JUDAEA AND ROME IN COINS

65 BCE – 135 CE
Papers Presented at the International Conference Hosted by Spink,
13th – 14th September 2010

edited by
David M. Jacobson and Nikos Kokkinos
JUDAEA AND ROME IN COINS
65 BCE – 135 CE
Papers Presented at the International Conference Hosted by Spink,
13th – 14th September 2010

edited by

David M. Jacobson and Nikos Kokkinos

Institute of Jewish Studies

LONDON 2012

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 CONTENTS

Foreword (by Markham J. Geller) ........................................................................................ vii

Preface (by the Editors).......................................................................................................... ix
Andrew Burnett.......................................................................................................................1
The Herodian Coinage Viewed against the Wider Perspective of Roman Coinage
Rachel Barkay........................................................................................................................19
Roman Influence on Jewish Coins
Anne Lykke............................................................................................................................27
The Use of Languages and Scripts in Ancient Jewish Coinage: An Aid in Defining
the Role of the Jewish Temple until its Destruction in 70 CE
Danny Syon............................................................................................................................51
Galilean Mints in the Early Roman Period: Politics, Economy and Ethnicity
Robert Bracey........................................................................................................................65
On the Graphical Interpretation of Herod’s Year 3 Coins
Nikos Kokkinos......................................................................................................................85
The Prefects of Judaea 6-48 CE and the Coins from the Misty Period 6-36 CE
Robert Deutsch. ...................................................................................................................113
The Coinage of the Great Jewish Revolt against Rome: Script, Language and Inscriptions
David Hendin........................................................................................................................123
Jewish Coinage of the Two Wars: Aims and Meaning
David M. Jacobson...............................................................................................................145
The Significance of the Caduceus between Facing Cornucopias in Herodian and
Roman Coinage
Ted V. Buttrey.....................................................................................................................163
Vespasian’s Roman Orichalcum: An Unrecognised Celebratory Coinage
Marius Heemstra..................................................................................................................187
The Interpretation and Wider Context of Nerva’s Fiscus Judaicus Sestertius
Kevin Butcher. ....................................................................................................................203
The Silver Coinage of Roman Arabia
Boaz Zissu and David Hendin. .............................................................................................215
Further Remarks on Coins in Circulation during the Bar-Kokhba War: Te’omim
Cave and Horvat ‘Ethri Hoards
Larry J. Kreitzer. .................................................................................................................229
Hadrian as Nero Redivivus: some supporting evidence from Corinth
List of Contributors...............................................................................................................243
Group Photograph.................................................................................................................245

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 JEWISH COINAGE OF THE TWO WARS, AIMS AND MEANING
David Hendin

1. Introduction
The coins of the Jewish War (66-73 CE) and the Bar Kokhba Revolt (132-135 CE) have been
widely discussed for more than 150 years.1 Just as the wars, their coins share similarities and
important differences. Equally noteworthy, the coins of the two Jewish wars against Rome
contrast dramatically to all three series of ancient Judaean coins that preceded them.

Fig. 1 Fig. 2
Fig. 1: Yehud, Persian Period. Hendin 2010, no. 1059; Meshorer 2001, no. 15 (2:1).
Fig. 2: Yehud, Ptolemaic Period. Hendin 2010, no. 1087; Meshorer 2001, no. 32 (2:1).

Based on these dissimilarities one might be tempted to observe that the coinage of the two
wars was the only fully realized independent Jewish coinage in ancient times. The Yehud
coins of the Persian (Fig. 1) to the Macedonian periods are probably satrapal issues, and those
of the Ptolemaic period (Fig. 2) are local mint Ptolemaic issues.2 All of the coins of the Yehud
series are fractional units, mostly lighter than one gram, and there is not a single full unit coin
(shekel or stater) known to exist.

Fig. 3 Fig. 4 Fig. 5

Fig. 3: Early Jerusalem bronze of Hyrcanus I paying homage to Antiochus VII. Hendin 2010, no. 1131;
Meshorer 2001, p. 30.
Fig. 4: Hyrcanus I bronze with name Yehohanan. Hendin 2010, no. 1137; Meshorer 2001, type I.
Fig. 5: Mattatayah Antigonus bronze. Hendin 2010, no. 1168; Meshorer 2001, no. 41.

The Hasmonaean coinage was issued by Jewish high priests and kings, but the series began
with coins that paid homage to Seleucid overlords (Fig. 3), who controlled the right of the
Jews to issue coins.3 This resulted in Jewish royal issues of exclusively small denomination
bronze coins (Fig. 4) until the unusual coins of Mattatayah Antigonus, minted concurrently
with Herod being declared king. The coin types of Mattatayah are derivative of the previous
Hasmonaean issues except for the small bronze coin depicting the showbread table and the
menorah (Fig. 5). Legends on Hasmonaean coins are predominantly paleo-Hebrew, but also

1
The author gratefully acknowledges Peter Van Alfen, 2
Barag 1994-1999.
Isadore Goldstein, David Vagi, and Donald Simon for 3
Hendin 2010, 157-163 for examples and discussion.
their important suggestions and comments.

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 124 David Hendin

include Greek and Aramaic.

Herod I built the magnificent Second Temple, but he was fully subservient to Rome.
Herod was named king of the Jews in 40 BCE by the Roman Senate and approval
of the triumvirate. Like the Hasmonaeans, he had no right to mint silver coins.4 All
the coins of Herod and his descendants were inscribed in Greek (Fig. 6), and they
are considered to be Roman provincial coins rather than sovereign Judaean issues.5

Fig. 6: Herod I bronze. Hendin 2010, no. 1169; Meshorer 2001, no. 44.

The coins of the two Jewish wars against Rome, however, were painted with a different
palette than the earlier Judaean coins. First, they include full denomination silver shekels or
sela’im (in the case of Bar Kokhba) that were denied to the previous Jewish administrations,
as well as multiple bronze denominations. Second, their exclusive language is paleo-Hebrew.6
Third, all of the motifs on the coins are specifically Jewish in nature. The early small silver
of the Persian through the Ptolemaic periods mainly imitated Greek issues. Hasmonaean and
early Herodian coins had mostly agrarian motifs and abstract pagan symbols. They were not
overtly Jewish, but simply were not offensive to the Jewish populations among which they
circulated.7 Finally one cannot overlook the large output of good quality coins during difficult
circumstances during both wars.

2. The Reason to Mint

The earliest Greek coins were struck from the purest available metal. They had specific
value only within their issuing state, and if one wanted to undertake transactions outside
the immediate area, coins needed to be weighed. Eventually trading metals ceased to be a
commodity transaction and, via circulating coins, became a purchase; also at this time coins
began to be counted, instead of weighed, and the concept of fiduciary coinage began.8
Reasons to mint coins in antiquity were varied and are generally not fully understandable
from a modern perspective.9 In spite of this, two primary motivations for the production of
coinage that we can detect in antiquity are military payments and generating a profit.10 While

4
Meshorer (2001, 72-78) theorized that the late Tyre shekels 8
Seaford (2004, 145) notes “The result is the
marked KP were Herod’s silver coins. This is convincingly paradox that even coinage of unadulterated silver
contested by Levy 2005, 885; idem 1993, 267-274. (let alone bronze) may tend to become in effect
5
All of them are listed in Roman Provincial Coinage fiduciary coinage: although the silver contributes
I and II. to confidence, it is not envisaged as a commodity.
6
Mildenberg (1984, 66) describes the script on Jewish And so whereas we frequently hear of metal artefacts
War coins as “formal paleo-Hebrew” and that on the being melted down to make coins, we do not hear of
Bar Kokhba Revolt coins as “cursive paleo-Hebrew.” Greek coins being smelted down by Greeks to create
However, similarities far outweigh differences. bullion or artefacts.”
7
This ceased with coins of Herod Philip and thereafter 9
Howgego, 1990.
most Herodian dynastic coins carry local or imperial 10
Le Rider 2001; idem 1989, 1-25.
portraits.

