. According to
time after the excavations.5' some scholars, some skeletons were found in a con-
There is no exact correspondence between the di- tracted position.57 The use of "high pillows" to lift the
mensions of the shaft graves as reported by Schlie- head seems to have been customary in Circle A,58
mann and Karo, but they clearly range from about however, which is more in agreement with the ex-
3.15 x 1.85 m at the floor (Grave VI) to 6.55 x 4.l10 m tended posture suggested by Karo.59
(Grave IV).52 Schliemann measured the depth of the As far as the ritual of reuse is concerned, only in
shafts from the surface at the time. Earth has since Grave VI were the bones of the earlier skeleton found
accumulated mainly on the sloping rock in the western heaped along the walls of the grave, as in Circle B.
sector of the Circle, and it would thus be better to There is no clear evidence that earlier adult inter-
start from the level of the rock surface shown in ments in the other graves were pushed aside and
Wace's reconstruction, even if the upper rocky part remained unnoticed by Schliemann. 6 The rare dis-
of the shafts of Graves III and IV had probably placement of corpses in Circle A graves was probably
collapsed in early times.53 The depth from this level a consequence of the greater space available within
49 Dickinson 46, 114-15, ch. III[3] n. 3, with detailed surface (Wace, pl. 17). For a discussion concerning the pos-
bibliography. sibility that the upper part of the shafts of some graves could
50 See in
particular: G.E. Mylonas, "O 'rrtnTrog ktax- have collapsed, see Dickinson 46-47 (quoting Schliemann's
xoetbi'g rdpog;toi A Tv MvOxivQwv," ArchEph Tagebuch). For a discussion concerning the original surface,
KU5x•ov
1969, 125-42; Dickinson 46-50; A. Akerstrom, "Mycenaean also see Gates (supra n. 5) 268-70, 272-74; for the refur-
Problems," OpAth 12 (1978) 42-68; Matthius 19-22; Kilian- bishment of the area cf., however, E. French, "'Dynamis' in
Dirlmeier 1986, 167-76. the Archaeological Record at Mycenae," in M.M. Mackenzie
5' Akerstr6m (supra n. 50) 42-43. and C. Rouech6 eds., Images of Authority (Cambridge Phil-
52 For Grave I (= Schliemann's Grave
2) cf. Schliemann ological Society Suppl. 16, 1989) 125-26.
234 (6.37 x 3.50 m) with Karo 17 n. 2 (5.50 x 2.80 m); for
54 Cf. Schuchhardt (supra n. 30) 161-62 fig. 144.
Grave II (= Schliemann's Grave 5) cf. Schliemann 372-73
55 Akerstr6m (supra n. 50) 68. Note, however, that in
(3.45 x 2.90 m) with Karo 17 n. 2 (3.05 x 2.15 m); for Grave Schliemann's grave sections (Schliemann pl. BB) all the
III (= Schliemann's Grave 3) cf. Schliemann 242 (5 x graves have stones suggestive of lining walls.
3.05 m) with Karo 17 n. 2 (3.70 x 2.70 m); for Grave IV 56 According to Schliemann,
they were used to air the
(= Schliemann's Grave 4) cf. Schliemann 293 (7.20 x 5.55 m) funeral piles (Schliemann 244, 293, 373, 376), but cf. My-
with Karo 17 n. 2 (6.55 x 4.10 m); for Grave V lonas 1957, 125-26.
(= Schliemann's Grave 1) cf. Schliemann 230 (6.43 x 3.10 57 Mylonas 1957, 105, 122-23. For a discussion of the
m) with Karo 17 n. 2 (5.77 x 2.85 m) and A kerstrom (supra problem, see Akerstr6m (supra n. 50) 60, 63.
n. 50) 49 (6.35 x 3.45 m). For the measurement of Grave 58 Tsountas and Manatt (supra n. 30) 95 (they suggest a
VI, see Karo 17 n. 2 (3.15 x 1.85 m). "half-sitting posture," however).
53 For Wace's reconstruction, see A.J.B. Wace," Excava-
59 According to Karo, skeletons were found "ausge-
tions at Mycenae," BSA 25 (1921-1923) pl. 17. Note that streckt" (Karo 36). Also see Akerstrbm (supra n. 50) 60 (with
MH graves found by Schliemann near the mouth of Grave refs.).
III were higher than what was probably the original rock 60 Dickinson 48.
the tombs and greater care for the very high-status base discovered over Grave A may be associated with
individuals. On the other hand, because the fills of the later burial.65 An unsculptured stele also stood
the shafts were badly disturbed during LH IIIB, it is over Grave 0, but its original arrangement is un-
difficult to determine whether or not the pottery of known; it might belong with the latest female burial,
the earlier burials had been removed from inside the if Schuchhardt was right in suggesting that plain stelae
graves to the roofs and fills. Tojudge from the scarcity were placed over the graves of women, although there
of clay vases reported by Schliemann and the presence may be some doubt in the light of Stamatakis's account
of sherds of the Shaft Grave period in the area of the of Circle A Grave VI.66 According to Mylonas, a stele
Circle,6 the pottery associated with the earlier burials also stood on Grave E, but no definite traces of it were
might have been treated in the same manner as in found.67
Circle B. Metal vessels, found in large quantities in The list of the stelae from Circle A is far longer,
many graves, might have been preferred to clay con- including some examples found in place over the
tainers as indicators of the high rank of the deceased, graves and many others, sometimes in groups, discov-
and as a rule they were not removed in the course of ered in the fills of the shafts and even in the House
later burials. of the Warrior Vase.68 Only Grave IV apparently had
no stele, although a plain example said to be from
THE STELAE Grave II might originally be from this grave.69 It
The stelae are considered status indicators of the should be noted, however, that the stelae were re-
utmost importance. This interpretation is reinforced erected during LH IIIB. As a consequence of the
by the symbolism of the scenes carved on them and great disturbance in the area some of the shafts are
their extreme rarity on poorer graves.62 The earliest known to have been emptied and refilled in that
example belongs to the first burial in Grave F (Circle period.70 Therefore, the original relationship of the
B Late Phase 1),63 if the stelae were set up in the order stelae to the graves cannot be definitively established7"
suggested by Mylonas.64 This had been transformed and "it may be considered doubtful whether any of
into a base for another stele of a later burial, in spite the stelae originally stood where they were re-
of being decorated with spirals and a figural compo- erected."72Nevertheless, a simple quantitative analysis
sition with men, lions, and another large animal. A might show that most graves, if not all, were originally
fragmentary, plain stele, possibly standing on that marked by stelae. Moreover, supposing that some
reused as a base, and another base, both uncovered stelae were replaced early, some graves had far more
in the fill, may be assigned to the two Late Phase II than one stele, and this again would distinguish Circle
burials: the last burial was not marked, possibly be- A from Circle B, where only Grave F was provided
cause of its lower status. with three stelae.
All the other stelae from Circle B can also be as-
THE BURIAL GOODS
signed to Late Phase II. The example from Grave N,
although fragmentary, was found in situ, standing on Information of the utmost importance about social
its original base, and clearly belongs with the later organization and hierarchy of power can be obtained
burial. Fragments of a decorated stele with its original by correlating degree of grave elaboration with rich-
61
Dickinson 47-48. Fragments of decorated stelae were assigned to this grave
62 The only examples so far comparableare from Argos by Heurtley on the basis of the supposed early stylistic fea-
(Protonotariou-Deilaki [supran. 7] 164-68), althoughCircle tures (W.A. Heurtley, "The Grave Stelai," in Wace [supra
examples are of higher craftsmanship.The iconographyof n. 53] 136-37 nos. X, XI, 138, 144).
the relief scenes on the stelae can also be associatedwith 67
Mylonas1973, 91.
itemsin the gravesthatindicate"maleburialswithmilitaristic 68
Heurtley (supra n. 66) 126-46; pl. 17 (for the strati-
activity"(Wright[supra n. 1] 175). graphical position of stelae). For other unpublished frag-
63 Whether a stele was
present above the Early Phase ments, see Protonotariou-Deilaki (supra n. 7) 174-77 pls.
GraveI is a matter for pure conjecture(see supra n. 42). 11-15. For a full discussion, see Dickinson 46-47; Gates
64
Mylonas 1973, 50. (supra n. 5) 264-65, 270, 272-74.
65 It should be noted that E. Protonotariou-Deilaki (supra 69 For the possibility of the plain stele
belonging to Grave
n. 7) 171 has suggested that this stele was repeatedly reused; VI, see Wace (supra n. 53) 143 n. 1, 144; A.J.B. Wace,
in such a case, its first use during Late Phase I is probable. Mycenae: An Archaeological History and Guide (Princeton
66 For Schuchhardt's
theory, see Schuchhardt (supra 1949) 60; cf. also Dickinson 47.
n. 30) 168-69. Note, however, that according to Stamatakis, 70 Dickinson 46.
Grave VI, although containing two men, was marked by an 71 Mylonas 1957, 109; Dickinson 47.
72 Dickinson 47.
"unsculptured" stele (Tsountas and Manatt [supra n. 30] 91).
ness of grave goods.73 It should be admitted, however, Denmark.80 S. Shennan, studying the social organi-
that social status and wealth are not always exactly zation of the Brand cemetery, used a scale of units of
commensurate.74 Wealth in life and grave goods are wealth established "on the basis of distance and diffi-
not always metonymically related75 and wealth is a culty in obtaining raw materials and estimated time
matter of convention.76 Nevertheless, when compar- taken in producing the artifact."8' More recently,
ing the Circle A and B evidence to that of other L. J0rgensen, analyzing an Iron Age society in Den-
contemporary graves, there is no doubt that the bur- mark, combined "type values" of grave goods to cal-
ials in the two Circles belonged to the upper classes culate the "grave value," i.e., wealth/social status of
of the society, who wished to differentiate themselves the deceased.82 In the Aegean, G. Nordquist has com-
from the common people as much as possible. In such puted different values for clay, bone, bronze, and gold
a context "artefact quantity and variety, especially grave goods from MH graves at Asine; W.G. Cava-
exotic trade items," must be regarded as "symbolic nagh and C. Mee have recently analyzed funeral of-
designators of wealth,"" 77and disparities in wealth are ferings from many Mycenaean chamber tombs in the
clearly related to differences in rank. Argolid, distinguishing four levels of wealth on the
basis of the presence or absence within the tombs of
CIRCLE B 46 classes of non-pottery offerings: and P. Schuster
To analyze differences in rank, the degree of wealth Keswani has similarly discussed the social hierarchy
of the single burials must be preliminarily quantified, in Late Bronze Age Cyprus by recording the presence
even if approximately. Among the methods devised or absence of a standard range of types and materials
for measuring the relative wealth of artifact sets, a in the tombs at Enkomi.83 In spite of their inherent
quantitative analysis of the number of artifact types,78 limitations,84 all these methods clearly provide a good
as well as an examination of the frequency of partic- deal of information, especially if the range of grave
ular types of grave goods,79 has often been carried goods is not exceedingly wide.
out. Another method considers the degree of satu- Every Circle B grave assemblage can be considered
ration of the grave assemblages with metal artifacts in a sum of various components, different in function,
terms of weight, in view of the value of metal in number, material, source, and quality, including the
societies such as that of the Early Bronze Age in prestige goods of great symbolic significance.85 There-
73 Most recently, see Nordquist 97, table 8.4; Nordquist in Prehistory (London 1973) 565-70; "Social Stratification in
1990 (supra n. 10) 36, figs. 6a-b; W.G. Cavanagh and C. Mee, Early Bronze Age Denmark: A Study in the Regulation of
"The Location of Mycenaean Chamber Tombs in the Ar- Cultural Systems," PZ 49 (1974) 38-61.
81
golid," in Higg and Nordquist (supra n. 10) 57-58. Shennan (supra n. 26) 283-84, fig. 3.
the Individualin 82 Jorgensen
74 J. Shephard, "The Social Identity of (supra n. 1) 21-22 (with refs.).
Isolated Barrows and Barrow Cemeteries in Anglo-Saxon 83 For MH graves at Asine see Nordquist 97 and table 8.4;
England," in B.C. Burnham and J. Kingsbury, Space, Hier- Nordquist 1990 (supra n. 10) 36-37 fig. 6b; for Mycenaean
archy and Society (BAR-IS 59, Oxford 1979) 52. chamber tombs see Cavanagh and Mee (supra n. 73) 55-59.
75 D'Agostino(supran. 1) 51; Pader (supran. 10) 54, 56- For social hierarchy at Enkomi, see P. Schuster Keswani,
60; Chapman (supra n. 1) 20; R. Baldwin, "Intrusive Burial "Dimensions of Social Hierarchy in Late Bronze Age Cyprus:
Groups in the Late Roman Cemetery at Lankhills, Winches- An Analysis of the Mortuary Data from Enkomi," JMA 2
ter. A Reassessment of the Evidence," OJA 4 (1985) 101- (1989) 49-86.
102. 84 Alekshin (supra n. 1) 141-42; Shephard (supra n. 74)
76 Renfrew
(supra n. 2) 370. 52-58, esp. 56-58. For a different view concerning the value
77 Cf. J. O'Shea, "Social Configurations and the Archae- of the scoring system-substituted by an analysis of age and
ological Study of Mortuary Practices: A Case Study," in sex, distribution of artifact types, and skeletal position-see
Chapman et al. (supra n. 10) 42 table 3.3, 44. Pader (supra n. 10) 56-62, 131-35, 170-72, 173, 192-97.
78 See, e.g., Renfrew (supra n. 2) 370-99; C. Haselgrove, 85
According to Haselgrove, prestige-goods are objects
"Wealth, Prestige and Power: The Dynamics of the Late Iron that "require rare materials, considerable technical skills or
Age Political Centralisation in South-East England," in Ren- a high labour investment, or are only available from outside
frew and Shennan (supra n. 3) 81-83; K. Randsborg, "Bur- the local system, e.g. foreign trade goods" (Haselgrove [su-
ial, Succession and Early State Formation in Denmark," in pra n. 78] 81-82). For the concept of prestige-goods also
Chapman et al. (supra n. 10) 113, table 8.7. fitting in the Aegean ambit, see J. Moody, "The Minoan
79 Shephard (supra n. 74) 54-56, statistics 1 and 2 (with Palace as a Prestige Artifact," in R. Higg and N. Marinatos
references). For a recent review of the frequency of some eds., The Function of the Minoan Palaces (Stockholm 1987)
artifact types in Mycenaean tombs, see Darcque (supra n. 2) 235-36. Although "the recognition of prestige goods is ob-
190-200. viously highly subjective" (Haselgrove [supra n. 78] 81), their
80 K.
Randsborg, "Wealth and Social Structure as Re- importance especially in quantitative analyses has been em-
flected in Bronze Age Burials. A Quantitative Approach," phasized by Renfrew (supra n. 2) 377-78.
in C. Renfrew ed., The Explanation of Culture Change: Models
fore, a multivariate analysis is needed that takes into are divided into three main functional subcategories
account such variables, i.e., not only the composition (clothing ornaments, headbands,and personal orna-
of the grave assemblages in terms of total number ments). More elaborate distinctionsare made within
and range of artifacts, but also the estimated "value" each subcategoryaccordingto materialand degree of
of individual offerings and the symbolic worth of elaboration.
prestige goods.86 Because the relative value of objects When evaluating individual offerings, in addition
of different functional groupings is unknown, how- to differences in material, size, and hours required
ever, it seems appropriate to evaluate each artifact by for manufacture, their possible symbolic meaning
comparing it with objects that are functionally equiv- should also be taken into account. This is particularly
alent. Thus, every object from the Circle is first as- true in the case of the prestige goods intended to
signed to a functional category-containers, weapons/ emphasizethe socialimportanceof the deceased such
armor, tools, jewelry/ornaments-or to a miscella- as, for example, the ornate staffs regarded as insignia
neous group. Within each category various subcate- of rank or office: they should be evaluated for their
gories are subsequently distinguished. Containers are symbolicworth ratherthan strictlyfor the smallquan-
subdivided according to material (e.g., clay, bronze, tity of precious materialemployed in their manufac-
silver/gold). Each vase can be evaluated in terms of ture. Leavingaside all other considerations,weapons
value and symbolic worth by taking into account the and armor (in male burials) and jewelry and orna-
following variables: 1) place of manufacture: distin- ments (in female burials), as well as some tools and
guishing local products from imports; the latter can "miscellaneous"items, are majorstatusindicatorsand
be differentiated in value according to the distance their symbolicmeaning is clearlygreater than that of
from Mycenae of the supposed place of production; offerings such as the commonlyfound pottery.More-
2) quality: distinguishing roughly from finely manu- over, when considering objects of these categories
factured, plain from decorated, clumsily from care- more specifically, it should be remembered that
fully decorated wares; 3) size: distinguishing large swords as well as other weapons intended for show
from small examples, relevant in assigning value not probablyhad a particularsymbolicvalue; the same is
only because of the time involved in production, but true of funeral masksand other ornaments.From the
also because many vases were presumably intended point of view of symbolicmeaning, therefore, a rank-
as containers of perishable materials, sometimes of ing can also be assigned within the individual func-
considerable worth. Despite the fact that some clay tional categories.
vases undoubtedly were prestige objects, metal vessels A range of "units of wealth"can therefore be as-
may generally be regarded as status indicators of signed to different categories and, within them, to
greater importance; pottery is in fact the most com- different subcategories,attributing a value score to
mon grave offering and is here considered as a rule each item on the basisof all these considerations.The
of lesser value than metal containers on the basis of aim of this scoring is not to assign an absolute value
local availability of the raw materials employed and to each object-which is, of course, impossible-but
the required standard of specialization. Metal vessels to establisha rankingwithineach functionalcategory,
are also differentiated in value according to the dis- differentiatingthe most precious (in terms of source,
tance of the source of their constituent materials, their material,production time, and/or symbolicmeaning)
size (as indicative of the amount of metal employed objects from average examples, without neglecting,
and, possibly, of contents), and the degree of orna- however, a scale of value for the intermediate items.
mentation (as indicative of the expenditure of labor Thus "value"scoresassignedto containersrange from
for their manufacture). The funeral offerings in the 1 (local and small clay vases) to 25 (prestige items,
other functional categories are similarly evaluated. e.g., gold vessels). Excepting the arrows, scores of
Weapons/armor are divided into subcategories ac- weapons/armorrange from 10 (plain daggers) to 25
cording to function/morphology (swords, daggers, (decorated swords). The units of wealth assigned to
spears, etc.), and differences in "value" are suggested tools, apart from simple tools (e.g., fishhook, whet-
on the basis of material and the time presumably stone),varyfrom 5 (stoneaxe, plain razors,and tweez-
consumed in their manufacture (distinguishing, for ers) to 15 (knives embellished with additional
example, plain from decorated examples). Similar materials).Turning tojewelry and ornaments,a more
distinctions are made among tools.Jewelry/ornaments complex range of scores appears as a result of the
86 As indicated by Brown (supra n. 24) 37 tume (particularlyheaddresses), elaborate weapons and

