The Meaning of the Umayyad Dome of the Rock

Author(s): Nasser Rabbat

Source: Muqarnas , 1989, Vol. 6 (1989), pp. 12-21
Published by: Brill

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/1602276

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 NASSER RABBAT

THE MEANING OF THE UMAYYAD DOME OF

THE ROCK

pass few
The genesis of Islamic architecture in the all previous
decadesIslamic buildings, it even manifest
a full-fledged
following the death of the Prophet Muhammad stylistic, structural, and ornamental pr
in 632
is still obscure. We know from textual and somegram which put it in a class apart as a meaningfu
archaeological evidence that, during the reignsarchitectural
of the monument.
four Orthodox Caliphs and the early Umayyads, aThe fewDome of the Rock has no immediately discern-
communal buildings were constructed in the iblecapital
purpose or function other than the commemorative
Medina and later Damascus, and in the new set- one, and even that is riddled with uncertainties.
tlements or garrison towns (amsdr) in Syria, Iraq, andMuslims around the world believe it was built to com-
memorate a decisive event in the Prophet Muham
Egypt, but we know very little about their plans, struc-
tures, and construction materials. We do know that mad's mission, namely his Night Journey (isrda) from
Mecca to Jerusalem, and his subsequent Ascension
they were all constructed to fulfill the immediate needs
of the Muslim communities or the Islamic governments (mirdj) from the Rock to Heaven, where he receiv
in these towns, and that meant they invariablyfrom God the doctrinal principles of the new religion
belonged to one of two types, either congregational
This belief dates from the beginning of the eighth ce
mosques, such as those at Kufa (638-39), Basra (638-
tury, when the earliest Arabic source, as far as can be
ascertained, which connected the two events was
39), and Fustat (642), or government houses (dur imdra,
pl. of dar al-imara), like the ones in Kufa (638-39) and
codified by Ibn Ishaq (d. 761) under the title Sirat al-
Nab. 4 However, neither the fact that there is a small
Damascus (after 644).1 These first buildings were all of
a straightforward utilitarian character lacking any
dome next to the Dome of the Rock known as the Dome
architectural pretence, but the sources tell us that theof the Ascension (qubbat al-miCrd), nor the Dome of the
second generation of Muslim governors paid moreRock's inscriptions,5 nor early Islamic sources cor-
attention to appearance. MuCawiya ordered his dar roborate
al- the ascription of this belief to the eighth cen-
imdra in Damascus torn down and rebuilt with more tury when the Dome was built.6 CAbd al-Malik must
durable materials after he heard the comment of a have chosen this venerated site in the Holy City of the
Byzantine envoy that "the upper part will do for birds
three monotheistic religions to build the first truly
and the lower for rats."2 In 665 Ziad ibn Abihi, monumental Islamic building for a purpose, or pur-
MuCawiya's governor in Basra, ordered the congrega-poses, other than just to celebrate the Prophet's Ascen-
tional mosque and ddr al-imdra in that town rebuilt in sion to Heaven, since such an association appears not
baked brick with stone columns taken from ancient to have been fully formulated by his time. Thus,
sites. Although these new buildings represented modern a step scholarship is presented with the problem of
up from the earlier ones, and may have shown a nas-
explaining why this puzzling monument was built.
cent Islamic style, they were still functional in nature
Many attempts have been made to do so; all of them
and simple in form and meaning. adduced religious reasons for the Dome's building.7
Yet, only a few decades after these modest buildings Art historians have used various approaches in try-
were built, we find Caliph CAbd al-Malik ibn Marwan ing to determine the meaning of the Dome of the Rock.
(683-703) ordering the construction of a sumptuous Among them, the writings of Oleg Grabar form the
building - the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem - that
most complete corpus on its Umayyad phase.8 Basing
had no precedent in the short history of his Islamic
reading on the available contemporary evidence -
architecture. In fact, not only did the Domethe of location,
the the inscriptions, and the interior mosaics
Rock, dated by an inscription to the year 72 (692), - Grabar
sur- sees the Dome as a monument which used

