Journal of Vacation Marketing Volume 15 Number 3

Scary food: Commodifying culinary heritage as

meal adventures in tourism

Szilvia Gyimóthy* and Reidar Johan Mykletun

Received (in revised form): September 2008
Anonymously refereed paper

*Department of Service Management, Lund University/Campus Helsingborg, Box 882, 25108

Helsingborg, Sweden.
E-mail: szilvia.gyimothy@msm.lu.se

Szilvia Gyimóthy, PhD, is Associate Professor designing tourist experiences. Against all odds, this
at the Department of Service Management, Lund peculiar relic of Nordic gastronomy (salted, smoked
University, Campus Helsingborg (Sweden). She and cooked sheep’s head) has become a part of the
has an extensive teaching experience in services destination brand of Voss, a small West Norwegian
marketing and tourism studies in Scandinavia. township, renowned for its topographic qualities
Her main field of interest is studying leisure con- related to extreme sports. In order to understand the
sumption by multidisciplinary approaches, including
recent success of Smalahove, we studied various
culinary experience concepts offered to visitors. Based
phenomenological and narrative analysis. Her
on data from a mixed-method case study approach,
research has focuses on the competitive strengths
we found that entrepreneurs in the Voss region had
of product symbolism, studying brand mythologies developed a new commodification approach to a
of Danish Inns, mid-market hotels, destinations culinary heritage. Smalahove is marketed not only
and adventure festivals. as a nostalgic and authentic rural dish, but also as
a challenging culinary trophy appealing to thrill-
Reidar Johan Mykletun, PhD, is Professor in seeking consumers. The implications of the Sheep’s
organizational psychology at the Norwegian School head case are twofold. First, it represents new com-
of Hotel Management, University of Stavanger in mercial potentials for marketing ‘extreme’ culinary
Norway. His research experience covers a wide specialties. Second, it is an example of innovative
field ranging from adventure tourism and experi- rural destination branding, by which local dishes are
ences, festivals and events, and work-related issues
not mere idyllic expressions of an agricultural past,
but an opportunity to open up potential new avenues
like entrepreneurship, leadership and workforce
for the co-branding of rural destinations and regional
turnover. He is Editor in Chief of the Scandinavian
food products.
Journal of Hospitality and Tourism, and member
of the Royal Norwegian Scientific Academy, Class
of Humanities. INTRODUCTION
As culinary consumption has gained a more
ABSTRACT prominent place in leisure and tourism, foreign
KEYWORDS: adventure tourism, authen- food and cooking has received much attention
ticity, destination marketing, food tourism, in recent tourism studies (Cohen and Avieli, Journal of Vacation Marketing
gastronomy 2004; Hall and Sharples, 2003; Hansen et al., Vol. 15 No. 3, 2009, pp. 259–273
© The Authors, 2009. Reprints
2005; Hjalager and Corigliani, 2000; Hjalager and permissions:
This article portrays the changing status and use and Richards, 2002). This increased interest http://www.sagepub.co.uk/
journalsPermissions.nav
of a traditional Norwegian meal, Smalahove, in may be attributed to the fact that meals, apart DOI: 10.1177/1356766709104271

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from whatever interesting nutritional qualities COMMODIFYING CULINARY