"investigators
must be particularlyalert to emblems of rank such as cos- other artifactswith ritualconnectionsof great power."
differences in the degree of ornamentation; a great of the rearrangement of the area in LH IIIB.87 In
variety of scores (up to 100) can be assigned to single Circle B, later burials are sometimes poorer than
items such as headbands and/or sets of clothing and previous burials. Moreover, since earlier grave
personal ornaments as indicators of the degree of goods-even smashed pottery-were not completely
ornamentation of the burials. Finally, the scores attrib- removed from the graves,88 any despoiling of the
uted to the category of "miscellaneous," which in- previous burials by the members of the same family
cludes precious objects, range from 15 to 25. More or social class was probably regarded as an act of great
detailed value distinctions will be made in the sections impiety. Some details suggest in fact that the goods of
concerning each functional category. the previous burials were well respected: precious
To compare the degree of wealth of individual objects belonging to the earliest burials have been
burials, the artifact assemblages are arranged by chro- found in many graves, and in Circle B Grave N, on
nology and the deceased's sex in "three-dimensional" the occasion of the later burial, the gold ornaments
histograms showing, for every functional category, the of a leather sword scabbard and of a spearhead, as
number of items, the distinguished subcategories, and well as other gold ornaments belonging to the earlier
the relative value of each object (figs. 1-4). Each his- burial, were carefully placed in a gold cup near its
togram only includes assemblages containing objects displaced bones.89
of single functional categories, but the funeral kits are Some grave goods are difficult to attribute to spe-
placed in the same order in all the histograms for easy cific burials. For example, according to an earlier
reference. The comprehensive arrangement of all the review of pottery associations, there are various "het-
assemblages, showing the constituent categories and erogeneous pottery groups," i.e., groups including
their relative scores (fig. 5), may offer useful terms of vases belonging to two or more burials.90 They consist
comparison. Finally, given the nature of the "value" of vases from Grave A, the fill of Grave F (from the
scales, it should be kept in mind that the resulting three earlier burials), the fill of Grave A (from two
histograms are useful only in relative, not absolute, earlier burials), the north sector of Grave M (from
terms. If systematically applied, however, the system both burials), the west side of Grave E (perhaps from
may give a reliable picture of the differences in both burials), and the roof and southwest corner of
wealth-and ultimately in status-among the Circle B Grave O (from two earlier burials).
burials. In spite of the useful reviews by I. Kilian-Dirlmeier
Before we proceed to an analytical discussion of and R. Laffineur,91 the following attributions are par-
Circle B grave goods, some comment is needed on ticularly controversial. 1) Grave goods of female bur-
general as well as more specific problems. Any plun- ial in Grave F: Only the ivory comb F-510 can safely
dering of the grave during later burials could invali- be attributed to this burial.92 A wooden box from the
date estimates of the wealth of earlier burials. north sector containing various objects was in fact
Actually, no clear evidence of such looting was found: assigned to the central male burial by Mylonas and
in Circle A, no marked disparities in grave goods Laffineur,93 but it might also belong with the female
between burials in the same graves were noted. The burial.94 If so, the goods of the central burial only
disturbed central burial in Grave V may well be ex- included objects found behind its head, on the north-
plained as the result of casual looting on the occasion ern side of the grave, in addition to the weapons near
87 For the awe inspired by Circle A burials, see French of differences in terminology or functional interpretation of
(supra n. 53) 123. For the central burial in Grave V, see weapons (contrast esp. Laffineur's burials 6, 8, 11, 12 [tables,
Dickinson49; for a different view, see Mylonas 1957, 116; Laffineur 232-33] with burials F:a, F:c, A:b, and A:c, in fig.
Mylonas(supran. 50) 128. On the other hand, Gates(supra 3 here) and ornaments (contrast Laffineur's burials 14 and
n. 5) 264 regardsthe date of the plunderingas "uncertain." 31 with burials E:b and N:b, in fig. 4 here). Differences from
88 Graziadio 345. Kilian-Dirlmeier's attributions are limited to the bronze vase
89
Mylonas 1973, 162, 175 (N-394-99). E-288, here ascribed to burial E:b (see Laffineur 230 n. 20),
90 Graziadio 346-50. For a different view concerning and the silver cup 1-327, here assigned to burial I:a. Grave
some fill deposits, see Laffineur 229 n. 18. 0, said to be empty of grave goods when excavated (Mylonas
91
For a summary of Kilian-Dirlmeier's attributions of 1973, 109), is not here considered, although Laffineur attri-
grave goods to single burials, see in particular Kilian-Dirl- butes a knife to it (Laffineur 232-33).
meier 1986, tables 2-6; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1988, figs. 1-5. Also 92 See table on Laffineur 232 (burial 7).
see the tables in Laffineur 232-33 attributing specific grave 93 Mylonas 1973, 47; Laffineur 232 (burial 8). The box
goods to individual burials. With the exception of three grave contained the gold cup F-357, the bronze cup F-316, the
assemblages extensively discussed in the text (Graves F, A, alabaster pommels F-440, 441, the amethyst sealstone F-443,
and A), few other differences in attribution of single objects and the beads F-444-45.
are significant. The main discrepancies seem to be the result 94 Dickinson45.
it.95 On the other hand, Kilian-Dirlmeier has sug- Although all these controversial attributions must
gested that a fifth individual, whose skeleton com- be taken into account when considering the histo-
pletely disappeared, was buried in this grave; in grams, they do not seem to affect the general picture
addition to weapons, a knife, and a funeral mask, she significantly.
has also ascribed to this burial the objects contained
in the wooden box.96 In light of this, other objects Containers
from the north sector of the grave, gold cup F-358 Pottery. Because clay vases are the most common
and ornaments F-359, 360, and 361, are equally dif- grave goods, they are arranged in a separate, detailed
ficult to attribute, even if their position closer to the histogram (fig. 1) that can be examined independently
earliest burial, heaped along the eastern side of the from the histogram tabulating containers of all other
grave, might also suggest that they belonged with it.97 materials (fig. 2). In addition to pottery and metal
2) Grave goods of central burial in Grave A: My- vessels, wicker, leather, and wooden containers prob-
lonas thought that this was the last burial, and iden- ably were also deposited in the graves, but no evidence
tified the deceased as a woman.98 According to of them was found.'03
Dickinson, however, the nature of the grave goods Containers for food or liquids are most commonly
and the poor state of preservation of the skeleton found. Most burials were equipped with goblets and/
suggest that it was a male burial belonging to an or cups of various types, mixing pots, and/or other
intermediate stage.99 In the latter case, the goods of containers for liquids; there is a similar proportion of
this burial might have been partly removed to make open to closed shapes throughout.104 Cooking pots
room for the last burial, placed along the eastern wall; are remarkably rare. Differences in quality among the
the silver cup A-326, from the fill, along with the pottery assemblages clearly mirror disparities in social
sword A-277, by the left shoulder, might belong to rank and differential access to prestige goods by the
this central burial. Fill materials also included a frag- members of the upper classes of society.'05
ment from this sword confirming the partial removal Generally speaking, apart from imports, the value
of the goods of the central burial. However, the objects of a vase mainly depends on the degree of elaboration
found in the nearby northwest corner (a LH I vase, a and complexity of decoration, i.e., the time consumed
bronze phiale, a set of arrowheads, and a whetstone) in its manufacture.106 In evaluating Circle B exam-
could be assigned to this burial.'00 ples, however, it should be taken into account that
3) Grave goods of the central burial Grave A: My- they are mostly of the MH tradition, even in burials
lonas suggested that only the vases from the southwest dated to LH I (Late Phase II).107 Since no consistent
corner of the grave belonged to this later burial; other evidence is available for MH pottery from different
goods might have been stolen at the time of the con- sites, in this case the basic evidence can be found in
struction of Grave A1.101 It is possible, however, that the 237 vases from the Circle itself.
the weapons found in the northwest corner belonged The following distinctions can therefore be made:
to this burial rather than to the earlier burial, heaped 1) MH pottery of local (or Argive) production. In
along the eastern side of the grave.'02 addition to the few household vases, many varieties
95 On the northern side, in addition to objects from the 101

Mylonas 1973, 130-32.
above mentioned wooden box (supra n. 93) and the objects 102Dickinson 43-44. One arrowheadwas found together
presumably belonging to the earliest burial, there were the with the earlier skeleton, whereas others come from the
weapons F-262, 266, the electrum mask F-362, and the vases southwest corner (Mylonas 1973, 140, A-450).
F-18, 20, 24-26 that were probably part of the pottery of 103 For a possibleuse of these materialsin other sites, see
this central burial. Moreover, besides the weapons F-265, H.B. Lewis, The Manufacture of Early Mycenaean Pottery
267, 270, found near it, the bronze object F-274, from the (Diss. Univ. of Minnesota 1983) 101-102, 157.
"western side of the grave" (Mylonas 1973, 73), might also 104 In Grave
II and among the pottery of A:a, however,
belong to this burial. It should be noted, however, that goblets and/or cups prevail over closed shapes.
perhaps the weapons found in the northwest corner origi- 105 For Kamares and Marine
Style pottery as prestige-
nally included another Type A sword not published by goods, see Moody (supra n. 85) 238.
Mylonas (Mylonas 1973, 44 fig. 5). 106 For time
expenditure connected with the different
96 Kilian-Dirlmeier 1986, tables 2, 3; Kilian-Dirlmeier stages in ceramic production, see Lewis (supra n. 103) 31-
1988, figs. 1, 2 (burial F, e). 32. For a recent study on labor investment in the production
97 Laffineur (table on Laffineur 232, burial 6) has also of Cycladic pottery, see J.L. Davis and H.B. Lewis, "Mecha-
attributed them to this burial. nization of Pottery Production: A Case Study from the Cy-
98 Mylonas 1973, 81-82. cladic Islands," in A.B. Knapp and T. Stech eds., Prehistoric
99 Dickinson 44-45. Production and Exchange: The Aegean and Eastern Mediter-
100 Cf., however, Laffineur 232, burial 10 (where those ranean (Los Angeles 1985) 79-92.
objects are ascribed to the earlier burial). 107 Graziadio 354-68 (pottery of categories B and C).
of
Units EARLYPHASE LATE PHASEI LATEPHASEII
wealth
70
N.a
65
60
55
O:a+b
50
SO:c
45
40-
35
Ilb
30 y E:b
25
Ala Nib r.c
20 Z
K_
rid
....K
15- H M:b
10 E
Alc,.b n
P
A I Potteryfrom"heterogeneous"groups Cycladic/Cycladizingpottery MainlandPolychromeMatt-paintedpottery
D Local pottery / LustrousDecorated pottery

Minoanizing Aeginetan pottery
W Uncertainattribution
Fig. 1. Histogramshowingrichnessin potteryof CircleB burials
can tentatively be considered to be of local production. 2) Mainland Polychrome Matt-painted pottery. This
Yellow and (to a lesser extent) Gray Minyan and some group includes mainly large jars or other large liquid
of the Matt-painted wares, including the so-called containers, presumably imported from outside the
Oatmeal (Zerner's Dark-tempered fabric group),'08 Peloponnese. Technically, this ware is the most devel-
are in fact the most common examples in the Circle oped and carefully manufactured mainland Matt-
B repertoire. Yellow Minyan goblets, commonly painted production, constituting primarily large vases
found in all the graves, are generally regarded as of high market value, sometimes with figured deco-
eating vessels, but they might also have been used to ration."0
store small quantities of food.'09 Since there are no 3) Aeginetan pottery. At least four Matt-painted
marked differences in quality among these ordinary examples and one cooking pot were imported from
vessels, the main distinctions involve size. Fine Matt- Aegina and can be regarded as vases of a certain
painted examples, i.e., Yellow Minyan vases with value."'
neatly executed Matt-painted decoration, might also 4) "Minoanizing"/Lustrous Decorated pottery. This
have been produced locally; if so, they must have is a relatively diverse group. In addition to two Fine
been fairly valuable artifacts, even if differences in Minoanizing examples,"2 some large Oatmeal Min-
size are not neglected. oanizing jars and amphorae were found. Probably
108 For Zerner's Dark-tempered fabric group, see C.W. produced outside the Peloponnese (J. Crouwel, "Pictorial
Zerner,"MiddleHelladic and Late Helladic I Potteryfrom Pottery from Mycenae at the Time of the Shaft Graves," in
Lerna,"Hydra2 (Spring 1986) 60-61. For their presumable Transition 159 n. 11, with refs.).
Argive origin, see Nordquist 48. 111They are F-17, F-38, N-160, and Y-236 (Cf. C.W. Zer-
109 Lewis (supra n. 103) 91. A bird in a Minyan goblet from ner, "Middle Helladic and Late Helladic I Pottery from
the roof of Grave E might also confirm this (Graziadio 346, Lerna: Part II, Shapes," Hydra 4 [Winter 1988] fig. 16.48)
with refs.). and 0-205 (cf. J.B. Rutter, "A Ceramic Definition of LH I
110 Analytical investigations show that Mainland Poly- from Tsoungiza," Hydra 6 [Spring 1989] 9 no. 17 fig. 6).
chrome examples from Ay. Stephanos and Mycenaewere 112 Graziadio
352, 354 (F-55, cat. no. 555).
Unitsof EARLY PHASE LATE PHASE I LATE PHASE II

wealth
105-
100 100-N:a .:.:;:.:_
95
90
85 -.:
80
75 -
E:b
70
65-
60-
55-
50 ..
45-
40-
r:b
35 -
."- A:b
30 -
"O:
25 - ...b 125a
15-
? ???y~
5-
Bronze/ coppervessels [ Others

Silver vessels P Uncertainattribution
D- Gold vessels
Fig. 2. Histogramshowingrichnessin containersother than potteryof CircleB burials
imported from other sites (Lerna and/or the southern the mainland, as shown by their influence on the new
Peloponnese),"3 they might have been used as water Mycenaean production. In comparison with the pot-
jars along with or as a substitute for the corresponding tery of the MH tradition, the Mycenaean LH I vases
Matt-painted examples."114 Apart from mainland are remarkably few, including mainly small vases;"7
products, some LM IA imports (a jug, three askoi, like other fine wares, however, they were clearly
and perhaps a Vapheio cup) also occur"5 and, al- highly valued.
though LM IA pottery was often mass-produced,1"6 5) Cycladic pottery. Cycladic vases are the most
Minoan imports were no doubt much appreciated on common imports from outside the Peloponnese,"8
13 Graziadio 368, 371 n. 187. For this provenance, see Davisand Lewis(supran. 106) 79-80.
Zerner (supra n. 108) 66-67, Lustrous Decorated fabric 117 Graziadio 350-51.
(withreferences). For a review of presumableCycladicimports, see J.L.
118
14 Lewis(supran. 103) 92, 143-44 (AyiosStephanos),102 Davis, "Minosand Dexithea: Crete and the Cycladesin the
(Lerna). LaterBronzeAge,"in J.L. DavisandJ.F. Cherryeds., Papers
"5 Graziadio 352. in Cycladic Prehistory (Los Angeles 1981) 155. The coarse
Lewis (supra n. 103) 82. For a discussionof the deca-
116 incisedteapot-likevase from GraveZ (Mylonas1973, 105 pl.
dence of Minoan pottery during the final MM period, see 903, Z-90)might also be a Cycladicimport (Dickinson42).
but, apart from a small number of vases recognizable sumably high status individuals.'23 Moreover, most of
as Theran and Melian imports,"9 the exact place of the examples from the Shaft Graves were large con-
manufacture cannot be recognized for most of them tainers of copper presumably mined at Laurion, the
and they can only be attributed to some undefined main source of lead, silver, and copper for the entire
Cycladic center or centers. In any case, given their Aegean during this period.124 In this light, a different
large size, lavish decoration, and presumably valuable "value" can be suggested according to their size, since
contents, they were undoubtedly objects of great smaller bronze/copper vases may be of lesser value
value. than larger ones in terms of the amount of metal
6) Askoi. The askoi deserve special attention, since employed. Although small gold and silver vases un-
they were probably of particular value. In addition to doubtedly are the most precious utensils for eating
the fact that they were generally uncommon in the and drinking, in some burials large bronze/copper
Shaft Grave period and most examples from Circle B vessels might have served as containers of valuable
are Minoan or recall Minoan prototypes,120 they must materials, substituting for cheaper large clay vases;
also be considered precious luxury objects on account bronze/copper basins, however, have no precise equiv-
of their contents (unguents or perfumes).'21 alents in terracotta and might have been made for
A differential "value" (up to 10 "units of wealth") special purposes. It has been suggested that some
can be attributed to each vase from the Circle B graves vessels from the two Circles were from the same work-
on the basis of the above distinguished pottery groups, shop,'25 confirming, if so, that relatively few work-
taking also into account differences in size and pecu- shops produced metal vessels of high quality for the
liarity in function (askoi). ruling class.126
Bronze/coppervessels. In comparison with clay vases, Precious vessels. On the one hand, silver cups and
remarkably few bronze/copper vessels are found, small jugs were part of the grave repertoire of every
mainly occurring in Late Phase II burials (fig. 2).122 phase;'27 on the other, only three gold cups-one
They were undoubtedly valuable objects, since com- belonging to Late Phase I, two of less certain attri-
parable examples are exclusively from burials of pre- bution-were found (fig. 2).128 The silver used in most
119They are: F-27 (Theran production),B-14, N-168, N- 310]). For the prevailinguse of copper see Schliemann475-
169, Al-114 (connected with Melian Black and Red Style), 76; Mylonas 1957, 109. For the source of copper see N.H.
N-165, N-166 (decoratedin MelianNaturalisticStyle).Also Gale and Z.A. Stos-Gale,"Bronze Age Copper Sources in
see Graziadio352-53; S. Dietz, "SomeNotes on the Pattern the Mediterranean," Science216 (1982) 11-19; "The Minoan
of Foreign Influences in the B-Circleat Mycenae(The Ce- Thalassocracyand the Aegean Metal Trade," in R. Higg
ramic Evidence)," Kolloquium zur Agaischen Vorgeschichte, and N. Marinatos eds., The Minoan Thalassocracy.Myth and
Mannheim, 20-22.2. 1986. (Schriften des deutschen Archiiol- Reality (Stockholm 1984) 59-63; J.L. Davis, Keos V. Ayia
ogen-Verbandes 9, 1987) 114-15; M.B. Hollinshead, "The Irini:Period V (Mainz 1986) 103.
Swallows and Artists of Room Delta 2 at Akrotiri, Thera," 125 Matthius (supra n. 124) 39.
AJA93 (1989) 344-45. Another possibleimportfrom Thera 126