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 JEWISH COINAGE OF THE TWO WARS, AIMS AND MEANING 125

almost all manufactured coins were fiduciary, production of the greatly overvalued “fiduciary”
bronzes was far more profitable than that of precious metal coins.11 During the Hellenistic
period in Judaea it was a royal prerogative to issue coins, and this grant was made to the Jews
by Antiochus VII (I Macc. 15:6).
The evolution from exchange of metal pieces to coinage went beyond a strict economic
enterprise. As Peter Van Alfen notes, once coins became struck objects rather than chopped
fragments, “the monetary instrument could now advance upon levels of political symbolism
that were unattainable with anonymous bits.”12 This concept is applicable to Judaean coinage,
since there were both political and religious issues to be considered.13 Leo Mildenberg
describes coins as “the best mass media of the time.”14 This discussion focuses primarily on
use of coinage as a mode of disseminating political information during the two wars.
Neither military payments, nor profits were likely motivating factors in the production
of the Jewish precious metal coinages. It is likely that the Jewish War silver coins were used
to pay Temple dues,15 probably not replacing the standard Tyre shekels and half-shekels, but
supplementing them as the “shekels of Israel” became increasingly available. This explains why
the shekels were made from such pure silver (see the discussion below). Already by this time
the debased silver tetradrachms of Nero had entered the local markets, but it would have been
untenable for a Jewish authority to strike coins that would not be accepted at the Temple.
During the Jewish War, the ability to manufacture coins not only enriched the group
that issued them, but highlighted political independence and conveyed important messages
to the Jewish populations. During the Bar Kokhba Revolt, no minting was profitable (see
discussion below).
At the time of the Jewish War there were many silver coins of Tyre as well as Seleucid,
Ptolemaic, and Roman coins in wide circulation in the area,16 not to mention many small
bronze coins from Hasmonaean and Herodian times, and from the Roman governors of
Judaea (prefects and procurators).17 Robert Deutsch, most recently, suggests that the Jewish
War silver coins were made from melted and further purified Tyre shekels that came from the
Temple treasury.18 Thus the Jewish War silver did not offer the manufacturers as much profit
as might have been realized.
One may cogently argue that the only ancient coins minted that did not carry any fiduciary
value were those from the Bar Kokhba Revolt. Re-making the coins already in circulation
by the Bar Kokhba administration was a cost centre “the investment of much labour without
any financial gain,” notes Meshorer.19 Thus any “fiduciary profit” had already been extracted
during the original manufacture of these coins from raw material, since the flans for every
Bar Kokhba coin came from coins already in circulation. Thus the Bar Kokhba government

11
Mørkholm et. al. 1991, 6. had to use a money changer to obtain two half-shekels; the
12
Van Alfen 2009. transaction thus reflects on the early rabbinic principal of
13
See Hendin 2007-2008 for a discussion of these “Yafeh koach hekdesh,” in which the Temple had to be the
matters regarding Hasmonaean coinage. greater beneficiary in any transaction.
14
Mildenberg 1984, 72. 16
Jos., War 5.421 and 550-552 observes that Jewish
15
Eventually the reason for the relative rarity of both Tyrian War rebels had and held gold and silver Roman coins.
and Jewish half-shekels needs to be examined. The Temple 17
It is widely assumed that Tyre ceased minting its
dues were a half-shekel a year. It had to be inconvenient to shekels in or around 66 CE because by that time their
have few half-shekels, since if the full shekel was used to principal use was for Jews, who required them to pay
pay at the Temple a “kolbon” or fee of either around 2.1% the Temple tax, and there was no reason for Tyre to
or 4.2% had to be added (and it is generally believed that continue minting them since other nearby Roman
a money changer would charge approximately the same provincial mints, principally Antioch, had started
fee to break a single Tyre shekel into two half-shekels). minting debased silver Roman imperial tetradrachms.
Even if a full shekel was used for two persons, a “kolbon” 18
Deutsch 2009a and personal communications.
still needed to be paid since otherwise the two would have 19
Meshorer 2001, 142.

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 126 David Hendin

sacrificed the ability to profit from coinage in favour of the clearly more significant need
to distribute a political message from hand to hand on an ongoing basis. During the Bar
Kokhba Revolt the Jerusalem Temple no longer existed, so any perceived economic rationale
for creating large silver coins was simply a wistful desire for a return to using large silver
coins as Temple dues. It was not a reality since the large Bar Kokhba silver coins were not
very pure: they were invariably struck upon debased silver coins of Antioch or Tyre from the
time of Nero through Hadrian.
Because neither Seleucids nor Romans had previously allowed the Jews to issue silver
coins, the autonomous series of silver coins of the Jewish War made a major political
statement—“an ostentatious demonstration of the recovery of independence,”20 writes Roth,
who suggests that coin minting by an autonomous Jewish government “was a religious as well
as a patriotic necessity.”21
Rappaport believes that the silver coinage of the Jewish War was “first and foremost minted
to provide for the Temple’s expenditure for provisions and maintenance.” 22 He believes that
the high priests and rich nobles were acting as if they supported the revolt in order to attempt
to avoid what they believed would be a hopeless confrontation with Rome.23
Religious necessity for the Jewish War silver, however, is not clear. There was ample
coinage in circulation and available in the Temple treasury, including the shekels and half-
shekels of Tyre that had been collected for decades. This suggests that the creation of the
Jewish War silver coins was intended to send the dramatic message of independence not only
to Rome but to the local Jewish population. Paying for commodities (sacrificial animals, wine,
incense, olive oil, wheat, and related products) and services (craftsmen and other workers)
required by the Temple was an excellent method of moving the coins into circulation.

Fig. 7: Alexander Jannaeus bronze with paleo-Hebrew and Greek.

Hendin 2010, no. 1148; Meshorer 2001, type N.

All the Hasmonaean coins and most of those of the Herodian princes carried descriptive
legends. The Hasmonaean formula generally repeated such as “Yehonatan the high priest and
the Community of the Jews” in Hebrew and “(of) King Yehonatan” in Greek (Fig. 7).
Herod I, Archelaus, and Antipas each issued coins with Greek legends stating “(of) King
Herod” “ethnarch” or “tetrarch.” Philip’s coins were similar but carried obverse portraits
and legends pertaining to Augustus and Tiberius (as well as Philip’s own portrait). Herod
I’s grandson Agrippa I issued coins describing himself as “The Great King” and “Friend
of Caesar,”24 as well as a remarkable coin proclaiming “A vow and treaty of friendship and
alliance between the great King Agrippa and Augustus Caesar, the Senate and the People of
Rome.”25
On the other hand, the coins struck during Jewish War and the Bar Kokhba Revolt employed
carefully worded patriotic slogans.

20
Roth 1962, 34. 24
Hendin 2010, nos. 1245-1246, 1248-1250; Meshorer
21
Ibid., 33. 2001, nos. 121-122, 124-126.
22
Rappaport 2007, 104. 25
Ibid., no. 1248; Meshorer 2001, no. 124.
23
Ibid.

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 JEWISH COINAGE OF THE TWO WARS, AIMS AND MEANING 127

3. The Minting Authorities

No minting authority is named on the coins of the Jewish War. It has been suggested that
“Jerusalem” refers to the minting authority, but it seems more likely that Jerusalem was
designated as the place of minting rather than the minting authority. 26
Since the Jewish War was chaotic and factious from its outset; it is all the more remarkable
that the Jews were able to create consistently high quality coins. The anonymity of a minting
authority suggested a Jewish national unity that did not exist on the ground since there were
several factions of Jews, some diametrically opposed to each other.

Fig. 8 Fig. 9
Fig. 8: Bar Kokhba bronze naming “Simon, prince of Israel” in paleo-Hebrew. Hendin 2010, no. 1378;
Meshorer 2001, no. 222.
Fig. 9: Bar Kokhba silver zuz naming “Eleazar the Priest” in paleo-Hebrew. Hendin 2010, no. 1374;
Meshorer 2001, no. 218.

Fig. 10: Bar Kokhba bronze coin naming “Jerusalem” in paleo-Hebrew.

Hendin 2010, no. 1404 Meshorer 2001, no. 255.

