Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 1987 14/2-3

The Kaihogyo Practice of Mt. Hiei

Robert F. RHODES

The kaihogyo 回峰 tjis a unique form of Tendai mountain asceticism carried

on at Enryaku-ji 延暦寺 on Mt. Hiei, the headquarter temple of the sect. It is
a practice in which one walks around a prescribed nineteen mile (30 km.)
route around Mt. Hiei and its environs, offering prayers at the various halls,
shrines, and other holy sites along the way.
The kaihogyo has recently caught the imagination of many Japanese
people interested in religion and spirituality. A number of books and articles,
some scholarly but many popular, have been published on it,1 and N H K, the
Japanese national public broadcasting company, has aired a critically ac­
claimed program on the subject. In the pages below we will attempt to give a
short introduction to tms practice, first outlining its history and then briefly
descriomg how it is practiced today.

1 There are very few scholarly works on the kaihogyo, probably because so little is known
about its history. The most comprehensive work so far is Hiramatsu 1982.1 have drawn heavily
on this work in writing this paper. Kodera 1979 is the best work on the various phases in the
development of this practice; I have relied almost exclusively on this paper in writing the his­
torical section below. Kageyama Haruki and Murayama Shuichi have written extensively on the
kaihogyo as it relates to mountain asceticism in general. In particular, Kageyama^ work on the
Katsuragawa Myoo-in (1960, 1975) has helped clarify the important role this temple played in
the development of the kaihogyo. Hoshimiya’s article (1973) also provides a good overview of
the kaihogyo.
The recent “boom” in the interest in the kaihogyo has led to the publication of many pop­
ular books on the subject. As far as I can tell this “boom” was sparked by a NHK television
program focusing on Sakai Yusai, who was then in the midst of his thousand day practice. The
director of this program, Wazaki Nobuya, wrote a book (1979) based on his experiences. Sakai
is also the subject of Shima’s book (1983). Utsumi Shunsho, another kaihogyo practitioner, is
taken up in Hayashi 1986. This book is of special interest, since it is a collection of photographs
recording the entire course of his thousand day practice. Hagami 1974 is a collection of talks by
this former kaihogyo practitioner.
186 Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 14/2-3

The Life o f Sod

It is traditionally claimed that the founder of the kaihogyo practice is Soo ネ 目
応（ 831-918); generally known as Soo Osho, (Venerable Soo). Soo was a
Tendai monk who spent many years secluded in ascetic practices on Mt. Hiei
and other mountains nearby. But the practices which Soo himself undertook
were neither as organized or as elaborate as the kaihogyo now practiced. The
kaihogyo practice only gradually developed over time into its present form,
but since the kaihogyo practitioners trace their spiritual lineage back to Soo,
we must begin with him.
The earliest and most important Diography of Soo is the Tenaai nanzan
Mudo-ji konryu osho den 天台南山無動寺建立和尚伝(Biography of [Soo]
Osho, the Founder of Mudo-ji or the Southern Mountain; author unKnown),
contained in the fourth fascicle of the Gunsho ruiju." The following account
of Sooys life is based primarily on this biography.
Soo was born into the Ichu family, which claims Imperial descent. His
birthplace was Asai County, located to the northeast of Lake Biwa, in Omi
Province (now Shiga Prefecture). The biography states that Soo was con­
ceived when his mother dreamed that she swallowed a sword. Since the
sword is one of the implements carried by Fudo Myoo, this legend can be
seen as an attempt to establish that Soo had a close affinity with this Buddhist
deity, the main object of devotion in the kaihogyo practice, even from before
the time he was born (Hiramatsu 1982, p. 13).
Soo joined the fledgling Tendai community at Enryaku-ji on Mt. Hiei in
845, at the age of fifteen. Saicho, the founder of the Japanese Tendai sect,
had died just over twenty years before, in 822, and the sect was still in the
earliest stages of its development. O n Mt. Hiei, Soo became disciple of
Chinso 鎮 操 .T w o years later, he took the tonsure and became a shami
(novice). It is also about this time that he is said to have aroused the aspira­
tion to attain enlightenment — an aspiration which, according to Mahayana
Buddnism, marks the beginning of one’ s commitment to the life of a bod-
nisattva— upon reading the “ Chapter on the Bodhisattva Never Disparaging”
of the Lotus Sutra.
It was also during this period that Soo began his daily custom of gathering
wild flowers in the woods around Mt. Hiei and presenting it to the main hall
of Enryaku-ji. At that time, the monk Ennin was residing at a sub-temple
close to the hall. Several years before, in 938, Ennin had embarked on a jour­
ney to China to master Esoteric Buddhism. W h e n he returned to Japan nine