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 THE UMAYYAD DOME OF THE ROCK 13

not necessarily
Biblical connotations and Christian-Byzantine forms to the same associations made by early
impose Islam's presence in the Holy Muslims.
City. TheTheycom-
are instead the product of a process that
bination would imply that the new faith startedconsidered
after the original building was constructed'4 and
assumed
itself the continuation and the seal of the two its definitive form after the Crusaders
preceding
ones: Judaism and Christianity. He also occupied Jerusalem in 1099. The Muslims' counte
found political
undertones; the Umayyads, viewing themselves as the
crusade was slow to gather momentum. In the follow
new masters of the region, used old, established ing century, members of the pietistic circles in Sy
Mediterranean and to a lesser degree Iranian motifs, began to preach jihad to liberate the Holy Land fro
but structured and displayed them through the new the yoke of the Crusaders, and to formulate the
Islamic vision.9 religious sanctions for this goal. Two great leader
In another interpretive effort, Priscilla Soucek adopted this ideology and translated it into a plan
discerned possible Solomonic references in the action, Nur al-Din ibn Zingi (1146-74), and later h
building's ornamentation. According to her theory, former general, the famous Salah al-Din al-Ayyu
Solomon's Temple was praised in the Islamic sources (1174-93).15 They led the counteroffensive against th
for its opulent and symbolic decorations using jewels Shici movements and the Fatimid counter-caliphate in
and fanciful trees; the same motifs are found in the Egypt and Syria, unified the Islamic armies under th
mosaics of the outer octagon of the Dome of the Rock. banners of a revived and militant Sunni Islam, an
She concluded, however, that the associations of proceeded to reconquer the Holy Land from th
holiness in the early Islamic period were attached toCrusaders.l6 During this troubled period, numero
Mount Moriah and the Rock, rather than to the books of religious merits (faddail) were compiled,
memory of the Temple of Solomon itself.'0 which the Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Roc
Clearly, the question of the reasons behind the became the focus of the jihad pietistic propagand
building of the Dome of the Rock remains unanswered.These books, containing traditions attributed to t
In particular, why was Mount Moriah in Jerusalem Prophet in praise of Jerusalem, were used to stimulat
chosen as the site for this absolutely unprecedented the fervor of Muslim warriors, and were widely read
Islamic monument? What were the circumstances thatthe circles of Salah al-Din's army.'7 As a result of thi
intense movement of compilation, the religious an
prompted CAbd al-Malik, the fifth Umayyad caliph, to
order its construction? What did he intend to accom- para-religious traditions attached to the Aqsa Mos
plish by it? It is entirely possible that the building had
and the Dome of the Rock were fixed.18 But apply
mainly a political import, although it incorporated cer-these post-Crusade traditions to the interpretation
tain religious tenets as well." Jerusalem's early Islamic significance is a questiona
procedure.
Our comprehension of the Umayyad Dome of the
Rock is hindered by the lack of contemporary Fortunately, the question of Jerusalem's holiness for
Umayyad texts. The earliest Islamic historical sources
the early Muslims can now be reexamined with the help
we possess date to the time of the Abbasids, who spon-
of a book offa.dail, compiled before the First Crusade,
sored a school of history writing that was openly anti-
and thus before the emphasis accorded the sacredness
Umayyad.12 Thus, most of the Umayyad caliphs, of the city in order to instigate the Muslims to fight for
including CAbd al-Malik, received a biased reporting of
its liberation. This book, recently published under the
their deeds that focused mainly on their deviations from
title Fadd'il al-Bayt al-Muqaddas, was recited by Abu
accepted practices and diminished the impact of Bakr al-Wasiti, a little-known preacher (kha.tib), who
lived sometime before 1019.19 It offers a record of the
whatever effective policies they might have pursued.
The resulting distortion in our understanding is not
religious merits, and the eschatological and prophetic
easily overcome, and the best we can do is to attempt
associations of the city, collected by a native scholar,
to reconstruct the historical circumstances of the
and it gives a brief account of the construction of the
Dome's construction by critically patching together the
Dome of the Rock by CAbd al-Malik Ibn Marwan. For
disparate pieces of information from the primary
our purpose, this book provides the most complete pre-
sources we have.13
Crusade collection of accounts on Jerusalem's
Another problem facing us is that the religious significance.
and These, in turn, can help us trace how the
symbolic interpretations of the Rock, the monument,
sanctity of the city was assimilated into the Islamic
and even Jerusalem itself which are accepted today are
tradition, and on what belief this sanctity was based in