Coins of the Bar Kokhba Revolt, on the other hand, were commonly struck with the name
“Simon” referring to Bar Kokhba (Ben Kosiba),27 who styled himself “Nasi Y’srael” or “Prince
of Israel” (in modern Hebrew the word Nasi translates as “president”) (Fig. 8). Another
individual, Eleazar the Priest (Fig. 9), is mentioned on coins from of the first year of the Bar
Kokhba Revolt, but not later.28 Mildenberg posits that Simon was not the minting authority
for coins of the Bar Kokhba Revolt, but was the leader and figurehead of a government.29
Jerusalem was also named on the Bar Kokhba (Fig. 10) coins and seems to carry the same
weight as Simon’s name on both silver and bronze denominations.

26
Mildenberg 1984, 61-62. 28
Ibid., 27.
27
Yadin 1971,17-27 for a discussion regarding Simon’s
full name.

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 128 David Hendin

4. Israel versus Judaea

Fig. 11 Fig. 12
Fig. 11: Herod Antipas bronze naming “Tiberias” in Greek. Hendin 2010, no. 1212; Meshorer 2001, no. 88.
Fig. 12: Bar Kokhba silver zuz with paleo-Hebrew legend “Year two, freedom of Israel.” Hendin 2010,
no. 1390; Meshorer 2001, no. 24

Another significant difference between the coins of the two Jewish wars and the earlier
Jewish coins with paleo-Hebrew or Aramaic legends is the naming of the land in which these
coins were struck.
Coins of the Persian through the Ptolemaic period refer to the area as “Yehud” or “Yehudah,”
the name of the Persian satrapy referring back to the Iron Age name Yehudah. Hasmonaean
coins refer to the “High Priest and the Council of the Jews (or Judaeans).” Herod I’s coins
never mention a territorial or mint name, but coins of his son Antipas refer to the city of
Tiberias (Fig. 11), and some coins of his grandson Agrippa I mention Caesarea.
Why, then, do the coins of the Jewish War, and later the Bar Kokhba Revolt, cite the native
land of the Jews as “Israel” instead of “Judaea”? (Fig. 12)
A number of reasons for this may exist. The term Israelites (also known as the Twelve
Tribes or Children of Israel) refers to the descendants of Jacob (Israel). More generally it also
refers to the worshippers of the god of Israel, irrespective of their ethnic origin. On the other
hand, Judaeans are a specific regional group who lived in Judaea. From this period there are
references to other Jewish geographic groups, such as the Galileans.
One may also surmise that at this time there was an effort to be inclusive for all Jews, some
of whom may have identified with the ten lost tribes which disappeared from biblical accounts
after the return of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin from Babylon.
Goodblatt discusses uses of “Judaea” and “Israel” in detail, and relates the coins to literature
of the first and second centuries. He wonders if the later preference of Israel over Judaea could
“reflect an attempt to differentiate the rebel regime(s) from the Hasmonaean-Herodian state
‘of the Judeans,’ or from the Roman province of Iudaea? Certainly the rebels would want to
emphasize the discontinuity with the Imperial provincial structures.”30 He further observes
that “Rabbinic materials emerge as a literature beginning in the late first century. The earlier
strata of rabbinic literature thus reinforce the preference for an Israel nationalism evidenced
among the rebels of 66 and 132.”31
Goodman suggests that perhaps the Jews eschewed the name “Judaea” simply because it
was the name used by Rome to refer to their province.32 One also notes that by the time of the
two Jewish Wars, significant communities of Jews had been established in foreign capitals
such as Alexandria (Jos., Ant. 15.113) Antioch (Ibid.,12.119-120), Sidon (Ibid., 14.323), and
Tyre (Ibid., 14. 314). It is therefore possible that the use of the broader term of “Israel” for
the physical state being sought by the rebels was intended to differentiate from “Jews” or
“Judaeans” who no longer lived in the area, but belonged to the rapidly growing Jewish
Diaspora that increasingly supported Jewish activity in and around Jerusalem

29
Mildenberg 1984, 62-65. 31
Ibid., 139.
30
Goodblatt 2006, 137. 32
Goodman 166.

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 JEWISH COINAGE OF THE TWO WARS, AIMS AND MEANING 129

5. Early Zionistic Slogans

Fig. 13 Fig. 14
Fig. 13: Jewish War with paleo-Hebrew legends “Shekel of Israel” and “Jerusalem the Holy,” dated
‘year 3’. Hendin 2010, no. 1361; Meshorer 2001, no. 202.
Fig. 14: Tyre, Phoenicia, silver shekel, Greek translates as “of Tyre, the Holy and Inviolable” dated
year 168 = 42/43 C.E. Hendin 2010, no. 1620b.

Precise wording in the legends and selection of the images on the coins of the Jewish wars
suggests that the leaders had a clear understanding of using coins for political communication.
The first coins minted in the 66 CE were silver shekels and half-shekels with the legends
“Shekel of Israel” or “half [of] the shekel,” and “Jerusalem [the] holy.” (Fig. 13) In this last
legend we see a parallel to the legend on the contemporary Tyrian silver coins which carry the
legend TYPOY IEPAΣ KAI AΣYΛOY (of Tyre, the Holy and Inviolable). (Fig. 14) The coins
suggest that TYPOY IEPAΣ was being replaced by the “[the] holy Jerusalem.”
Even though the striking of the Jewish silver shekels was revolutionary, their legends were
rather generic. Without reference to any specific issuing authority, they could be embraced by
all of the Jews, whether they were pro-peace, zealots, or middle-of-the-road.

Fig. 15 Fig. 16
Fig. 15: Jewish War bronze dated “year 2.” Hendin 2010, no. 1360; Meshorer 2001, no. 195.
Fig. 16: Jewish War bronze dated “year 3.” Hendin 2010, no. 1363; Meshorer 2001, no. 204.

The slogans on the lower value coins, used daily in the markets, differed in tone. Huge
numbers of bronze prutot were dated to the second (Fig. 15) and third (Fig. 16) years of the
war, and each carried the words, “[for the] freedom of Zion.” The larger denomination bronze
siege issues, discussed further below, are inscribed “for the redemption of Zion.” These are
perhaps the earliest recorded Zionistic slogans.33
Each “phrase akin to a slogan”34 represented a rallying cry for the Jews. For years, the
Romans had effectively used their coins to carry political messages; now the Jews did likewise
for the first time to communicate their message of hope for a free Jerusalem and a free people.
After the initial Jewish victories against Gallus, things began to go badly. By the middle of the
year 68, Vespasian and his troops had crushed the revolt throughout the land; only Jerusalem
and the zealot fortresses of Machaerus, Herodium, and Masada remained in Jewish hands.
33
The modern word Zionism, according to the word Zion itself is ancient, referring most often to the
Encyclopedia Judaica, “first appeared at the end of the city of Jerusalem or the people of Judaea.
19th century, denoting the movement whose goal was 34
Meshorer 1982, 110.
the return of the Jewish people to Eretz Israel.” But the

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Fig. 17 Fig. 18
Fig. 17: Jewish War bronze “half.” Hendin 2010, no. 1367; Meshorer 2001, no. 211.
Fig. 18: Jewish War bronze “quarter.” Hendin 2010, no. 1368; Meshorer 2001, no. 213.