Matthius (supra n. 124) 38-39.
has recentlybeen added by Crouwel (supra n. 110) 157 no. 127 For reviewsof Circle B examples, see E.N. Davis, The
9, 161 (F-28). Vapheio Cups and Aegean and Silver Ware (New York 1976)
120 See esp. Graziadio352, 354 (M-146, 148, 154; Y-235). 126-29, nos. 28-30; R. Laffineur,Les vasesen mitalpricieux
Only the askos 0-188 recallsEH prototypes(Graziadio371 a l'poque mycinienne(G6teborg 1977) 108-109 nos. 66a,
n. 186). 66d, and 67. Add also the fragmentary silver jug ,-330
121
I am very grateful to J. Rutterfor this suggestion. (Mylonas 1973, 182, pl. 1603). Two examples, the jug 5-
122 For a review of Circle B examples, see
Matthius 27- 330, and 1-327 (Mylonas 1973, 119, pl. 1013), are here
31. (Add also Matthius 202 no. 305A.) Note that only two ascribedto the Early Phase; two vases from Grave N (My-
vases from Grave I (Mylonas1973, 119, pl. 101ot,under I- lonas 1973, 176 pl. 154a [N-329] and another one from
294) and N-310 (Mylonas 1973, 172, pl. 151y) are earlier Grave A (Mylonas 1973, 88, pls. 633, 71ao [A-326]) are
than Late Phase II. respectivelyattributedto Late Phase I and Late Phase II.
123 In addition to examples from Circle A, also see other Another example was found in GraveA (Mylonas1973, 31
Early Mycenaeanbronze vessels from the Grave Circle at pl. 16ot,y, A-325).
Pylos and the Vapheio tholos tomb (Matthius 31-33). For 128 Davis (supra n. 127) 119-26, nos. 25-27; Laffineur
their importance as status indicators, see Darcque (supra (supra n. 127) 108-109 nos. 66b-c, 68. Two examples, F-
n. 2) 198-200. 358 and N-389 (Mylonas 1973, 74-75, pl. 5832, y; 173, pl.
124 For the preponderanceof the largeritemsin the Circles 152, respectively),and here attributedto LatePhaseI burials
see H. Matthius, "MinoanInfluenceon the GreekMainland (F:a and N:a), since they are very similar(Matthaus[supra
during the Sixteenth Century B.C. and the Origins of My- n. 124] 39-40, variantA). Another gold vase from GraveF,
cenaean Civilization,"TUAS 5 (1980) 38. Note, however, F-357 (Mylonas 1973, 74, pl. 58t, P31),may belong to F:b
that small bronze vases come from CircleB (Mylonas1973, (LatePhase II).
73-74, pl. 593 [F-316], 119 [under 1-294], 172, pl. 151y [N-
analyzed vessels from both Circles has been shown to precious containers; small bronze/copper vases (10
have come from Attica,129but the sources of gold are points) can be distinguished from large bronze/copper
still under discussion.'30 Although there are differ- vessels with the same value as silver vessels (20 points).
ences in frequency of silver and gold vases between
the mainland and Crete'131and the discrepancy in Weapons and Protective Armor
number between the two Circles is very marked,'32 Weapons, generally regarded as symbols of pres-
they must be regarded as prestige goods and clear tige,'36 were found in association with most male bur-
status indicators. They were surely placed in the ials in Circle B. A strong correlation between weapons
graves mainly to display the wealth and social status and social rank can also be suggested, since more
of the deceased, even if they had originally been complete sets of weapons have been proven to belong
intended for use. 33 Moreover, regardless of the ab- to richer burials.'37 Some weapons were no doubt only
sence of a local tradition, most of the precious vases intended for show, whereas others could have been
from the shaft graves could have been produced by used in either battle or hunt.'38 Moreover, in both
local workshops profiting from the experience of Min- Circles more weaponry sometimes belongs to single
oan artisans.134 burials than could possibly have been used on a single
Other containers. The following three other contain- occasion.139 All weapons do not have equal symbolic
ers must be regarded as prestige goods: a faience cup value, however, and there are differences in the de-
from Grave A, imported from Crete; the famous rock- gree of elaboration and the use of additional valuable
crystal duck vase from Grave O, clearly a unique item materials. A differentiated scale of "value" can there-
of high craftsmanship, and a stone pyxis from Grave fore be suggested (fig. 3).
N valued, as suggested above, as an "antique."'135 Swords. Swords, rarely found in Minoan and Early
A wide range of scores thus results from the differ- Mycenaean graves, are clearly prestige goods, having
ences in value between clay and metal vases (cf. figs. a more symbolic value than other weapons.140 Swords
1-2). In contrast to the relatively low score of the are often represented in "heroic" scenes such as those
more common pottery, a high score (25) can be attrib- in which men fight lions and that carved on a stele
uted to prestige goods such as gold vases and other from Grave F;141 moreover, in a seal from Kakovatos
129 Gale and Stos-Gale1984 (supra n. 124) 118. Shaft Graves,"TUAS 6 [1981] 9). For a possible origin of
130 Laffineur (supra n. 127) 72-73; J.B. Rutter and C.W. the rock-crystal vase 0-459, see Mylonas 1973, 203-205, pls.
Zerner,"EarlyHellado-MinoanContacts,"in Hagg and Mar- 183-85; Hood (supra n. 34) 280 (with refs.). For the pyxis,
inatos(supran. 124) 79, ns. 22, 23 (withdetailedreferences). see supra n. 32.
For the sources of gold, see also E. Davis,"The Gold of the 136 Dickinson 68. For the Minoan ambit, see Moody (supra
Shaft Graves. The Transylvanian Connection," TUAS 8 n. 85) 237.
(1983) 32-38; J.D. Muhly,"Onthe ShaftGravesat Mycenae," 137 Kilian-Dirlmeier 1986, 185-86; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1988,
in M.A. Powell,Jr., and R.H. Sack eds., Studiesin Honor of 162-63.

TomB.Jones (Neukirchen-Vluyn1979)321-23; "GoldAnal- 138 Mylonas 1957, 170; Dickinson 68.
ysis and the Sourcesof Gold in the Aegean,"TUAS8 (1983) 139 Supra n. 34.
140 For
1-14; Nordquist 65-66; C. Gates, "Iconography at the the rarity of swords in Minoan and Early Mycen-
Crossroads: The Aegina Treasure," Transition 217. For a aean funeral contexts, see Dickinson 68. Note that a Type A
discussion of the sources of silver used during the Shaft sword has been found in a very early grave at Aegina:
Grave period, see also N.H. Gale and Z.A. Stos-Gale, "Cy- H. Walter, "'Avacoxac4I or;6 o Ko6ovac, Atytvca, 1981-
cladic Lead and Silver Metallurgy," BSA 76 (1981) 185-221. 1982." AAA 14 (1981) 185, fig. .6 6. For a detailed discussion
131 Davis (supra n. 130) 32-33. concerning the functions and the use of swords, including
132 Only eight precious vessels come from Circle B, while non-military functions, see I. Kilian-Dirlmeier, "Remarks on
64 examples from Circle A have been reviewed by E. Davis the Non-Military Functions of Swords in the Mycenaean
(supra n. 130) 33, 36. Argolid," in HAgg and Nordquist (supra n. 10) 157-61.
133 Laffineur (supra n. 127) 86-87. 141 In addition to the scenes of combat cited
by J. Driessen
134 Davis
(supra n. 127) 120-226, 288, 305; Dickinson 81- and C. MacDonald, "Some Military Aspects of the Aegean
82; Matthaus (supra n. 124) 41-42; J.D. Muhly, "Metals and in the Late Fifteenth and Early Fourteenth Centuries B.C.,"
Metallurgy in Crete and the Aegean at the Beginning of the BSA 79 (1984) 58, 66, others with a possible "symbolic"
Late Bronze Age," TUAS 5 (1980) 26-27; O.T.P.K. Dickin- meaning--such as men fighting lions--can be cited: CMS I,
son, "Cretan Contacts with the Mainland during the Period nos. 9 (Circle A Grave III), 228 (Vapheio), 290 (Pylos); vol.
of the Shaft Graves," in Higg and Marinatos (supra n. 124) XI, no. 272 (P6ronne ring); also see I. Pini, "Zur 'Richtigen'
116; T.A. Papadopoulos, "The Greek Mainland and Its Ae- Ansicht minoisch-mykenischer Siegel- und Ringdarstell-
gean Neighbours during the Transitional Period from MBA ungen," in CMS Suppl. 3: Fragen und Probleme der bronze-
to LBA: The Evidence of Metalwork," Transition 184. zeitlichen digiischen Glyptik (Berlin 1989) 209-15. For the
135 For the faience cup, see Mylonas 1973, 27, pl. 1713, carved motif on a stele from Grave F, see Mylonas 1973,
(A-240) (cf. also Dickinson 44; K.P. Foster, Aegean Faience 50-51 pl. 40.
of the Bronze Age [New Haven 1979] 123; "Faience from the
of
Units EARLYPHASE LATE PHASEI LATE PHASEII
wealth
130-
N:a
125
120- .
115-
110-
105- - :
100-.
95-
-
9oo -::.
90
- r
r:
85-
80-
75-
A:m
65-
60-
lAb
50h
45-N:b
40 ___
!:- ____"__
35,
30 A..
25
20?
15
_:..E:b
10-
Swords Arrows Knives Uncertain

