North South University

School of Humanities & Social Sciences

Department of History and Philosophy

Course Name: Emergence of Bangladesh

Course Code & Section No: HIS103(23)

Quiz-3
Submitted to:
Dr. Abdus Samad (ABS3)

Submitted by:
Muhammad Faiyam Shafiq
ID:1911819630
Email: Muhammad.shafiq01@northsouth.edu
Phone:01768669123
 Pakistan Politics In 1960s &The Emergence Of
Bangladesh

Pakistan politics in 1960s: February 1960, an eleven-member constitutional commission

was established. The commission's recommendations for direct elections, vital legislative and
judicial organs, free political parties, and defined limitations on presidential authority went against
Ayub Khan's government, so he ordered other committees to make revisions.
The 1962 Constitution retained some aspects of the Republic's Islamic nature but omitted the word
Islamic in its original version; amid protests, Ayub Khan added that word later. The President
would be a Muslim, and the Advisory Council of Islamic Ideology and the Islamic Research
Institute were established to assist the government in reconciling all legislation with the Quran's
tenets and the sunna. Since their functions were advisory and the President appointed their
members, the Ulama had no real power base. Ayub Khan sought to retain certain aspects of his
dominant authority in the 1962 Constitution, which ended the martial law period. The document
created a presidential system in which he remained contemptuous of lawyer-politicians and handed
over power to his fellow army officers. Ayub Khan used two main approaches to governing in his
first few years. He concentrated on consolidating power and intimidating the opposition. He also
aimed to establish the groundwork for future stability by altering the economic, legal, and
constitutional institutions. Efforts were made to popularise the regime while the opposition was
muzzled. Ayub Khan maintained a high public profile, often taking trips expressly to 'meet the
people.' He was also aware of the need to address some of the acute grievances of East Pakistan.
To the extent possible, only Bangali members of the civil service were posted in the East Wing;
previously, many of the officers had been from the West Wing and knew neither the region nor
the language. Dhaka was designated the legislative capital of Pakistan, while the newly created
Islamabad became the administrative capital. Central government bodies, such as the Planning
Commission, were now instructed to hold regular Dhaka sessions. Public investment in East
Pakistan increased, although private investment remained heavily skewed in favor of West
Pakistan. The Ayub Khan regime was so highly centralized, however, in the absence of democratic
institutions, the development that took place during his regime remained more or less a West
Pakistan affair.

The emergence of Bangladesh: In February 1966, a national conference was held in Lahore, where
all the opposition parties convened to discuss their differences and shared interests. The central issue discussed
was the Tashkent Declaration. Most significant was the noticeable under-representation from East Pakistan.
About 700 persons attended the conference, but only twenty-one were from the East Wing. They were led by
sheik mujibur Rahman of the Awami League, who presented his famous six-point program for the autonomy
of East Pakistan. The Six-Points consisted of the demands that the government is federal and parliamentary,
its members elected by universal adult suffrage with legislative representation based on the distribution of the
population; that the federal government has principal responsibility for foreign affairs and defense only; that
each wing has its currency and separate fiscal accounts; that taxation occurs at the provincial level, with a
federal government funded by constitutionally guaranteed grants; that each federal unit controls its earnings
of foreign exchange; and that each unit raises its militia or paramilitary forces.
Ayub Khan reacted to the Six-Point Programme by alternating conciliation and repression.
Disorder spread. The army moved into Dhaka and Khulna to restore order. In rural areas of East
Pakistan, a curfew was ineffective; local officials sensed government control ebbing and began
retreating from the incipient rural revolt. In February, Ayub Khan released political prisoners,
invited the Democratic Action Committee and others to meet him in Rawalpindi, promised a new
constitution, and assured that he would not stand for re-election in 1970.
On 25 March 1969, martial law was again proclaimed; General aga Mohammad Yahya khan, the
chief's army commander, was designated chief martial law administrator (CMLA). The 1962
Constitution was abrogated, Ayub Khan announced his resignation, and Yahya Khan assumed the
presidency. Yahya Khan soon promised elections based on adult franchise to the National
Assembly, which would draw up a new constitution. He also entered into discussions with leaders
of political parties.