By the fourth year of the war, Jerusalem was under siege by Titus. Vespasian had ascended
to the throne in Rome and the tide had turned dramatically against the Jews. At this time, the
legends and the nature of the Jewish bronze coins had changed. There are larger denominations,
with the words “half” (Fig. 17) and “quarter” (Fig. 18) which seem to be fiduciary fractions of
silver shekels. The slogan, “freedom of Zion” is replaced by, “redemption of Zion.”
Roth points out that the slogan change in the fourth year was “certainly not accidental [and]
may well reflect the fresh political circumstances of this time, for Simon bar Giora had by now
entered Jerusalem and established his supremacy there.”35 It is also possible that the change
in language reflects the Jewish insurgents’ realization that they would soon be defeated by the
Roman war machine. Hence, the change in tone from the call for physical “freedom” from
oppression versus “redemption” or “salvation,” which has a more spiritual tone.
Goldstein and Fontanille observe that “freedom does not necessarily imply confrontation
and can conceivably be obtained by mutual consent, possibly as a result of negotiation, whereas
redemption denotes salvation or a forced release from a status of war and oppression.”36
Jerusalem was destroyed early in the war’s fifth year. The Jewish Diaspora around the
world was expanded by Jewish captives taken to Rome, or those who made their way to
other Jewish communities outside the Land of Israel. Emotionally as well as practically,
many Diaspora Jews of the first century CE looked toward a day that their Temple might be
rebuilt and they would return to their holy Jerusalem. In the meantime, Rabbi Yohanan ben
Zakkai received Vespasian’s permission to establish a school of Jewish learning in Yavne
(Jamnia): this represents the end of Judaism as a cultic religion of sacrifices at the Temple
in Jerusalem, and the transition to Rabbinic Judaism where prayer replaces sacrifice and the
heavenly Jerusalem replaces the earthly Jerusalem.37
Goodblatt discusses the use of the word Zion on the coins and in the literature of the first
century, as well as the fact that the word Zion, possibly referring to the biblical name of
the Temple as “Mt. Zion,” is missing completely from the coins of the Bar Kokhba Revolt.
He suggests that “perhaps the post-70 masters deliberately dropped the name as part of an
effort to avoid the emotional response evoked by the name ‘Zion.’”38 Goodblatt notes that
Josephus does not use the word “Zion,” nor do early rabbinic documents, that were “most
likely to preserve usage from the late first and second centuries.”39 Goodblatt also mentions
the possibility that modern discussion of the word Zion on the coins of the Jewish War could
be anachronistic, based upon the use of the word in the nineteenth- and early twentieth-
century political movements that led to the establishment of modern Israel, although he
maintains a possible beginning of Zionism amongst the Jews of the first century.40

35
Roth 1962, 43. 38
Goodblatt, 2006, 202.
36
Goldstein & Fontanille 2006, 21. 39
Ibid., 202.
37
Neusner, 1970; idem 1970a. 40
Ibid., 203.

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 JEWISH COINAGE OF THE TWO WARS, AIMS AND MEANING 131

Rappaport proposes that the silver coins of the Jewish War were struck by the pre-Zealots
and Zealots in collaboration with Temple authorities. The Zealots, he points out, “did not
have a charismatic or messianic leadership, but a collective one.”41 Further supporting this
idea is Josephus’ report that the head of this faction, Eleazar ben Hananya, held “a great
part of the public treasure” (Jos., War 2.564). He points to Simon bar Giora, head of another
faction that gained strength in the second year, as the possible issuer of the bronze coins.42
Goodblatt suggests that “perhaps both the silver and the bronze coinage carried the
message of the rebel leaders. If so their attempt to mobilize the masses to fight for what
the Zionist anthem Hatiqvah calls ‘Eretz Zion, Yerushalim’…. ‘the land of Zion and
Jerusalem,’ justifies our characterizing the ideology of the rebels as ancient Zionism—or
Zion nationalism.”43
Absence of the word Zion on the coins of Bar Kokhba, gives credence to suggestions
that it related somehow to the Temple, which no longer existed. Zion is completely
replaced by Israel or “Jerusalem,” as in “for the redemption of Israel” and “for the freedom
of Jerusalem.” References to Jerusalem express desires to regain the city, but there is no
evidence that Bar Kokhba succeeded at any point in the war. In controlled excavations in
Jerusalem, scores of thousands of coins have been found, but among them were only four
coins of Bar Kokhba.44

6. Overcoming the Language Barrier

Both series of Jewish war coins used similar forms of the paleo-Hebrew script derived from
the Iron Age, by this time all but forgotten. Misunderstanding about the epigraphy on the
Hasmonaean coins led, by extension, to misunderstandings of the coins of the wars.45 The
paleo-Hebrew inscriptions are remarkable for their form as well as their content. This script
was essentially discontinued several hundred years earlier and “saw only very limited use
in the Maccabean age.”46 During this period, Aramaic was the principal language and script
of the Jewish people. According to Josef Naveh, “Texts written in the Hebrew script in the
Second Temple period are rare… These texts are official in nature and seem to indicate that
the use of the Hebrew script in this period had nationalistic connotations.”47 The texts Naveh
refers to are seals, scrolls, and coins. The use of this archaic Hebrew script “represented the
former glory of the Davidic kingdom which the Hasmonaean rulers attempted to regain and
restore.”48 Among the Hasmonaean coins, most types are inscribed with the paleo-Hebrew
script. Thus, even the script selection was part of the effort of the Jewish leaders to make a
statement about themselves and their kingdom. It would be used, even if few could read it.
Among the Dead Sea Scrolls, the only manuscripts in paleo-Hebrew are from the Pentateuch
and Job.49 In some other scrolls written in Aramaic script, only the Tetragrammaton is written
in paleo-Hebrew, “thus indicating that the scribes who preserved this script knew that it was the
original Hebrew one and its archaic flavour made it suitable for writing the name of the Lord.”50

41
Rappaport 2007, 109. twentieth century, however, it became clear that Simon
42
Rappaport 2007, 111-112. never issued coins. Archaeological and historical
43
Goodblatt 2006, 203. evidence has proved that the silver Jewish shekels date
44
Ariel 1982, 293. from the Jewish War (Hendin 2010, 339-340).
45
Largely due to the paleo-Hebrew script, controversies 46
Kanael 1963, 44.
raged over these shekels for hundreds of years. 47
Naveh 1987,119.
Originally most scholars believed that the “thick Jewish 48
Meshorer 1982, 51.
shekels,” as they were called in the late 1800s and early 49
VanderKam and Flint 2002, 151.
1900s, were issued under Simon Maccabee. By the mid- 50
Meshorer 2001, 40.

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One of the earliest known inscriptions using paleo-Hebrew was the Gezer Calendar, which
is dated to the late tenth century BCE. It is closely related to Phoenician inscriptions from
the same period. The paleo-Hebrew script was used on jar handles dating from the late eighth
century BCE and to stone scale weights of Judah dating to eighth to sixth centuries BCE, as
well as hundreds of stone and bone seals dating from the eighth to sixth centuries BCE. The
earliest known fragments of a biblical text are written in paleo-Hebrew script and make up
the Priestly Benediction in Numbers 6:24–26: “The Lord bless you and protect you. The Lord
makes his face to shine upon you and be gracious to you. The Lord lift up his countenance to
you and give you peace.” It is inscribed on a small silver scroll found in a burial cave at Ketef
Hinnom and dated to the late seventh century BCE.51
After the Babylonian capture of Judah and the exile of many Jews in 586 BCE, those who
remained behind continued to use paleo-Hebrew script. Two generations later, when a number
of Jews returned from exile, their language had become Aramaic and only those Jews who
stayed behind continued to use paleo-Hebrew script. Soon both the Aramaic language and the
“square” Hebrew script became the official means of communication in ancient Judaea.
In summary, it is impossible to undertake a meaningful epigraphic study of the paleo-
Hebrew script used on the coins of the Maccabees, the Jewish War, or the Bar Kokhba Revolt,
because it was an alphabet hundreds of years past regular use.
Instead of evolving as a living alphabet, variations in script forms resulted from the way
individual engravers and their assistants or apprentices cut these letters into the coin dies.
Since artisans were almost surely not familiar with the archaic script, one may assume that
each workshop was supplied with a written version of the legends to be used. Meshorer notes
that these may have been copied from “the letters from ancient manuscripts which were no
doubt kept in the library of the Temple at Jerusalem.”52 More style differences were surely
introduced by the die cutters who used chisels and other tools to make die cuts, often smaller
than an eyelash, and also to engrave the inscriptions in confusing mirror-writing in the dies.
Equally significant to the general lack of use of paleo-Hebrew in the first and second
centuries, is the consensus that “Judean society in antiquity was no more literate than the
surrounding cultures. In other words, the vast majority of Judeans were illiterate.”53 Thus
the majority of Jews were not likely to have read the Aramaic (square Hebrew) letters any
more easily than the obsolete paleo-Hebrew.
However, lack of literacy need not reduce the efficacy of messages or their transmission
via coins. Considering the strong Jewish oral traditions, it is likely that the coins provoked
patriotic discussion among the rebels. One can imagine a Jewish rebel passing along a coin
during a transaction: “Look, it is written in the language used by King David, do you know
what it says? ‘For the freedom of Zion.’” Now the coin and the verbal legend, playing on
tales of the glorious, distant past, could pass from hand to hand into every corner of Judaea
where the rebels carried on their lives.
Mildenberg wrote that although there has never been a hoard in which the coins of the
Jewish War and the Bar Kokhba Revolt are found together, “this in no way precludes the
possibility that Bar Kosiba’s men knew of the rebel coins from the Bellum Judaicum or even
that they had seen such coins,” Mildenberg observes.54 However, during the conference at
which this paper was delivered, the author learned from the presentation of Dr Boaz Zissu

51
Barkay et. al. 2003, 162-171. The cave at Ketef 52
Meshorer 1967, 48.
Hinnom was excavated by Gaby Barkay and the 53
Goodblatt 2006, 33, discusses this in some detail and
scroll was later identified by Ya’akov Meshorer, then provides a good bibliography on the limited literacy in
chief curator of Archaeology at The Israel Museum, ancient Judaea.
Jerusalem. 54
Mildenberg 1984, 68.

