Funding Gaps: An Analysis of School Funding Equity Across The U.S. and Within Each State
Funding Gaps: An Analysis of School Funding Equity Across The U.S. and Within Each State
Funding Gaps: An Analysis of School Funding Equity Across The U.S. and Within Each State
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2018 2018 2018 ACROSS THE U.S. AND WITHIN EACH STATE
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2018 2018 TRUST
EDUCATION 2018 | 2018 2018
FUNDING GAPS2018 20182018
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Whether you look at the national
numbers or the state-by-state
numbers, the pattern is disturbing:
In 27 states, districts with the
highest poverty rates do not receive
more funding to account for that
increased need.
Throughout history, public education has been called • How do the revenues of districts serving the most
the great equalizer — the single most influential factor students in poverty (the highest poverty districts)
that allows all students, regardless of zip code, to one compare with those serving the fewest students in
day excel in the workforce and contribute to the nation’s poverty (the lowest poverty districts) in each state
economic well-being as well as their own and that of the and across the country?
communities in which they live.
• How much funding does the state provide to
While that may be true, the educational opportunities districts, and how does it distribute those dollars?
provided to the nearly 51 million children who attend
public schools are anything but equal. Students of different • How do the revenues of districts serving the most
races, ethnicities, and socioeconomic backgrounds tend students of color compare with those of districts
to end up at very different schools, ones with disparate serving the fewest students of color?
resources, including those most crucial to student success
— for example, high quality teachers, effective early We focus specifically on state and local revenues and
education programs, and meaningful forms of college and exclude federal sources because federal dollars are intended
career counseling. — and targeted — to provide supplemental services to
such specific groups of students as those in poverty, English
Access to these and other resources are intrinsically linked learners, and students with disabilities.2 In this analysis, we
to historical inequities in school funding that have been are interested in learning how states allocate the resources
pervasive in American public schools. Coupled with they oversee.
state and local policies, funding allocations determine
how much teachers are paid, the extent and frequency of Funding Gaps 2018 is part of a rich body of work on
professional development, the length of the school day, funding inequities conducted by many terrific researchers
the number of students in a classroom, the availability of and advocates at both the local and national level.3 This
student supports and extracurricular activities, and myriad brief provides an up-to-date, straightforward analysis of
other factors that can have an impact on student learning. funding equity — between districts — that is comparable
across states and allows advocates and policymakers to
In 2015, the last time The Education Trust examined this understand how their state fares in a national context
issue, we set out to determine how state and local funding against a few key criteria. This report gives an overview of
for different districts compared by percentage of students funding equity by race and poverty concentration across
in poverty and by percentage of students of color. What we states, while our interactive, online data tool offers more
found was that many states were not sending additional detailed information for each state. We hope this work
resources to their highest poverty districts or to districts will help advocates keep the focus on equity.
serving the most students of color, and across the country,
these districts were in fact receiving less money than
the districts serving the fewest students living in poverty
and students of color. In this report, we take another
look at how state and local school funding decisions can
either advance or hinder equity. In doing so, we ask the
following questions:
This report builds upon the foundation laid by Funding Gaps 2015. In this 2018 update, we provide a
snapshot of many of the same data points that we included in our 2015 report.
Overall, the funding inequities we documented in the 2015 report appear slightly smaller, but persist.
Compared to 2015, the national funding gap between high and low poverty districts decreased slightly
— by 3 percentage points — from 10 percent to 7 percent. The national funding gap between districts
with the highest and lowest percentages of students of color went from 15 percent to 13 percent,
representing a 2 percentage point drop.
As we saw in the 2015 report, there is a lot of variation in the funding gaps within states, but overall,
we see a small uptick in the number of states providing more funding to their districts with higher
percentages of students from low-income backgrounds and students of color. Similarly, we see
a slightly smaller number of states providing less funding to districts with higher percentages of
students from low-income backgrounds and students of color.