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14 NASSER RABBAT

the days of the building of the Dome(mawla)

of theof Rock.
KaCb al-Ahbar after his conversion, and he
The traditions collected by al-Wasiti concerning the
could have acquired his knowledge of the Jewish tradi
hagiographical and eschatological associations of tions concerning Jerusalem directly from his client.26
Mount Moriah, the site of the Dome, deal with few CAbdallah ibn-CAmru was believed to have a de
themes. The three that recur most often are the positionknowledge of the prophecies of the People of the Book
of the site - often contrasted with the Kacba in Mecca
(ahl al-kitdb, i.e., Jews and Christians), for he wa
- in the timetable of the Creation and of the Dayknown
of to have read the Torah and other non-Islamic
religious books.27
Judgment;20 the miracles witnessed there by David and
Solomon, and their consequent building of a Holy In the beginning, then, Jerusalem and the Rock held
House (Bayt Muqaddas, i.e., the Temple);21 and primarily Judaic associations which the Muslims ha
finally, the Night Journey of the Prophet Muhammadadopted at the time as part of the religious heritage to
from Mecca to the site, and the events connected withwhich Islam laid claim.28 However, these first transmit-
it.22 These accounts establish that Mount Moriah was ters played a decisive part not only in the recognition
recognized as a sacred spot which God designated for sanctity of Jerusalem and the eminence of the
of the
the building of His Holy House and entrusted the Rock's
task site, but also in the Islamization of these beliefs
to Solomon. The role of the Rock itself is given several
Viewed as such, the isra' of Muhammad easily fits into
versions: it was the second place on earth - after thisthe
scheme as the connection of the Prophet of Islam
site of the Kacba - created by God;23 God ascended
to a sacred spot and to the earlier religious tradition
attached to it. The fact that al-Wasiti's accounts either
from it to Heaven after the Creation; the prophets
David and Solomon saw miracles performed onlacktheor give little emphasis to the Ascension of the
Rock;24 and the Prophet Muhammad led the otherProphet
pro- from the Rock29 may be understood in light of
phets acknowledged by Islam in a prayer near or upon
the confusion that surrounded the dating and location
it, when he journeyed to Jerusalem. of this event in the early days of Islamic hagiography.
Some Islamic sources of the period placed the Ascen-
Most of these traditions, with the obvious exception
of those related to Muhammad's Night Journey, are
sion in locations other than Jerusalem,30 and recent
influenced by the older Biblical and para-Biblical scholarship shows that the definite ascription of the
accounts on the same subjects. The holiness of event to Jerusalem occurred later.31
Jerusalem was, after all, inherited by Islam from We can similarly explain the absence in al-Wasiti's
Judaism and Christianity. While this seems self- text of any account connecting Abraham to the site of
evident, it is an important point to bear in mind, Jerusalem or to Mount Moriah.32 In the prophetic
especially when we are trying to trace the formation chronology
of established by Islam since the beginning,
Mount Moriah's sacredness to the Muslims at the time Abraham was very clearly assigned to Mecca as the
of CAbd al-Malik. Moreover, if we follow the chains of
builder of the KaCba, and the founder of the first true
transmission (isndd) of these same traditions to religion,
their considered the precursor of Islam. Assigning
first transmitters, who were all either Companions
him to Jerusalem would have contradicted this belief.
(sahdba, pl. of sahdbi), or companions of the Compan-
This leads us to establish a clear relationship between
ions of the Prophet (tdbicln, pl. of tdbic), we find the
thatthree sacred cities and the associations of their
most of them were known to have had a first-hand mosques in early Islam.33 The KaCba is the first House
knowledge of the Jewish traditions pertainingof toGod,
the and its building is attributed to Abraham.
Holy City. The major role in the transmission Medina
processis identified as the City of Muhammad,
was played by KaCb al-Ahbar, a Jewish convert to he spent the later part of his life and laid down
because
Islam and a tdbic, to whom most of the traditions
thecon-
principles of the new religion there. The names
cerning the eschatological attributes of Jerusalem
repeatedly and inextricably linked to Jerusalem, and its
were traced, perhaps because he was famous for sacredhis
spot, are those of David and Solomon, both of
profound knowledge of the Jewish sacred books.25themTworecognized as God-sent messengers and God-
other leading transmitters, Ibn-cAbbas and CAbdallah
supported kings.34
These early associations ofJerusalem must have con-
ibn-CAmru ibn al-CAs, who were reputed to be among
the most learned and respected of the Companions of the main reason the Umayyads as a dynasty
stituted
the Prophet, were also familiar with Jewish sources.
took such an interest in the city and endowed it with a
Ibn CAbbas, the Prophet's cousin, became the large
patron
building program in order to serve their political