attribution
Deggers Boar-tuskhelmets Razors tweezers
Axes ,
Spears Others
Fig. 3. Histogramshowing richnessin weapons/armorand tools of Circle B burials
a clear religious significance is given to the scene by a the first specimens of Type B were produced at My-
"genius" assisting a man with a sword.'42 Type A cenae for the ruling class,'44 confirming that they were
swords are undoubtedly of Minoan origin,'43 whereas also regarded as objects of great intrinsic value.
142 CMS XI, no. 208. zuweit, "Zuragaischen Friihzeit,"Kleine Schriftenaus dem
143 N.K. Sandars, "The First Aegean Swords and Their VorgeschichtlichenSeminar Marburg 17 (1984) 37. For a dif-
Ancestry,"AJA 65 (1961) 18-22, 25; Mylonas 1973, 315, ferent view, see Hood (supra n. 34) 237-42; S. Hiller, "Pax
419; Hood (supra n. 34) 237; Driessen and MacDonald Minoica versus Minoan Thalassocracy.MilitaryAspects of
(supran. 141) 64; Dickinson(supra n. 134) 116. MinoanCulture,"in Higg and Marinatos(supra n. 124) 27
'44 Sandars(supra n. 143) 22-25; Dickinson 68; S. Dietz, (with detailed bibliography;see also discussion on p. 31).
"Kontinuititund Kulturwendein der Argolisvon 2000-700 Note that Circle B swordsA-253, F-266, and A-278-listed
v. Chr.Ergebnisseder neuen schwedisch-dinischenAusgra- by Mylonas(1973, 311) as agatt•i L&bcg-must be regarded
bungen in Asine,"in H.-J. Weisshaar,S. Dietz, and C. Pod- as Type B swords(cf. Dickinson 117 n.14).
Some value distinctions can be made between plain main weapons associated with burials, presumably of
and decorated examples (or those with additional high ranking individuals.'50
materials), not only in consideration of the different Value distinctions can also be made for daggers,
craftsmanship involved, but also because the richly but ornamented examples comprise less than half of
ornamented swords were mainly intended as cere- the total, confirming the minor importance of this
monial weapons.'45 Only a few swords are plain; in weapon as a status item; only one of these was em-
addition to the famous, richly decorated A-277, most bellished with an alabaster pommel, whereas all the
examples were embellished with exotic ivory or ala- other decorated examples only had silver caps on
baster pommels and silver caps on the rivets, and rivets. 51 It should be noted, however, that the dagger
many swords had blades bearing incised decora- N-304 shows an archaic inlay possibly antecedent to
tion;146 moreover, some were sheathed in gold-deco- the famous examples inlaid in the niello technique
rated scabbards, traces of which were found in Graves with scenes of symbolic value from Circle A. 52
A and N.'47 Spears. Although in tombs elsewhere in the Aegean
Daggers. Both broad daggers and daggers of a spears have been more commonly found than swords,
shorter type are often associated with swords.'48 In only three examples at Mycenae can be related to Late
the context of the Circles, however, most of them Phase I burials and one to the warrior in Grave A.'53
must be considered auxiliary weapons of local tradi- Although Aegean representations often show spear-
tion and of a lesser symbolic value than swords,149 men fighting animals, the spear probably was the most
although elsewhere they are sometimes the only or effective weapon in battle. 54 It has been noted, how-
145 Cf. the Type A swords from Old Palace contexts at aLQat,but exclude 1-292and A-297 (razors)Cf. infran. 164.
Mallia (F. Chapouthier, Deux ipees d'apparat dicouvertes en Also see J.R. Weinstein, "Hafting Methods on Type B
1936 au palais de Mallia (EtCret 5, Paris 1938). Swordsand Daggers,"TUAS 6 (1981) 48-55.
146 For ivory pommels from the Circles, in general, see 149 For the secondary value of these weapons in some
Krzyszkowska(supra n. 31) 230-31. The following swords contexts, see Driessen and MacDonald(supra n. 141) 58-
from CircleB were embellishedwith ivory pommels:A-277 59.
(Mylonas 1973, 85-86, pls. 67-68), Z-289 (Mylonas 1973, 150
Cf. G.E. Mylonas, "FIqo'otoQtl "'EXevolg," in
105, pl. 9001), 1-291 (Mylonas 1973, 118, pl. 98E). A-295 K. Kourouniotis,'EAEvaUtvax&x (Athens 1932) 147, fig. 121
(Mylonas1973, 139, pl. 121ar);N-302 (Mylonas1973, 170, (from Grave6, along with a boars'-tuskhelmet); S. Marina-
pl. 147cr2,12); cf. also J.-C. Poursat, Cataloguedei ivoires 'v HPNA',"
tos, "'Avauxacpai Prakt 1964, pl. 911 (Volimi-
myciniens du Musee National d'Athines (Paris 1977) 67 no. dhia KephalovrysoGrave 1); A. Akerstr6m,"A Mycenaean
236; (?) F-263 (Mylonas1973, 70-71, pl. 54ct2);F-264 (My- Potter'sFactoryat Berbatinear Mycenae,"in Atti e memorie
lonas 1973, 71, pl. 540a3);N-301 (Mylonas 1973, 170, pl. del primo congresso internazionale di micenologia I (Rome
147ol, 131).Other pommels have been listed by Laffineur 1968) 48.
(Laffineur229 n.18). The sword A-278 (Mylonas1973, 87, 151 The following examples are plain: A-257 (Mylonas
pl. 641, 69cr)had an alabasterpommel. In addition to A- 1973, 29-30, pl. 19y); B-261 (Mylonas1973, 42, pl. 2812);
251 (Mylonas1973, 28, pl. 170a3)and A-253 (Mylonas1973, F-268 (Mylonas1973, 72, pl. 5512); F-270 (Mylonas1973,
28-29 pl. 18), the above listed swords 1-291, F-263, F-264, 72, pl. 56ct2); A-279 (Mylonas 1973, 87, pl. 6912); A-296
and A-278 also had silver caps on the rivets. In addition to (Mylonas1973, 139, pl. 122a); N-303 (Mylonas1973, 170-
A-277, the swords A-251, A-253, A-295, N-302, F-264, F- 71, pl. 148cr).The followingare embellishedwith silvercaps
265, and 1-291have incised decoration.Symbolismis appar- on rivets:F-269 (Mylonas1973, 72, pl. 56cal); H-290 (My-
ent in some incisedas well as inlaiddecorationon some Shaft lonas 1973, 109, pl. 92c); N-304, 305, 306 (Mylonas 1973,
Grave swords and daggers (R. Laffineur, "Mycenaeansat 171, pl. 149ct-y). The dagger F-267 (Mylonas1973, 71-72
Thera: Further Evidence?"in Higg and Marinatos(supra pl. 55y) probablyhad an alabasterpommel (F-442?).
n. 124) 135-36; "Iconographieminoenne et iconographie 152 Mylonas 1973, 171, pl. 1491; also see Graziadio360
myc6niennea l'6poque des tombes a fosse," in P. Darcque (with refs.). For the symbolicvalue of the scenes inlaid on
and J.-C. Poursat eds., L'iconographie minoenne (BCH Suppl. some daggers from CircleA, see Laffineur(supran. 146).
11, Paris 1985) 248-49. 153 For spears on the mainland,in general, see Dickinson
'47 Traces of leather scabbards were found on A-295, 70. For spears in LM Crete, see Driessen and MacDonald
N-301, N-302 (Mylonas 1973, 139, 170) and two of them (supra n. 141) 58 n. 63; D. Doxey, "Causesand Effects of
(A-295 and N-302) also had gold ornaments. the Fallof Knossosin 1375 BC,"OJA6 (1987) 309. For the
148 For broad daggers, see Dickinson69, fig. 8.6. Examples examplesfrom CircleB, see Mylonas'slist (1973, 325).
from CircleB include F-267-68 (Mylonas1973, 71-72, pls. 154For the representationssee, e.g., CMS I, nos. 112, 227;
55y and 32, respectively),A-296 (Mylonas 1973, 139, pl. vol. II, 3, no. 14. For spear as weapon for hunting see C.E.
122cr),and N-303 (Mylonas 1973, 170, pl. 148cr),listed by Morris,"In Pursuitof the White Tusked Boar: Aspects of
Mylonas as (Mylonas 1973, 311). For daggers Hunting in Mycenaean Society,"in Hagg and Nordquist
of a shorter4taat•rtlb6Eg
type, see Dickinson 69, figs. 8.7, 9. Examples (supran. 10) 150, 151 figs. 2-4. For the use of the spear in
from Circle B include A-257, B-261, F-270, A-279, H-290, battle, see N.K. Sandars, "LaterAegean Bronze Swords,"
N-305, and N-306 (for refs. see the catalogue on Mylonas AJA67 (1963) 128.
1973, 323 under the name ykooootL&fl V?LtO[oot &X-
ever, that spearmen "in military terms belong to the 304 (20), can be distinguished from plain examples
lower levels of ranking," which might explain why (10). A comparatively low score can be ascribed to
men equipped only with a spear are absent from the arrows (5).
Shaft Graves.155Therefore, Circle B spears, including
gold-decorated examples,156 may especially be re- Tools
garded as complements of the panoply. In accordance with the special status of the de-
Arrows. The rarity of arrows, found only in Graves ceased, genuine tools of little value are rare, including
A and A, can likewise be explained. The bow was only a fishhook and a whetstone; a single stone axe
probably mainly used for hunting, although some of of Neolithic type (B-496) may have been of greater
the few representations of archers show that it was value on account of the time required to produce it.
also used in battle. The vast weaponry from Circle A On the other hand, an ivory needle and a gold-plated
only includes some arrowheads from Grave IV. Apart bone needle must be regarded as prestige objects.160
from the use of the bow by some heroes, in the Iliad In this connection, knives may also be mentioned
archery plays a very small part and none of the indi- because their main use was probably not as weapons,
vidual archers is a hero of the first rank.'57 although they frequently accompany weapons in Cir-
Boars'-tusk helmets. Traces of boars'-tusk helmets cle B male burials.161 In any case, they are to be
were found only in Graves A and N, but others might considered status indicators, as proved by their invar-
have been removed when the perishable cap faded, iable occurrence in high-ranking burials'62 and, in an
given that there were few boars'-tusks in situ and some example from Grave A, by the precious handle dec-
of them were discovered in the fill of Grave N.158 oration.163
Nevertheless, they were clearly prestige objects.159 No The same is also true of personal objects associated
traces of other protective armor were found, probably with male burials, such as a bronze razor with an ivory
on account of their perishable material. handle from Grave I and finely decorated bronze
In scoring weaponry (fig. 3), decorated swords or tweezers found along with plain examples.164 An el-
swords embellished with additional materials and ephant ivory comb from Grave F is the only personal
boars'-tusk helmets can be highly scored (25) on the object associated with women, but, even if locally
basis of the above considerations; plain swords must made, is clearly a prestigious good on account of its
be considered of lesser "value" (20). Decorated dag- exotic material of Egyptian, or more probably, Syrian
gers and spears (15), including the inlaid dagger N- origin.165
155Kilian-Dirlmeier 1986, 186; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1988, rilg xaraxaEvmIg rov (Athens 1981). For the symbolicmean-
163. For the lesser importanceof spear than sword,see H.L. ing of boars'-tuskhelmetssee Morris(supran. 154) 154-55.
Lorimer, Homer and the Monuments(London 1950) 256; 160 For the fishhook,see
supra n. 20; for the whetstoneA-
Driessenand MacDonald(supra n. 141) 66. 448 see Mylonas1973, 89, pl. 72ca.For needles, see Mylonas
156
They are A-299 (Mylonas1973, 140, pl. 1231) and N- 1973, 101 pl. 841 (gold-plated,E-512ca);33, pl. 22ca(ivory,
308 (Mylonas1973, 172, pl. 150cr,P; 162, 175, pl. 153y, for A-507); also see Poursat(supran. 146) 65 n. 226.
gold ornamentsN-394-97). 161 For CircleB knives,see the exampleslisted by Mylonas
157 For a hunting scene, see the famous inlaiddagger from as Ltov6otoIOLt (1973, 323, catalogueB). Also see
CircleA GraveIV (Karo95-96 no. 394, figs. 25-27, pls. 93- Laffineur229 n.••xxal•at
14. For their main use, see Dickinson70.
94); for scenes of battle, see the silver Siege Rhyton (Karo 162
Dickinson70.
106-108, fig. 35, pl. 122) and a fragment of steatiterhyton 163 Mylonas1973, 87, pl. 69P33(A-281,with the
ivory han-
from Knossos:PM III (London 1930) 106, fig. 59. For the dle A-512).
limited importance of archery in the Iliad and in earlier 164 For bronze
razors, see Mylonas 1973, 118-19, pl.
representations than those on Late Geometric vases, see 100y,p (1-292); 139-40, pl. 1223-8 (A-297), both consid-
Lorimer(supran. 155) 289-90, 299-300. ered daggers by Mylonas(1973, 323, catalogue B), but cf.
158 Mylonas 1973, 33, pl. 22y- (A-508); 176, pl. 1543 (N- Dickinson68, 118, ch. V[2] n. 17. For tweezers,see Mylonas
488). For the boars'-tusksfrom Grave N, see also Mylonas 1973, 119, pl. 100y (1-293); pl. 101y (1-294); 172-73, pl.
1973, 158, 163; Graziadio346. 150y (N-311). For metal objectsas luxury items see Nord-
159 For a discussion of boars'-tuskhelmets and a possible quist 46.
mainlandorigin,see L. Morgan,TheMiniatureWallPainting 165 Forthe comb, see Mylonas1973, 78, 79 pl. 623 (F-510).
at Thera.A Studyin AegeanCultureand Iconography(Cam- For ivory as a status indicator in the Mycenaeanage, see
bridge 1988) 109-15; for a suggested Minoan origin, see Darcque (supra n. 2) 194-95; Krzyszkowska(supra n. 31)
Hiller (supran. 144) 29 n.17. For a list of ShaftGraveperiod 230-31. Forthe provenance,see H.J. Kantor,"IvoryCarving
examples, see M. Kasimi-Soutou,"MeooeXXatUx6g T&og; in the MycenaeanPeriod,"Archaeology13 (1960) 14-15. For
&at6 ei[3'x," ArchDelt35 (1980) A' 98-99. For a recent full discussion of the Greek prehistoric ivory
JtOtE[toXL'i
the construction nrI
of the helmets, see A.P. Varvarigos.T6 sources, see Krzyszkowska(supra n. 31) 226-28. For the
b6ovr6rpgaxro yvxT)vaix6xadvog. ?2Qg 7rCPdg
rjv rEXvtx diffusion and possible local working of ivory in the LH I
Therefore, except for simple tools, all objects for the position in which they were found, a gold band
use seem to be of relatively great "value" (fig. 3), from Grave N and an electrum band from Grave B
ranging from 5 (stone axe, plain razors and tweezers) were used as ornaments for male funeral dresses,'17
through 10 (plain knives and precious needles) to 25 in spite of the fact that in other male burials similar
points (ivory comb). Decorated pieces or items em- objects were no doubt employed as headbands.'71
bellished with additional materials are given a higher Funeral masks can also be added, although their or-
score than plain ones (15 knives, 10 for razors and namental value is clearly far less significant than their
tweezers). symbolic meaning; the evidence from Circle A seems
to indicate that they were worn, possibly attached to
Jewelry and Ornaments shrouds, exclusively by very high-ranking men, thus
As shown by Kilian-Dirlmeier, with the exception perhaps explaining why they were uncommon in the
of funeral masks, breastplates, and perhaps diadems, later Circle B assemblages. In addition to such gold
there is a general correspondence between ornaments ornaments, most pins are here considered shroud or
from graves and ornaments in Aegean representa- shawl fasteners, even if some can better be interpreted
tions of men and women.'66 Exclusively funerary or- as hair pins.'72 Some differences in value among bone
naments, made of flimsy gold leaf, were mainly pins similar to MH examples,'73 bronze pins, often
intended for displaying the burial wealth; many other with valuable rock-crystal heads,174 and silver exam-
ornaments, probably used in life on the occasion of ples frequently decorated with gold-plated heads'75
particular ceremonies, may also be regarded as status can, however, be suggested.
emblems, and were probably part of the personal Headbands. In female burials silver and golden
possessions of the deceased.'67 Hence a strong cor- bands seem to have been mainly used as diadems, as
relation between the number of ornaments and the shown by their position near the skulls in Graves S,
social rank of the deceased can be assumed, consid- 0, and Y.176 Similar gold bands were also found in
ering also the intrinsic value of ornaments and their association with displaced male burials, but, as shown
redundancy in some burials. above, it is preferable to consider some of them cloth-
Clothing ornaments. Gold "stars," half-bands, strips, ing ornaments.'77 Although headbands from shaft
spirals, and button or roundel covers can be inter- graves are closely linked to the rare MBA examples, 78
preted as ornaments for funeral dresses or shrouds.'68 they clearly belong to high-status individuals. Their
"Garters" can also be referred to this class as embel- "value" apparently varies according to material and
lishments for belts or short leggings.169 To judge from degree of elaboration.179
period, see J.-C.Poursat, Les ivoires myceniens. Essai sur la F:a and N:a.
formation d'un art mycinien (Paris 1977) 179, 188. 172
For a full discussionof Shaft Gravepins, MH forerun-
166
Kilian-Dirlmeier 1986, 186-88. ners, and their usage, see Dickinson 73-74 (with refs.).
167 For an exclusivelyfuneraryuse of some ornaments,see 173 Mylonas 1973, 157, pl. 1363 (M-517-19). Also see
Mylonas 1957, 170; for discussionconcerning the possible Harding (supra n. 27) 135 fig. 36.6, and see 147 n. 54 (for
utilizationin life of other examples, see Dickinson75. Re- their occurrence in other contexts).
pairedor reused ornamentsare listedin Dickinson119 n. 37 174 For pins with rock-crystal heads, see
Mylonas 1973, 30,
(for the diadem from Asine, see S. Dietz, Asine II, pt. 2: pl. 20ao (A-259), 203, pl. 182 (0-312-14), 234, pl. 208y (Y-
Results of the Excavations East of the Acropolis 1970-1974. 320). The rock-crystal object 0-463 (Mylonas 1973, 205, pl.
Fasc. 2. The Middle Helladic Cemetery. The Middle Helladic 186) has a similar shape, but no perforation.
and Early Mycenaean Deposits [Stockholm 1980] 30 no. 20,
175 Mylonas 1973, 182, pl. 159ot (E-331), 202, pl. 1823, 1-
78). For ornaments as "statusemblems"among other peo- 2 (0-434-35), 233 pl. 2093 (under Y-332).
ples, see Brown (supra n. 24) 32, 34 table 2.1 and Gates 176 Mylonas 1973, 178 (0-404), 188 (0-410-11), 228, 233
(supra n. 130) 216 (with refs.); for the Aegean, see Moody (Y-439).
(supra n. 85) 237. 177 Supra n. 171.
168 See 178 For a full
supra n. 17. analysis of headbands, see Dickinson 74-75;
169
See Dickinson 75. Examplesfrom Circle B are A-350, B. Kling, "Evidencefor Local Style on the Shaft Grave
F-360, 1-378, and 1-379 (Mylonas 1973, 30, pl. 20y, 75-76 Diadems," TUAS 6 (1981) 29-38. For refs., see Papadopou-
pl. 59ot2, 120 pl. 102o. 1, 2). los (supra n. 134) 185-86. To the examples listed in Dick-
170 Mylonas 1973, 42,
pl. 28l3 (B-356), 173-74, pl. 153ot inson 119 n. 29, add also headbands from Asine (supra
(N-390); 38, 161 (for their position in the graves). n. 171). Argos (Protonotariou-Deilaki [supra n. 7] 111, pl.
171 For headbands associated with male burials in single- E10.5) and Keos (J.C. Overbeck, Ayia Irini: Period IV. Part
burial graves, see Dickinson 48; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1986, 181 1: The Stratigraphy and the Find Deposits [Mainz 1989] 199,
fig. 14 (Circle A Grave II); Dietz (supra n. 167) 30 figs. 20- 202, pl. 22c).
21, 78 (Grave 1970-12 at Asine); R. Higgins, "A Gold Diadem 179 The headband belonging to ':a is the only silver ex-
from Aigina,"JHS 107 (1987) 182 (grave of the late MBA ample; the diademsof ,:b and Y feature added gold stars.
at Aigina). Note that gold headbands can be associated with
Personal ornaments. Only armlets can be referred ornaments.'87
both to female and male burials.'18 In Circle B ear- When evaluating jewelry and ornaments, a change
rings and necklaces were found in association with in the scoring system is needed (fig. 4): because an
female burials only, but they have elsewhere also been analytical scoring of every object might result in an
found in male burials.'18 In any case, they are clearly overemphasis of such a category at the expense of
prestige-goods. Earrings, including a pair from Grave others, sets of ornaments for shrouds or dresses as
O considered by some a Balkan import, were made well as sets of personal ornaments may more profit-
of silver and gold.' 82 Except for a necklace of clay and ably be compared as indicators of the degree of or-
stone whorls and another of gold from Grave O, all namentation of single burials. Thus, headbands can
the others had metal and semiprecious stones, the be scored individually according to material and de-
latter perhaps imported from Egypt.'" 8Amber and gree of elaboration (from 10 to 20); on the other
lapis lazuli beads may be taken as evidence of contacts hand, a wider score range appears in the field of
with Northern Europe and Afghanistan, respec- clothing and personal ornamentation, since single ob-
tively.'84 Among the centerpieces, the faience rectan- jects as unique ornaments can be distinguished from
gular plaques from Graves E and Y are likely to be more or less complete sets. Single shroud or dress
Near Eastern, while the "talismanic stones" from ornaments, however, although representing the lower
Graves M and O undoubtedly are Minoan imports; degree of ornamentation, not only include relatively
in this connection, the famous seal from a wooden common items such as the clothing ornaments of B
box in Grave F, with the portrait of a bearded man, and N:b (10), a silver pin of ,:b (5), and a bone pin
should also be mentioned.'85 from Grave M (2), but also a prestige object such as
On the other hand, rings, belonging only to female the electrum funeral mask of F:c (25). The greater
burials, can be distinguished according to different "values" assigned to larger numbers of gold orna-
materials (bone, bronze, and silver), presumably im- ments and/or valuable pins, associated with Y (15),
plying differences in value.'86 Finally, gold circlets and I:b, N:a, and O:c (20), signify more complex decora-
a gold strip from Grave Y were probably used as hair tion.'88 The highest degree of ornamentation is re-
180 Mylonas 1973, 41-42, pl. 28ot (B-354-55) (belonging as an intermediary cannot be ruled out.
to a male burial), 199-200 pl. 1783 (0-413,4130t, belonging 185
For faience plaques, see Mylonas 1973, 82, pl. 159o (E-
to a female burial). The armlet A-351 (Mylonas 1973, 31 pl. 241), 235-36 pl. 2093 (Y-243-45). Cf. Dickinson 43, 77. For
21lo, 332) cannot be safely assigned to a specific burial in a suggested local working of faience (including the Circle B
GraveA. plaques), see Foster 1979 (supra n. 135) 123-30, 143 fig. 93,
181
For earrings associated with male burials, see Dietz 155-56; Foster 1981 (supra n. 135) 10-11, 12, fig. 1. For
(supra n. 167) 78. For necklaces interpreted as "insignia of the talismanic stones, see: Mylonas 1973, 156-57, pls. 1353,
their rank" in later Minoan warrior graves, see M.R. Popham 136ot (M-453), 205-206 pl. 187 (0-464); V.E.G. Kenna, The
et al., "Sellopoulo Tombs 3 and 4, Two Late Minoan Graves Cretan Talismanic Stone in the Late Minoan Age (SIMA 24,
near Knossos," BSA 69 (1974) 255; also Kilian-Dirlmeier Lund 1969) 24-25. For seals as luxury objects, see G. Tou-
1988, 164. chais, "Le passage du Bronze moyen au Bronze recent en
182
Mylonas 1973, 200-201, pl. 180o (0-428-29); see Davis Gre'ce continentale: etat de la question," Transition 116-17;
(n. 130) 35; Bouzek (supra n. 27) 53-54; however, cf. Dick- Laffineur 230 n. 18. For the seal from Grave F, see Mylonas
inson 73 (considered "of the traditional hoop-type"). 1973, 77, pl. 603. For its attribution to the Minoan "Group
183 The two necklaces from Grave 0 are 0-430 and 0-526 of the Chanting Priest," see J.H. Betts, "The Seal from Shaft
(Mylonas 1973, 201, pl. 181; 207, pl. 1893). For the prove- Grave Gamma. A 'Mycenaean Chieftain'?" TUAS 6 (1981)
nance of the semiprecious stones, see Dickinson 77; Harding 2-8; J.C. Younger, "Bronze Age Aegean Seals in Their
(supra n. 27) 58; Gates (supra n. 130) 218; D. Kaza-Papa- Middle Period (ca. 1725-1550 B.C.)," in Transition 58. For
georgiou." An Early Mycenaean Cist Grave from Argos," the later seal from Grave P, see Mylonas 1973, 224-25 pl.
AM 100 (1985) 19. 201.
184 For amber objects from Circle B, see Mylonas 1973, 186 Bone rings: Mylonas 1973, 33, pl.
22ot (A-506 and
121, pl. 102pl (1-331); 206, pl. 1863 (0-332). For recent anotherunpublishedexample from the same grave).Bronze
discussions about the provenance of amber (with previous rings: Mylonas 1973, 234 pl. 2093 (Y-315-17). Silver ring:
bibliography), see Harding (supra n. 27) 58-60; Bouzek Mylonas 1973, 182, pl. 1603, under S-330; cf. Dickinson
(supra n. 27) 54-58. For lapis lazuli beads, see Mylonas 1973, 43. A gold object associated with ':b (Mylonas 1973, 184,
78 pl. 628 (F-444). For the provenance of lapis lazuli found pl. 159ot, E-409) may be a ring (Dickinson 43) and, according
in the Aegean area, see Foster 1979 (supra n. 135) 5; Hard- to Mylonas (1973, 202, pl. 179y, 0-436), other gold objects
ing (supra n. 27) 58; Gates (supra n. 130) 218. Because lapis from Grave O might be rings.
lazuli objects have been found in Minoan Late Palatial con- '87
For gold circlets, see: Mylonas 1973, 184 pl. 159o (E-
texts (PM II, 373-74; vol. IV, 934; H.-G. Buchholz, "The 408), 201, pl. 18032, y (0-432); Dickinson 73. For the gold
Cylinder Seal," in G.F. Bass, Cape Gelidonya: A Bronze Age strip, see Mylonas 1973, 233, pl. 207y (Y-439); Mylonas
Shipwreck [Philadelphia 1967] 155 no. 26), the possibility (supra n. 3) 104.
that lapis lazuli from the two Circles (see also Karo 82, 198 188 Bronze pins,
including one with a rock-crystal head,
no. 294 pls. 87-88) came from Egypt or Near East with Crete and two silver pins belong to the burial in Grave Y (Mylonas
served for the sets, including many half-bands, been interpreted as a possible "rattle."'93The purpose
"stars," and gold ornaments for sword scabbards, as- of other fragmentary objects-including ivory items
sociated with E:b and A:a (50).189 The same is true of made from elephant and hippopotamus tusks-is un-
personal ornaments. A lower degree of personal or- clear, and therefore they cannot be meaningfully eval-
namentation is evident in the burial in B and #:a, uated except in terms of their material.194
given that only a single armlet and some silver rings All of the miscellaneous objects receive high scores
are associated respectively with them (10); on the (fig. 4) on the basis of the above considerations: from
other hand, necklaces with a Minoan "talismanic" 15 (gold object from Grave 5) to 25 points (ornate
stone as a centerpiece belonging to M:b and, perhaps, staffs and wooden boxes).
to F:b are clearly to be considered prestige goods (25).
Finally, apart from the sumptuous set of personal GENERAL COMMENTS ON THE HISTOGRAMS
ornaments associated with O:c (100),190 other female
We can now discuss the data presented in the his-
burials, such as ,:b and Y, had remarkable amounts
of personal ornaments, including hair ornaments, tograms, beginning with the ceramic assemblage (fig.
1). First of all, significant variation can be seen in the
earrings, faience and semiprecious stone necklaces,
course of time: in the Early Phase fewer than half of
and rings (50 and 30, respectively).191
the burials had more than four vases; in Late Phase I
MiscellaneousObjects the vases per burial increase to the extent that the
Even miscellaneous objects are status indicators in poorest ceramic assemblages, E:a and A:a, have five
the funerary context of Circle B. This is particularly or six vases respectively, the richest ones, A:b and N:a,
true of ornate staffs, which are probably to be re- 11 vases; in Late Phase II there are marked differ-
garded as symbols of authority. Only one of these can ences between the great majority of the burials, pro-
safely be ascribed to N:a, however, whereas another, vided with few vases, and three rich ceramic
found in Grave I, cannot be attributed certainly to assemblages (E:b, O:c, O:a+b), even allowing for the
either burial."92 Other valuable commodities, i.e., uncertainty of attribution of vases in the "heteroge-
boxes containing personal ornaments and other pre- neous groups."
cious objects, can be inferred from traces of wood and Most of the Early Phase assemblages have low scores
gold pieces in Graves F and A, and a gold object, (less than 10) since local pottery markedly prevails: in
associated with the little girl buried in Grave S has addition to two Cycladic vases, only two Oatmeal Min-
1973, 234 pl. 208,3y, Y-318-20). "Garters"(Mylonas1973, ring (Mylonas1973, 184 pl. 159ax,E-409), hair ornaments
120 pl. 102cal, 2, 1-378-79; Mylonas 1957, 152; Mylonas (Mylonas1973, 184,pl. 159ar,E-408), ornamentsfor temples
[supran. 3] 103; Dickinson 119 n. 31) and dress ornaments (Mylonas 1973, 184-85 pl. 160a, E-455, 455ae),earrings
(Mylonas 1973, 119, pl. 102or,1-374-77; but some may (Mylonas1973, 184 pl. 160or,E-407), and a necklace (My-
belong to an armlet, see Dickinson 119 n. 31; Kilian-Dirl- lonas 1973, 182 pl. 159ca,'-241-42; 184-85 pls. 1583, 160,
meier 1988, figs. 1, 2, 4) belong to I:b. Clothingornaments .-455-57). The set of ornamentsin GraveY includes silver
(Mylonas1973, 175 pl. 153y, N-397) and gold buttons (My- earrings(Mylonas1973, 233 pl. 2093), a necklace(Mylonas
lonas 1973, 175 pl. 153y, N-398-400) belong to N:a. A 1973, 234-36 pls. 209-10, Y-243-45, Y-467-71). For a syn-
bronze pin (Mylonas 1973, 203 pl. 182ot2, 0-313), two gold- thetic review of the ornaments belonging to these burials,
headed silverpins (Mylonas1973, 202 pl. 18231, 2, 0-434- see Mylonas(supran. 3) 104, 105.
35), a "star"(Mylonas1973, 199 pl. 178ot,0-412) and a gold 192 See supra n. 27. Mylonas(1973, 121) suggested 1-514
disc or roundel (Mylonas1973, 202 pl. 182y; also Dickinson was "'IowgExtoO oQo0i OOTAv."I:a
119 n. 48) belong to O:c. TO•vovooGOvEOivoyv
may be a relativelyimportant burial, as a silver vase was
189 E:b was
provided with five half-bands(Mylonas1973, associatedwith it. Because I:b was the richest Early Phase
99 pl. 853, E-365-69) and two "stars"(Mylonas1973, 100- burial, provided with a sword, an object of such high sym-
101 pl. 87ca,E-370-73), and A:a had various clothing or- bolic value would more probablyhave been associatedwith
naments(Mylonas1973, 141-42 pl. 124ct, 3, A-380-84; also it.
Dickinson 119 n. 31) as well as gold ornaments for a sword
193Mylonas1973, 47 (wooden box from GraveF), 143, pl.
scabbard(Mylonas1973, 142-43 pl. 125, A-385-87). 124y, 126 (A-388, gold ornaments from a box). For the
190This set includes two armlets (Mylonas1973, 199-200 object interpreted as a "rattle"see Mylonas 1973, 184 pl.
pl. 1781, 0-413, 413(x), earrings (Mylonas 1973, 200-201 159ot(E-405); Mylonas(supra n. 3) 105.
pl. 180xt,0-428-29), hair fasteners (Mylonas1973, 203 pl. 194 Ivory objects: Mylonas 1973, 32 pls. 22ota, (A-501,
182al, 3, 0-312, 314; also Dickinson 73, 118 n. 11), hair 501aoand 3), 79 pl. 62y (F-511), 207 pl. 188 (0-520: iden-
ornaments(Mylonas1973, 201 pl. 18032, y, 0-432), a semi- tified as hippopotamusivory by Krzyszkowska[supran. 31]
precious stone necklace (Mylonas 1973, 200 pl. 179p, 0- 231, n. 73); Poursat(supra n. 146) 65 no. 225, 66 no. 230,
426-27, 464; 205 pl. 186, 0-460-62), an amber necklace 67 no. 237; Laffineur 229, n. 16. Bone objects: Mylonas
(Mylonas1973, 206 pl. 186p, 0-332), a gold necklace(My- 1973, 32-33 pl. 22ot,p (A-504-506); 121 (1-515). Bronze
lonas 1973, 201 pl. 181, 0-430), and anotherone of clayand objects:Mylonas1973, 73 pl. 56y2 (F-274), 234 pl. 2103 (Y-
stone whorls (Mylonas1973, 207 pl. 189p, 0-526). 321). Alabasterpommels: Mylonas 1973, 77 pl. 61al, 3 (F-
191 Personal ornaments belonging to '.:b include: a gold 440-41); Laffineur230 n. 18.
unitsof EARLY PHASE LATE PHASE I LATE PHASE II