In some states, there were significant shifts between the gaps reported in our 2015 analyses and
these updated analyses. These shifts may be the result of changes in funding practices, changes
in student enrollment patterns (for example, changes in the numbers of low-income students or
students of color may have an impact on which districts are included in the highest or lowest
quartiles), or data anomalies or reporting errors. Determining the causes of these shifts is beyond
the scope of this report.
In this analysis, we examine the relationship between funding and the demographics of the students that districts
served as of 2015, which is the latest school year for which data are available. Specifically, we examine how the
revenues of districts that serve higher percentages of students living in poverty or students of color compare with
those of their counterparts. Our analysis compares the average revenues of groups of districts (the quartiles with
the highest poverty and lowest poverty districts, for example). Within each group, some districts may be receiving
substantially more or less funding than these averages. Furthermore, just because a high-poverty district gets more
money per student, it does not mean that every school in that district is more generously funded. Previous research
shows that even when funding for districts is progressive at the state level, dollars may be distributed regressively
for schools within districts.5 Our analysis does not seek to explain why we see the results that we see. Rather, we
hope that this analysis will support the work of state advocates who know their local context far better than we do.
• State and local revenues per student: These data were obtained from the 2013, 2014, and 2015 U.S.
Census Bureau’s Public Elementary-Secondary Education Finance Data files, the most recent data
available.6 To limit the impact of year-to-year fluctuations in revenues, which can arise from such
one-time investments as renovations or capital projects, we used three-year averages of state and
local funds. We also adjusted these dollar figures for both inflation and for regional variation in labor
market costs.7 To calculate revenues per student for each district, we divided each district’s three-
year average state and local revenues by the total number of students enrolled in the district in 2015.
• Percentage of children in poverty: Poverty data are based on the 2015 U.S. Census Bureau’s Small
Area Income and Poverty Estimates.8 For each district, the percentage of children in poverty is the
estimated number of school-aged children in poverty divided by the estimated number of school-aged
children in the district.
• Percentage of students of color: Enrollment data by student ethnicity were obtained from the 2014–
15 National Center for Education Statistics’ Common Core of Data.9 In this analysis, the percentage of
students of color is the number of students who are Black, Latino, or American Indian in each district
divided by the total number of students enrolled in the district.10
To calculate gaps between the highest and lowest poverty districts, we:
• Sorted all districts by the percentage of students below the poverty line (or the percentage
of students of color);
• Divided districts into four groups (quartiles) so that each group had approximately the same
number of students;
• Calculated the average state and local revenue per student across all the districts in
each quartile; and
• Compared the state and local revenues per student in the highest and lowest poverty quartiles.
FIGURE 1: Gaps in State and Local Revenues per Student Between Districts
Serving the Most and the Fewest Students in Poverty
RI
OH
OR
OK
NJ
NC
LA
CA
VA
NM
NE
ND
CT
VT
NH
NY
UT
PA
WA
KY
WI
KS
WV
WY
GA
IN
IA
ID
IL
TN
TX
DE
MN
MD
MA
MT
MS
ME
MI
MO
FL
SD
SC
AR
AZ
AL
READING THIS FIGURE: In Utah, the highest poverty districts receive 21 percent more in state and local funds per student than the lowest poverty districts. In
states shaded in dark green, the highest poverty districts receive at least 15 percent more state and local funds than the lowest poverty districts; light green shading
indicates that the highest poverty districts receive between 5 and 15 percent more. In states shaded in dark red, the highest poverty districts receive at least 15
percent less state and local funds than the lowest poverty districts; light red shading indicates that the highest poverty districts receive between 5 and 15 percent
less. Gray shading indicates similar levels of funding for the highest and lowest poverty districts. States are ordered and classified as providing more or less funding
to their highest poverty districts based on unrounded percentages.15
So far, we’ve been looking at whether the funding that high and low-poverty districts receive is
equal. But to close achievement gaps, we need funding that is equitable — funding that accounts
for the fact that it simply costs more to educate students from low-income backgrounds, many of
whom start school academically behind their more affluent peers.