2 See Hanawa 1893, v o l.4，pp. 527-537. A list of woks which give S55’s biography is found
in Kaeevama 1960, p. 112，note 1 .Useful summaries of S65， s life are found in Kageyama 1960,
pp. 98-113, Kageyama and Murayama 1970, pp. 54-62，and Hiramatsu 1982, pp. 13-25.
RHODES: The Kaihogyo Practice of Mt. Hiei 187

years later, he introduced to Mt. Hiei the Esoteric doctrines and practices he
had learned. Ennin’ s return to Mt. Hiei (847) corresponds to the year of
SooJs ordination as a novice. Ennin noticed the young Soo presenting his
offering of flowers to the hall every day, not missing a day for six or seven
years. Therefore in 854，the year that Ennin was appointed Tendai abbot
{zasu 座 主 ） ，Ennin proposed to nominate Soo as a nenbundosha 年分度者
(annual ordinand) to eventually become a fully-ordained monk of the Tendai
sect (see Kageyama and Murayama 1970， p. 55). However, Soo demurred. In­
stead, Soo called Ennin’ s attention to another novice w h o m he had seen
prostrating himself in tears at the main hall, praying for ordination. This
monk, Soo suggested, should be oraained instead. Ennin agreed, praising Soo
for his virtuous act.
S55， s opportunity for full ordination came two years later, in 856, when he
was twenty-five years of age. That year Ennin was asked by Nishi Sanjo
Dainagon Yoshisuke (Fujiwara Yoshisuke, 813—867) to recommend someone
to be ordained a monk in his stead. He, Yoshisuke, would then revere this
monk as his spiritual mentor, and in this way strengthen his karmic bond with
Buddhism. Ennin nominated Soo. It was at this time that Ennin gave the
name “ S66”to the newly ordained monk. H e chose this name for him be­
cause he considered Soo (literally “to correspond”）to be an excellent
“match”for Yosmsuke. Furthermore, the Chinese character for “ so”in
“ S66,”is identical with the second character of Yoshisuke， s name.
Soo then became Ennin’ s disciple, and began the twelve year seclusion on
Mt. Hiei incumbent upon those who became Tendai monks.3 From Ennin he
received transmission of the several Esoteric teachings, such as the Fudo
Myoo ho 不 動 明 王 法 （ an esoteric ritual dedicated to Fudo Myoo) and the
Besson gikigoma 妨別尊儀軌護摩法(esoteric fire rituals offered to specific
deities). Soo was deeply moved by his experience of receiving these transmis­
sions, and, according to the biography, he declared that by cultivating these
practices, he would make “ a present-day Fudo appear in Japan, and a living
Myoo reside within Mt. Hiei”(Hanawa 1893， 4， p. 529).
Afterwards Soo sought a quiet place far from the central area of Mt. Hiei
at which to pursue his practices, and eventually built a small hermitage on
one of the southern ridges of Mt. Hiei. This was the beginnings of the Mud6-
ji 無 動 寺 ，the present center of kaihogyo practice. Soo remained there for
three years, engaged in various rituals and practices.
However, in 858 Nishi Sanj5， s daughter, a court lady in the entourage of
Emperor Montoku, was afflicted with an illness which brought her close to
death. At Nishi Sanjo's urgent request, Soo descended Mt. Hiei to attend to
her. According to the biography, when Soo chanted a spell to dispel her ill­
ness, a spirit manifested itself above a screen which partitioned off the sick

3 This requirement was stipulated in Saichd’s Sange gakusho shifa. See Groner 1984, p. 133.
188 Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 14/2—3

lad/s chambers. This spirit then jumped above the heads of the assembled
people and flew to where Soo was performing his rituals outside. It gave off a
series of furious wails, but was finally calmed by Soo, and was sent back be­
hind the screen to the patient. As a result， the lady recovered. From this time
on, Soo came to be respected for his ability to cure illnesses through his
magical powers, and was frequently summoned by members of the Imperial
family and other court nobles when they fell ill.
The next year, in 859, Soo embarked on another period of intense ascetic
practices. H e made his way to the remote and uninhabited wilderness on the
western slopes of the Hira mountain range, with its many rivers and water­
falls. The Hira range is situated along the western shores of Lake Biwa,
about fifteen miles north of Mt. Hiei. Along the western foot of this range,
and parallel to itfrom north to south, runs the Ado River, carving a deep val­
ley in this mountainous region. Several monks, such as J5an 静安4 had pre­
viously practiced on Mt. Hira and several temples had been built on the east­
ern slopes of the mountain range before Soo5s time. However, Soo was the
first to practice on the western slopes of the mountain (Murayama 1978，pp.
66-70).
According to his Diography, Soo vowed to remain there for three years,
forgoing cereals and eating only wild plants. As a result of his earnest prayer,
the Bodhisattva Samantabhadra appeared to him in a dream, and he gained
the wisdom whereby he was able to easily gain insight into the meaning of the
Buddhist scriptures.
Later works give a more elaborate version of ms experiences. Since these
stories form an important part of the popular image of Soo, it will be
recounted in some detail below. According to the Katsuragawa engi 葛川縁起
(see Hiramatsu 1982, pp. 192-93), Soo had long entertained a wish to see a
living Fud5 Myoo before his eyes. It was to fulfill this wish that Soo resolved
to practice austerities on Mt. Hira. W h e n he hiked into Hira, he came upon a
waterfall. For seven days he prayed to Fudo at this waterfall, when suddenly
an old man appeared. This old man revealed himself to be the god Shiko-
buchi Myojin, the lord of the region. Shikobuchi Myojin declared to Soo that
there are ninety-five pure waterfalls and seven pure streams in his domain,
and that he would present this domain to Soo since itwas an auspicious place
to undertake ascetic practices. This waterfall, he continued, was the third of
ninety-five waterfalls. It was called the Katsuragawa waterfall, and led direct­
ly to the Tusita heaven of Maitreya (the future Buddha). Shikobuchi Myoiin
then vowed to protect all Buddhist practitioners, and to protect the Buddha
Dharma when Maitreya appears in the world. With these words, Shikobuchi
Myojin disappeared from view.

