Morphological Variation Study For Sociolinguistics
Morphological Variation Study For Sociolinguistics
Morphological Variation Study For Sociolinguistics
IN DAVAO CITY
A Research Study
Presented to
By
May 2018
INTRODUCTION
Shochurva ng chacha
Boom tiyayavush
Tiyayavush chenes
Boom tiyayavush
Tiyayavush chenes
Funny and queer as it may seem, this gay specific argot of the children’s playsong
“Bubuka ang Bulaklak” signal a new age in sexual identity and culture of the Lesbian, Gay,
Bisexual, Transgender and Queer (LGBTQ) society in the Philippines. The jocular switching of
codes, blithe exchange of verbal wit, and the garish voices of the loud and proud gays secured
the existence of a social dialect endemic to the Philippine gay culture – the Swardspeak.
Born as a coded talk, it has propagated into different variations and forms. The
Swardspeak is a mishmash of different lects like Filipino, Spanish, English, Japanese and some
recognized Polari codes. Cayabyab (2013) in her article Chuva Chenes Atbp: A Beginner
mentioned that the gay language is funny and irreverent all at the same time. It is a language
that is sophisticated and vulgar, serious and light, timely and timeless (Remoto, 2008). This gay
uses other elements, such as names of famous personalities, trademark brands, national issues
and local dialects to a whole new flair of lively and animated repartee.
Swardspeak is a variation of the many gay languages in the world. It has proliferated and
has become influential in language and sexuality that linguists devoted their time in the study of
the lavender linguistics (the study of the gay language). William Leap in 1995, edited a book
entitled “Beyond the Lavender Lexicon”, he summarized the overwhelming bulk of research that
had been conducted on queer language. The emergence of this study purports the exploration
expanded the domain of the Lavender Linguistics. Other queer languages are the Polari of the
UK and Gayle or Gail of South Africa. It has become popular and unstoppable that
Sociolinguists made concerted effort to put into perspective this new form of communication.
The advent of linguistic revolution, advancement of social media and support in gay
rights has led to the social acceptance of general population to the gay community. Decoo in
2014 cited Keleher and Smith (2012) study “Growing Support for Gay and Lesbian Equality
Since 1990” that public acceptance of gays and lesbians has grown dramatically.
This development leads to the proliferation of the gay discourse worldwide and in the
Philippines in particular. It can never be denied that the language is becoming a part of the
mainstream. The most popular television and radio shows, advertisements and social media, to
name a few, use this language to interact with their clienteles. Remoto (2008) mentioned that the
gay language has even become a mediator among the many languages spoken in the country. He
further added that it has generated so many words and idioms that have been inserted in the
giving way to new lexicons from emerging trends, popular personalities and current events that
shape the society. It has been prevalent throughout the Philippines, and is being used by the
This once hard to break slang is a veiled conveyance among the members of the Lesbian
Gay Bisexual Transvestite and Queer (LGBTQ) community to cloak the content of their
conversation or their ardent sexual desires. The need for discretion has resulted into a creation of
gay lexicons which gives the LGBTQ the opportunity to establish their own individuality and
propensity.
The flamboyant culture of the gay community in the Philippines has become
overwhelmingly influential in language that some Filipinos have become accustomed to the
words. Swardspeak, chiswisang Baklush, Bekimon or Bekinese, the different derivatives of the
local gay lingo, is being spoken by the Bakler, Baklush, Bading, Bakla or the Beki. It is also
spoken by gay and babaeng bakla, women who associate exclusively or mostly with gay men
(Salao, 2010).
Jose Javier Reyes to columnist and movie critic Nestor Torre. Reyes himself devoted a book on
the subject titled Swardspeak: A Preliminary Study. No other term has replaced Swardspeak in
local usage since the 70s but Ronald Baytan (in his essay “Language, Sex, and Insults: Notes on
Garcia and Remoto’s The Gay Dict”) opines that the term sward these days has become
anachronistic, making it improper to call the language of the gay people as “Swardspeak”
Focus the Filipino Gayspeak (Filipino Gay Lingo)”, said that gayspeak observes no rules as far
as its structure is concerned but its “evolution is rapid , like the ‘queens’ who have started to
break the walls of the subculture.” He cited the word chaka (meaning cheap) and how it evolved
from “chapter, champaka, chapacola, or chararat to champorado, chapluk, chapa, chop suey
and champola.”
issues related to non-heterosexuality from different fields, little considerable attention has yet
been given to the morphological variations in the use of gay language in the locality.