To account for these additional needs, we repeated our analysis with the assumption: that it costs a
district 40 percent more to educate a student in poverty than not in poverty. This figure is based on
the federal Title I formula, and, in all likelihood, is an underestimate. Research shows that it could
cost twice as much, or more, to educate a student from a low-income background to the same
standards as a student from a more affluent background.16
Nationally, when we account for the additional needs of students from low-income backgrounds,17
we see that the highest poverty districts receive about $2,000, or 16 percent, less per student than
low-poverty districts (compared to roughly $1,000 before making this adjustment). And while 20 states
appeared to provide substantially more funding to the highest poverty districts before accounting for
the additional needs of students from low-income backgrounds, after the adjustment, only seven still
do (Figure 2). Moreover, the number of states with regressive funding gaps (i.e., states that provide at
least 5 percent less funding to the highest poverty districts) increases from four to 20.
FIGURE 2: Gaps in State and Local Revenues per Student Between Districts Serving
the Most and the Fewest Students in Poverty
PANEL 1: Not adjusted for the additional PANEL 2: Adjusted for the additional needs
needs of low-income students of low-income students
WA WA
MT VT ME ME WA WA
ND MT ND VT
OR MT VT ME ME
OR MN MN ND MT VT
NH ND
ID NY NH OR
ID
SD WI MA NY OR MN MN
SD WI CT MA NH
WY MI CT ID NY NH
WY MI RI ID
SD WI MA NY
RI SD WI CT MA
IA IA PA PA WY MI CT
NE NJ WY MI RI
NV NE OH NJ RI
NV DE OH IA IA PA PA
UT IL IN INMD DE NE NJ
UT WV IL WV NV NE NJ
CA CO VA MD NV OH DE OH
CA CO
MO VA UT IL IN DE
KS KS KY MO UT WV IL INMD
KY CA CO VA WV MD
CA CO
MO VA
NC KS
TN NC KS KY MO KY
TN
AZ OK OK Progressive NC NC
NM AZ NM AR SC
AR SC Progressive TN TN
Moderately Progressive Moderately Progressive AZ OK
GA NM OK
MS
AL AL GA
Neutral
AZ NM AR SC
AR SC
MS Neutral GA
TX Moderately Regressive AL AL GA
LA TX LA Moderately Regressive MS MS
Regressive Regressive TX LA
AK TX LA
AK FL No Data
AK FL No Data
AK AK AK FL FL
AK AK
HI HI
HI HI
READING THIS FIGURE: Panel 1 shows the gap in state and local revenues per student without adjusting for the additional
needs of students in poverty; panel 2 shows the gaps when we do adjust for additional student need. In states shaded in dark
green, the highest poverty districts receive at least 15 percent more in state and local funds than the lowest poverty districts,
light green shading indicates that the highest poverty districts receive between 5 and 15 percent more. In states shaded in dark
red, the highest poverty districts receive at least 15 percent less state and local funds than the lowest poverty districts; light
red shading indicates that the highest poverty districts receive between 5 and 15 percent less. Gray shading indicates similar
levels of funding for the highest and lowest poverty districts. Light blue shading indicates that the state was excluded from the
within-state analysis. In 20 states, the highest poverty districts receive more state and local funds per student than the lowest
poverty districts (panel 1). When adjusting for the additional needs of students in poverty (panel 2), the highest poverty districts
receive more in state and local funds per student in seven states.
The Role of State Dollars How Much Funding Comes from the State?
So far, we’ve been looking at the distribution of state and local Figure 3 shows the percentage of P–12 revenues that districts
funds combined. Now, let’s look exclusively at state dollars. derive from the state (as opposed to local) sources. Although
Unlike local dollars, which are derived mainly from property taxes states vary quite a bit in the share of school funding they provide,
and can vary widely from district to district, state dollars are the all contribute at least a third of funds. About half of the states
funds that state legislatures can and should use to counteract these provide a bigger share of school funds than localities do, with
disparities. In this section, we will examine the share of funding Arkansas providing the largest.
that comes from the state and how progressively states distribute
these dollars.