4 Dates unknown. Jo an was a Hosso monk from Gango-ji. In 838 he became the first monk
to perform the Obutsumyo ceremony御 仏 名 会 at the Imperial palace. See U i 1972, p. 585.
RHODES: The K aiho^d Practice of Mt. Hiei 189

Thereupon Soo continued his meditation even more intensely to gain a vi­
sion of Fudo Myoo. After several days, Fud5 suddenly appeared in the water­
fall, enveloped in a raging fire. Unable to restrain himself，Soo jumped into
the waterfall to embrace the deity. But what he embraced was not Fudo but a
log of the katsura tree. Pulling the log out of the water, Soo enshrined it and
continued his practices.
In 861, before Soo completed his thousand day practice at Katsuragawa,
he was called to the Imperial court to conduct the ave§a 阿比舎 ritual. The
avefa is an esoteric Buddhist ritual for conducting prophesies by making su­
pernatural beings possess young children. Such was S56’ s mystic powers that
before he mushed chanting the prescribed mantra ten times, the two young
boys participating in the ritual were possessed by Matsuo Myojin, the god of
Matsuo Shrine. Questions were then put before the god, and his prophecies
were received.
In the same year, Soo was once again asked to pray for the recovery of
Nishi Sanj5， s daughter from another serious illness. W h e n Soo was success­
ful, Nism Sanjo presented him, as a token of his gratitude, a Chinese sword
which had been one of ms family's prized possessions. O n the sword he had
the words, “ The spell of Fudo Myoo, the mantra wth which the Buddhas
compassionately protect us”inlaid in gold (Hanawa 1893, 4， p. 530).
From this time on, Soo was repeatedly called upon to exercise his curative
powers. H e effected the cure of Emperor Seiwa’ s toothache the next year,
862. In 865， when one of Emperor Seiwa’ s court ladies was possessed by a fox
Soo succeeded in curing her possession. In 885 he cured Emperor Koko's
empress of a serious illness, and in 890 he relieved Emperor U d a ， s
toothache. Soo also prayed for the recovery of the monk Gensh5 at Emperor
Daigo’ s command in 903. In the same year, he conducted a ritual to pray for
the safety of Emperor Daigo’ s consort when she had trouble during child­
birth (see Hiramatsu 1982， pp. 18-19).
In 863 Soo returned to Mudo-ji and gradually built this subtemple into an
important center of Mt. Hiei. In that year, he commissioned a life-sized
statue of Fudo, and two years later, in 865, built a hall to house this newly-
carved statue. This hall grew into the Myoo-do, which even today is the cen­
tral structure of the Mudo-ji. It was also on this occasion that Soo gave the
name Mud5-ji to his temple complex.
In 881 Emperor Yozei presented Mudo-ji with bronze statues of
Vairocana Buddha and Fud5 Myoo, and a bronze bell was cast for the
temple. A gift of an estate (shoen) placed the Mudo-ji on firm economic foot­
ings. In these and other ways, Soo gradually succeeded in making Mudo-ji
into one of the major centers of Enryaku-ji.
At the same time, Soo used his influence at court to further the prestige
of the Tendai sect. It was Soo who, in 865, persuaded the court to grant post­
190 Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 14/2-3

humously the titles of Dengyo Daishi and Jikaku Daishi to Saicho and Ennin
respectively. This marks the first time in Japanese history that such titles
were presented to illustrious Buddhists by the court.
Soo died at the Jumyo-in in Mudo-ji on the night of 3 November, 918. H e
is said to have passed away facing west, the direction of Amida Buddha’ s
Pure Land, serenely reciting the nenbutsu.

History o f the Kaihogyo Practice

Over a number of years, S5o， s relatively simple mountain asceticism grew
into the elaborate and highly structured kaihogyo practice as it is carried out
on Mt. Hiei today. The process whereby the kaihogyo developed into its mo d ­
ern form, however, remains obscure. Research into its early history is
hampered (as is the case with much concerning Mt. Hiei) by the fact that,
due to Nobunaga’ s total destruction of Enryaku-ji in 1571，very few docu­
ments concerning the temple and its activities predating this event remain.
Kodera (1979) has reconstructed its development based on what little
material is available. According to Kodera’ s study, the history of the kaihogyo
can be divided into the following four phases.
1.Period of ascetic practices centered on pilgrimages to sacred mountains
(831-1130).
During its earliest phase, Tendai mountain ascetics followed Soo's exam­
ple in secluding themselves in the mountains, cut off from human contact and
engaging in various austerities there. However, the kaihogyo system was not
yet institutionalized, and each ascetic was free to tailor his practices in accor­
dance with their inclinations. At this time there is no mention of anyone
engaged in pilgrimages at sacred sites on Mt. Hiei.
Although the earliest mention of Tendai ascetics practicing at Katsura­
gawa, the site of the waterfall where Soo gained his vision of Fudo, dates
from the Heian period, it was probably already an important center of
Tendai asceticism during this period. Chingen’ s Hokke kenki 法華験言己
recounts the stories of a number of Buddhist practitioners, including Tendai
monks, who followed the teachings of the Lotus Sutra and pursued their prac­
tices in the mountains. Kodera suggests that they may also have taken part in
pilgrimages of sacred mountains in search for mystic powers and enlighten­
ment, and that such pilgrimages may have been the forerunners of the later
kaihogyd practice.5