MORPHOLOGICAL VARIATION
Meecham and Rees-Miller study in 2001 "Language in Social Contexts" it was explained
phonology and meaning while Variation in language is a characteristic where it can be spoken
and written in a lot ways for the same thing. Speakers may vary pronunciation (accent), word
Morphological variation is the study of the way language varies and changes in
communities of speakers and concentrates in particular on the interaction of social factors (such
as a speaker's gender, ethnicity, age, degree of integration into their community, etc) and
linguistic structures (such as sounds, grammatical forms, intonation features, words, etc) Britain
(2016).
The way language changes and gives rise to new varieties is not something new.
change because it is a living organism. New words and new uses are being coined at a furious
The studies on morphological variations concentrated on the way language varies and
changes. It explains the dynamics of how gender and identity expression are conceptualized and
articulated based on an interphase of social class, economic status, ethnic affiliation and
educational background.
This study determined the most common gay terms used in gay discourses and analyzed
METHODS
Research Site
The study was conducted in three areas in Davao City: beauty parlors within the
Bangkerohan market, Guadalupe Village in Matina Pangi and Boyz Town and The Grid bars in
Jacinto Extension and Bajada Street respectively. The research sites were selected based on the
perceived notion that these sites provide different types of respondents. The beauty parlors in
Bangkerohan were the areas that loud and proud gays converge. They had no inhibitions and
were very much open to speaking the language. The bamboo bridge in Guadalupe Village in
Matina Pangi was the second site where the younger generations of gay frequent. And, the last
site was the Boyz Town and The Grid Bars were bisexuals, straight men and the “babaeng bakla”
The investigation was descriptive in nature as it determined the common terms in gay
discourse and analyzed the morphological variations in the structure of gay language in Davao
City.
Respondents
This study involved twenty (20) homosexuals, bisexuals and straight girls (who know how
to speak the gay language) in Davao City. Five (5) were certified homosexuals and transvestites
working from different beauty parlors in Bangkerohan and Matina areas, five (5) young gays and
five (5) gay professionals from different institutions and five (5) straight girls (babaeng bakla)
Instrument/Tool
The first instrument used in this research work was observation. The researcher talked to
members of the gay community in their work (beauty parlors) and at BoyzTown Karaoke Bar
where bisexuals and homosexuals converge. Notes were taken from face to face conversation to
observe the behavior, obtain the codes, and pronunciation style of the speakers. The difficulty of
this method is the problem of obtaining the full transcript of the conversation. Participants were
not be able to concentrate for either they entertain incoming customers or talk to their dates in
the bar.
The researcher employed the method of written questionnaire in collecting data to aid the
personal observation that was previously conducted. The questionnaires were either given to
them at their convenience or sent through a private message on Facebook. Not everyone had
access to computers and the best and most convenient way to answer the questionnaire was using
the messenger app on their mobile phones. The questionnaires were written in English and
Filipino. The demographic profile of the respondents was not included because the information
Before the actual data gathering during the one-on-one interview, the researcher introduced
himself, provided the title of the research and explained the nature of the study. Some of the
respondents did not want to be named. The researcher assured them that it will be confidential
and no personal information will be disclosed in study. The participants were asked to list at least
thirty (30) codes which they often use in their interaction whenever they are with members of the
LGBTQ community. They were asked to provide the meaning, context clues and language
function for each code if possible. They will need to classify the function, its meaning and how
the words are formed. The second task was to translate a paragraph in gay language to spot
patterns of similarities and how these codes function in the sentence. For those who received the
survey online, they were asked to send their answers to the researchers’ messenger account.
Data Analysis
members of any society are different in terms of social variables such as age, gender, affiliation a
level of education and etc. Languages are also affected by change and this may be due to various
extra linguistic factors which can be political, social and economic. The investigation has proven
that the speech of the gay community has been affected by a number of social and external
pressures, thus promoting morphological variation in the usage of the gay language.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS
Table 1 showed fifty (50) frequently used codes by transvestites, gays, bisexuals and
women (babaeng bayot) in their discourses. The codes were taken from the survey form which
the respondents filled out. Data were obtained from beauty parlors, cruising points of LGBTQ
(Boyztown and Grid Bars) and neighboring points in Crossing Matina where younger generation
of gays merged. The researcher accordingly listed the codes based on the frequency of use. The
highest frequency was first on the list and so on and so forth. The codes with the same meaning
were grouped together and the number of frequencies was indicated respectively.