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 THE UMAYYAD DOME OF THE ROCK 15

ends, since it was neither their capital MuCawiya,

nor who
a had
majorbuilt his power base in Syria
urban center in their realm. MuCawiya and Palestine,
was, must have benefited from the political
a Syriac
source reports, made "King of all the Arabs" in prestige this symbolic association with the Holy Land
Jerusalem, and prayed on that occasion in many Chris- had brought him. Recognizing its value, he might have
tian sanctuaries.35 Islamic sources record that he
planned to give it substance. One source states that
"MuCawiya,
received the pledge of allegiance (bayca) there in the after CUmar, built (bana) the Bayt al-
year 660, but provide no details.36 Maqdis,"43 a reference perhaps to the restoration and
A little-known tale does, however, forgeenlargement
a close of the platform on Mount Moriah, and the
allegorical connection between Mucawiya andrebuilding
the Holy of the mosque attributed to CUmar,44 a site
designated
City. Al-Tabari says that CAmru ibn al-CAs was sent byby early Muslims as Bayt al-Maqdis.45 This
the Prophet to Oman in the year 629 and heard from would have required planning and several
undertaking
years ofof
a hibr37 there a prophecy concerning the successors construction work to complete. The versatile
the Prophet. The hibr correctly foretold the rule
and energetic
of the MuCawiya had the long, prosperous, and
relatively calm reign needed for both,46 whereas the
four Orthodox Caliphs after the death of Muhammad,
and when he reached the slot corresponding to troubled reigns of all the caliphs who suc-
short and
Mucawiya's rule, he described him as Prince of the
ceeded him up until CAbd al-Malik would not have
Holy Land (amir al-drd al-muqaddasa).38 Al-Tabari used
allowed sufficient time to complete any such project.
this story to explain the alliance between CAmru CAbdandal-Malik had strong connections with
Mucawiya, which was concluded in Jerusalem in the
Jerusalem itself. He was the deputy of his father Mar-
year 658, two years before Mu'awiya becamewan caliph.39
in Palestine during the latter's short caliphate
Whether this tale was invented by CAmru, with the col-
(683-84), and presumably his seat of government was
laboration of MuCawiya, by MuCawiya himself, or by
in Jerusalem.47 Another account states that CAbd al-
someone else, it was probably used to sustain Malik received his bayca there in Ramadan of 65
MuCawiya's caliphal claims (which is why it was proba-
(684),48 which means that he was in Jerusalem when his
bly devised in the first place). In any case, its impor-
father died. Furthermore, he had already been sym-
tance for our purpose lies in the identification of bolically associated with the city. Al-Wasiti records a
MuCawiya as Prince of the Holy Land, a term which prophecy that links CAbd al-Malik with a divine will to
carried a strong connection with the region at the build the Dome of the Rock. KaCb al-Ahbar had said,
"I have read in the Torah that God addressed the Rock
time.40 Furthermore, it must have meant a great deal
for MuCawiya's political ambitions. He is reportedoftoJerusalem: 'I shall send my servant CAbd al-Malik to
have said: "I have hoped for this thing ever since the
build you and adorn you.' "49 This tradition is
Prophet told me, O Mucawiya when you rule,improbable:
be KaCb died in Homs in 652, when CAbd al-
fair."41 It also explains his choice of Jerusalem as Malik
the was still a six-year-old boy, living in Medina
place in which to receive the bayCa, for what other city
with no apparent relationship to Jerusalem. But that
would be more appropriate to celebrate the fulfilmentdoes not mean it was not useful, especially because it
of such a prophecy? was attributed to KaCb himself, the same authority who
This connection with the Holy Land was passed introduced,
on or was made to introduce, to Islam many
in the title King of the Holy Land to MuCawiya's son traditions related to Jerusalem. CAbd al-Malik could
and successor Yazid I. In his fierce and clever plotting
use it just as MuCawiya had used a similar prophecy,
to create a dynasty and to appoint his son as his suc-
for it was probably the precedent set by MuCawiya that
cessor, MuCawiya needed all the support he could get,made CAbd al-Malik seek his own symbolic association
especially from members of the influential group of the
with the Holy City. His, however, was more explicit
Prophet's companions. In the year 672, CAbdallah ibn-than MuCawiya's King of the Holy Land, for it tied him
CAmru ibn al-CAs, the highly respected sahabt who had
directly to the most sacred spot in the city and the
read the Jewish and Christian books, reportedly pro-
recently appropriated Jewish traditions attached to it.
claimed, "MuCawiya is the King of the Holy Land and
CAbd al-Malik wanted to be remembered in Jerusalem
so is his son."42 Coming from such a prominent
as the builder of the most impressive monument on
authority, this remark must have strengthened Mount Moriah over the Sacred Rock, not merely as the
Mucawiya's cause, and extended the eminence of a link repairer of the platform or the structure attributed to
with the Holy Land to his dynasty. CUmar. This desire may be clarified by the cir-