they might have, also serve as tools of the re- HERITAGE
production and/or reinforcement of social Communicators in the emerging economy
relations and social status (Cohen and Avieli, of symbols (Sternberg, 1999), such as destin-
2004). Indeed, food has become a central ele- ation marketers frequently package rural food
ment in the new cultural matrix (Miele and products for lifestyle consumption along two
Murdoch, 2002). Gastronomy (just like design rhetorical processes: aestheticization (Miele and
and fashion) is an expressive form of art, there- Murdoch, 2002) and authentication (Welsch,
fore culinary products and dining contexts may 1996). Aestheticization refers to the increased
be regarded as fashion accessories expressing or role of style and aesthetic concerns emerging in
enhancing consumer identities. The growing everyday product concepts, including those of
interest in culinary products and traditions food, clothes, home design, and entertainment.
implies that food is also becoming a more im- Aesthetic food cultures are particularly present
portant factor in influencing tourists’ motiv- in mediated form: there is a proliferation of
ations for traveling to a particular destination. gastronomic sections in lifestyle magazines and
Today, food tourism takes many forms, television programs featuring eccentric artistic
ranging from gourmet tourism to rural tour- creations and gourmet products. Culinary
ism (Mitchell and Hall, 2003). These various heritage objects are aestheticized by prom-
forms call for diversified approaches when inent chefs, and are typically enshrined in a
marketing culinary products to different con- nostalgic rhetoric promoting slow food and
sumer groups. small-scale production.
The transformation of food into a lifestyle The visual appeal of meals may also be com-
commodity has strong strategic implications plemented by other, symbolic values. In the
for destination marketing (Hashimoto and past few years, provenance-labels have become
Telfer, 1999). Regional products and dishes important markers of exclusivity, stressing
feature as unique sales arguments in destination the importance of typicality and originality. The
branding, as they function as a ‘specific sensory authentication process involves the selection of
window’ (Telfer and Hashimoto, 2003: 158) certain products or preparation techniques as
into the culture, history and people of a place. traditional representatives of a place. Contem-
Traditional meals are thus powerful attractors porary gastronomic movements (for instance,
due to their symbolic value; they bear the Slow Food) endorse local specialties in order
potential of being an expression of local cul- to mark a unique regional identity, and
tures, and as such, palpable signifiers of thus, indirectly turn rural destinations into
regional identities and values (Hjalager and fashionable places to visit (Slow Food Inter-
Richards, 2002; Rusher, 2003). As emblematic national, 2008). Food product and place nar-
expressions of a place, ‘typical’ local food pro- ratives are often intertwined in destination
ducts may act as differentiators for tertiary advertisements, combining the rhetoric of
rural destinations, destinations otherwise not authenticity and a sense of place into a com-
capable of boasting of flagship attractions. In petitive synergy (Scarpato and Daniele, 2003).
Europe, rural destination development has Hence, gastronomic consumption in tourism
gained new momentum, as local or regional becomes increasingly ruled by culturally em-
food has become a competitive, packaged bedded symbols, along a stereotyped dichot-
part of the tourism product (Hall et al., 2003; omy of what is considered to be authentic in a
Miele and Murdoch, 2002). This article given context and what is not. Rural areas are
investigates traditional and novel commodi- marketed through terroir-specific agricultural
fication approaches of rural culinary heritage, products, to an extent that ‘regional identity
discussing its competitive potential and contri- becomes enshrined in bottles of wine and hunks
bution to place marketing. of cheese’ (Bell and Valentine, 1997: 34). Local

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food products, in turn, bear provenance labels meals may thus be seen as generalizations of
and geographical earmarks as a token of quality risk perceptions, expectancy vs. fear of un-
and regional typicality (European Union, pleasant tastes, and even avoidance of tactile
2002). As the postmodern eating experience is sensations of unknown food. Fischler (1988)
beset with symbolic motives, these meals and proposed a dichotomy spanning two different
food traditions are reinvented, transformed reactions to unfamiliar food. This dichotomy
and staged to fit tourists’ expectations and per- encompasses the terms neophilia, denoting a
ceptions of genuineness and aesthetic appeal love of tasting novel and untried dishes, and
(Crang, 1997). neophobia used to describe abhorrence of the
Ironically, the processes by which a local unknown. Paradoxically, human omniv-
culinary heritage is mobilized and reinvented orous behavior exhibits these tendencies
for lifestyle consumption are strikingly similar simultaneously, resulting in contradictions on
in rural areas across Europe. As Frochot (2003) different levels (Beardsworth and Keil, 1997).
notes, the great variation in regional food ingre- From a nutritional perspective, there is con-
dients, dishes and styles is not reflected in the flict between ensuring a varied and healthy
way in which food is presented in brochures. diet and avoiding intoxication. From an ex-
The co-branding of agrarian landscapes and periential perspective, there is also a tension
food is based on a few romantic culinary stereo- between wishing to try new flavors and
types, with iconic images of countryside idyll, avoiding unpleasant tastes.
organic farming and rural nostalgia. Life in the Hence, the phenomenon of scary food can
countryside is euphemized into an aesthetic be discussed as a socio-cultural construction.
stilleben of solidity, simplicity, genuineness and The scariness of foreign food is often defined
timelessness. Researchers have thus hitherto through its sensory otherness (in taste, smell
mainly focused on the role of local food as a or bouquet, texture, sound and sight), in the
fascinating attraction to tourist consumption. way it contrasts with our everyday fare. As
Meals and culinary traditions are discussed meal preferences are learnt and culturally
through a MacCannellian perspective of predetermined, unusual dishes may be appre-
staged authenticity (MacCannell, 1989), illu- ciated within some vaguely defined ranges.
minating packaging practices (food products Through experience we have learned to dis-
with provenance labels, food trails or food criminate between flavors and textures that
festivals) which appeal to sophisticated ‘grand are fresh and otherwise risk-free, and those
tourists’. However, the strong focus on the that are potentially dangerous. The actual
authenticity theme implies that other sym- tactile sensation of food on the lips, teeth
bolic interpretations of local meals remain and tongue may be assessed as an indicator of
hidden. We know little about alternative com- food quality and as to what is an acceptable
modification techniques that stress other dimen- food for swallowing. This sensation may be
sions of foreign food, for instance, unusual complemented with a characteristic sound or
tastes, textures or repulsive visual and olfactory swish; for instance, it appears to be a Danish
appeal. The next section reviews foreign conviction that steamed cod ‘must sing on
culinary specialties from this perspective. the teeth’, while it is chewed. Similarly, the
aromatic qualities and visual appearance of
a dish may already, at a distance, stimulate
SCARY FOOD AND ITS POTENTIAL IN our appetite (Johns, 2002). Alternatively,
TOURISM CONSUMPTION nauseating smells and food images may keep
Foreign food may be an ambivalent attrac- us away from eating certain dishes. Meals
tion; it may be not only fascinating, but also prepared from an animal’s head may offer a
strangely unfamiliar or even anxiety-triggering provoking sight, and the fact that this part
(Tuorila et al., 1994). Eating is an intimate of the animal is most heavily contaminated
act, as something external is inserted into the with bacteria may repel customers. The
organism through the mouth. The aversive objective (but rare) risks of being infected by
reactions to unknown food and strange Scrapie or Creutzfeld-Jacobs disease recently