The language functions specified were nouns, adjectives, adverbs, verbs and phrases. The
numbers indicated on the left side of the frequency column are the highest that came out in the
tally. Codes that convey the same meaning were grouped together and the highest in number was
used in the sentence. It was noticed that codes that pertain to or associated with beauty and sex
are on the top list. It could be assumed that respondents were generally artful in nature and that
their work in some way or another revolved around beauty. Sex had never been a taboo topic
among the respondents. It was pretty normal part of the conversation and almost all of these
respondents were also aware of the stigma of AIDS associated with the homosexual community.
According to the participants of the survey, the Davao City lingo grew and evolved
according to the passage of time. The user of the language must be adept to currents trends,
issues and famous personalities to understand the flow of the discourse. They added that the
codes may also vary depending on where the speaker stay, ethnic background, and the kind of
lifestyle the speaker follows – all these contribute to variations in the usage of codes.
The codes, however, do not follow a particular rule. Based on the table, what was codified as
a standard word and has been generally accepted by the majority may take a different meaning in
the gay lingo. Take the word “thundercats”, it means “old” in the gay discourse. But, in the
relations with.” There were other codes in the table (e.g. “Lani Misalucha” means rain, “katkat”
means social climber, “foundation day” means make up and etc…) mentioned that defy the
Table 2: Sample gay conversation in Bangkerohan beauty parlor and at Boyz Town/The Grid
Gay 3: Betsung ko siya ... sa sightseeing ko dakota harrison ang notes niya.
Gay 4: Girl... antibiotic ka stop na pagka reklamo kay Thunder Cats na ka ...
Grab mo na ang opportunity para ma hammer na ang imuhang uranus
Gay 5: Maam performance artist sa ko run kay variables lang ang akuang money..
lisud pud basin ma ABCDHIV ko …. Famous baya na siya na sholbam.
Parlorista 1: Besh crayola khomeni ang blusang itim gabii...na shokits ang gorz ever sa
chopopo na boylet… chizmax
Parlorista 3: Baki na warlush jud ko pero kish lang maski embirikish shukim di man pud to
shungayan ang callbam.
Parlorista 1: Lilet ayaw ug sige shunga diha ...waswasi ning mga shugwig.... kaning jubelita
nang juping napud ni gabii mao na magshunga..
Parlorista 5: Agoy kahadlok… lilet para ma nose lift nimo ang pa lovey pirmi ma Aida
Macaraeg shukaw… chizmiz.
Table 2 showed some transcription of the conversations during the face to face interview.
It showed some techniques on how to coin, clip, borrow, repeat and use words as some form of
figure of speech to illustrate what was being meant (thorough discussion and illustration of these
It was also confirmed by the respondents that the morphological structure of the codes
may also vary depending on their affiliation, ethnic/educational background and social/economic
standing in the community. Though a lot of words maybe common to all respondents but some
The gays in beauty parlors and younger gays in the Matina Pangi were noted to speak
with speed and almost all words spoken were coded. The pronunciation and intonation of the
words for beauty parlor gays in Bangkerohan and the younger gays in the Matina Pangi were
distinct and loud as compared to gays who hang out in the bars. The bisexuals, babaeng bakla
and the discreet men in BoyzTown and The Grid were more refined and did not speak in
In their conversation, code switching (English and Tagalog) was prevalent. These were the
gays that belong to the academe, business and tourism sector and therefore, were well educated
that some terms were borrowed from the jargons of their own occupation. The comparison can
Besh crayola khomeni and blusang item gabii… na shotkits ang gorz ever sa chopopo na
boylet…. Chizmax
Baki na warlush jud ko pero kish lang maski embirikish shukim di man pud to shungayan ang
callbam.
Girl... antibiotic ka stop na pagka reklamo kay Thunder Cats na ka ... Grab mo na ang
opportunity para ma hammer na ang imuhang Uranus
It was admitted by the gay language practitioners that their everyday usage of the language
influences the way they converse with non-practitioners of the gay lingo. Even during formal transactions
they may speak out the codes causing difficulty in the communication process.
In some instances, most gays may get the meaning of “keri” as being able to carry a dress
in a particular event or being able to surmount a problem. But, only a handful of gays know that
keri came from the name of Kerima Polotan Tuvera, a famous personality in literature. In the
same way, the alta sosyedad gays would use “neuro” referring to head or the local gay term
“Kayong mga drug lords sumuko na kayo kasi di ko kayo sasantuhin. Papatayin ko kayong
lahat. Tigbasin ko kayo. Paglalamayan kayo sa mga bahay ninyo. Sinasabi ko sa inyo pag di pa
kayo tumigil sa inyong pinaggagawa ay itumba ko kayo. Mga putang ina ninyo. Nakakaloko
kayo sa mga tao. Hindi ko kayo niloloko.”