5 Examples are given in Kodera 1979, pp. 278-79. They include ( 1 ) Giei, a Lotus Sutra
reciter of Mt. Yoshino (Tale 11;Dykstra 1983, pp. 40-42), (2) Jakuren, a Lotus Sutra reciter of
M t. Hira (Tale 18; Dykstra 1983, pp. 47-48, (3) Priest Kyomyo of the Ryogon-in (Tale 51;
Dykstra 1983; p. 78), (4) Priest Renchq (Tale 60; Dykstra 1983, p. 84-5)，and (5) Domyo Ajari，
Superintendent of Tenn6-ji (Tale 86; Dykstra 1983, pp. 108-110).
RHODES: The Kaihogyo Practice of Mt. Hiei 191

2. Period of ascetic practices based on pilgrimages to the Three Pagodas of

Mt. Hiei (1131-1310).
The Enryaku-ji complex on Mt. Hiei is divided into three distinct areas,
known as the “ Three Pagodas•”They are (1)T6t5 東 塔 （ “Eastern Pagoda” )，
centered on the Konpon Chudo, the main hall of Enryaku-ji, (2) the Sait5 西
塔（ “Western Pagoda”）centered on the Shakado, a hall dedicated to
Sakyamuni Buddha, and (3) Yokawa 横川 at the northern corner of Enryaku-
ji,centered on the Yokawa Chudo. During this second phase of the develop­
ment of the kaihogyd, Kodera suggests that Tendai monks began to engage in
pilgrimages of the halls scattered throughout Mt. Hiei. Since the act of walk­
ing around Mt. Hiei and its environs in a fixed order to pray at various sacred
spots forms the core of the kaihogyo, this development was decisive in
determining the form of this practice.
The practice of making a pilgrimage of the halls of Mt. Hiei grew out of
the popularity of pilgrimages in general during this period. As Kodera points
out, pilgrimages to the thirty-three temples sacred to Kannon in the Kinki
area, and to the seven great temples of Nara, were widespread at this time
(1979, p. 280). Influenced by the popularity of such pilgrimages, it became
customary for newly-appointed Tendai zasu to offer prayers at the halls of
the Three Pagodas as a part of the succession ceremony. Such pilgrimages
became institutionalized by the time of Jichin’ s 慈 鎮 (1155-1225) accession
(1979， p. 281).
Members of the Imperial family and other court nobles also began to
come to Mt. Hiei to make pilgrimages of the various halls there as acts of
devotion. The Tendai zasuki :天 台 座 主 記 （ Records of Tendai Abbots)
records that retired Emperor Shirakawa made such a pilgrimage in 1138
(Kodera 1979, p. 281).
At present, all kaihogyo practitioners carry with them a Kaihd tefumi 回峰
手文，a list of nolv places along the kaihogyo route at which one must offer
prayers. The Tdzan reisho junrei shidai 当山霊所巡礼次第(The order of pil­
grimage of the holy places on our mountain), which Kodera believes to have
been composed during the late Heian period, is one of the earliest such
tefumi. This work lists only about forty sites on its pilgrimage route, as
opposed to the 260 or so places on the tefumi in use today (Kodera 1979, p.
281-82).
The Katsuragawa retreat continued to be very important during this
second phase of kaihogyo history. Fujiwara Akihira’ s Shin sarugaku W 新猿楽
言己includes Katsuragawa among its list of over ten centers of mountain as­
ceticism, and Kujo Kanezane’ s dairy, the Gyokuyd 玉 葉 ，mentions a retreat
by Tendai monks there in 1181 (Kageyama 1960，p. 132). The Myoo-in,
situated on the Ado River near the Katsuragawa waterfall， was the center of
these retreats. At present, this temple owns several works by Tendai monks
192 Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 14/2-3