FIGURE 3: Percentage of District Revenues Derived from State (as Opposed to Local) Sources
100%
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
RI
OR
OH
CO
NM
NC
KS
ND
NJ
NH
NE
WA
KY
CA
UT
OK
WY
WI
LA
NY
CT
PA
WV
GA
ID
IN
IA
IL
DE
TN
TX
MN
MI
MS
MT
MD
MO
ME
MA
SC
FL
SD
AR
AL
AZ
VA
READING THIS FIGURE: In Arkansas, 86 percent of districts’ non-federal revenues come from state (as opposed to local) sources. Alaska, Hawaii, and Nevada were
excluded from this analysis because they do not appear in any of the other state-by-state analyses. In addition, Vermont was excluded because the state tabulates
revenue sources differently from other states.18 States are ordered based on unrounded percentages.
States make decisions about how to allocate the funds they the differences in the amount of state funds that states provide to
contribute. They could, for example, choose to distribute dollars their highest and lowest poverty districts.
based on student enrollment — that is, provide all districts with
an equal amount for every student they serve. Or, they could While the overwhelming majority of states do provide more
allocate dollars based on district need, taking into account each state dollars to their highest poverty districts than their lowest
district’s fiscal capacity and the characteristics of the students it poverty districts, the relative size of those additional allocations
serves. These decisions can have a profound effect on the resources varies greatly. Nine states, for example, provide more than twice
districts receive and the educational opportunities they provide. as much (i.e., more than a 100 percent difference) in state funds
to their highest poverty districts compared with their lowest
So are states allocating more state dollars to their highest poverty districts. At the other end of the spectrum, two states
poverty districts? And if so, how much more? Figure 4 shows provide roughly the same amount to districts, regardless of
poverty.
500%
450%
400%
350%
300%
READING THIS FIGURE: In New Jersey, the highest poverty districts receive 439 percent more in state dollars per student than the lowest poverty districts. As in
Figure
250%3, Vermont was excluded because the state tabulates revenue sources differently from other states, and Alaska, Hawaii, and Nevada were excluded because
they do not appear in any of the other state-by-state analyses. States are ordered based on unrounded percentages.20
200%
150%
100%
50%
0%
RI
OH
OR
CO
NJ
NH
KS
NC
NE
NM
ND
CT
PA
CA
OK
WY
WI
KY
WA
UT
NY
LA
WV
GA
IL
IA
IN
ID
DE
TX
TN
MA
MD
ME
MN
MO
MS
MT
SD
FL
SC
AZ
AL
AR
VA
MI
READING THIS FIGURE: In New Jersey, the highest poverty districts receive 439 percent more in state dollars per student than the lowest poverty districts. As in
Figure 3, Vermont was excluded because the state tabulates revenue sources differently from other states, and Alaska, Hawaii, and Nevada were excluded because
they do not appear in any of the other state-by-state analyses. States are ordered based on unrounded percentages.19
In this analysis, Illinois ranks at or near the bottom of the list in terms of gaps in funding between
districts with the highest and lowest percentages of students from low-income families and students
of color. While the state contributes slightly more to high poverty districts than low poverty districts
and provides the highest poverty districts with about half of their total funding, state efforts are not
enough to make up for the tremendous disparities in local funding between the highest and lowest
poverty districts. These are patterns we also observed in our 2015 report.
To improve the equity in Illinois’ education funding policy, Advance Illinois, a statewide education
advocacy organization, led a coalition to change the state’s funding formula. Those efforts were
strongly informed by the Funding Gaps 2015 report.
“Funding Gaps 2015 showed how inequitable Illinois’ funding system had
become. The data helped galvanize support for a more equitable approach
to providing state dollars,” said Ben Boer, deputy director, Advance Illinois.
Due to the work of Advance Illinois and others, the state adopted a new school funding formula in
August 2017 that prescribes a more equitable distribution of state dollars to the neediest districts. The
formula takes into account the cost of providing a high-quality education to all students as well as
local property wealth. Other goals underlying the new funding formula include closing existing funding
gaps, improving stability of state funding allocations, ensuring that no district loses state funding, and
encouraging districts to reduce reliance on local property taxes for school funding.20
These changes went into effect in the 2017–18 school year — well after the education funding data
that are reflected in this year’s analysis were collected. It will be a number of years before these
reforms are evident in the school district financial data used in these analyses.