wealth
155
Oc
150-
145
140-
135-
130-
125-
120-
115-
110-
105
100
95-
90
85-
Y ELb
80: Aa
75-. N.a
70-
65
60
55-
rb
45-..
40 -
35 -
SM.b
30 - r,c '
25-
20-
15-
N
10
5-
0V
Head-bands Personal ornaments Uncertain attribution

-
Clothing ornaments Miscellaneous objects
Fig. 4. Histogramshowing richnessin jewelry/ornamentsand miscellaneousobjectsof Circle B burials
oanizing examples can be assigned to this phase, but the other hand, the majority of imports (pottery from
it is worth noting that they are restricted to the assem- outside the Peloponnese) belong to Late Phase I: most
blages richest in quantity of vases (Z, I:b, E:b). On of the burials (six out of eight)'95 had Cycladic imports
195 In addition to the five burialassemblageswith Cycladic similar to N-170, belonging to N:a (Graziadio 359, with refs.),
importsshown by the histogram,a single vase from the fill and clearlybelongs to the earliestburialin GraveA.
of Grave A (A-65) can be attributedto Late Phase I. It is
and the richest in overall number of vases (N:a) had The amount of perishable goods stored in clay vases
six of those. Among the local (or Argive) pottery of per burial might be another status indicator, but this
this period, the presence of several fine Matt-painted can only be roughly evaluated. In the Early Phase
vessels in B and A:b, showing Aegean influence in many large vases (stamnoi, amphorae, and a hole-
shapes and/or decoration, should also be noted. As a mouthed jar) were associated only with I:b, whereas
result, most scores exceed 20. Turning to Late Phase poorer sets include only a few, small closed shapes
II, the range of the pottery perfectly corresponds with along with a few open shapes, mainly Yellow Minyan
other well-known LH I assemblages.196Although local goblets. The substantial increase in the quantity of
pottery of the MH tradition again markedly prevails, stored goods recognizable in Late Phase I assemblages
the appearance of the Mainland Polychrome Matt- seems to be the result not only of the increase in vases
painted and Mycenaean patterned wares must be em- per burial, but also of the greater frequency of larger
phasized. The scores of Late Phase II burials, how- closed shapes, as shown particularly by the richest
ever, are generally lower than those of Late Phase I. pottery assemblages of A:b and N:a. Finally, the scarc-
Imports from outside the mainland, in fact, are fewer ity of large vases in the poorest Late Phase II pottery
than during the preceding phase: from the pottery assemblages (Al, II, F:d) may be emphasized, al-
from "closed groups" only a small jug can be regarded though some relatively low scoring assemblages such
as a Melian import and, regardless of the strong Min- as K and N:b include large closed shapes.
oan influence on the new Lustrous Decorated Mycen- Turning to containers other than pottery, bronze
aean production, only three askoi from Grave M and and silver vases occur in all phases of Circle B, but
ajug from Grave F date to LM IA.'97 A good deal of gold vases only first appear in Late Phase I, presum-
pottery, however, including a Theran jug, a Fine Min- ably signifying the same increase in wealth suggested
oanizing cup, and other vases showing Cycladic influ- above in terms of pottery (fig. 2). As for sex distinc-
ence,198 is from the "heterogeneous group" of the fill tions, only male burials apparently had metal vessels
of Grave F, but no vase can safely be ascribed to Late in the Early Phase and Late Phase I, but two Early
Phase II, as the material from the fill presumably also Phase burials of undefined sex (I:a and E:a) also had
included the pottery of the first Late Phase I burial. silver vessels. Most Late Phase II female burials, how-
Certain Aeginetan imports, elsewhere occurring in ever, were equipped with containers other than pot-
LH I deposits,'99 are also few. Even Mycenaean Lus- tery. Most noteworthy is the remarkable group of
trous Decorated examples are few. Taking into ac- large bronze vases, including three big examples and
count the vast quantity of pottery from the a small jug, belonging to E:b. As a result, their global
"heterogeneous groups," the vases belonging to Late score is higher than the scores of most of the contem-
Phase II are altogether far more than the 66 from porary male burials, which all together were only
the "closed groups." Only five of these are Mycen- provided with two small bronze phialai and a silver
aean.200 Considering that Mycenaean patterned ware cup. Moreover, the comprehensive arrangement of
is everywhere rare in LH I, this is not surprising. pottery and other containers (fig. 5) shows that metal
Apart from "parochial" cultural assemblages,201 how- and precious vessels mostly appear in association with
ever, some settlement deposits show a larger ratio of high-scoring pottery assemblages (I:b in the Early
Mycenaean to the other wares than in Circle B bur- Phase; N:a in Late Phase I; E:b and O:c in Late Phase
ials.202Nevertheless, a general, strong correlation be- II). In other burials with metal vessels (,:a, F:a, A:b,
tween quantity and quality of vases can be established F:b), the makeup of pottery assemblages cannot be
in the Circle B burials. More particularly, comparing evaluated because in every case they consist of vases
pottery per period, the largest pottery assemblages from "heterogeneous groups." The burials richest in
also generally have more vessels of higher "value." pottery always have bronze and precious vessels, how-
Moreover, all burials securely identified as female ever, whereas low-scoring pottery assemblages are not
have a relatively high score in terms of both total vases generally associated with metal containers, which con-
and valuable vases. firms that the main function of metal plate was to
196 Graziadio350 (withrefs.). 23, 4 fig. 15 nos. 46-48, 5 fig. 23 nos. 18-20; Nordquist 49;
197 Graziadio 352 (with refs.). Rutter (supra n. 111) 4-5 no. 4, 9 no. 17, 11-12.
198Graziadio 352, 357 (with refs.): F-27, F-55, F-31, 200 Graziadio
350-51 (with refs.).
F-35. 201
J.B. Rutter, "Middle Helladic Pottery from Tsoungiza
F-31•x,
For see
199 refs., J.L. Davis, "Late Helladic I Pottery from (Archaia Nemea): A Brief Report," Hydra 1 (Fall 1985) 35-
Korakou," Hesperia 48 (1979) 241-43, 258-59. Also see 37, esp. 36; Rutter (supra n. 111) 1-19.
Dietz (supra n. 167) 139; Zerner (supra n. 108) 64-66; 202 For a brief discussion, see Graziadio 350 n. 29.
Zerner (supra n. 111) 1 fig. 3 nos. 18-20, 2 fig. 8 nos. 22-
Unitsof EARLYPHASE LATEPHASE I LATEPHASE II