which describe the retreats which took place there. The oldest and most
detailed is the Katsuragawa gyoja ydjin 葛 川 行 者 用 心 (Notes for prac­
titioners of Katsuragawa) compiled by Genyu 源 ^ in 1338. It is a compilation
of older works (including those dating from 1254，1272 and 1309) descriomg
the retreat and listing the names of the monks who took part in it. Genyu
probably compiled this work to prepare for his own retreat at Katsuragawa.
Another work, the Sanrochu nikki 参 籠 中 日 記 （ A diary of the retreat) writ­
ten in 1447 by Yusai, described the retreat he undertook at Katsuragawa with
four other practitioners (Kageyama 1960, pp. 132-33).
3. Period of ascetic practices centered on pilgrimages throughout Mt. Hiei
(1311-1570).
During the third period of its history, the kaihogyd practice became in­
creasingly systematized. Rules concerning the proper clothing and equipment
to be used were standardized, and detailed routes were instituted. The
kaihogyo carried out at this time probably resembled the present-day prac­
tices rather closely.
Kodera calls our attention to a work called Shokoku ikken hijiri mono-
职ton•諸国一*見 堊 物 語 （ Story of wandering ascetics [hijiri] once seen in the
provinces of Japan), written by Ry5kai 亮海 in 1387 (1979，pp. 283-84). This
work describes the kaihogyo practice as itwas then conducted in considerable
detail. It states that the practitioner walks for seven and a half ri (about 26
miles) every day，and that the practice lasts seven hundred days. Further­
more, it is stated that once they have completed these seven hundred days,
they must take part in a nine day fast at Mudo-ji. The practitioners must wear
white robes and hakama (pleated skirt), and carry a cypress hat in their left
arm, wrapped in Dlack leather and hung from the elbow.
Furthermore, according to this work, the retreat at the Myoo-in at Kat­
suragawa was an integral part of the kaihogyo. The retreat was held twice a
year, at the time of the Renge-e 蓮筆会（ Lotus Flower Ceremony) in June
and Hokke-e 法 華 会 (Lotus Sutra Ceremony) in October. During these nine
day retreats, practitioners were expected to eat only once a day and forego all
sleep. They were to practice the Constantly Sitting Sam5dhi 常坐三昧 6 and
recite the mantra of Fudo Myoo one hundred thousand times.
With increasing systematization, the kaihdgyd practice was divided into
three distinct lineages (ryii):(1)Gyokusen-ryQ 玉泉流 of T6t5，(2) Shogyobo-
ryu 正教房流 of Saito and ⑶ EkS-ryQ 回 向 流 （ or Mimuro-ryu 飯室流 ）of
Yokawa. Each had their distinctive kaihogyd route around Mt. Hiei, and
compiled their own tefumi (Hiramatsu 1982, p. 60). A number of such tefumi
remain.

6 One of the four modes of practice enumerated in the Mo ho chih kuart, the basic Tendai
meditation manual by Chih-i (538-597). In this meditation, the practitioner sits constantly in
contemplation for ninety days.
RHODES: The Kaihdgyd Practice of Mt. Hiei 193

4. Period of mountain austerities centered on the kaihdgyd circuit of Mt. Hiei

(1571 to the present).
Enryaku-ji and Tendai Buddhism were dealt a sever blow in 1571 when
Oda Nobunaga burned the whole temple complex to the ground as a part of
his effort to unify Japan under his rule. However, just a decade later in 1583,
the monk Koun 好運 completed the thousand day kaihdgyd practice (Kodera
1979，p. 284). From this period on, the sources concerning the kaihdgyd be­
come plentiful, and we can gain a fuller picture of this practice. There has
been over forty monks who have completed the thousand day practice since
K5un， s time, and both their names and the years in which they completed
their practice are known.'

The Kaihogyo Practice Today

Today the Mudo-ji is the center of kaihogyd practice on Mt. Hiei. Presently
there are two kinds of kaihdgyd practices. One is the one hundred day
(hyaku-nichi 百日 ) kaih5gyd，in wmch the practitioners walk the prescribed
route around Mt. Hiei over a period of one hundred days. One who has com­
pleted the one hundred day practice is called a shingyo 新 行 (novice). The
second is the thousand-day (sennichi 千 日 ) kaihdgyd ，in wnich one walks
around the same route, and engages in other additional practices, for a peri­
od of one thousand days spread out over seven years.
Nowadays all Tendai monks who wish to become an abbot of a sub­
temple within Enryaku-ji must have completed a three-year period of prac­
tice on the mountain. During the first year they seclude themselves at the
Jodo-in (Saicho's mausoleum at Sait5 on Mt. Hiei). Their practices there
consist of spending all their time sweeping the hall (this is popularly called
soji jigoku 掃除地獄 or “ cleaning hell，，
)_ During the second year, they move
to Mudo-ji, where they complete the hundred-day kaihdgyd practice. During
the final year, they undertake the Constantly Walking or Constantly Sitting
Samadhi8 at the Ninaido Hall at Saito (Wazaki 1979, p. 101). Thus, since the
successful completion of the hundred-day kaiho^vd is incumbent on all
Tendai priests who wish to become an abbot of a sub-temple within Enryaku-
ji on Mt. Hiei, about five or six monks complete the one hundred day practice
each year.
However, it is the thousand-day practice which is the representative form
of this practice. Very few monks, though, go on to practice this. As stated
above, only about forty monks have completed it since 1571. Although the