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exposed in the media some years ago are still ram’s testicles, it is a proof of ‘being there’;
vivid in some consumers’ minds when they by partaking in local eating habits, they de-
order beef on holidays (Grimaldi, 2001). monstrate the personal courage necessary to
However, objective health risks and sensory cross culinary boundaries. To some extent,
stimuli are not the only criteria for defining the range of emotional reactions in food
frightening food. We may consider certain tourism resembles that of adventure tourism
dishes inappropriate for human consumption in general, including novelty-seeking, fear
because of culturally learnt (ethical, religious and thrill (Cater, 2006; Gyimóthy and
or emotional) perceptions. For westerners, the Mykletun, 2004; Hallin and Mykletun,
consumption of certain domesticated pets is 2006). Thus, scary exotic food may not only
a cultural food taboo, while cats and dogs are elicit emotional reactions like fear or disgust,
considered to be a delicacy in other parts of but also thrill and enjoyment, depending
the world. Eating animal heads – entailing an upon factors like experience, personality
eye-to-eye contact with the meal, so to speak and especially motivation for travel (Bello
– reminds us of the fact that the animal has been and Etzel, 1985; Crompton, 1979; Lee and
killed to serve as human food, thus provoking Crompton, 1992). As the backpacker example
uneasiness in some customers that living shows, adventurous tourists are neophilic
creatures must die in order for us to maintain towards strange food and this behaviour is
our life (Beardsworth and Keil, 1997). indicative of challenge-seeking motives. This
The enjoyment of exotic meals is also closely opens up interesting questions of whether
entwined with the strangeness discourse, a and how culinary tourism may intersect with
central characteristic of tourism consumption adventure tourism. What potential does ‘scary
(Dann, 1996). Eating is a symbolic act: by food’ have in new product development
devouring ‘local food’ we devour another and how may it contribute to a rural destin-
culture or geographical location in order to ation image?
incorporate it into our own identity (Bell and
Valentine, 1997; May, 1996). The remoteness
of Asian cultures is often illustrated by ‘exotic’ RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS
meals like snakes or insects, featuring as thril- The goal of this article is to illustrate this
ling anecdotes in western backpacker folklore, potential through an in-depth case study
such as Planet Food (2006). These may have of a West Norwegian culinary heritage,
been inspired by colonialist representations of Smalahove, or the Voss sheep’s head meal.
the Asian culinary universe in popular culture; The evolution of this traditional fare into a
for instance, the snake soup in ‘Indiana Jones product of modern consumption illustrates
and the Temple of Doom’ is a recurring refer- an alternative development that deserves
ence point in backpacker narratives. Strange attention. Despite being a rather bizarre dish,
food thus functions as a tourist trophy, as in Smalahove has gained a renaissance in the past
Nik’s Saga: few years and now as a commercial product,
and, owing to increased media attention, it
I survived Þorrablót. Thorrablót is the trad- has also contributed to the image creation
itional Icelandic midwinter festival, where of Voss as a tourism destination. In order to
traditional Icelandic dishes are served and explore different facets and connections be-
traditional Icelanders get very drunk. tween Smalahove production, tourism con-
Warning: Some of these foods are quite sumption and destination marketing, we
gross when described. [...] It’s now over chose a case study methodology. Such an
two hours since I ate and I can still taste it. approach allows for an ‘in-depth examination
Another tick on the checklist of life experi- of many features of few units (be it individuals,
ences. (Whitehead, 2005) groups, organizations, movements, events or
geographical units) over duration of time’
When backpackers describe their intake (Neuman, 2003: 33) and results in detailed,
of fried scorpions, sour whale blubber or rich and extensive data. This flexibility