wealth
370 - N:a
360 -_ --
350
340 -- ~ - --- - ____
__-- _____ ____ ___ -- ____________
340
330,......
320
310-
300 -
-
290-
280
270
260-
250-
240-
230-
220-•--(>C
200-
190- ------ _ _ _____Eb
-_
:
180-
160 -___
__
__,..-...__
170-
_ A ""'__..rb
150-
z"
40- ...
30-? H?? rb
110-A K?
*d
Ai n"
90-
Nb
80-
....Am
[ Othercontamers
,,
andMiscellaneous
JewelrylOrn.ments
objects
Fig. 5. Histogramshowing the comprehensivearrangementof the functionalcategoriesper burial
designate rank. As shown above, in fact, at least some used as containers. The highest global score of all can
bronze vases associated with E:b were not actually be assigned to N:a, the burial of this period richest in
pottery, as a result of the full range of valuable metal generally, the cumulative histogram (fig. 5) shows that
containers present. In Late Phase II, metal vessels also the two categories of containers (pottery plus other
occur in association with the richest ceramic assem- containers) and weaponry have a close shared re-
blages, although pottery of F:b and A:b cannot be lationship: apart from the single exception of F:c,
exactly quantified. Generally speaking, however, a weapons occur in every period in association with the
correlation between the degree of wealth represented assemblages richest in containers of all kinds and the
by pottery and metal vessels can be suggested. "value" of weapons is often proportional to that of
Only three weapons can be ascribed to Early Phase the containers.
burials (fig. 3): the two richest male burials (Z and I:b) Tools appear exclusively in association with rather
were equipped with valuable swords, and another rich burials (fig. 3). Apart from razors and tweezers
relatively rich burial (H) only had a dagger. Despite in the richest artifact kit (I:b), no tools or objects for
the fact that in Late Phase I there are fewer male use can be associated with Early Phase burials. On the
burials than in the following phase, a considerable other hand, all Late Phase I male burials except B
number of weapons can be assigned to this phase, were equipped with knives, and a strong correlation
which perfectly matches the general increase in over- between knives and complete sets of weapons can be
all wealth already noted. Although all male burials established in this phase. This might be true also of
were provided with weapons, the two poorest assem- the warrior, rich in weapons, buried in Grave A dur-
blages (B and A:a) only include secondary weapons ing the following phase, given that three knives come
(a dagger and some arrows, respectively), whereas from this grave. In Late Phase II, however, only two
complete sets of weapons (sword, dagger, and spear) other burials with weapons were furnished with
belong to the three richest burials (A:b; F:a and N:a). knives. Finally, it should be noted that two high-score
The presence of adjunctive weaponry in two of these female assemblages of Late Phase II (F:b and E:b)
burials (two daggers in N:a, and a sword and dagger also included valuable objects of this functional cate-
in F:a) and gold-decorated scabbards for two valuable gory.
swords of this phase should also be noted. The very The histogram for jewelry and ornaments (fig. 4)
high rank of N:a is also confirmed by the boars'-tusk shows a progressive increase from the Early Phase to
helmet. Late Phase II. Whereas female burials are always
Only a small part of the pottery found in Grave A richly arrayed, this is not the case for male burials. In
has been published and associations are unknown, fact, in the Early Phase only the richest male burial,
but at least the central, later burial may be assigned I:b, had some clothing ornaments; similarly, among
to the Late Phase II on the basis of diagnostic goods.203 Late Phase II burials, only two individuals (N:b and
It was richly provided with weapons including two F:c) wore clothing decorated with gold. In contrast,
swords (two decorated and two plain), a dagger, a all Late Phase I artifact assemblages, except for A:b,
spear, and a boars'-tusk helmet. A good number of include objects of this category and, in N:a, F:a, and
weapons, including two daggers and three swords, A:a, the relative value is higher than in the case of
can also be assigned to F:c, indicating that this was a any other male burials. Therefore, the most marked,
high ranking individual. Despite these two burials, regular increase in the frequency of clothing and/or
some regressive features also appear in Late Phase II personal decoration in male burials seems to appear
weaponry. Aside from the later burial in Grave A in Late Phase I, in accordance with evidence from
(perhaps), no other man was equipped with a com- other functional categories. Turning to female assem-
plete set of weapons: A:b was furnished with arrows blages, although no clear differences in the general
along with a sword, lacking the dagger and the spear; degree of ornamentation among the Early Phase and
two others (A:c and N:b), like F:c, only had daggers Late Phase I burials (,:b and Y) can be noticed, the
and swords. The most striking feature, however, is total score of O:c (Late Phase II) is by far the highest,
the presence of three certain male burials without implying a substantial increase in richness. To a lesser
weapons (F:d, K, Al). extent, the same is probably true of E:b, while the two
A general correlation between weapons and pre- other Late Phase II female burials seem to have been
cious vessels has already been pointed out.204 More less richly arrayed.
203 For burialgoods from GraveA, see Graziadio346, 371 include a Type B sword, mainlyoccurringin LH I contexts
and n. 187. The pottery from this grave includes two small (infra n. 215). It should be noted that an earliermale burial
jugs with light-on-dark decoration very similar to vases has been suggested by Kilian-Dirlmeier(Kilian-Dirlmeier
found elsewhere in deposits contemporary with Circle B 1986, 165 fig. 5, 166, 170), but cf. Laffineur230 n. 20.
Late Phase II (cf. an example from an LH I context at 204 Kilian-Dirlmeier1986, 177-80; Kilian-Dirlmeier1988,
Tsoungiza:Rutter [supran. 111] 3-4 no. 1 fig. 3). Weapons 162-63.
Miscellaneous objects (fig. 4) are connected with Dirlmeier.207 In the Early Phase, the coexistence of
rich artifact assemblages in Early Phase (I:b) and par- rich (':b) and poor (A 2:b, 1) child burials can be
ticularly Late Phase I (A:a and N:a) male burials and noticed. The richest Early Phase burial (I:b) is a 42-
Early Phase (,:b) and Late Phase II (F:b) female year-old man, but the richest of Late Phase I burials
burials. is younger (28); both younger and older adults had
The following general observations can now be relatively rich funeral assemblages in Late Phase II.
made by considering all the histograms: 1) Excluding Therefore, wealth was not achieved, but hereditarily
nine burials of uncertain sex, mostly of children ascribed, which may be taken as evidence for an aris-
(A2:b, A1, M:a, O:a, and 1I205), far more male than tocratic society.208
female burials (19:7) have been tabulated. The Early 5) The degree of wealth within burials varies re-
Phase and Late Phase I ratios are, respectively, 5:1 markably not only according to chronology, but also
and 6:1 (or 6:2, if the earlier burial in Grave A belongs within the same phase. Thus, there were differences
to this period); female burials increase in Late Phase in rank mainly among men; wealth scores assigned to
II, with a ratio of 8:4, if we include the male burial in female burials, in fact, are usually high, indicating
Grave A. If should, however, be noted that at least that most women were high-ranking individuals, even
seven other burials without offerings-most of which if there were at least two apparently poor female
possibly belong to the Early Phase-may be added.206 burials. On the other hand, by comparing the total
Unfortunately, only two women (Graves Al and 0) wealth score of male funeral assemblages across pe-
and one man (Grave 1) have been identified and it riods (fig. 6), the following remarkable variations ap-
cannot be determined if all these burials modify the pear: a) except for I:b, the degree of wealth of the
picture substantially. Early Phase burials is low, not exceeding 50; b) most
2) As clearly shown by a comparative analysis of the Late Phase I assemblages exceed 100, and the wealth
histograms for the individual functional categories of N:a in particular is remarkably high (365); c) the
(figs. 1-4) and the cumulative histogram (fig. 5), the average score of Late Phase II assemblages is as low
funeral assemblage components are strongly corre- as that of the Early Phase burials. Three of them (F:d,
lated in terms of number and value. In other words, K, Al), in fact, have remarkably low scores, not ex-
valuable objects of different functional categories are ceeding 20; three others (A:c, A:b, and N:b) do not
interconnected, mostly appearing in association with exceed 100, and the highest score of this phase (F:c,
other items of high "value"; moreover, they only occur 134) is lower than that of the two richest Late Phase
in burials rich in number of goods, while more meager I burials.
funeral assemblages include only average items. From Therefore, generally speaking, the picture of Circle
a social perspective, this confirms that the number B shows a noticeable increase in grave elaboration and
and quality of grave goods correlate with the de- richness in grave goods from the Early Phase to Late
ceased's social status. Phase I, whereas many regressive features character-
3) There is also a general correlation between de- ize Late Phase II, the following period of use.
gree of grave elaboration and burial richness. In fact,
the degree of wealth of assemblages from single-bur- CIRCLE A
ial graves is always remarkably lower than that of Before we consider the Circle A evidence, let us
almost all the burials in the multiple-burial graves. examine the chronological relationships between the
The same is also true for the variety of grave goods: two Circles. Kilian-Dirlmeier has recently suggested
in the Early Phase metal vessels and jewelry are rep- that the two Circles began to be used contempora-
resented only in multiple-burial graves; in Late Phase neously and that their development was parallel.209
I there is a marked contrast between the single-burial To Phase 1 she has ascribed the Circle B burials here
Grave B and all the other male burials in terms of assigned to the Early Phase (= Late MH) as well as
range and "value" of grave goods; single-burial graves some burials without offerings or with MH pottery
of Late Phase II contained only pottery. only, found by Schliemann, Stamatakis, and Papadi-
4) There is no correlation between the deceased's mitriou in simple graves cut in the rock in the area of
age and degree of wealth, as also noted by Kilian- Circle A.210 TO Phase 2 she has attributed Circle A
205 For the child burial in Grave

IH, see Kilian-Dirlmeier n. 10) 20.
1986, 171 n. 36. 209
Kilian-Dirlmeier 1986, 159, 197. For some modifica-
206 See supra n. 38. tions to Kilian-Dirlmeier's chronology, see A. Xenaki-Sakel-
207
Kilian-Dirlmeier 1988, 163. lariou, "Problkmes chronologiques des tombes du Cercle A
208 For social inferences from inherited goods, see Shen- de Mycenes," Transition 179-82.
nan (supra n. 26) 284-85 (with refs.); Nordquist 1987 (supra 210
Kilian-Dirlmeier 1986, 159 n. 9 (with refs.).
Unitsof EARLYPHASE LATEPHASEI LATEPHASE II

wealth
370-
N:a
360
350
340-
330
320
310-
300-
290-
280
270-
260
250
240
230-
220 - O:c
210-
200-
190- E:b
180-
1r:a
170 -
160
150
I:b
140
r:c-
130-
120-
110- r:b
-:b A:a
A:b rY
100-
90-
N:b
80.
A:c
70- - A:b
60- -B- -
50
Z-
40- . - - M:b
30- -H
20- K
r:d
10 ) Al
0 A2:a
__
Fig. 6. Diagramshowing the relativewealthof male and female burialsin CircleB through time
Graves II and VI and most of the burials here as- in Grave IV as well as the remaining burials in Circle
signed to Late Phase I (= end of MH); to Phase 3 she B shaft graves, here assigned to Late Phase II (= LH
has ascribed Circle A Grave III and two male burials I); finally, to Phase 4 she has attributed the remaining
Circle A burials and Grave P in Circle B.211 Apart various scholars.222Other similar MH graves, in fact,
from the simple MH graves of Kilian-Dirlmeier Phase were found near the Circle under the Ramp House223
1, it is generally agreed that Graves II and VI are the and perhaps outside the Circle between Grave VI and
earliest Circle A shaft graves. There is adequate evi- the West Basement of the Granary.224Moreover, there
dence, however, to indicate that both of them belong is no general consensus about the suggested earlier
to LH I. In addition to a Yellow Minyan goblet without peribolos of the time of the Shaft Graves. The course
incised rings on the lower part of the stem and MM of the wall hypothetically drawn by C. Gates cuts off
IIIB and LM IA vases,212 Grave VI contained several Graves VI, III, and IV, excluding the eastern area of
Mainland Polychrome bird jugs and other Mainland the later Circle, where most of the simple MH graves
Polychrome Matt-painted vases which can safely be were found.225 Conversely, if Laffineur's reconstruc-
ascribed to LH I.213 Moreover, both type A and B tion of the original circular wall is right, its course
swords may be assigned to the earlier burial;214avail- coincided roughly with that of the later peribolos.226
able evidence points to LH I for the use of Type B In such a case, the empty eastern sector-where there
swords.215Grave II can be regarded as contemporary is indeed harder rock227-might have been reserved
with Grave VI not only because it contained an LM for other shaft graves that were never constructed,
IA vase,216 but especially because two gold Vapheio because graves of that type, superseded at Mycenae
cups from the two graves are very similar,217perhaps by tholos tombs after LH II, went out of fashion.
representing a slightly later version than an example If the earliest burials in Circle A belong to LH I,
from Circle B;218 weapons are also comparable.219 many others may be considered little later, if at all, in
The two earliest Circle A shaft graves are therefore spite of the disparities in the relative sequence sug-
clearly contemporary with Circle B Late Phase II, gested by various scholars (table 4). The range of the
fitting better into Kilian-Dirlmeier's Phase 3.220 Only relatively few vases found in the graves, in fact, cor-
burials attributed to Phase 4 may belong to a slightly responds perfectly to that of Circle B Late Phase II
later period. and other LH I ceramic assemblages, given that only
As a result, in Circle A we do not find an uninter- two vases from Grave I have been assigned by Dick-
rupted sequence from the simple burials believed to inson to early LH IIA.228 The similarities between
be contemporary with the Circle B Early Phase to the objects from different graves seem to confirm that a
latest burials in shaft graves, as Dickinson has already short time span was involved.229 On the other hand,
pointed out.221Thus, the simple MH graves are more by comparing grave goods from Graves III, IV, and
probably not connected with the Circle, being part of V, a development in gold ornaments and metalwork
the Prehistoric Cemetery, as already suggested by has been suggested, although scholars do not agree
211 Kilian-Dirlmeier 1986, 161-76. 220

Although the earlier burial in Grave VI has been as-
212 For the Yellow Minyan goblet, see Karo pl. 175, no. cribed to MH by Matthius (30, 31 fig. 4), an early LH I date
955 (cf. Graziadio354-55, with refs.). For Minoan pottery, cannot be excluded (Matthius 18).
see Karopl. 175, no. 956; pl. 175, no. 945 (cf. Dickinson112 221 Dickinson 46, 50.
n. 53). 222 Karo
16; Wace (supra n. 53) 118; "Excavations at My-
213 For the bird jugs, see Karo 164 nos. 946-47, 952 fig. cenae, 1939," BSA 65 (1950) 206; Marinatos (supra n. 3) 82;
80/1; 165 nos. 950-51, pl. 174. For other MainlandPoly- Dickinson46, 50; implicitly.Gates(supra n. 5) 268. Contra:
chrome vases, see Karo 163, 165 nos. 941, 943-44, 954, pl. Mylonas 157, 113-14; I. Papadimitriou, "'Avaoxa(t?at iFv
173; 165 no. 948, pl. 174. For their chronology, see J.L. Muxilvalg," Prakt 1957, 107; Mylonas (supra n. 3) 94-95;
Davis, "Polychrome Bird Jugs: A Note," AAA 9 (1976) 82- Pelon (supran. 8) 121, 139; Alden (supran. 2) 86-88.
83; Davis (supra n. 199) 256-58. 223 Wace (supra n. 53) 76, 94, 118, pl. 1.38-40 (also see
214 Karo 161 nos. 905, 906, pl. 95 (Type B); 162 no. 925 Graves44 and 58 a bit farther from the Circle).
(Type A). Also see Kilian-Dirlmeier1986, 161 n. 17. 224 Wace 1950 (supra n. 222) 206-207.
215 Graziadio 360 n. 97 (with refs.). Moreover, Circle B 225 Gates (supra n. 5) 266 ill. 1 (dashed line).
226
examples A-253, F-262, F-266, F-267, and A-278 (also see R. Laffineur, "Le Cercle des tombes de Schliemann:
supra n. 144) were part of Late Phase II assemblages(male cent dix ans aprbs," Aegaeum 1 (1987) 118-19, pl. 29; Laf-
burial in Grave A, F:c and A:c). fineur 231 n. 23. For a discussion concerning the later his-
216 Karo pl. 170, no. 221 (also see Dickinson 112 n. 53).
tory,see R. Laffineur,"GraveCircleA at Mycenae:Further
Fora beakedjug possiblybelongingto MainlandPolychrome Reflections on Its History," in Hagg and Nordquist (supra
Matt-painted, see infra n. 244. n. 10) 201-205.
217 Karo
pl. 170, no. 220 (Grave II). 161 no. 912 fig. 48 227 Dickinson 46.
(GraveVI). Also see A.J.B. Wace (supran. 53) 120; Dickin- 228 For a review of pottery from Circle A, see Dickinson
son 48; Matthius 19. 48.
218 Matthius (supra n. 124) 40 (variant C). 229 For a comparison between objects from different
219
Matthius 19. graves, see Dickinson 48; Matthius 21, 26, 30.
Table 4. Proposed Relative Chronologies of Circle A Burials
Dickinson (1977) Matthfius (1980) Kilian-Dirlmeier (1986)
Early Graves VI and II MH earlier burial in Phase 1 MH graves