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 JEWISH COINAGE OF THE TWO WARS, AIMS AND MEANING 133

that he and colleagues had discovered just such a hoard. It was found in the Te’omim Cave
(Mŭghâret Umm et Tûeimîn) in the Western Jerusalem Hills, and consisted of 10 coins—six
Roman and four Judaean—discovered in situ together with a bronze sewing needle. Two of
the Judaean coins were Bar Kokhba zuzim, one was a Hasmonaean bronze, and the fourth was
a Jewish War silver shekel dated year two (67/68 CE).55 Zissu has also discovered a second
hoard containing both Jewish War and Bar Kokhba Revolt silver coins.56
Thus it is now proven that Bar Kokhba’s followers were well aware of the nature of the coins
of the Jewish War. Furthermore they were also familiar with Hasmonaean bronze coins!
This fresh evidence serves to solidify Goodman’s belief that the Bar Kokhba coins show
a “clear desire to link their uprising with the revolt that ended in AD 70.”57

7. Communicating via Symbols

Language, of course, is not the only way to communicate; symbols and images can be equally
effective, such as the portraits of Roman emperors on their coins which circulated to the far
reaches of the empire and made impressions upon even those who could not read. This could
not occur on Judaean coins, because between the second century BCE and the first century
CE, the Jews in their land, with few known exceptions, strictly obeyed the biblical admonition
against graven images:
Thou shalt not make unto thee a graven image, nor any manner of likeness, of any
thing that is in heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, or that is in the water under
the earth” (Exod 20:4).

This Pentateuchal code sternly prohibits making any graven image of man or beast, and is
repeated (Deut 5:8) and expanded upon:

… lest ye deal corruptly, and make you a graven image, even the form of any figure, the
likeness of male or female, the likeness of any beast that is on the earth, the likeness of any
winged fowl that flieth in the heaven, the likeness of anything that creepeth on the ground,
the likeness of any fish that is in the water under the earth (Deut 4:16–18).

The prohibition is presumably aimed directly at the manufacture of such images for the
purpose of worship. While that reservation is hinted at (see Deut 4:19 and Exod 20:19–21),
it is not spelled out in the biblical text. This ambiguity allowed Jewish culture to run the
gamut from outright prohibition of figurative art of any kind to complete disregard of the
prohibitions. However, on the coins of the Herodian and Hasmonaean dynasties struck for
circulation in areas of mainly Jewish population, and even on the coins struck under Roman
prefects and procurators, this prohibition was mostly obeyed.
On the other hand, with few exceptions neither Hasmonaean nor early Herodian coins
carried overtly Jewish symbols. Cornucopias, anchors, flowers, helmets, branches, and wreaths
can be ascribed a Jewish character on these coins, but originated on Greek and Roman issues.58
Many symbols used on the coins of Herod I are likely Augustan in their origin,59 and some,
such as the winged caduceus, might have been gravely offensive to the local population if their
contexts had been widely understood. In spite of the clearly pagan imagery on Herod’s coins, his

55
Zissu, Eshel, Langford and Frumkin, in press. 58
Hendin 2007-2008, 76-91.
56
Zissu, personal communication, November 2010. 59
Ariel 2009.
57
Goodman 2005, 166.

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 134 David Hendin

minters managed to avoid outright graven images with the exceptional use of the eagle shown
on Herod’s half-prutah.60 In this case it is generally believed that Herod’s minters intended the
eagle to represent a facsimile that Herod had posted above the entrance to the Jerusalem Temple;
the eagle also appears on scores of contemporary Ptolemaic and Seleucid issues.

Fig. 19: Bar Kokhba silver sela depicting the Jerusalem Temple and lulab and etrog.
Hendin 2010, no. 1373; Meshorer 2001, no. 218.

However, virtually all of the symbols on coins struck during both Jewish wars against
Rome go well beyond simply being inoffensive the local population. They are distinctly
Jewish, and refer to two basic motifs: the Jerusalem Temple and the popular festival of harvest
thanksgiving, Sukkot (Fig. 19), also known as the Feast of Tabernacles (booths).
Sukkot was a popular holiday in ancient times, and one of the three pilgrimage festivals during
the days of the Second Temple.61 It was a holiday of harvest and thanksgiving with great festivity
and rejoicing. It was referred to as “the festival of the Lord”62 or simply “the festival,”63 and Moses
directed the children of Israel to read the Law every seventh year on Sukkot (Deut 31:10-11).
Moses had been commanded by God that “On the first day you shall take the product of hadar
trees, branches of palm trees, boughs of leafy trees, and willows of the brook” (Lev 23:40).64
The ritual chalice depicted on the obverse of the shekels, half-shekels and quarter-shekels
of the first year may be related to Sukkot. Romanoff suggests it was related to the Omer, a
sacrifice of first fruits mentioned in Leviticus:

When ye are come into the land which I give unto you, and shall reap the harvest thereof,
then ye shall bring the sheaf of the first-fruits of your harvest unto the priest. And he shall
wave the sheaf before the Lord, to be accepted for you ... (Lev 23:9–11).

Earlier descriptions of this cup suggested it was related to drinking wine, but Romanoff
argues, “It is doubtful whether or not the vessel was a drinking cup. The dotted [beaded] border
would make drinking almost impossible. The cup, ‘kos’, in the Temple was used for sacrificial
blood; while the drinking of wine in the Temple was forbidden, and ... the Jewish coins do not
contain any symbol of blood sacrifices.” Romanoff continues by explaining that “The ‘chalice’,
or ‘cup’, rather signifies the golden vessel that contained the Omer and was used on the second
day of Passover when a measure of barley, a tenth of an ephah, equal to one and a half pints of
fine flour, was offered to the Temple as the first-fruits of the field. The waving of this vessel in
different directions during the offering corresponded to the waving of the lulav.”65

60
Hendin 2010, no. 1190; Meshorer 2001, no. 66. holiday in modern times, but its profile to non-Jews,
61
The three were Passover, Shavout (Pentacost) and and also among secular Jews outside of Israel has been
Sukkot (Feast of Tabernacles). eclipsed by the commercialized version of Chanukah,
62
Lev 23:39; Judg 21:19. Passover (which Christians relate to Easter), and the
63
1 Kgs 8:2, 8:65; 12:32; 2 Chron 5:3; 7:8. High Holy Days of Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur.
64
Sukkot remains a popular and widely celebrated Jewish 65
Romanoff 1944, 22-23.

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 JEWISH COINAGE OF THE TWO WARS, AIMS AND MEANING 135

On the other hand, Goldstein and Fontanille point out that an omer cup is not described
in any ancient sources, and believe it is equally likely that this is a generic Temple chalice,
perhaps a chalice offering salvation. In either case we note that this chalice with a beaded rim
is the only design that is repeated on both the silver and the bronze coins of the Jewish War.
The grouping of three pomegranate buds on the shekels has often been described as hanging
on a sprig or branch. Deutsch, however, asserts that this symmetrical object more likely represents
a man-made staff, “such an artefact matches a sacred object, a staff used by the high priests in
the Temple and explains its appearance on the silver coins.66 Therefore the staff is likely to
represent the minting authority, which is the high priesthood or the Temple as an institution.”67
The small bronzes of the second and third years68 carry images of an amphora and a vine
leaf on tendril. Similar designs were used earlier on a coin of Valerius Gratus. But, if one
compares that coin to the prutot of the Jewish War, one can see that the vessels are different.
Both the procurator coins and the Jewish War coins depict a vessel on one side and a vine leaf
on the other side. Romanoff69 and Meshorer,70 among others, conclude that this supports the
supposition that the Jewish War amphora was probably used for wine libations.
Meshorer suggests that the Jewish War bronze coins represent the antithesis of the Roman
motifs. The amphorae “on the Jewish issues may symbolize the sacred libations of wine made
in the Temple. The vessels depicted on the coins of the revolt are not copies of the Roman
amphorae; they are Jewish and of a different style than the classical Greco-Roman models
represented on the coinage of Valerius Gratus.”71
Romanoff adds that “From mishnaic sources we learn that only two liquids, water and
wine, usually required covers.”72 This requirement is of interest since the amphora shown on
the ‘year three’ coin is clearly covered and coupled with the vine leaf reverse one may assume
its relationship to the “fruit of the vine” so important in Jewish liturgy until today.