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16 NASSER RABBAT

the Dome.
cumstances of the first half of CAbd al-Malik's He reported
reign and a conversation with his uncle,
the grave problems that faced him then, since the
who explained to him al-Walid I's justification for
buildinghistorical
Dome's inscriptions50 and most of the Islamic his magnificent mosque in Damascus. The
reports, including that of al-Wasiti,51 show
uncle clearly that
went on to say "and in like manner, is it not evi-
the Dome was built during that period. dent how Caliph 'Abd al-Malik, noting the greatness of
CAbd al-Malik came to power in 684, a the
time
Domeofofcivil
the Holy Sepulchre and its magnificence,
was moved
strife52 and of a threatening Byzantine army lestat
it should
the dazzle the minds of Muslims
andof
borders. For the first time in the history so erected, above the Rock, the Dome which is now
the rising
and aggressive Islamic empire, the Byzantines
seen there."60 were
The effect of the spectacular display of
riches(Antioch
able to reoccupy part of northern Syria in Christian in
churches on the minds of Muslims
688).53 But the internal problems were
musteven more
have been considerable in the early period of the
severe. To attend to them, 'Abd al-MalikIslamic
was forced
presence to
in a formerly Christian land.61 It was
sign a truce with Justinian II in 689, the no
terms
doubt of which
reflected in the many traditions prohibiting
included the payment of a yearly tribute to both
the Muslims from the
visiting the churches ofJerusalem, as
Byzantines and their clients the Maradites.54 In well as in the splendor and the intended dazzling aspect
Jerusalem in particular, where Christians constitutedof the Dome of the Rock at a time when there was
the overwhelming majority,55 the psychological warfare hardly anything comparable to it in the whole Islamic
between Christianity and Islam must have been state.