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opens up for multidisciplinary analytical or an ‘eatimology’ (term coined by Grimes,

techniques and interpretations revealing in- 2004), presenting the origins and evolution
sights of complex phenomena (Flyvbjerg, of this product, as well as its commercial
2004; Neuman, 2003; Robson, 1997; Yin, spread, cultural colonization and expansion
2003). There is no single definition of what (Scarpato and Daniele, 2003). Through a study
constitutes a case study, and many researchers of contemporary commodification techniques
present their case-based investigation with- of Smalahove, an analysis of the entire con-
out explicitly calling it a case study approach sumption ritual around exotic scary foods
(Stake, 1995). According to Yin (2003: 13) a is presented. We will highlight innovative
case study is ‘an empirical inquiry that investi- approaches by identifying the tools that
gates a contemporary phenomenon within its elevate it to an entire meal for tourists; such as
real-life context, especially when the bound- invented ceremonies, accessories and merchan-
aries between phenomenon and context dise, as well as narratives dominating the com-
are not clearly evident.’ This was especially mercial servicescape, brochures and websites.
relevant for the present study. Finally, we discuss the innovative potential of
Consequently, we chose a mixed or multiple combining rural culinary heritage with cosmo-
method approach (see for example Creswell, politan consumer trends as a way forward to
2003), combining information gained through in order to develop ‘local food experiences’
qualitative in-depth interviews, printed media in tourism.
documents and ethnographic fieldwork.
A snow-balling approach (Tashakkori and
Teddlie, 2003) was applied in the sense that new AN EATIMOLOGY OF THE SHEEP’S
sources of information were traced during the HEAD MEAL
process. The document studies started with Mutton has always occupied a central position
our searching the archives of the regional and on the Norwegian staple menu – the sheep was
national newspapers as well as travel sections one of the first animals to be domesticated by
in the international press featuring the sheep’s post-glacial settlers of the Scandinavian region.
head meal or actors central to the production or Owing to extreme weather conditions, and
distribution of Smalahove. This search enabled limited resources, every eatable part of the
us to identify informants on the topic, who lamb (including the head) was used for human
were approached to take part in the research. nutrition; however, preparation methods
We conducted qualitative interviews with the varied from region to region. Farmers in Voss
main commercial producer of sheep’s heads, (a small township situated in the county of
Ivar Løne, who gave us a guided tour around Hordaland, in Western Norway) developed a
the production site and his restaurant in Voss. special sheep breed named Vossesau around
Another informant was the chef Nils Overå, 1860, characterized by a proportionally large
who has been in charge of commercial sheep head and high quality wool. The Voss Sheep
parties at the Voss’ Fleischer’s Hotel for several was renamed Dalasau in 1923, and is today
decades. We also talked to the project manager the sheep breed most frequently kept in
of Vossameny (Voss Menu), Torunn Løne- Norway.
Vinje and the head of The Cultural Academy The Voss way of preparing Smalahove
of Western Norway, Eldbjørg Fossgard. The for eating differs from techniques used in
fieldwork included observations of traditional other parts of the country; in this region, the
ways of preparing and consuming the sheep’s sheep’s head is not skinned as a part of the
head, including commercial Smalahove meals process. Instead, the fur is removed by rolling
at Ivar Løne’s restaurant, at Fleischer’s Hotel a burning hot iron stick over the skin in an
and at local festivals. Furthermore, we also par- ‘eldhus’or’årestove’, (a separate building with
ticipated in several private sheep’s head parties an open fireplace). This procedure leaves the
[Smalahovelag] between 2003 and 2005. sheep’s head with a light brown color on its
In the remainder, we provide a background surface as opposed to the other technique,
introduction to the Voss sheep’s head meal, which results in a grayish and pale product.

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Figure 1 Smalahove: Salted, dried, smoked and cooked sheep head (Author’s photo)

The head is then split into two halves by Sheep’s head was everyday fare for farmers
means of an axe, and the inner organs except in Voss, but was not considered as food for the
the eye and the tongue are removed. It is care- poor. All sheep’s heads should be consumed by
fully cleaned, salted and dried for some days the last Sunday of Advent, named Skoltasondag
before it is smoldered on a cold smoke of fresh (Sheep’s head Sunday), or Skitnesondag (Dirty
juniper, dry oak or alder. Having been both Sunday) in Voss. The reason was partly that the
salted and smoked, the head could be pre- meat would turn rancid after a while, but at
served in an airy place for some months. the same time, consuming the last of the heads
The preparation of the dish is simple. The was a part of a tidying ritual in preparing for
half head is first watered and steamed for three Christmas. People wore their weekday clothes
hours, then served with potatoes boiled in up on that Sunday, and then had their major
the skin and with stewed Swedish turnips. bath as everything was supposed to be cleaned
Traditionally, no cutlery is used. Potatoes were before Christmas. The last sheep’s heads were
peeled by means of the right thumb fingernail eaten at the kitchen table, which was there-
and the head was cut apart employing a sharp after covered with a spotless tablecloth.
sheath knife – everybody always carried one – During the past decades, increase in general
and using one’s fingers. The consumption welfare, rural restructuring and a change in
started from the firm muscles in the cheek and meal habits have led to the abandoning of
continued to the nose and lips, then to the ear several traditional dishes in Norway. Smalahove
and eye until the outside was all scraped away. has disappeared from the everyday menu in
The half head was then turned, the lower jaw Norway except at Voss, contributing to the
removed and the rest of the tender chewing perception that the sheep’s head is unique to this
muscles were consumed. The flavor of the area. As we know it today, this dish has changed
dish is unique and aromatic, both strong and from being an everyday fare to constituting
juicy, owing to the elaborate preservation and the heart of diversified culinary tourism
drying processes. experiences. However, the contemporary