7 A list of these practitioners can be found in Hagami 1974， pp. 230-36. Hagami also gives
interesting anecdotes about eight of these practitioners (1974, pp. 238-57).
8 One of the four kinds of Tendai meditational practice enumerated in the Mo ho chih
kuan. During this samadhi the practitioner constantly circumambulates a Buddhist statue for
ninety days, reciting the name of the Buddha Amida.
194 Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 14/2—3

practitioner walks for a total of a thousand days, they do not walk it all at
once. Instead, the thousand days are spread out over a period of seven years.
The number of days in which one walks varies from year to year. During
each of the first three years one walks one hundred days each. During the
next two years (i.e., the fourth and fifth years), it is increased to two hundred
days each. The dd-iri 堂入々，a nine-day fast held at the Myoo-in in Mudo-ji,
must be completed at the end of these seven hundred days. W h e n one has
fulfilled the dd-iri, the practitioner is called togyoman 当Tt 満 (one who is
about to fulfill his practices), and is given the title of ajari (Skt. acarya,
“ master” ).
During the sixth year, the route is extended to include a visit to the
Sekizan Zen， in temple at the western foot of Mt. Hiei. The total distance to
be walked during this period is thirty-six miles. This is called the Sekizan
kugyd 赤 山 苦 行 (Sekizan austerities). In the seventh and final year, one
walks two hundred days, of which the first hundred days consists of the Kyoto
omawan 京者P 大 廻 り ，a forty-eight mile route around the city of Kyoto as
well as Mt. Hiei. The person who has completed the thousand-day practice is
called a daigydman 大 行 満 (great person who has fulfilled ms practices) and
is given the title of Dai-ajari (Grcsit Acarya) (Hiramatsu 1982, pp. 38-9).
Upon completing the thousand day practice, the daigydman traditionally
takes part in a ceremony known as the dosoku sandai 土足 参 内 (visit to the
Imperial Palace wearing foot gear). This is a ritual in which one prays for the
well-being of the Emperor and the welfare of the Japanese state and its
people at the Imperial Palace in Kyoto (Hiramatsu 1981a, p. 17). It gets its
name from the fact that the daigydman is allowed to enter the palace grounds
in his straw sandals (waraji), whereas all other people were required to
change into asagutsuy a special kind of wooden shoes (Hayashi 1986， p. 112).
Furthermore, sometimes after completing the thousand days, the prac­
titioner performs a goma ceremony at the Mudo-ji, in which one burns one
hundred thousand goma sticks over a period of nine days. During this time
one is expected to go without food, water, or sleep. W h e n tms is finished, the
entire kaihdgyd cycle comes to an end.
THE KAIHOGYO ATTIRE

The kaihogyo practitioner is considered to be a symbol of a living Fudo

Myoo. Thus his entire attire is interpreted to represent Fud5 in some way
(see Hiramatsu 1982， p. 48).
The most distinctive part of the kaihdgyd attire is the unique headgear.
This hat is made by weaving together strips of wood from a hinoki tree, ana is
rolled up on both sides to make an oblong tube. This headgear is considered
to be Fudo M yo o himself, and is treated with utmost respect. In fact, the
practitioners are not even allowed to wear it (except in ram) until they have
completed the first three hundred days of practice. Until then, it is carried
RHODES ：The Kaihdgyd Practice of Mt. Hiei 195

under the left arm. The practitioners wear straw sandals (waraji) over their
bare feet, but again, after three hundred days, they are allowed to wear tabi
(Japanese socks) above the sandals. This waraji is said to symbolize lotus
petals, upon which, in Buddhist iconography, Buddhas and bodhisattvas are
considered to stand.
It is said that kaihogyd practitioners are pledged to kill themselves if they
are unable to finish their practice for any reason. Thus, as part of their equip­
ment they are obliged to carry a dagger and to tie a hemp rope called a
shidehimo 死出紐 around their waist. These are both supposed to be used for
killing oneself when one finds that one cannot continue the practice (the rope
is to be used for hanging oneself). A coin called the rokumon-sen 六文銭(six
mon coin) is placed in the hat. This is supposed to be used to pay for the
ferry across the sanzu river, which in Buddhist cosmology is considered to
separate the dead from the uving. Thus prepared for death, the practitioners
set forth on their kaiftogyo. The fact that practitioners wear white robes fur­
ther strengthens this death motif, since in Japan the dead are shrouded in
white (Hiramatsu 1982， pp. 48-9).
THE KAIHOGYO ROUTE

The core of the kaihdgyd practice lies in walking around Mt. Hiei and its en­
virons, offering prayers at the various halls and other places which are con-
siaered holy. The kaihdgyd is carried out in spring and early summer. The
practitioner begins his walk sometimes after midnight. Starting from Mudo-ji,
he first makes his way to the Konpon Chudo (the main hall of Mt. Hiei) and
other halls in Toto. H e then proceeds to Saito, and from there continues on
to Yokawa. The route to Yokawa lies along a ridge with a fine view of Lake
Biwa to the east and the city of Kyoto to the west. Along this ridge, there is a
cryptomeria tree, called the gyokutai sugi 玉 体 杉 (jewel-body [=Emperor]
cryptomenaj. W h e n the practitioner reaches this tree, he faces the direction
of the Imperial Palace in Kyoto and offers a prayer for the Emperor’ s well­
being. This is called the gyokutai kaji 玉体加持(prayer for the Emperor). In­
cidentally, the practitioner is allowed to sit on a stone bench at the foot of the
tree during this prayer. This is the only time in his walk that he is allowed to
sit down.
From Yokawa, the route leads down the eastern slope of Mt. Hiei to
Sakamoto, where prayers are given at the Hie and other shrines there. Finally
the practitioner climbs the steep slope of Mt. Hiei leading from Sakamoto
back to Mudo-ji. In general it takes between five to six hours to complete the
journey.
Along this route, the practitioner recites mantras and offers prayers at
two hundred sixty (or three hundred, depending on how they are counted)
sites (Hiramatsu 1982，p. 51). All of these sites, as well as the types of
prayers, etc., to be offered there, are listed in the Kaihd tefumi which each
196 Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 14/2-3