They used to fill a golden flagon holding three logs with water from Siloam. When they
reached the Water Gate, they blew on the shofar a sustained, a quavering and another
sustained blast. The priest whose turn of duty it was went up the Altar-Ramp and turned
to the right where were two silver bowls…. They had each a hole like a narrow snout, one
wide and the other narrow so that both bowls emptied themselves together…. The bowl to
the west was for water and that to the east was for wine…. As was the rite on a weekday
so was the rite on a Sabbath save that on the eve of the Sabbath they used to fill with water
from Siloam a golden jar that had not been hallowed, and put it in a special chamber. If it
was upset or uncovered, they refilled it from the laver, for wine or water which has been
uncovered is invalid for the Altar (m. Sukk. 4, 9-10).

“Here we have our vessels,” E.W. Klimowsky writes. “The big golden flagon holding three
logs was that with a lid and also the one without it, which is on the coins of the First Jewish
War.” He adds that in describing the “natural size of the golden amphora, the Mishnah reports

66
An ivory pomegranate inscribed “[Belonging] to the 68
And what seems to be a prototype prutah of the first
Temple of [Yaweh], consecrated to the priests” in paleo- year (Deutsch 1992-93, 36-37 and Hendin 2010, 354-
Hebrew script was purchased by The Israel Museum in 355).
the 1980s. In 2005 a committee of the Israel Antiquities 69
Romanoff 1944, 31-33.
Authority and the Israel Museum found the pomegranate 70
Meshorer 2001, 121.
to date to the Late Bronze Age, but the inscription to be 71
Meshorer 1982 II, 112.
a modern addition (Goren et. al. 2005). 72
Romanoff 1944, 31.
67
Deutsch 2009a and personal communications.

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 136 David Hendin

that the contents were three logs of water taken from Siloam. This would be about one and a
half pints [24 oz.]…[thus] the size of the golden amphora was not considerable.”73

Fig. 20: Jewish War bronze depicting chalice.

Hendin 2010, no. 1369; Meshorer 2001, no. 214.

Bronze coins struck during the fourth year, possibly the first siege coins in history,74 are
markedly different. Among them are the only bronze coins of the Jewish War that reproduce
an image that appears on the shekels and half-shekels—the chalice (Fig. 20). All of the other
images on the bronze coins of the fourth year refer directly to the holiday of Sukkot, which
may reflect a yearning by local and Diaspora Jews to fully restore freedom from the tightening
Roman yoke.
As a simple palm branch, we have already seen the lulav on coins of John Hyrcanus I,
Alexander Jannaeus, Herod I, and Herod Antipas. Now, with the coins of the fourth year of
the Jewish War, “the four species” as symbols of Sukkot and the pilgrimage to Jerusalem take
centre stage.
On the largest denomination, designated “half,” we see a date palm tree with collecting
baskets. According to rabbinic tradition, the “honey” listed among the seven species that bless
the land of Israel was the honey from dates (Deut 8:8).75 Its reverse depicts two lulav bunches
flanking an etrog (citron). The second denomination, designated “quarter” depicts an etrog on
its obverse and two lulav bunches on its reverse. The third denomination, which is not named
but by size and weight assumed to be an “eighth,” depicts the ritual chalice on its obverse and
a lulav bunch flanked by two etrogs on its reverse.
We can understand the importance of these symbols since Leviticus mentions some of the
special observances of Sukkot:

... And ye shall take you on the first day the fruit of goodly trees, branches of palm-trees
and boughs of thick trees, and willows of the brook, and ye shall rejoice before the Lord
your God seven days....Ye shall dwell in booths seven days; all that are home-born in Israel
shall dwell in booths; that your generations may know that I made the children of Israel to
dwell in booths, when I brought them out of the land of Egypt... (Lev 23:39–43).

These were “the four species.” The “fruit of goodly trees” is the citron, a lemon-like citrus
fruit (etrog in Hebrew); the “boughs of thick trees” are myrtle twigs (hadasim); the palm
branch is called lulav; and willows are called aravot. In the ancient world, there was a great

73
Klimowsky 1974, 80. Isadore Goldstein, in a personal inscribed on them they show that though of bronze,
communication, notes that the exact amount of the they were intended to pass as the half and quarter of a
liquid measure “log” is not a simple calculation, but in silver shekel…”
any case three logs would not be greater than 1.8 litres 75
The earliest Judaean appearance of the date palm
(around 61 oz.). tree (as opposed to the palm branch) occurs on a coin
74
Newell (1913, 544) notes “they were struck in the of Herod Antipas in 1 BCE/CE (Hendin 1198) and
city of Jerusalem itself when that city was being closely subsequently on coins of the Roman governors of
invested by Titus and his army; by the fictitious value Judaea.

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 JEWISH COINAGE OF THE TWO WARS, AIMS AND MEANING 137

deal of symbolism linked to palm branches, not only by the Jews, but by the Greeks and
Romans as well. Nike often holds a palm branch.
After the Jerusalem Temple was destroyed in 70 CE, Rabbi Johanan ben Zakkai ruled
that wherever Jews celebrate the holiday of Sukkot, they should take “the four species” in
their hand for seven days to commemorate the Temple. They were held while reciting certain
prayers and psalms.
Themes of Sukkot and of the rebuilding of the Jerusalem Temple continue on coins of the
Bar Kokhba Revolt.

8. Temple and Other Bar Kokhba Symbols

Although issued in a period of severe economic and political stress, Bar Kokhba’s coins are
the most diverse series of ancient Jewish coins. At this time a bold image of the Jerusalem
Temple was introduced together with sacred vessels, musical instruments, grapes, vines, and
vine leaves. The theme of Sukkot is continued with images of the etrog and lulav.
Meshorer summarizes various proposals as to the identification of the tetrastyle structure,
and concludes that it is “a schematic geometric shape representing the Temple to all who
viewed it, but not the actual building.” Given historic descriptions of the Jerusalem Temple, it
may be less “schematic” than Meshorer suggests. The Temple facade is shown on Bar Kokhba
coins in several variations.
Isadore Goldstein makes remarkable observations about the depiction. First, he notes, that
the wavy line and the cross or star above the Temple are not fanciful, but have a literal meaning.
The Mishnah says that “a golden vine was positioned over the entrance to the sanctuary and
hung over the beams” (m. Midd. 3.8). Only the vine was hung initially. The golden leaves
and grapes (singly or in bunches) were added as donations from the people.76 Thus Goldstein
suggests that the schematic view shown on the coins was a prospect of the sanctuary, a view
that could be seen from the Temple courtyard.77
Goldstein points to another portion of Mishnah (m. Yom. 3:10), that says, “Helena set a golden
candelabra over the door of the Sanctuary.” This refers to a gift from Helena, queen of Adiabene,
a converted Jew who visited Jerusalem and was buried there around 56 CE. Goldstein cites other
rabbinic literature that says that this candelabrum sparkled with rays and reflected light that could
be seen from many places in Jerusalem. Thus, he concludes, “there are many renditions of the star
form, but they all represent the artist’s interpretation of the chandelier or of its twinkling.”78
Dan Barag suggests that the object between the central pair of columns is the showbread
table.79 Previously, Romanoff suggested it might be the Ark of the Covenant.80 Reifenberg
suggested an Ark of the Torah with scrolls.81
The Babylonian Talmud states that while a man could not make a house or a porch copied
from the Temple or “a table after the design of the table [in the Temple] or a candelabrum after
the design of the candelabrum. He could, however, make one with five, six, or eight [branches]
but with seven he may not make it even though it be of other metals” (b. A. Z. 43 a).
Thus Meshorer suggests that the Temple is depicted, but possibly not accurately because
of the prohibition.82

76
m. Midd. 3.8. “A vine of gold stood over the entrance 79
Barag 1986, 217-222.
to the sanctuary. Those who wished to donate—a leaf, 80
Romanoff 1944, 40.
grape, or cluster he would bring and hang it on her (on 81
Reifenberg 1947, 30-32.
the vine).” 82
See Jacobson 2007 for the most thorough discussion to
77
Goldstein 2010 and personal communications. date of the nature of the Temple shown on these coins.
78
Ibid.