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preparation, distribution and consumption encounter with the hideous sheep’s head as a
of Smalahove is quite different from the one ‘visual challenge’ (Anonymous, 2005: 20) or
described above. as a shocking experience:

Smalahove was an important part of nutri- The cheek is just fine but what is repulsive
tion, already in the years around 1300. about it is the look of it. By just lifting
Today it is associated with Voss, but it has some meat, the row of teeth ‘shines’ to-
become an exclusive party dish for the whole wards me… (Anonymous, 2001: 11, our
nation, one that must be celebrated in style. translation)
People put on their dinner jackets and
replace the sour milk, which traditionally Oh My God! Oh no! It’s got eyelashes. It is
accompanied the meal by aquavit. (Fusche, looking at me! (Deshayes, 2005: 5)
1994: 17, our translation)
For centuries, Smalahove was served with
Today sheep’s heads are mass-produced sour milk, fruit juice or water. The contem-
by Ivar Løne, a Voss-based farmer and entre- porary, celebratory consumption context
preneur, who owns the world’s only indus- calls for alcoholic beverages as accompanying
trial plant that effectively handles the entire drinks. In recent years, a special, sweet and
burning, cleaning, salting, drying and smoking thick microbrewery beer (Smalahove øl) as well
process of Smalahove preparation. Selling as a Sheep’s head Aquavit have been developed
more than 60,000 heads a year, he enjoys a in order to facilitate the intake of this dish.
monopoly position, facing no competition from The mood of the party is further elevated by
either the large abattoirs or small scale pro- a convivial social context and frivolous rituals.
ducers. 90% of the half-split sheep’s heads are As in the case of the Scandinavian Midsummer
sold in vacuum plastic packages for whole- and Christmas feasts, Smalahovelag are also
sale distribution (supermarket chains) and accompanied by light-hearted (or even obscene)
foodservice companies, while the remaining songs, although in modern times people
10% is made available for private customers sing about the sheep’s sound and peaceful life
in Norway and abroad. Løne is now officially in the mountains, which is abruptly ended
endorsed to sell his products as Gardsmat (a in order to please the culinary desires of the
Norwegian quality certification system for guests around the table. Books are published
farm food) at retail prices. containing sheep’s head songs, cartoons and
eccentric codes of conduct for these parties
(Aske, 1998; Tveit and Kvåle, 1991). One of the
REINVENTING THE SHEEP’S HEAD rituals concern the consumption of the sheep’s
MEAL eye: it should be kept for it to be the last
Our analytical focus will now be shifted to mouthful, placed in the aquavit glass and to
the adaptation process and reinterpretations be drunk directly like tequila worms.
of culinary rituals pertaining to the eating of Recognizing the business potential of the
Smalahove. In private households, the status of sheep’s head meal, local entrepreneurs in Voss
the meal has shifted from being everyday fare to have developed various commercial products
a dish served on special occasions (celebrations and services, inspired by private Smalahovelag.
and anniversaries) among friends and family. Among these innovations are Fleischer’s Hotel’s
Most families in Voss would arrange or them- exclusive sheep’s head galas, Ivar Løne’s farm
selves be guests at at least one sheep’s head restaurant and the Sheep’s head Release Event
meal party (Smalahovelag) during the autumn. (Smalahovesleppet). A number of accessories
There are also diasporas of Smalahovelag held all and much merchandise were developed in
over Norway and abroad, mainly organized by the wake of the increasing popularity of
natives of Voss. It is prestigious to attend such these events, such as locally produced silver
a party, especially for first time guests, who or pewter souvenir articles (e.g. sheep’s head
sometimes need some extra encouragement tie-pin, sleeve-links and earrings formed as
to take the first bite. Journalists describe the sheep’s heads, depicted on Figure 2). The

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Figure 2 Merchandise and memorabilia featuring sheep heads (Author’s photo)

Figure 3 Folksy atmosphere at the annual Sheep Head Release (Courtesy of dform.no)