Grave VI
earliest burials in Graves IV Early LH I later burial in Grave Phase 2 Graves VI and II
and V VI; Grave II; earliest
Later burial(s) in V
latest burials in Graves IV Middle LH I latest burial in Grave V; Phase 3 Grave III; two
and V; Grave III earliest burial(s) in IV men in Grave IV
and III
Mature LH I- earliest burial in Grave I (?); Late LH I latest burial(s) in Graves Phase 4 a man and two
earlyLH IIA latest burial(s) in I III and IV; earlier women in Grave
burial(s) in I IV; Graves V
LH II later burial(s) in Grave I and I
about the chronological implications.230 Moreover, when uncovered, and sets from the richest graves (IV,
certain links between grave goods other than pottery III, and V) cannot be reconstructed with any certainty
from Late Phase II graves in Circle B and Circle A because many pieces in the National Archaeological
graves can be seen,231 providing further evidence that Museum in Athens are unlabeled.234 Some gold ob-
the two Circles overlapped in LH I. Therefore, the jects reported by Schliemann from specific burials but
effective period of use was LH I and, apart from the missing in Karo's list of finds from the corresponding
latest burial(s) in Grave I, few other burials might be graves might have become mixed with grave goods
assigned to LH II, if at all.232If so, most graves were from other graves.235 The large amount of metal
concurrently used. Seen from this perspective, any vessels might explain the relative scarcity of pottery,
relative sequence of burials is not of great importance. but, as shown by Circle B evidence, vases belonging
Turning to the grave goods, as outlined above, the to the penultimate burials might also have been re-
undetailed excavation reports sometimes prevent a moved to the fill or roof; if so, no traces of them
precise attribution to single burials. Moreover, even remained after the disturbance of the fills in LH IIIB.
in the case of recognizing objects clearly associated Finally, given the large quantities of grave goods per
with particular individuals by comparing Schlie- burial, frequent reuse of the graves probably resulted
mann's reports and Karo's detailed inventory, large in the displacement of some objects inside the
numbers of objects not precisely listed at the time of graves.236
excavations are very difficult to assign to single bur- Even the exact number and sex of individuals bur-
ials, particularly in the richest Grave IV and to a lesser ied in the Circle A graves can be debated. The exis-
extent in Grave III. For instance, apart from unspec- tence of other burials, completely decayed and
ified and unidentifiable examples in the excavator's unnoticed by excavators, has been suggested by Kil-
account, the total number of swords listed by Karo is ian-Dirlmeier.237 Even if, as has been supposed,238 we
considerably less than the total found by Schlie- have all the original adult burials, the sex of many
mann.233 Furthermore, despite the careful study by individuals remains uncertain, since only a few skel-
Matthaus, the precise attribution of bronze vases is etons were studied by Angel.239 According to Schlie-
sometimes uncertain: some examples were not drawn mann's final evaluations the ratio of male to female
230
Both Dickinson48 and Matthius 26, 30 regard Grave least the earliest burials in Graves III, IV, and V must be
III as later than the other two. On the other hand, Kilian- assigned to LH I because the pottery from these graves is
DirlmeierascribesGrave III to Phase 3, while most burials exclusivelyLM IA and/or LH I (Dickinson48).
in GravesIV and V are assignedto Phase4 (Kilian-Dirlmeier 233
Sandars(supran. 143) 23 n. 56.
1986, 167, 174-76). According to E. Davis "the metalwork 234
Matthius 21-22, 24-26.
... indicatesthat V preceded IV"(Davis[supran. 127] 158). 235 Such
might be the case of gold discs from Grave I
231 Graziadio 360. (Dickinson50).
232 In addition to Grave I, some other burials have been 236
Dickinson49; Kilian-Dirlmeier1986, 169.
ascribedto Kilian-Dirlmeier'sPhase4, correspondingto LH 237
Kilian-Dirlmeier1986, 161 n. 17; 167 n. 29, 176-77.
II (see infra table 4). More recently, some objects from Also see Schuchhardt'sdiscussion(supran. 30, 215) of child
Graves IV and V, as well as grave goods of the later burial burialsassumedby Schliemannto have disappeared.
in GraveIII, have been regardedas laterthan LH I (Xenaki- 238
Dickinson48.
Sakellariou[supra n. 209] 179-82). Note, however,that at 239
Angel (supran. 3) 384.
burials could be 14 to 3,240 but he changed his mind II (253) is higher than the scores of all contemporary
several times before his last report.241The differences Late Phase II burials in Circle B; only Late Phase I
in the number of female burials suggested by various N:a, the richest burial in Circle B, is richer than
scholars may possibly be due to this,242but in any case Grave II.
there seem to have been more than three. Grave VI
In these circumstances, as Laffineur has also ob-
Insufficiently detailed excavation reports prohibit
served recently,243 an analytical examination of each a precise reconstruction of the artifact assemblages of
artifact assemblage is impossible; therefore, the de- the two individuals buried here. Nevertheless, a hy-
gree of wealth of individual interments can only be pothetical distribution of the funeral offerings found
treated generally in relation to the more general grave in the grave has been suggested by Kilian-Dirl-
wealth.
meier.246According to this reconstruction, both men
Grave II were equipped with complete sets of weapons; a re-
Because Grave II is a single-burial grave, a com- markable group of five swords of Type A and B might
parison with the corresponding Circle B graves is belong to the earlier burial, including examples em-
possible. Grave goods belonging to all the above func- bellished with ivory handles (Karo nos. 937, 939) and
tional categories occur. Although there are only three sheathed in gold-decorated scabbards (Karo nos. 913-
clay vases, including a LM IA rhyton and a Poly- 18). As far as tools are concerned, both warriors were
chrome Matt-painted beaked jug, bronze fragments, furnished with knives; a razor and a pair of tweezers
probably belonging to five bronze vessels, and two might belong to the earlier burial. A large number of
valuable prestige vessels, a gold Vapheio cup and a clay vases (17), including the famous Mainland Poly-
faience vase, were associated with the man buried chrome bird jugs, were also found, but, despite the
here.244 He was also equipped with a complete set of fact that many of them were reported to lie at the feet
of the skeletons,247their associations are unknown. In
weapons including a sword, a dagger, and a spear.
Tools include four knives, including two with precious contrast to the relative frequency of pottery, the range
additional materials such as an ivory handle (Karo no. of metal vessels is limited, including only three bronze
216a) and gold caps on the rivets (Karo no. 216b), vases, a gold Vapheio cup, and a silver jug. Although
and a razor with silver caps on the rivets (Karo no. a stele apparently marked the grave, the absence of
225c). The relatively high rank of the deceased is also major status indicators such as funeral masks is no-
shown by the gold headband that he wore. ticeable.
In comparison with some other warrior burials in The available evidence suggests that there was no
Circle A, this burial is relatively poor, corresponding substantial difference in the degree of wealth (and
to Circle B evidence in which individuals in single- social status) between these two burials and that of
burial graves are generally poorer than those in mul- the other warrior in Grave II.
tiple-burial graves.245 If we compare the Grave II Grave V
assemblage with those from single-burial graves in The construction of this grave probably dates back
Circle B, however, this is clearly the richest, in terms to the same period as Grave II and VI, or a bit later.248
of both number and "value" of grave goods, and The man placed in the central position was the first
certainly it is far richer than those of Late Phase II in to be buried in this grave, which was unfortunately
Circle B (fig. 7). The total score of the burial in Grave plundered in early times.249 To judge from the scat-
240
Schliemann 420-21 mentions 12 men and three women bemalung"). For the bronze vessels, see Matthius 282, no.
from the five graves that he excavated. Two men from Grave 423, pl. 50, 423a; 317, no. 524, pl. 59, 524; 319-20 no. 580,
VI (Angel [supra n. 3] 384) must be added. At least two pl. 61, 580a, b; 320 no. 582, pl. 61, 582; 321 no. 593, pl. 61,
bodies from Grave IV assumed to be men by Schliemann 593. For the gold Vapheio cup, see Karo 70 n. 220 pl. 72.
(293) were rightly identified as women by Schuchhardt (su- For the faience cup, see Karo71 n. 223, pl. 170.
pra n. 30, 216-24). 245 Xenaki-Sakellariou (supra n. 209) 178 (une "richesse
241 For a full discussion, see Dickinson 48.
moyenne").
242
Dickinson 48, and Alden (supra n. 3) 83: eight women. 246 Kilian-Dirlmeier 1986, 161 n. 17; 179 table 3; Kilian-
Cf. Mylonas 1957, 106 n. 6; G.E. Mylonas, Mycenae Rich in Dirlmeier 1988, 167 figs. 2, 4.
Gold (Athens 1983) 31: five (including the so-called mummy 247 Schuchhardt (supra n. 30) 270; Tsountas and Manatt
in Grave V, but cf. Dickinson 57-58); Mylonas (supra n. 3) (supra n. 30) 91.
91 n. 13, French (supra n. 53) 123: nine. 248 See infra table 4 (Dickinson and Matthius); Davis (su-
243 Laffineur231-35. pra n. 127) 158. For a review of finds from this grave, see
244 To the clay vases published by Karo (70-71, nos. 221- Dickinson49. For references to Karo'scatalogue, see Matt-
22, pl. 170), add the example cited by A. Furumark (The haus 20-21; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1986, 174-76 fig. 11.
Chronology of Mycenaean Pottery [Stockholm 1941] 46, B III 249 See supra n. 87. Also see Mylonas (supra n. 50) 128-
a/5) and Matthius 19, "kugelige Schnabelkanne mit Spiral- 29.
Unitsof CIRCLEB CIRCLEA

wealth EARLYPHASE LATEPHASEI LATEPHASEII
260 -
250-
240
230-
220-
210-
200
-- _ _ _ __l Pottery
1901 q
SBronze vases
180-1....
180 Precious vases
170- Weapons/Armoursand Tools
160 Jewelry/ Ornaments

150
140-
130-
120
110
100 -
90 -
80-
70 -
60 -
50 -
40 -
10
-
0
V ci
Fig. 7. Histogramcomparingdegree of wealthof single-burialgravesin CirclesA and B
tered goods from the fill of the shaft and other objects him and the central burial is not only of uncertain
conjecturally assigned to him, including some weap- attribution, but also only partially accounted for in
ons, he was richly provided.250 The following burial Karo's inventory;252 moreover, a gold Vapheio cup
was the northern burial, the so-called "mummy." (Karo no. 627) and the "garters" (Karo nos. 652, 653),
There has been discussion about its sex, but Dickinson which provide links with Graves II and VI, have been
has convincingly argued that it was a man.251 In that assigned to different burials,253and the attribution to
case, many grave goods might have belonged to him, this burial of many other valuable objects is only
even if a precise reconstruction of his funeral assem-
conjectural.254 The list of offerings unanimously as-
blage is impossible. In fact, a heap of weapons between signed to the "mummy," however, includes a gold
250
For a list of finds from the fill of the shaft see Schlie- (49, 57-58); accordingto Kilian-Dirlmeier,they may belong
mann 231-33 figs. 224-30, 377. For other objects presum- to the central burial (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1986, 175).
ably belonging to this burial, see Dickinson 49. 253 Dickinson 49 (perhaps central burial); Matthaus 21
251 Mylonas (supra n. 50) 129-41; Dickinson 57-58. Also (northern burial).
see Matthaus 20; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1986, 176. 254 For a list of these objects (with references to Karo's
252 Thirteen "swords" (probably including some daggers, catalogue), see Kilian-Dirlmeier 1986, 175-76 and fig. 11
Dickinson 49) have been assigned to this burial by Dickinson (nos. in parentheses).
mask, a large number of gold ornaments, gold cups, the burial goods from Grave IV were found heaped
and weapons, providing unambiguous evidence that near them, but the possibility that they had been
he was a very high-ranking individual.255 disturbed cannot be excluded.262 According to a very
The male burial found in the southern sector of partial reconstruction of their assemblages, however,
the grave was buried last. He wore a mask, a breast- each of them was at least provided with a gold mask,
plate, an armband, and a necklace and was provided two armbands, a belt, and a vast quantity of amber
with a huge number of weapons. A great heap of 60 beads.263 They were no doubt also equipped with
weapons was in fact found between the feet of the weapons, which were probably displaced and mixed
central and the southern burials, probably including in the bulk of weapons on the eastern side of the
some weaponry from the earliest central burial;256 grave. Many of those, however, might also have be-
however, only a few swords were illustrated by Schlie- longed to another male oriented east-west, who wore
mann and can easily be recognized.257 According to a gold mask, a breastplate, an armband, and a neck-
Schliemann, another 15 swords were placed at his feet lace with amber beads.264 On each side, another bur-
and near the body, confirming the high military rank ial, assumed to be female, was found. A gold crown,
of the deceased. In spite of the fact that the two silver a diadem, and two gold rings clearly belonged to
vessels and numerous gold buttons reported by the them.
excavator as being associated with this skeleton cannot Apart from a few valuable objects,265 the vast ma-
be identified precisely, some other objects of late ap- jority of precious goods cannot be safely ascribed to
pearance, such as the silver cup (Karo nos. 786-87), particular burials: such is the case, e.g., of numerous
might have belonged to this latest burial.258 gold ornaments (including headbands, buttons, ear-
By emphasizing the differences in number of cop- rings, pins, discs, etc.) and of silver and gold cups.
per vases, Dickinson has rightly pointed out that this Moreover, as many as 32 copper vessels were found
grave is not as rich as IV. The differences in the total along the inner walls of the grave.266 Although no
weight of gold objects found in Graves II, VI, and V clear association with particular burials can be recog-
are even more striking (2300-2400 g for V, 34.5 g nized, most of them were probably used as large
and 35.9 g, respectively, for II and VI),259 probably containers in substitution for pottery and possibly
also indicating that there were marked disparities in belonged to all these sumptuous burials. The richness
rank among the members of the upper sector of the of the individuals buried in this grave is also reflected
community, buried in Circle A. in the weight of most gold objects (those weighed by
Grave IV Karo) found there (6900-7000 g).
Given the lack of details in Schliemann's reports, Grave III
there is no consensus about the exact position in which Apart from the objects reported as strongly associ-
the burials originally lay: it is generally agreed that ated with the three adult burials (a gold crown, a
two burials were oriented north-south, and three diadem, some pins, and a gem), not many other pre-
east-west, but there are different opinions about the cise details are available from Schliemann's account.
sector in which the former had been placed.260 In any We know, however, that the three corpses, assumed
case, the two interments oriented north-south are to be women from the absence of weapons, were very
unanimously assumed to be the earliest.261 Many of richly arrayed. Moreover, although no child bones
255
Dickinson 49. For a list of the objects attributableto Dirlmeier 1986, 167: two skeletons oriented north-south on
this burial,with reference to Karo'scatalogue,see Matthius the northern side and three others oriented east-west in the
20-21; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1986, 175; Laffineur 237. southern part.
256 Schliemann388. Cf. Dickinson49. 261 Matthius 23; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1986, 167. These two
257 Matthius 20. For these recognizableweapons,see also burials are also regarded as the earliest by Dickinson 48-49.
Kilian-Dirlmeier 1986, 175 fig. 11. 262 Kilian-Dirlmeier
1986, 167.
258 For a list of the objects found in associationwith this 263 For references to Karo's
catalogue, see Matthius 22;
burialsee Schliemann261, 389-90. Cf. Dickinson49. Other Kilian-Dirlmeier 1986, 169, fig. 7; Laffineur 236 (Grave IV:
possibly late objects are listed by Xenaki-Sakellariou (supra burials 1, 2).
n. 209) 179-81. 264 For references to Karo's catalogue, see Dickinson 49;
259 Karo 166-68, however, only gives the weight of some Kilian-Dirlmeier 1986, 169; Laffineur 236 (Grave IV: burial
of the gold finds. 4).
260 Mylonas (supra n. 50) 133, 134 fig. 3: two men oriented 265 They are the
"objets d'art" belonging to one or both
north-south in the southern part and the other three burials burials oriented north-south mentioned by Dickinson 49.
oriented east-west on the northern side (also Dickinson 48- 266 For the arrangement of metal vessels in the
grave, see
49). Schuchhardt (supra n. 30) 222 fig. 222; Karo 38; Aker- Matthius 22 fig. 2; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1986, 169 fig. 7.
str6m (supra n. 50) 47 fig. 7; Matthius 22 fig. 2; Kilian-
were reported, the grave probably contained two IIA. Thus, as also shown by the weight of gold orna-
other rich burials of children: enough gold wrapping ments presumably belonging to each burial (from
has in fact been identified for one child, and there about 160 to 180 g), these burials are clearly less rich
are some apparent duplications in material, such as than other female burials in Circle A.
two masks,267 that suggest the existence of another.
CONCLUSIONS
Despite the lack of details, Kilian-Dirlmeier has pro-
posed a sensible, although hypothetical, distribution An attempt can now be made to set the data against
of many of the goods from this grave to the female the cultural background to define distinct stages in
burials, since many objects are attested in triplicate.268 the process of social stratification at Mycenae during
In that case, each burial was provided with very rich the 60-100 years here surveyed. The Circle B Early
sets of ornaments, including diadems, earrings, neck- Phase-belonging to the late, but not final, MH pe-
laces, armlets, rings, and many gold dress cutout or- riod-marks the beginning of the entire Shaft Grave
naments, in addition to a gold box and a small gold sequence. Evidence for social differences now ap-
balance. According to this reconstruction, the weight pears: the elite group selects a reserved burial area
of the gold ornaments supposed to belong to the and begins to require grave goods adequate to rank.
richest burial, i.e., that with the crown, amounts to Many features seem to be in the embryonic stage,
over 800 g; only some of the other gold ornaments although they herald a significant development. With
were weighed, but the degree of wealth of the two the exception of Grave I, all the graves are small and
other burials is no doubt also enormously high. More- similar to the traditional MH cist graves, even if they
over, a set of gold toilet-vases has been shown to had roofs, generally supported by shelves in the rock,
belong to the central or southern burials,269but the and pebbly floors. Most of them were clearly intended
range of containers, including pottery and metal, fai- to contain a single burial, in a contracted position, as
ence and alabaster vessels is more restricted than in was customary in the MH period. The extended po-
contemporary male burials,270 and no attribution of sition of the later individuals buried in the few mul-
them can be made to specific burials. The particular tiple-burial graves foreshadows later burial customs.
treatment of the two child burials accords with the In spite of this, the ritual of reuse is still not standard-
sumptuous character of the adult interments, indicat- ized. No clear evidence of stelae was found, but at
ing that all were members of the highest status families least some graves were marked by stone perimeters
in Mycenae. and/or heaps of stones, indicating the social impor-
tance of the burials.
Grave I In most graves the quantity and quality of grave
In view of the absence of weaponry and the ap- goods are on a level with those from ordinary late
pearance of gold ornaments, the three burials in this MH burials. Most ceramic assemblages, in fact, in-
grave are also assumed to be women. Despite the great clude just a few vases; local pottery prevails and only
detail in Schliemann's reports,271 we know with pre- a few vases from Grave Z, and burials I:b and E:b,
cision only that each burial was arrayed according to can safely be recognized as imports from other sites.
a certain standard (a gold headband, four half-bands, Moreover, the quantity of stored goods per burial
and five "stars"), and other objects were associated seems to have been small (burial I:b is an exception).
with the southern burial.272Other grave goods cannot No gold vase can be ascribed to any Early Phase burial,
be assigned to particular interments: the precious but funeral assemblages of I:b, I:a, and E:a included
containers are relatively few, including only two silver bronze or silver vessels.
cups, two bronze vessels, fragmentary faience vases The range of weapons is also very limited, including
and an ivory pyxis; on the other hand, clay vases are only two valuable swords (Z and I:b) and a dagger
proportionally more numerous than those found in (H). Although no complete set of weapons can be
other graves, even if, according to Dickinson, two associated with any male burial, the fact that weapons
vases of MH type might have been misplaced from only appear in the richest funeral assemblages can be
other contexts.273 In any case, at least the latest burial, taken as evidence of increasing correlation between
proven to be the southern,"274may be assigned to LH military activity and wealth. No tools have been found
267 Tsountas and Manatt