practitioner carries. The practitioner makes is own personal tefumi, copying

out the entire document by hand. Furthermore, he is strictly forbidden to
show it to the uninitiated.
Using a recently published text of the Kaihd tefumi (see Murayama 1975，
pp. 407-24), Hiramatsu has conduced a detailed study of the sites along the
kaihdgyd pilgrimage. According to his study, there are fifty-seven sites in
Tot5, forty-one in Saito, forty-one in Yokawa, seventy connected with Hie
Shrine, and twenty-nine in Sakamoto and Mudo-ji. H e has found that a wide
variety of objects are worshipped at these sites, including Buddhas, bod­
hisattvas, heavenly beings of the Buddhist pantheon, trees, rocks, and other
natural phenomena, Tendai patriarchs such as Soo and Ryogen, and local
gods such as the god of Hie Shrine (1982, pp. 62-75).
KATSURAGAWA GE-ANGO

All kaihdgyd practitioners who have completed the hundred day practice take
part in an annual summer retreat called the Katsuragawa Ge-ango 复女居
(summer retreat at Katsuragawa) held at the Katsuragawa Myoo-in. The
Myoo-in, as stated above, is situated near the waterfall at which So5 is said to
have gained the vision of Fudo, and has remained an important center of
Tendai mountain austerities ever since. W e have already mentioned that, al­
though formerly two retreats, the Renge-e and Hokke-e were held in June
and October, respectively, only the Renge-e (now held in July) is continued
today. The Katsuragawa Ge-ango refers to this Renge-e.
The retreat lasts from 16-20 July, during which a number of rituals are
performed. However, the most well known ceremony connected with the
retreat is called the taiko nori 太 妓 乗 ])(Riding the Drum)，which takes
place on the night of the 18th. During this ceremony, a large drum about a
meter in diameter is spun around in a circle, making a thunderous noise.
Then, one by one, the kaihogyo practitioners jump on the drum and immedi­
ately leaps off of it, hands pressed together in prayer. The whole ceremony is
a reenactment of Soo^ jumping into the waterfall to embrace Fudo. The
spinning drum and the deafening roar it makes represent the swirling water­
fall, and the practitioners’actions represent Soo d m n g into the water. The
entire ceremony, which begins at about ten in the evening, lasts about half an
hour.9
THE DD-IRI

During his fifth year, on the day he completes the seven hundredth day, the
kaihogyo practitioner starts the dd-iri (entering the hall). During the nine
days of this austerity, the practitioner shuts himself up in the Myoo-do Hall
of Mudo-ji. During this entire period, he undertakes a complete fast, abstain­

9 On the Katsuragawa Ge-ango, see Kageyama 1960, pp. 133-48. The taiko nori ceremony
is described in Wazaki 1979, pp. 150-54.
RHODES: The Kaihdgyd Practice of Mt. Hiei 197

ing from all food and drink. Moreover, he is not allowed to sleep or even to
lie down. Since under normal circumstances humans can survive only about
seven days without water, this fast literally brings the practitioner to the brink
of death. During the dd~iri，the practitioner conducts a two hour service six
times a day. At all other times, he sits at one corner of the hall, where he
recites the mantra of Fudo Myoo for a total of one million times during this
seclusion. H e is allowed out of the hall only once a day, at two in the morn­
ing, to draw water at a well situated about two hundred meters from the hall.
Because he grows progressively weaker from the fast, this ritual trip to the
well takes longer each day. By the final day this short trip to and from the
well can take up to forty minutes (Wazaki 1979, p. 194).
It may be interesting to note here that the practitioner’ s senses become
exceedingly acute during the dd-iri austerities. One former kaihdgyd prac­
titioner who experienced the do-iri has reported that he was able to hear the
sound of ash falling from an incense stick within the hall (Wazaki 1979, p.
182).
The whole dd-iri can be understood as a ritual of death and rebirth within
the Buddhist context. This motif is made plain by the fact that the corner of
the hall at which the practitioner sits is partitioned off by a sakasa bydbu 逆さ
屛 風 ，a folding screen which has been arranged upside-down, which is used
only when someone dies. Concerning the structure of the thousand day
kaihdgyd, it is said that the first seven hundred days are centered on self-
benefitting practice, i.e., practice conducted to gain enlightenment for
oneself. But from the seven hundredth day on, it is understood that the prac­
titioners commence upon others-benefitting practice, i.e., practice conducted
for the purpose of leading allbeings, along with oneself, to enlightenment. By
going through the austerities of the dd-iri，the practitioner dies to his old
egocentric self and is reborn as a bodhisattva who works for the salvation of
all beings. The dd-iri ritual can be understood as a ritual w m c h the prac­
titioner undergoes to symbolically experience this death.
THE KYOTO OMAWAR1