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 Gyimóthy and Mykletun

traditional, more primitive utensils have been rival’s ear. I bite my lips before I open the
replaced by silver cutlery and silver-handled jaws and look my dinner into the eye. It
glasses. A complete Smalahovelag gift set, is him or me. There is only one winner.
including tableware, glasses and jewellery, (Stallvik, 2003: 56, our translation)
is sold in elegant wooden parcels. These
memorabilia are designed to commemorate It takes guts to stare your food in the eyes
Smalahove consumption as something out- and then swallow it, but once Norwegians
of-the ordinary and thus, contribute to the are let loose on a smoked sheep’s head, they
ceremonial atmosphere of Smalahovelag. let nothing go to waste, except the bare bones
However, the commercial sheep’s head meals of the skull. (Anonymous, 2005: 20)
are designed along quite different narrative and
visual techniques: stressing not only nostalgic On arrival, the guests are served home-
and exclusive aspects of local culinary heritage, brewed traditional beer from an ølkjengje
but also its cosmopolitan and ironic sides. (a wooden beer bowl) that is passed around to
In the next section we present each com- everybody in the party. A visit to the restaurant
modification approach in detail. also includes storytelling, singing and a guided
tour of the farm by Mr Løne himself, with him
demonstrating the sheep’s head production
LØNE’S FARM RESTAURANT: facility. The guest is invited to eat the meal
PACKAGING RURAL NOSTALGIA using modern cutlery (eating in the traditional
In 1995, the sheep’s head producer entre- way with sheath knife only is optional). The
preneur and farmer, Ivar Løne was contacted meat comes accompanied by ‘Vossapoto’
by the general manager of a retail company, (Voss potato, a recent local development), thus
requesting him to prepare a traditional sheep’s making the claim of providing the authentic
head meal for 15 of his important business Smalahove experience – although the modern
partners from Germany. The manager expli- menu includes aquavit and home-brewed beer,
citly asked for the meal to be staged in the which were rarely offered in the olden days.
farm’s 400-year-old store-house, overlooking Mr Løne explains the renaissance of Smalahove
the Løne Lake, stating that: ‘that is the ideal as a part of the general nostalgia trend:
setting for a meal like that.’ Within 10 years, a
second dining room opened, giving place for Isn’t it also about the time we live in, we are
140 guests at a time. Løne’s farm restaurant is trying to relate back to the past and sheep’s
booked for almost every day, 50 weeks a year, head meals are part of the old traditions.
with an annual registered sale of between 6000 Here they [sheep’s head meals] are served in
and 7000 meals. The farm restaurant is often this old storehouse, and guests are coming
visited by domestic and foreign journalists, back year after year, some have been here
eager to write a story of an appalling-looking 15 times over the past eight years, and
delicatessen, iconic of Norway. Nowadays, every time is a great event they say… it is a
the dish often appears as a sensational ‘freak clear demonstration of the attractiveness of
of the week’ feature in different media my concept. (Interview with sheep’s head
(Atkinson, 2003): entrepreneur, Ivar Løne, September 2005)

To eat Smalahove is to give a new meaning It is interesting that the farm restaurant
to the expression ‘an eye for an eye’ […] The concept is regarded as being the most genuine
trick is to get the whole lamb onboard, with interpretation of Smalahove meals. Licensing
skin and fur, eyeball and earwax, and smack authorities allowed home brewing at this
one’s lips on the tooth flesh for dessert: a location alone, acknowledging the ‘deep
sort of a deep kiss of a dead animal. […] The relations between his meal concept and the
test of one’s manhood is about to begin. cultural heritage to which beer brewing
[…] With a wrinkle on my nose, I get belonged’. A liberal politician, Carl Ivar
a ‘Tyson’ grip of my dish and tear off my Hagen endorsed Ivar Løne’s enterprise as ‘the