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 138 David Hendin

Goldstein suggests that the area between the central columns of the Temple may simply depict
the sanctuary entrance, with a generic or “cultic” object inside. He also observes that the horizontal
ladder-like object is not a balustrade or fence as some have suggested but represent the twelve
steps leading up to the Temple that were described by both Josephus and in the Mishnah. “Not one
of the dies recorded by Mildenberg depicts more than twelve steps,”83 he observes.

Fig. 21 Fig. 22 Fig. 23

Fig. 21: Bar Kokhba silver zuz depicting trumpets. Hendin 2010, no. 1417; Meshorer 2001, no. 276b.
Fig. 22: Bar Kokhba silver zuz depicting lyre. Hendin 2010, no. 1424; Meshorer 2001, no. 272a.
Fig. 23: Bar Kokhba silver zuz depicting harp. Hendin 2010, no. 1389; Meshorer 2001, no. 238.

Trumpets (Fig. 21) and several styles of lyres (Fig. 22) or harps (Fig. 23) are also shown
on Bar Kokhba coins. The trumpets recall almost identical instruments depicted on the Arch
of Titus as well as an inscription discovered on a stone from the Jerusalem Temple, now in the
Israel Museum, that declares, “To the place of trumpeting…to herald.”84 The block, according
to Mazar, had probably been a part of the parapet of the Temple, where, on the evening of
Sabbath, “one of the Priests would ascend…and sound a trumpet to signal the advent of
the holy day, and at sundown the process was repeated to announce its conclusion.”85 Silver
trumpets were also used during the Sukkot ceremonies in the Temple (m. Sukk. 5.5).
The harp, which has a sound box shaped like a skin bag (nevel in Hebrew, chelys in Greek),
and the narrower lyre, with a chest-like sound box (kinor in Hebrew, kithara in Greek), have
been associated with the Jewish religion and worship since ancient times.

Praise him with lyre and harp (Ps 150:3).

The lulav bunch and etrog are shown on the tetradrachms, and the lulav bunch stands alone
on the didrachm. Other coins depict only a branch, either palm or willow.
Grape clusters and vines already appeared on a coin of Herod I and his son Archelaus, and
a vine leaf was used on Jewish War prutot. Grape bunches and vines are a common motif in
Jewish art of the first and second centuries and seem to be related not only to the agricultural
bounty of the land and related celebrations such as Sukkot, but also to use of “the fruit of the
vine” in Jewish ritual from ancient times. Barag writes that the use of these motifs on coins
“manifests the hope for the resumption of another essential part of the cult, the pilgrimage
on the three festivals demonstrated by the symbols of Sukkot.”86 The grape, vine and vine
leaf motifs could also relate to the golden vine that hung over the Temple sanctuary, with its
donated leaves, grapes, and grape clusters hung upon it.

83
Goldstein, 2010. 85
Ibid., 138.
94
Mazar 1975, 138-139. 86
Barag 1986, 221.

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 JEWISH COINAGE OF THE TWO WARS, AIMS AND MEANING 139

Fig. 24: Bar Kokhba silver zuz depicting bunch of grape and jug with willow branches.
Hendin 2010, no. 1433; Meshorer 2001, no. 285.

The jug (Fig. 24) appearing on the Bar Kokhba zuzim is also connected to Sukkot, according to
Yonatan Adler, who believes it represents “the golden flagon used in the water libation ceremony
performed on the Temple altar during the Feast of Tabernacles. The branch appearing to the side of
this flagon, previously identified as a palm frond, should be recognized instead as a willow-branch,
symbolizing the willow-branch ceremony that took place at the Temple altar in conjunction with
the water libation ceremony … the numismatic evidence provided by the Bar Kokhba denarii is
the only evidence of the willow-branch ritual outside of Rabbinic literature.”87
In ancient times, the willow branch ritual was carried out daily in the Jerusalem Temple.
According to the Talmud:

There was a place below Jerusalem called Motsa. They went down to there, and collected
young willow branches, and then came and set them upright along the sides of the altar,
with their tops bent over the top of the altar. They then sounded a prolonged [trumpet]
blast, a quavering note, and a prolonged blast (m. Sukk. 5.5-6).

Fig. 25: Bar Kokhba bronze with seven-branched palm. Hendin 2010, no. 1408;
Meshorer 2001, no. 260a.

Somewhat surprisingly the menorah motif is completely missing from the coins of the
Jewish Wars, and we have no indication why. However, the most extensive use of the palm
tree on ancient Jewish coinage occurs during the Bar Kokhba Revolt, and in almost every
instance, even on the irregular coins, the palm tree is shown with seven branches (Fig. 25).
(This is also true for the palm tree on the bronze half-shekel of the Jewish War.) Possibly this
form of the local date palm is a reference to the seven-branched menorah.

87
Adler 2007-2008, 135. Given this discussion, one the Bar Kokhba Revolt might, have been intended as
must also consider that some of the so-called palm- willow branches.
branch motifs on coins of Herod I, Herod Antipas, and

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9. Minting the Coins

While the manufacturing of the coins of the two Jewish wars were not similar to each other,
both are unusual as compared to other contemporary coinages. In the case of the Jewish War
the small bronzes of mostly the second and third years were manufactured in the same way
as earlier coins of the governors of Judaea (prefects and procurators) and the earlier royal
Jewish houses. The quality of workmanship, however, was much better overall during the
Jewish War, and precise manufacturing was a hallmark of the silver coins. They were uniform
in weight, purity, shape, and striking.88 Engraving of the dies89 was the best in the history of
Judaea, and Roth notes that for the first time we can clearly see “a mint geared for large-scale
production, not with the work of part-time amateur artisans.”90
This is rather remarkable considering the ongoing civil war and changes among Jerusalem’s
Jews. The political situation was certainly “not consistent with the stable minting of coins by
the rebels’ government throughout the five years of the revolt,”91 Rappaport notes. It is indeed
remarkable that the changing situation among the Jews did not affect the striking of the silver
coins, which reflected a “relatively settled condition and the confident atmosphere of the
country at the time,” according to Roth. 92
Silver shekels and fractions of shekels of the Jewish war were not only unusually thick
for ancient coins, but uniformly round, and struck with hammered edges which, according to
experiments by Deutsch and Drei, were hammered prior to striking.93 Compared to both the
early and later style Tyre shekels and fractions, one notes that the only physical similarity
between the two coin types is pureness of silver—around 96% for the Tyre coins and 98%
for the Jewish War coins.94
Also noteworthy is the fact that the weight of the Jewish War prutah is the highest for
any Jewish coin struck since the first issues of the Hasmonaean Dynasty.95 Even though the
bronzes were a fiduciary coinage, it appears as if the people behind the coins of the Jewish
War wanted to make certain that they made a good impression.
Bar Kokhba coins, on the other hand, were created without the benefit of a fully-equipped
mint. Probably due to limited resources, every coin of the Bar Kokhba Revolt was struck upon
a coin already in circulation in the area. Meshorer believed that the overstriking was done
for political reasons, “a sort of small act of vengeance and a clear political declaration.”96
I do not agree with this conclusion and as evidence I cite Greek coins, Jewish coins, and
Nabataean coins97 which were overstruck by the Bar Kokhba mint. This suggests that these
minters were simply pulling coins from circulation, and the reason they overstruck more
Roman and Roman provincial coins was simply that there were more in local circulation
at the time. While it is simple for a modern numismatist to take the time to observe (often
mere) traces of previous coins on all Bar Kokhba issues, this was not as noticeable to the

88
Regarding this precision, Goldstein and Fontanille 92
Roth 1962, 39.
(2006, 17) show, remarkably, that even though the 93
Deutsch 2009a, 2.
reverses of the Jewish shekels and half-shekels are 94
Deutsch 2009, 67.
virtually identical throughout the war, new reverses
were created each year, and there are only extremely 95
Hendin 2009. The average prutah during the Jewish
rare instances (such as between year four and year five War, 2.51 grams, was the strongest prutah weight
half-shekels) when the same reverse die is used in more average since the earliest Seleucid-Hasmonaean
than a single year. coins of Jerusalem, which average 2.47 grams. In the
89
Deutsch (2009a, 3) has recorded 1,220 Jewish War interim the average of some of the small prutot during
shekels and half-shekels from 515 individual dies of Hasmonaean and Herodian times fell as low as less
which 85 were obverse dies and 430 reverse dies. than one gram.
90
Roth 1962, 40. 96
Meshorer 1982 II, 137.
91
Rappaport 2007, 103.