RI
OH
OR
CO
NJ
NM
NC
KS
ND
NE
LA
CA
KY
PA
WA
OK
WI
UT
CT
WY
NY
GA
IN
ID
IA
IL
DE
TN
TX
MN
MA
MI
MO
MS
MD
MT
SC
SD
FL
AR
AZ
AL
VA
READING THIS FIGURE: In Ohio, districts serving the most students of color receive 28 percent more in state and local funds per student than districts serving
the fewest students of color. In states shaded in dark green, the districts serving the most students of color receive at least 15 percent more state and local funds
than the lowest poverty districts; light green shading indicates that districts serving the most students of color receive between 5 and 15 percent more. In states
shaded in dark red, districts serving the most students of color receive at least 15 percent less state and local funds than districts serving the fewest students of
color; light red shading indicates that the districts serving the most students of color receive between 5 and 15 percent less. Gray shading indicates similar levels
of funding for the districts serving the most and fewest students of color. States are ordered and classified as providing more or less funding to their districts with
the most students of color based on unrounded percentages.24
Conclusion
Whether you look at the national numbers or the state-by-state and remedy the funding inequities described in this report. We
numbers, the pattern is disturbing: in more than half of states, also hope that the work doesn’t stop there. The ways in which
districts with the highest poverty rates do not receive more dollars are spent matter too, and making sure that students
funding to account for that increased need. And in 14 states, the have equitable access to other resources — such as high-quality
districts with the most students of color get at least 5 percent less rigorous curricula, effective teaching, and safe and supportive
funding than districts with the lowest percentage of students of learning environments — is just as important for fulfilling our
color. These funding inequities are not new — they have been commitment to achieve educational equity for students from low-
documented and debated for decades. But there has been real income families and students of color.
progress in some states, and we hope this work serves as a tool
to help advocates and state leaders continue to identify, assess,
1. This report draws heavily on a previous report: Natasha costs using the American Community Survey-based 2013–2015
Ushomirsky and David Williams, “Funding Gaps 2015” Comparable Wage Index obtained from Dr. Lori Taylor at Texas
(Washington, D.C.: The Education Trust, 2015), https://edtrust.org/ A&M University. Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Consumer Price
resource/funding-gaps-2015/. Index-All Urban Consumers, U.S. City Average,” http://data.bls.
gov/pdq/querytool. jsp?survey=cu, (Downloaded August 2017)
2. In addition, federal funds make up a relatively small share of
and Lori Taylor, School of Government and Public Service at Texas
public education funding. In 2013–2014, federal funds represented
A&M University, “ACS-based CWI 2013–2015,” http://bush.tamu.
8.7 percent of revenues for public elementary and secondary
edu/research/faculty/TaylorCWI/ (Received November 2017).
schools across the nation. See, National Center for Education
Statistics, Digest of Education Statistics (2016), “Table 235.10: 8. U.S. Census Bureau, “Small Area Income and Poverty Estimates
Revenues for public elementary and secondary schools, by source by School District, 2014–2015,” http://www.census.gov/did/www/
of funds: Selected years, 1919–20 through 2013–14,” https://nces. saipe/data/schools/data/index.html (Downloaded August 2017).
ed.gov/programs/digest/d16/tables/dt16_235.10.asp
9. National Center for Education Statistics, “Common Core of Data,
3. This body of work includes, but is not limited to: Bruce D. Local Education Agency (School District) Universe Survey Data,
Baker, Danielle Farrie, Monete Johnson, Theresa Luhm, and 2014–15,” http://nces.ed.gov/ccd/pubagency.asp (Downloaded
David G. Sciarra, “Is School Funding Fair? A National Report August 2017).
Card,” (Newark, N.J.: Rutgers Graduate School of Education
10. This represents the group of students who have been historically
and Education Law Center, seventh edition, 2018), http://www.
underserved in our educational system. The count of students of
schoolfundingfairness.org/; Matthew M. Chingos and Kristin
color for Hawaii includes Asian American and Pacific Islander
Blagg, “Do Poor Kids get their Fair Share of School Funding?”
students, in addition to Black, Latino, and American Indian.