(supra n. 30) 99. n. 127] 222).
268 For referencesto Karo'scatalogue,see Kilian-Dirlmeier 271 For the detailed
analysis of various reports, see esp.
1986, 167 n. 30. Also see Laffineur236 (GraveIII: burials Dickinson 50. Also see Kilian-Dirlmeier 1986, 176 n. 56.
1-3). 272 Dickinson 50; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1986,
176; Laffineur
269 Dickinson49. 237.
270
E. Davis points out that "perhapselaborate drinking 273 Dickinson 50.
vessels... were objectsof prestigefor the men"(Davis[supra 274 Dickinson 50.
in the Early Phase graves, but an ornate staff, a clear the number of vases and in large closed containers in
symbol of authority, comes from Grave I, indicating general also shows that a larger quantity of perishable
the social importance of the man buried there. Finally, goods was stored for the presumed needs of the de-
a remarkable number of ornaments was found in ceased. Bronze vessels are associated with F:a and N:a
Grave B, mostly belonging to the later burial, a young and gold vases were first part of the funeral assem-
girl; the warrior in Grave I (I:b) also had clothing blages of N:a (along with silver vases) and perhaps
ornaments. F:a.
To sum up, Grave I stands out from the other Large quantities of weapons can also be assigned to
graves not only for its size and degree of elaboration, this phase and it is also worth considering their fre-
but also for its contents, being in every respect a quency per burial. Whereas all men were equipped
harbinger of the graves of the following periods. with weapons, F:a, A:b, and N:a in particular were
From a social perspective, this probably implies that provided with complete sets, which can be regarded
the grave was intended for very high-ranking individ- as a clear indicator of their higher rank; F:a and N:a
uals. The burial assemblages of two other men (H and also had additional secondary weapons. On the other
Z) and, to a greater extent, the female burial ,:b show hand, the men buried in Graves B and A, equipped
significantly higher scores than other contemporary only with secondary weapons, are apparently of a
burials and presumably mark individuals of some lower military rank. With the exception of B, all male
intermediate status. Kinship was probably an impor- burial assemblages also included knives; clothing or-
tant determinant of status and the privileged location naments, clearly intended to signify the deceased's
of other Early Phase burials may have been deter- social importance, are associated with nearly all male
mined by family relationships rather than a particular burials, and particularly with N:a and A:a.
access to wealth. As also shown in figure 6, the differences in wealth
Although the following period of use of Circle B- between the Early Phase and Late Phase I male burials
corresponding to the very end of MH and, in Minoan are very marked. The maximum number and quality
terms, to early LM IA-was short,275 the Late Phase of grave goods can be ascribed to Late Phase I: a
I burials have many features suggesting that the apex display of wealth seems to characterize all the burials,
of the Circle B development was reached at that time. although in different ways. This is clearly to be related
Most of the larger, deeper, and more developed shaft to a very marked separation of the highest sector from
graves, intended to be reused, were in fact constructed the rest of the community; even a lower member of
in this phase, probably signifying a consolidation of the ruling class, such as the man buried in the single-
power by the elite members of the community. By burial Grave B, enjoyed the general increase of
constructing them, the ruling class clearly also in- wealth. The funeral assemblage of N:a stands out
tended to preserve or emphasize family and/or status distinctly from all the others, however, and undoubt-
ties. Consequently, apart from burial offerings, the edly was the richest of all Circle B male burials. The
tomb forms provide solid grounds for believing that degree of wealth of the other warriors is nevertheless
the first occupants of Graves F, A, E, A, N, and very high, indicating that the ruling class was made
possibly A were high-status individuals.276 Even the up of members of a military aristocracy. On the other
only two single-burial graves (B and Y) show devel- hand, the woman in Grave Y and perhaps the woman
oped features such as the large size of Grave B and in Grave A were also richly arrayed, suggesting that
the use of rubble and mudbrick walls to support roofs their social standing was as high as that of some
in both of them. Another socially relevant innovation contemporary men, who were probably their hus-
is the use of a stele to mark Grave F in which a warrior bands or relatives.
was buried. Plentiful evidence for LH I, a short period, is pro-
Burial customs developed fully during this period, vided both by Circle B Late Phase II burials and most
since the extended position became customary and a burials in Circle A. Noticeable differences between
specific ritual of reuse becomes standardized in Grave the two reserved burial areas appear. In comparing
A. A corresponding improvement can be noticed in Circle B Late Phase II graves with those of the pre-
the field of burial offerings. Not only does the number ceding period, many regressive features are found.
of vases per burial markedly increase, but most burials Building activity is limited: among the new graves,
(particularly N:a) were provided with precious im- concentrated in the already exploited sectors, only
ports from outside the Peloponnese. The increase in Grave O is large; three other single-burial graves (K,
275 Graziadio 360-61, 372. tached to features of grave design and construction. More-
276 Laffineur'sreluctance to interpret the social status of over, at least the earliest burials in Graves F, A, and N are
earlier burials(pp. 230-31) seems unjustifiedin view of the richer in grave goods than the last burials.
importance for those burials in particular that can be at-
A1, and H) as well as the multiple-burial Grave M are very markedly contrasts with that of the contempo-
small and less developed than the corresponding Late rary Circle A burials and, to a far lesser extent, with
Phase I graves. Therefore, in Late Phase II many Late Phase I burial assemblages.278 Only one funeral
individuals (at least eight out of 17) were buried in mask, although characteristic of Circle A male burials,
the previously constructed graves and some of them, was found in association with a Late Phase II man
lying in the largest graves (A, F, E, and 0), were (F:c). The fact that a complete set of weapons can
marked by stelae like almost all Circle A burials. Grave only be ascribed to one Circle B burial (the man in
M was reused in an obsolete manner and some indi- Grave A) also seems to be significant. Another burial
viduals were buried in the old-fashioned MH con- (F:c) was provided with many weapons, but it is in-
tracted position in Graves E and Al. comparably poorer in weaponry than nearly all Circle
In contrast to this, all the Circle A graves were A burials. The same is true for tools and jewelry/
constructed and concurrently used in LH I, even if ornaments because only a few male assemblages in-
some of the latest burials belong to LH II. By selecting cluded them. The later burial in Grave N, far poorer
a new area and regarding the Circle B as a secondary than the previous Late Phase I burial, may be consid-
cemetery area, a particular sector of the ruling class ered a significant example of this regressive tendency.
clearly intended to distinguish itself further. There- Furthermore, the occupants of single-burial Graves
fore, the true climax in the development of the Shaft K and Al, as well as the last burial in Grave F, were
Graves was reached in Circle A: the smallest (and provided with only a few vases, and no weapons,
earliest) Circle A graves (II and VI) are as large as clearly being relatively low-ranking individuals. To
the largest Circle B graves, and Graves I, IV, and V judge from weapons, only the warrior in Grave A and
are far larger. A larger amount of human labor was the third burial in Grave F were particularly high-
expended in their construction, clearly involving a status individuals, as also proved by the fact that F:c
larger sector of the community. As a consequence of was the only man in Circle B wearing a funeral mask.
more available space, there was no need to displace There is good evidence to indicate that the individuals
the corpses nor, perhaps, to remove burial offerings in Grave F were probably connected by family ties,279
from inside the graves, so that the earliest burials however, which might explain why a relatively high
were more respected. A use of wooden coffins or biers ranking man was buried here in this period. Never-
in some graves has been suggested;277 if so, this could theless, the subsequent male burial, the only one in
indicate a particular treatment of the body, no evi- this grave not marked by a stele, was remarkably
dence of which was found in Circle B. In any case, poorer in grave goods.
the generalized use of stelae is even more important The degree of wealth of Late Phase II female bur-
from a social point of view, as they were clearly in- ials is high: they were richly arrayed and had either
tended to show and remind the community of the as many as or more burial goods than their counter-
particular status of the deceased. parts of the preceding phases (figs. 5-6). The increase
Differential access to wealth among different sec- in the number of rich female burials in Circle B
tions of the ruling class can also be suggested by during this period, including the particularly rich E:b
comparing grave goods from the two Circles. As and O:c, might explain why a gradual increase of
shown above, the degree of wealth of Circle B Late wealth in the Circle B sequence has been suggested
Phase II male burials is generally less than that of and the latest phase has commonly been regarded as
Late Phase I burials. In comparisons of individual the richest one.280
categories, regressive elements also appear and, in The differences between contemporary LH I bur-
any case, the increase in number and quality of grave ials in the two Circles is even more marked. Because
goods is less than expected. Most Late Phase II burials, an exact reconstruction of Circle A funeral assem-
for example, were provided with few, not particularly blages is impossible, precise terms of comparison can
valuable vessels, and the quantity of perishable goods only be found in the only single-burial grave (Grave
stored in some graves appears to have been smaller II). It was one of the earliest and poorest burials in
than in preceding phases. Only two male burials (N:b terms of number, variety, and quality of goods, but it
and A:b) were furnished with special indicators of should be noted that it was provided with some pres-
wealth such as bronze and silver vessels, but no gold tige goods such as bronze, faience, and gold vases,
vase can be assigned to these burials. This situation along with a complete set of weapons. The same is
277
Akerstr6m(supra n. 50) 38-67. For this problemalso in male funeral assemblages,see supra n. 270.
see Higg and Sieurin (supra n. 13) 178-80. 279 Angel (supra n. 3) 389.
278 For differences in precious vessels between the two
280
See, for example, Dickinson 44; Graziadio 370; Kilian-
Circles,see supra n. 132. For their widespreadoccurrence Dirlmeier 1988, 162, 164.
440 GIAMPAOLO GRAZIADIO
true of the two warriors in Grave VI, who were also female burials number six (or five) and contemporary
equipped with complete sets of weapons, supple- male burials nine. Therefore, broadly speaking, the
mented by swords, as well as metal vessels and nu- number of LH I female burials in the two Circles is
merous clay vases. The absence of funeral masks from more than half the number of men. This proportion
these three burials can also be interpreted as evidence markedly contrasts with the ratios in the preceding
that they were lower in social status than other Circle periods (1:5 in the Early Phase, and 1 or 2:6 in Late
A males, which agrees with the relatively less devel- Phase I), if they are substantially right in spite of the
oped appearance of the graves. Nevertheless, their burials of uncertain sex. If so, from a social point of
degree of wealth seems to be higher than almost all view, this might be a result of a more marked interest
male burials in Circle B, confirming Dickinson's state- in lineage, connected with the ramifications and status
ment that "while the largest and richest graves of distinctions in the ruling class during this period.
Circle B closely parallel the poorer graves of Circle In contrast to the apparent increase in wealth, the
A, Graves III, IV and V are far richer than any of fact that the first use of Circle A coincides with the
the others, containing the great bulk of the Shaft relative decadence of the other Circle should indeed
Grave treasures.'"28 Despite the limitations of the ev- be emphasized. When comparing grave evolution and
idence, it is clear that all the men in Graves IV and burial goods, however, a direct development from
V, except the central burial in Grave V, wore gold Circle B Late Phase I rich burials to the sumptuous
masks as insignia of rank. They were also provided LH I burials in Circle A can be suggested. The social
with astounding quantities of other precious objects inferences seem to be clear: in LH I a new group-
such as gold ornaments and metal vessels; the weight primi inter pares"23--broke away from the elite that
of gold objects from Graves IV and V (containing six had used Circle B during the Early Phase and Late
men and two women altogether) amounts to more Phase I, intending to differentiate themselves from
than 9000 g. The very high military rank of the men the lower members of the ruling class. They chose a
can be inferred from the huge quantities of weapons burial area closer to the place where the settlement
heaped in Graves IV and V, which at the same time was presumably located, among the other graves of
represent another form of wealth. The large number the cemetery, rather than the peripheral zone where
of objets d'art are clearly deliberate collections of Circle B was situated. This may represent an indica-
precious items. tion of a very conscious opposition among competing
As also shown by the Circle B evidence, female elite groups attempting to gain the allegiance of as
burials are always rich, but the degree of wealth seems many commoners as possible.284In this process, Circle
to be in proportion to the general standard of the B remained in use as a secondary burial area, mainly
Circle. The individual burial assemblages of the two reserved for middle- if not low-ranking men and for
women in Grave IV can by no means be reconstructed, some women of relatively high rank who could not be
but, to judge from the richness of the grave and the buried in Circle A. Hence, the declining importance
objects safely attributable to them, they were very of the Circle B burial area in Late Phase II may
richly provided. The same is true for the three female explain why memory of those buried there, i.e., the
burials in Grave III, who were probably sumptuously earliest members of the local aristocracy, was lost so
arrayed, indicating that they clearly belonged to the early, in the late Mycenaean Age, in spite of the
upper class at Mycenae. In contrast to these, the fu- presence of the stelae over the most important graves.
neral assemblages of the three women in Grave I, During the construction of the Tomb of Clytaemnes-
although "still rich in comparison with the women's tra, the Circle was no longer respected, but the act of
burials of Circle B,"282 contained far fewer gold and constructing a tomb into the shaft of Grave P in LH
precious objects. One or two of them were probably II might also indicate that interest in the burials in
the last burials in the entire Shaft Grave sequence, Circle B had been completely lost even earlier, as early
however, and their limited richness heralds the less as the time when the last women were buried in
marked display of wealth of the following periods. Circle A.
Considering the Circle A burials as a whole, we can DIPARTIMENTO DI SCIENZE ARCHEOLOGICHE
not fail to notice a ratio of men to women roughly VIA GALVANI 1
corresponding to that of Circle B Late Phase II bur- 56100 PISA

ials. Excluding the LH IIA burial(s) in Grave I, LH I ITALY
281
Dickinson40. 283 French(supran. 53) 123-24.
282
Dickinson50. 284
I am very grateful to J. Wright for this suggestion.

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The Process of Social Stratification at Mycenae in the Shaft Grave Period: A Comparative

Examination of the Evidence

You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references.

Abstract Middle Helladic period). On the other hand, Late Phase

American Journal of Archaeology 95 (1991) 403

" Wright(supra n. 1) 174. see Dickinson115, ch. III[5] n. 20.

Table 1. Relative Chronology of Circle A and B Burials

Early Phase Graves

FLOOR rocky floor - - -x

Table 3. General Features of Circle B Late Phase I and II Graves

86 As indicated by Brown (supra n. 24) 37 tume (particularlyheaddresses), elaborate weapons and

95 On the northern side, in addition to objects from the 101

A I Potteryfrom"heterogeneous"groups Cycladic/Cycladizingpottery MainlandPolychromeMatt-paintedpottery

D Local pottery / LustrousDecorated pottery

Fig. 1. Histogramshowingrichnessin potteryof CircleB burials

Unitsof EARLY PHASE LATE PHASE I LATE PHASE II

100 100-N:a .:.:;:.:_

Bronze/ coppervessels [ Others

Fig. 2. Histogramshowingrichnessin containersother than potteryof CircleB burials

AJA93 (1989) 344-45. Another possibleimportfrom Thera 126

in M.A. Powell,Jr., and R.H. Sack eds., Studiesin Honor of 162-63.

Swords Arrows Knives Uncertain

Fig. 3. Histogramshowing richnessin weapons/armorand tools of Circle B burials

unitsof EARLY PHASE LATE PHASE I LATE PHASE II

Head-bands Personal ornaments Uncertain attribution

Fig. 4. Histogramshowing richnessin jewelry/ornamentsand miscellaneousobjectsof Circle B burials

Unitsof EARLYPHASE LATEPHASE I LATEPHASE II

Fig. 5. Histogramshowing the comprehensivearrangementof the functionalcategoriesper burial

205 For the child burial in Grave

Unitsof EARLYPHASE LATEPHASEI LATEPHASE II

211 Kilian-Dirlmeier 1986, 161-76. 220

Dickinson (1977) Matthfius (1980) Kilian-Dirlmeier (1986)

Early Graves VI and II MH earlier burial in Phase 1 MH graves

Unitsof CIRCLEB CIRCLEA

170- Weapons/Armoursand Tools

160 Jewelry/ Ornaments

Fig. 7. Histogramcomparingdegree of wealthof single-burialgravesin CirclesA and B

267 Tsountas and Manatt

corresponding to that of Circle B Late Phase II bur- 56100 PISA

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