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 JEWISH COINAGE OF THE TWO WARS, AIMS AND MEANING 141

people handling the coins in commerce. The Bar Kokhba slogans and images were more
than sufficient to make their point.
Some Bar Kokhba coins were saved by patriotic Jews for many years and used as
jewellery98 or carefully collected even as worthless tokens and kept together with one’s
greatest wealth.99

10. Dating Formulas

Jewish coins of both wars were dated by eras based on the wars from the Jewish perspective.
In any case the Romans considered both issues to be illegal rebel currency.
Jewish War coins are somewhat inconsistent in the dating formula of the silver coins,
since those of the first year are marked with a Hebrew letter signifying “one” but coins of the
second through fifth years are marked with two letters, the first abbreviating the word “year”
and the second indicating the numbers two through five. One may suggest that the first coins
struck were prototypes for a new era of Jewish government in Jerusalem. Since it was not
known from the outset if the rebellion would last for months or years, the coins were marked
with the Hebrew letter aleph, which was meant to signify “first” as in “first [money of] Holy
Jerusalem” to contrast them with the coins of Holy Tyre that had long been (and continued to
be) in circulation in Jerusalem and Judaea.100
Once the first year ended it was then a matter of political emphasis to designate each year
as an additional significant period in the era of the Jewish battle against Rome, hence the
designations “year two” and so on.101
In the case of Bar Kokhba’s coins it is somewhat the opposite. There was no Jewish
establishment or Temple, together with its political structure, and Bar Kokhba aspired to
control Jerusalem, but never captured it. Therefore it was in the second revolt’s interest to
begin with a clear dating era. There was little to lose, this was a guerrilla war and the very
statement that coins were struck in the “first year” had an aggressive posture. As the tide
turned by the end of the second year of the Bar Kokhba Revolt, those designing the coins may
have believe it would serve them better to no longer date the coins, but simply to continue
issuing them with their patriotic slogans.

97
Ibid., 115. Since Tyre had a long prior history of issuing coins
98
Ibid., 162-163. dated to specific eras, there was no reason to hesitate
99
Hendin 2000-2002. This group of 16 bronze, silver using “year one” if a new era was to be followed. But to
and gold coins contains was found in an oil lamp. the Jews, in all of their history, this was a unique event,
Although the latest coin in the group is attributed to the first ever Jewish silver coins.
Antoninus Pius in 151-152 CE in Rome (more than 101
The only exception is the unusual and rare quarter-
15 years after the end of the Bar Kokhba Revolt), the shekel of the fourth year which, for unknown reasons,
hoard contained seven Bar Kokhba coins including avoids motifs of all previous silver coins and also
coins from each year of the three years of the war. The carries the Hebrew letter “daled,” for four (Hendin
inclusion of invalidated bronze coins carefully selected 2010, no. 1366; Meshorer 2001, no. 210). From all
from each year of the Bar Kokhba Revolt can only be other technical standpoints it seems clear that this coin
explained as a “collection.” was minted at the same place as the other Jewish War
100
Other silver coins, Tyre shekels for example, silver coins, even though its motifs are unique.
typically bear the date of a first year, using the symbol 102
Hart 1952.
signifying year or number, L (or sometimes ETOY).

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 142 David Hendin

11. The Roman Commentary

The extensive Flavian IVDAEA CAPTA series was Rome’s victorious response to the Jewish
War. This was the most extensive and varied series of specific victory coins in Roman coinage
to date, and H. J. St. Hart correctly describes these coins as the “Official Commentary.”102

Fig. 26: Vitellius bronze as depicting the Jewish victory. Hendin 2010, no. 1463.

We will not discuss the series in detail here other than to note that the series began with coins
struck by Vitellius in 69 (Fig. 26). Nero had earlier sent Vespasian to take charge of the war
in Judaea, and Vitellius took advantage of his brief months in office to make note of positive
progress. Only when Vespasian became emperor did the Roman mints ramp up the IVDAEA
CAPTA series, and hundreds of thousands (or more) coins were struck under Vespasian and
Titus. Domitian was not active in the Jewish War, nevertheless, he struck a series of provincial
coins in Caesarea Maritima that plays upon the Flavian dynasty’s Jewish victory as a theme.
Nerva’s FISCI IVDAICI CALVMNIA SVBLATA may suggest that Nerva eliminated
some of the insults around the collection of the Jewish Tax established during Domitian’s
brutal rule. More recently, however, a few historians and numismatists have rejected that
explanation, since if it was true it would represent the only time in history that Rome issued
something akin to an apology for any reason on its coins.103 Manfred Lehman explains that the
Jews had “continued to collect various taxes right under the noses of their Roman occupiers
… It was the Jewish tax system that was the ‘insult’ to Rome, not the Roman tax imposed
on the Jews, that the Fiscus Judaicus coin refers to, because the Jews collected several types
of taxes. It was the cessation of this insult—these Jewish Taxes—that the coin celebrates.”104
Heemstra, in this volume, suggests that the coin provides evidence “that the new emperor no
longer permitted people to be accused of living [illegally by Roman law] a Jewish life.”105
Hadrian’s coins relating to his travel, in 130 AD, to Judaea with the legend ADVENTI
AVG IVDAEAE were struck prior to the Bar Kokhba War, and so cannot be construed as any
sort of response.

12. Conclusion
The coins of the two Jewish wars against Rome were rooted in the desire for an autonomous
nation. Political, religious, and economic elements all played roles in the creation of these
coinages. Based upon the differences between the coins of the two Jewish wars and all Jewish
coinage that preceded them, and examining the slogans, imagery, and extensive manufacture of
these coins during extremely difficult times, we conclude that the principal motive of the coins
was political and psychological—to make bold statements of Jewish sovereignty, whether or

103
Hendin 2010, 458 for this theory discussed by 104
Lehman 1993.
David Vagi. 105
Heemstra 2012

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 JEWISH COINAGE OF THE TWO WARS, AIMS AND MEANING 143

not it actually existed, to both Jews and Romans. The impressive silver coins of the Jewish
War, with their anonymous minting authority, suggested to both Jews and Romans a Jewish
unity that did not exist. On a contrarian note, it seems likely that most Bar Kokhba coins were
struck upon circulating Roman or provincial coins because Bar Kokhba’s government did not
have the resources to produce their own flans. Thus the use of these, and other coins taken
from circulation, was more of a practical than a political matter.

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 The papers in this volume are based on presentations at
an international two-day conference held at Spink & Son
in London on 13-14 September, 2010. The period covered
spans the Roman conquest of Judaea by Pompey through
to the last major Jewish uprising against Rome under
Simon Bar-Kokhba, encompassing the age of the Herods
and the birth of Christianity. The past few decades have
seen considerable advances in numismatic scholarship
dealing with this period, stimulated by archaeological
exploration and important coin finds, which have shed
new light. The contributors to this volume have pooled
their specialist knowledge to illuminate important issues
in the history of Judaea and its relationship to Rome.

ISBN 978-1-907427-22-0

Front cover image courtesy of

Numismatica Ars Classica,
London. Auction 27, lot 353