(Washington, D.C.: Urban Institute, 2017) https://www.urban.
Hawaii is not included in the within-state funding gap analysis
org/sites/default/files/publication/90586/school_funding_brief.
since it has only one district, but it is included in the national
pdf; and Raegen Miller and Diana Epstein, “There Still Be Dragons:
analysis.
Racial Disparity in School Funding Is No Myth,” (Washington,
D.C.: Center for American Progress, July 2011), https://www. 11. The Community Eligibility Provision allows high-poverty schools
americanprogress.org/issues/education/report/2011/07/05/9943/ and school districts to offer free meals to all enrolled students
there-still-be-dragons/. Examples of organizations working to without collecting household applications to determine eligibility
increase funding equity in their states include Advance Illinois, for free meals. While expansion of this important provision
Education Law Center, and Mexican American Legal Defense and increases low-income students’ access to meals and reduces
Education Fund. administrative burden for school districts, it may also mean that
some children who are not from low-income families may be
4. Each quartile is comprised of districts that serve roughly a quarter
included in the counts of students eligible for free or reduced-
of all students nationwide (for the national analyses) or statewide
price lunch. See, Tom Snyder and Lauren Musu-Gillette, “Free or
(for the within-state analyses).
Reduced Price Lunch: A Proxy for Poverty?,” National Center for
5. Marguerite Roza and Larry Miller, “Title I to Help High-Poverty Education Statistics (NCES) Blog, April 16, 2015, https://nces.ed.gov/
Schools: How Title I Funds Fit Into District Allocation Patterns” blogs/nces/post/free-or-reduced-price-lunch-a-proxy-for-poverty.
(Seattle: Center on Reinventing Public Education, August 2005),
12. C. Kirabo Jackson, Rucker C. Johnson, and Claudia Persico,
https://www.crpe.org/publications/strengthening-title-i-help-high-
“The effects of school spending on educational and economic
poverty-schools-how-title-i-funds-fit-district-0; and Daria Hall and
outcomes: Evidence from school finance reforms,” The Quarterly
Natasha Ushomirsky, “Close the Hidden Funding Gaps in Our
Journal of Economics, 131, no. 1 (2016): 157–218, https://doi.
Schools” (Washington, D.C.: The Education Trust, April 2010),
org/10.1093/qje/qjv036
https://edtrust.org/resource/close-the-hidden-funding-gaps-in-our-
schools/. 13. See, for example, Grover J. Whitehurst and Matthew M. Chingos,
“Class Size: What Research Says and What it means for State
6. U.S. Census Bureau, “Public Elementary and Secondary Education
Policy,” (Washington, D.C.: Brown Center on Education Policy
Finance Data, 2013–2015,” https://www.census.gov/programs-
at Brookings, 2011). Retrieved from https://www.brookings.edu/
surveys/school-finances.html (Downloaded August 2017). Because
wp-content/uploads/2016/06/0511_class_size_whitehurst_chingos.
the Census Bureau data on which this analysis relies do not include
pdf; Michael Hurwitz and Jessica Howell, “Measuring the Impact
independently operated charter schools or districts that only
of High School Counselors on College Enrollment” (Washington,
operate charter schools, our analyses exclude these districts.
D.C.: The College Board, 2013). Retrieved from http://media.
7. We adjusted for inflation using the Bureau of Labor Statistics’ collegeboard.com/digitalServices/pdf/advocacy/policycenter/
Consumer Price Index and for regional variation in labor market research-brief-measuring-impact-high-school-counselors-
college-enrollment.pdf; and Joseph A. Taylor, et al., “The Effect
of an Analysis-of-Practice, Videocase-Base, Teacher Professional
Development Program on Elementary Students’ Science
Achievement,” Journal of Research on Educational Effectiveness 10, no.
2 (2017): 241–271. Retrieved from http://www.tandfonline.com/
doi/abs/10.1080/19345747.2016.1147628.
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