Table number 2 revealed how some gay codes were used in the sentences. These showed the
malleability of the codes to fit into what was intended. The malleability property of the gay
codes was the ability to transform from a standard language function to gaylinguish language
function. It clearly showed some of the morphological processes in the formation of the gay
discourse. For example, “coffee party”, generally this function as a noun in the standard English
language. However, in the gaylinguish function it was being referred to as a “wake for the dead”
shown, most of the coded words undergo through the process of clipping or cutting of words
with affixation, borrowing and connotation through actions. Example of these processes are:
Tinker Bell drugs Tin (referred to the foil used in pot sessions)
suffix “itch”
Among the processes that were involved, cutting of words with affixation was the most used.
The use of gay lingo was first used to elude having other people understand what they are
talking about, especially when it comes to sexual desires or preferences. This is also a way of
creating one’s identity to the extent of defying social and cultural norms. Gay speak evolves
continuously, with obsolete words and phrases being replaced by new trends (famous
Asturiano (2015), in his blog “Overview: Philippine Gay Lingo” mentioned that
understanding is a lot easier than speaking the Filipino gay language. The mishmash of words
raises the difficulty to a higher level. It does not have any rules on spelling, grammar, and a lot
more of technical linguistics. He said that there are limitless chances to coin new words, and this
feature of the Philippine Gay Language makes it a language that cannot be encapsulated in a
dictionary because it keeps on growing. New words are added every day.
Despite of its lack of formal rules, there are certain ways or pattern on how to coin gay
words.
1. Borrowing – act of using words from other language and regional dialects.
The Davao gay lingo loan words from the following languages and dialects: English,
Spanish, Japanese, Tagalog, Hiligaynun and to some extent Maranao and Maguindanaoan
words but were not included in this study.
3. Affixation – suffixes like “sung”, “ever” etc are added to the words but does
For example:
or segment usually in consonant sound, like k and h changed to j; p, l and b to sh; and the
first syllable of a word is changed to ju, bo, sho, kyo, ki and nyo.
For example:
For example:
L Labot concern
CB Callbam callboy
For example:
For example:
10. Knowing the irregular words - Irregular words are words whose origins
cannot be established/known.
Examples:
Example:
RECOMMENDATION
The main concern of this research is to enrich studies on the gay culture, and to describe
and analyze the morphological features of the Swardspeak or the gay lingo. Though it is not
structured, it is recommended that we study the language because in our society the gay speech
communities are almost everywhere. They now occupy important seats in the government, they
sway their hips like forever in the entertainment industry and they are relevant force in the
It is also recommended that when we talk about morphological variation, we must also
look into the many differences in the speech community to explain and analyze its linguistic
diversity.
CONCLUSION
The morphological variation and the analysis of the gay language structure is the
focal point of the study. It must consider the structure of words and parts of words, such as
stems, root words, prefixes, and suffixes. It must also take note of the continuous evolution of
the usage of words in the speech of the gay community. Based on the analysis and thorough
study of the morphological structure of the gay codes, it can be concluded that it borrowing,
coining and clipping are the most common process in the morphological evolution of the gay
codes.
according to social affiliation, educational background and economic standing. The growing
penchant towards the gay language of the Dabawenyos has made it a mediator between the
standardized dialects in the region. It was suggested that a thorough consideration of studying
this gay discourse will open its doors in the realm of linguistic anthropology.
Our analysis has permitted us to conclude that the morphological variation have shed
light on the linguistic situation of gay communities in Davao City. The researcher has found out
that the Davao gay lingo is such a complex speech. It has shown a great deal of morphological
variation that led to answer the research questions. It can be concluded that there are gargantuan
gay codes available in the community. In such a way that a presently single gay code can have
various permutations, that a word can be read or uttered in complete reverse and that a
completely unknown word may have its lexicon in the gay lingo (e.g. wiz).
In the lexical categories of the gay words, only five out of the eight (8) parts of speech
were involved. They were the following: adjective, adverb, noun, verb and pronoun. Based on
the data gathered, the common morphological processes observed among gay respondents are:
clipping with affixation, straight words with affixation and common nouns and proper nouns.
Findings in the analysis demonstrated that the younger gays and those working in the
beauty parlors are more convergent in gay speech than their bisexuals/babaeng bakla
counterparts. And, finally, it can be concluded that social, cultural in addition to educational
norms, were the contributors of language variation and change in the gay community.
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