The new administration formed a committee of deputy and provincial martial law administrators
that functioned above government civil machinery. The generals held power and were no longer
the supporting arm of the civilians, elected or bureaucratic, as they had been throughout much of
the country's history. In the past, every significant change of government had relied, in large part,
on the allegiance of the military. However, Yahya Khan and his military advisers proved no more
capable of overcoming their problems than their predecessors. The attempt to establish a military
hierarchy running parallel to and supplanting the civilian administration's authority inevitably
ruptured the bureaucratic-military alliance, on which efficiency and stability depended. Little
effort was made to promote a national program.
These weaknesses were not immediately apparent but became so as events moved quickly toward
a crisis in East Pakistan. On 28 November 1969, Yahya Khan made a nationwide broadcast
announcing his proposals to return to constitutional government. General elections for the National
Assembly were set for 5 October 1970 but were postponed to December due to a severe cyclone
that hit the coast of East Pakistan. The National Assembly was obliged within 120 days to draw
up a new constitution, which would permit maximum provincial autonomy. However, Yahya Khan
made it clear that the federal government would require powers of taxation well beyond those
contemplated by the Six-Points of the Awami League. He also reserved the right to 'authenticate'
the constitution. On 1 July 1970, the One-Unit Plan was dissolved into the four original provinces.
Yahya Khan also determined that representation to national assembly would be based on
population. This arrangement gave East Pakistan 162 seats (plus seven reserved for women) versus
138 seats (plus six for women) for the West Wing provinces.
The first general election conducted in Pakistan based on one person, one vote, was held on 7
December 1970; elections to provincial legislative assemblies followed three days later. The voting
was heavy. Yahya Khan kept his promise of free and fair elections. The Awami League won a
massive victory in East Pakistan, for it was directly elected to 160 of the 162 seats and thus gained
a majority in the National Assembly. The Pakistan People's Party won a large majority in the West
Wing, especially in Punjab and Sindh, but no seats in the East Wing. In the North-West Frontier
Province and Baluchistan, the National Awami Party won a plurality of the seats. The Muslim
League and the Islamic parties did poorly in the west and were not represented in the east.
Any constitutional agreement depended on the consent of three persons: Sheikh Mujib, accredited
leader of East Pakistan, Bhutto of West Pakistan, and Yahya Khan, as the ultimate authenticator
representing the military government. As an intermediary and head of state, Yahya Khan tried to
persuade Bhutto and Mujib to come to some accommodation. This effort proved unsuccessful as
Mujib insisted on his right as the majority's leader to form a government, a stand at variance with
Bhutto, who claimed 'two majorities' in Pakistan. Bhutto declared that his party would not attend
the inaugural session of the assembly, thereby making the establishment of civilian government
difficult.
On 1 March 1971, Yahya Khan, who earlier had referred to Mujib as the 'future prime minister of
Pakistan,' dissolved his civilian cabinet and declared an indefinite postponement of the National
Assembly. In East Pakistan, the reaction was immediate. Strikes, demonstrations, and civil
disobedience increased in tempo until there was open revolt. Directed by Sheikh Mujib, Bangalis
declared that they would pay no taxes and ignore martial law regulations on press and radio
censorship. The writ of the central government all but ceased to exist in East Pakistan. As a reaction
to Yahya's act, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman declared virtual independence of East Pakistan at a
mammoth gathering at the Ramna Racecourse (now Suhrawardy Udyan) on 7 March 1971. A
successful civil disobedience movement was launched from the following day.
However, Mujib, Bhutto, and Yahya Khan held negotiations in Dhaka in late March in a last-ditch
attempt to defuse the growing crisis; simultaneously, General tikka khan, who commanded the
Pakistani forces in East Pakistan, prepared a contingency plan for a military takeover and called
for troop reinforcements to be flown in via Sri Lanka. In an atmosphere of distrust and suspicion,
the talks broke down, and on 25 March, Yahya Khan and Bhutto flew back to West Pakistan.
Tikka Khan's emergency plan went into operation. Roadblocks and barriers appeared all over
Dhaka. Sheikh Mujib was taken into custody and flown to the West Wing to stand trial for treason.
A genocide regime was launched on 25 March by attacking universities and other resistance places
and killing teachers, students, and political workers indiscriminately. The tempo of violence of the
military crackdown during these first days soon developed into a full-blown war of liberation,
resulting in the emergence of independent sovereign Bangladesh.