One of the most arduous part of the kaihdgyd comes during the sixth year
(801-900 days), with the Kyoto omawan (grand circuit of Kyoto). During the
dmawarit it is stipulated that one must make a pilgrimage to a number of
temples and shrines within the city of Kyoto, in addition to walking the usual
route around Mt. Hiei. The total route of the omawari is about forty-eight
miles.
As for the route of the omawari, after making the usual round of Mt.
Hiei, the practitioner heads down the western slopes of Mt. Hiei to Sekizan
Zen’ in. From there, he heads south to Kiyomizu Temple, visiting Shinny5-do
Temple, Heian Shrine, Shoren-in and Gion shrine (among other places)
along the way. From Kiyomizu, he walks west to Horucawa Street and then
198 Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 14/2—3

north until he reaches Kitano Shrine. F r o m there he heads east to

Shimogamo Shrine, and hence to his quarters at some designated temple
within the city of Kyoto. The next day, he walks back along the same course
and returns to Mudo-ji (Hiramatsu 1982, p. 53).
Several times during the day he takes short rests at a few select places (at
the Sekizan Zen’ in，for example) where he also performs a brief ritual and
blesses each of the assembled believers by touching his rosary to their heads.
Furthermore, he must likewise bless the many believers who line the streets
of Kyoto every day awaiting his appearance. Towards the end of the hundred
days, when the number of believers waiting to receive his blessings increase,
it is not unusual for him to get to his quarters well after dark. During these
hundred days, the practitioner is pushed to his limits by lack of sleep as well
as by the constant walking. However, the omawan is interpreted as an others-
benefitting practice, in which the practitioner, through his blessing of the
believers, works for the salvation of others as well as oneself. Thus the
omawari is considered to be an important part of the kaihdgyd practice.

The Doctrinal Background o f the Kaihdgyd Practice

Before closing, some words must be said concerning the doctrinal basis of the
kaihdgyd practice. The first notable point is the heavy influence of esoteric
Buddhism on the kaihdgyd. For example, the use of dharanis (mystic phrases)
and mudras (mystic hand gestures) is an integral part of the practice, as is the
use of esoteric rituals, such as the goma fire ceremony. Fudo Myoo, an
esoteric deity, is its main object of devotion. Even the term “kaihd” is said to
derive from the Kongochd-kyo 金剛頂経， an esoteric sutra (Hiramatsu 1982，
p. 31). For these and many other reasons, the kaihdgyd is closely related to
esoteric Buddhism.
However, the kaihogyo practice is often described as having a non­
esoteric doctrinal base. First, it is frequently portrayed as a special form of
the Constantly Walking Samadhi (Hiramatsu 1981a, p. 16). This samadhi is
one of four modes of meditational practice enumerated in the Mo ho chih
kuart y the comprehensive outline of Tendai meditation by Chih-i. In the
original Constantly Walking Samadhi, one circumambulates a Buddhist
statue for ninety days without stopping, reciting the name of Amida Buddha.
The kaihdgyd is said to be modelled on this because it, too，is based on the
practice of walking extensively around Mt. Hiei. However, in actuality, there
seems to be little in common between the two modes of practices except for
the fact that both emphasize the act of walking over a protracted period of
time.
Second, the kaihdgyd is also interpreted as a practice based on the spirit
underlying the “ Chapter on the Bodhisattva Never Disparaging”of the Lotus
Sutra. As stated above, Soo’ s biography states that he aroused the aspiration
R hodes：The Kaihdgyd Practice of Mt. Hiei 199

to seek enlightenment after reading this chapter. This chapter recounts the
story of a bodhisattva named Never Disparaging (Jofugyo Bosatsu) who went
around paying obeisance to all Buddhists, monks and laymen, praising them
as being destined for future Buddhahood. Because he made such a nuisance
01 himself, he was reviled and even beaten. But he persevered in his practice
and eventually attained Buddhahood (Hurvitz 1976, pp. 279-85). It is said
that the kaihdgyd practice, which centers on the daily pilgrimage to the
numerous sites around Mt. Hiei sacred to Buddhism, reflects the spirit of the
Bodhisattva Never Disparaging, who greeted all Buddhists he met by paying
obeisance to them.

Conclusion
The kaihdgyd is one of the most distinctive forms of Buddhist practice found
in Japan today. While it traces its origins back to the mountain asceticism of
Soo Osho, the kaihdgyd developed over a long period of time into its present
elaborate form. It can be counted among the most representative form of
Tendai practice being carried out on Mt. Hiei today. Indeed, so central is the
kaihdgyd to modern Tendai practice that nowadays everyone who wishes to
become an abbot of one of the sub-temples on Mt. Hiei must have completed
one hundred days of the kaihdgyd. Although few monks resolve to complete
the thousand-day kaihdgyd because of its demanding regimen, the fact that
the practice continues is an indication of the vitality of the Tendai sect. At the
same time, the great deal of publicity which has been ^ven to the kaihdgyd in
recent years reflects the depth of interest in this practice (not to mention
religious asceticism as well as spiritual matters in general) on the part of the
Japanese public.

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