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prototype of what we want to achieve with Fleischer’s Smalahovelag are also built
our Norwegian farming … a holistic product around a diversity of rituals and celebrations,
including delicious food as well as a historic but these follow the rhetoric of gourmet
building, not to mention the host’ (Geitle, meals. Exclusivity is maintained by personal
2005). Arguably, the popularity of Mr Løne’s invitations and insistence on a dress code:
restaurant is attributable to a combination of dinner jacket or gala attire is de rigueur. Every
factors: a charismatic entrepreneur, a consumer year some guests are knighted in a special cere-
trend favoring slow food and ‘traditional’ mony, formal speeches are made, and a special
farming products as well as contemporary collection of sheep’s head meal songs is in use
agricultural subvention strategies in the on these occasions only. The jaw of the sheep’s
European Union. head is cleaned after the meal and the name
of the guest is burned into it, the jaw thus
serving afterwards as evidence (together with
FLEISCHER’S HOTEL: SHEEP’S HEAD a diploma) that s/he has shown the courage
AS FINE GASTRONOMY and tenacity of ‘having mastered something
Fleischer’s Hotel is the oldest hotel in Voss extraordinary and dangerous’ for this special
with a long tradition of accommodating ex- meal. The full meal offer (running up to 1200
clusive guests belonging to the top of the NOK not including beverages) includes the
social hierarchy: members of royalty and gift parcel described above, which entitles the
aristocracy, statesmen, and more recently, consumer to a symbolic membership:
influential corporate travelers. Fleischer’s
Smalahovelag was developed during the 1960s, You may adorn yourself with sheep’s head
when ten business travelers one year requested earrings, or pep up your tie or your sleeves
a sheep’s head dinner to celebrate the closing with sheep’s head-links or put a fancy
of their autumn season. Despite the absence little sheep’s head pin on your jacket – as a
of paid publicity, these meals became widely discreet reminder for others that you are one
known, and today, four meals are organized of a select group – those who have eaten
from mid-October and into December; this special meal. (Gjeraker, 2002: 15, our
catering to about 300 participants at a time. translation)
In addition to these gala meals, the hotel also
offers similar Smalahove-packages to smaller Indeed, Fleischer’s Smalahovelag is a com-
groups (including the freestyle skiing club, mercialized rite de passage (van Gennep, 2004),
and corporate guests from the oil industry an incorporation ritual into a bold connoisseur
or incentive travelers). Probably owing to its community, where the dish itself, as well as
extraordinary visual appeal and scariness, the various accessories, function as social markers
sheep’s head meal as a commercial product of inclusion (Fossgard, 2002). The exclusive
has been promoted mainly by word of mouth, setting, the silver cutlery, the dress code, gift
and media attention: sets and diplomas add a fine dining aura to the
sheep’s head meal, turning it into a commodity
We have not marketed this product; it has that attracts consumers looking for something
just grown by itself. Smalahove is really both fashionable and original, and at the same
very simple, no big culinary art at all. […] time allowing the guests to sample genuine
We had the hotel filled with media people Norwegian food culture.
during the Free Style World Cup. When
they identify the sheep’s head on the menu
among the steak and fish dishes, they just FOLKSY FESTIVALS AND MEAL
zoom in their cameras…. Many tourists pass ADVENTURES OF SMALAHOVE
through this hotel too, and of course they In 1998, Voss launched a two-day festival,
carry with them the tales about the dish…. It Smalahovesleppet [Sheep’s Head Release], re-
is popular. (Interview with chef at Fleischer’s miniscent of the Beaujolet Release in France.
Hotel, Nils Overå, September 2005) Developed from a traditional Smalaauksjon

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[Sheep Auction and Exhibition], the festival The focus is no longer on the peculiar
today celebrates local rural food: sheep’s head dish alone, but on the entire adventurous
meals as well as other small-scale quality experience, where boldness and courage are
products within the ‘Vossamenyen’ culinary demonstrated by participants’ sampling both
heritage project. The festival offers games like extreme sports and ‘crazy’ local eating habits.
‘Lamb Run’ for children or contests in wool Smalahove functions here as borderlining food,
cutting of live sheep. The climax of the festival and its grotesque and barbaric features are em-
is the great public sheep’s head meal, which phasized in order to distinguish between the
is quite different from Fleischer’s elegant ones who dare and those who do not (Fossgard,
societas. Smalahovesleppet is based on the idea 2002). Thus, Smalahove has been included as a
of a rustic community feast: there are 850 culinary thrill in the festival’s Try-It package,
guests seated at long tables in a festival tent, and offering amateur customers the chance to test
live Schrammelmusik provides entertainment 10 different adventure sports disciplines within
during the meal. There is a sheep’s head eating five days. Scary food, in its extremeness has
contest, assessing the competitors’ aptitude become emblematic of Voss as a harsh and chal-
with regard to style as well as speed. The lenging place. As the regional promotion
virtual community Smalahoveportalen (2006) material claims:
keeps the Smalahovesleppets tradition alive
by regularly posting new songs, pictures and Extreme escapes: In Voss, you’ll find a
stories on their web page. The photographic wonderful diversity, a unique mix of urban
footage contains images that are provocative modernity and wholehearted farming
and ironic at the same time: infernal bulks tradition. The common denominator is to
of torch blown sheep’s heads or half-naked be found in the extreme: materialized in the
men posing with sheep’s heads, reminiscent fact that your food is looking you in the eye,
of Baudrillard’s Homo Sacer (see for instance and people fall down from heaven – among
Diken and Laustsen, 2004). The deliberately other things. (Hordaland Reiseliv, 2004: 8;
primitive and brutally noir songs and ex- our translation)
cessive consumption of alcoholic beverages
creates a liminal consumption space, with an The cultural practices regarding the con-
absence of established social norms of gourmet sumption of traditional food often take place as
dining. staged celebrations of common cultural values
Also the internationally renowned Voss (Rusher, 2003: 198), and dining-out events
Extreme Sports Festival includes a public often take the form of a carnivalized perform-
sheep’s head meal in its program. Liminal and ance (Getz, 2007: 50). The various commercial
adrenaline maximizing activities match per- concepts based on the sheep’s head meal are
fectly Voss’ newly established brand image as similar in the sense that they stage ceremonial
‘the adventure capital of Norway’. As a sports rituals of conspicuous consumption. Apart
journalist suggests, this is a destination at which from being a traditional cyclical ritual held in
to ‘go berserker’, offering not only extreme the autumn to celebrate a rich harvest, these
sports and physical challenges, but also extreme meals are also rites of incorporation (van
food consumption. Gennep, 2004). In this sense, Smalahove is not
a mere simple traditional dish any more, but a
Nothing is too wild for the adventure culinary quest, to be pursued in differently
pilgrims who converge on Voss, Norway, constructed hospitality atmospheres (rural farm,
for summer thrills. […]The truly intrepid fine dining or folksy feast). There is an element
should inquire about the local delicacy: of challenge (who dares to sample the dish,
Smalahove, a sheep’s head served eyes and enjoying what is certainly an acquired taste?)
all. Clearly, the berserker spirit is alive and as well as a trophy (diploma and numerous
well. (Wieners, 2004: 2) proofs) at stake. By stressing scary and eccentric

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features, the everyday sheep’s head dish is trans- packaging traditional raw products, production
formed into an extreme food adventure. methods and dishes or authentifying them
with regional provenance labels. Within this
approach, local (cultural and historical) em-
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS beddedness is coupled with the invention of
The findings from the case study carry mar- meal events, responding to contemporary
keting implications for both destination leisure lifestyle trends. These meal events often
marketers working with food tourism and/or take the form of a combination of cyclical
adventure tourism. This section discusses rituals (harvest, midsummer or midwinter
both areas. feasts), rites of passage (rite of incorporation as
Food away from home can be amazing, fun gourmet connoisseur or extreme sportsmen)
and frightening at the same time. Tourism or rites of inversion (carnivals).
marketers have long recognized the poten- Hence, aesthetization and authentifica-
tial of local food to attract tourists, packaging tion processes can be fruitfully combined or
culinary heritage and meal habits for mobile exchanged with other rhetoric themes, such as
customers. However, commodification pro- cosmopolitanization. Cosmopolitanization is
cesses in Europe are all too often based on a about transgressing traditional boundaries be-
‘back-to-the-roots’ rhetoric based on clichés tween urban/rural, local/global, traditional/
of countryside living, supposing that orthodox trendy, authentic/invented and sacred/profane,
faithfulness to genuine culinary traditions is creating hybrid products embracing both
central to satisfying consumers. The rhetoric extremes of such dichotomies. Commercial
of Tuscany, Provence or a number of other Smalahovelag and Smalahovesleppet are successful
‘granary’ regions is based on two themes: aes- because they are anchored in both Voss’ local
theticization of the rural (Miele and Murdoch, meal traditions as well as in other European
2002) and an authentication of the traditional popular cultural commodities well known
and the typical (Welsch, 1996). There is a from media coverage (e.g. the Beaujolet Rally,
strong belief that locally embedded symbols Oktoberfest in Munich or the Wiener New
and historical accounts conveying the sense Year gala). The tourist is being presented with
of place are key to drawing a cartography of an experience that is simultaneously familiar
touristic terroir (term coined by Hall and and unfamiliar as well as reassuring and pro-
Mitchell, 2002), entrenched in agricultural vocative. Voss’ Smalahove meal providers mix
traditions. This results in analogous tertiary elements of traditional culture with new com-
destination images, where the rural is reduced mercial products and practices in an unorthodox
to a place of nostalgic lifestyle consumption. way, without striving for staged authenticity.
Based on ethnocentric consumer traditions, Authenticity becomes customized (Wang,
the marketing of culinary specialties around 2007), and defined in both the tourist’s and
Europe is built on the familiarity of a common the provider’s terms. By bringing in elements
farming history, while exoticism and ‘sensory of popular culture in a dormant and retrospect-
otherness’ is a marker for dishes and destinations ively oriented destination brand (e.g. Slow
outside of Europe. However, in a global world, Places) the marketing of rural areas may be
such dichotomies are both false and outdated. revitalized.
As demand for food tourism is becoming Next, the sheep’s head case also repre-
more diversified (Mitchell and Hall, 2003), a sents a new commercial potential for extreme
new competitive momentum can be gained culinary specialties, namely in adventure tour-
through exploiting more contemporary con- ism. Currently, this field is becoming more
notations of local dishes and regional food. diversified including not only physically but
Based on our empirical case and analysis it is also psychologically demanding contests. Pre-
possible to identify a new type of commodi- vailing over these challenges (preferably with
fication strategy for rural culinary heritage. material evidence or eyewitness proofs) pro-
This entails a playful reutilization of the entire vides the tourist with esteem and respect in a
meal experience, rather than just aesthetically given adventure community, and this respect is

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 Gyimóthy and Mykletun

a trophy in itself. The commercial innovation Crang. Philip (1997) ‘Performing the Tourist
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