heightened by these political developments, and 'Abd On the domestic front, the revolt of Ibn al-Zuba
al-Malik must have felt compelled to provide a very and his establishment of a rival caliphate in Mecca co
visible reminder of his hegemony over the city. stituted the greatest menace that 'Abd al-Malik faced
Islamic rule also reintroduced to the city a Jewish When he became caliph in Damascus, his dominio
population, perhaps as early as the time of 'Umar ibnwere limited to Syria and Egypt, which had b
al-Khattab (634-43),56 which in turn revived the secured by his father Marwan. The Syrians, who c
religious disputes between Jews and Christians, in stituted 'Abd al-Malik's loyal army, succeeded in
which the Muslims were by no means neutral course in crushing Ibn al-Zubayr's forces and in reca
bystanders. They preferred, and even adopted, the turing Iraq and Arabia. But Ibn al-Zubayr's revolt
Jewish viewpoints.57 Some Jewish converts to Islam nothing to do with the building of the Dome of t
(notably Kacb al-Ahbar, who was instrumental in Rock, contrary to the opinion of some positiv
defining the sanctity of Jerusalem in Islam) were also historians. Basing their theories on al-YaCqubi (d. 8
spreading anti-Christian propaganda. KaCb is reportedand the Melkite priest Eutychius (d. 940),62 they hav
to have told two of his relatives who were planning to interpreted the Dome of the Rock as providing an alte
visit Jerusalem to pray in its mosque (probably the plat- native to the KaCba in Mecca, which was controlled
form on Mount Moriah): "Do not go to the Church ofthe time by Ibn al-Zubayr. Other scholars have refut
Mary or 'al-CAmudayn' [the Two Columns?] for these this interpretation by demonstrating the discrepanci
are seducers (taghut). Whoever visits them loses the in al-YaCqubi's reporting, and by showing that no ot
merits of his prayers unless he starts anew. May God major Muslim source gave the same explanation.63
fight the Christians, for they are impotent: they only The Kacba appears to have remained the religio
built their Church in Wadi Jahannam."58 The strength center for the Umayyads during the entire period of
of these feelings, especially in such periods as CAbd al- al-Zubayr's insurrection (683-92).64 Abd al-Ma
Malik's reign, helps explain why the Dome is located himself led the Hajj in 694, two years after the comp
on a spot sanctified by Judaism and Islam but tion of his Dome of the Rock.65 The procession
discarded by Christianity;59 why its form is at the same Mecca, led by him, is described in a poem by
time of Byzantine martyria and conspicuously dif- Farazdaq (d. 732), who was one of the major Umay
ferent; and why the inscriptions circling the innercourt poets. A distich from the same poem, in wh
octagonal arcade of the Dome on both sides comprise the Bayt-Aelia (the sanctuary on Mount Moriah) a
the entire Christology of the Quran that argues against the KaCba are mentioned, had been used to show
the deification of Christ. almost equal status that the Dome and the Kacba w
This interpretation is further supported by the supposed to have had under the Umayyads.66 T
explanation given by al-Muqaddasi for the buildingdistich of reads, "To us belong two houses, the House

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 THE UMAYYAD DOME OF THE ROCK 17

Many traditions
God (bayt allah), of which we are governors, andhavethe
come to us from the East which we
cannot verify. We are only sure of the reading of the
revered house in upper [part of] Iliya' [Aelia, i.e.,
Quran. Be faithful to what is contained in your Quran:
Jerusalem]."67 It is clear from the words
the onethemselves
that the unjustly treated Imam [CUthman]
that the House of Aelia is secondary gathered
and in forno
you,way
and follow the obligations he specified
equal in sanctity to the KaCba, the House
for you,offorGod,
in thattohe consulted Zayd ibn Thabit, who
was a most respected scholar. Thus, accept what they
which CAbd al-Malik is leading the pilgrimage.
have accepted, and reject what deviates from their inter-
Another account is very indicative of how the
pretation. "71
Umayyads perceived their conflict with Ibn al-Zubayr.
Khalid ibn Yazid, an Umayyad prince, A person went
who showsalong
such a strict interpretation of
Islam, accepts
with the army of al-Hajjaj sent to Mecca to only the dictates of the Quran, and
confront
Ibn al-Zubayr (73/692), so that he rejects
could perform
unverifiable traditionsthecannot easily be accused
Hajj. While he was there, he proposed marriage
of reverting to disputedto Ibn
belief in order to justify deci-
al-Zubayr's sister, which understandably
sions such as angered al- upon the Rock that
conferring a sanctity
was not already
Hajjaj. When the latter tried to dissuade him, partKhalid
of the Islamic faith. CAbd al-
replied, "As for your saying that these people
Malik's motives [Ibn the
for building al-Dome must be viewed
Zubayr and the Meccans] fought my withinfather [Yazid
the accepted I]
Islamic framework of his time; he
must that
over the caliphate, I should remind you have been
thiscelebrating
matter a place that was already
concerns only the families of Qurayshvenerated
[to bywhich
Muslims. both
Khalid and Ibn al-Zubayr belonged, but CAbd al-Malik was an energetic and determined
not al-Hajjaj]
who are now quarreling. But when God
caliph settles
who firmly the
believed in his right to command.72
Many Muslim authorities
problem, Quraysh will regain its understanding (ahldm)of his time seem to have rec-
and virtue."68 It is clear that Khalid considered the
ognized his gift for rule.73 Later accounts, however,
Umayyads as a clan to be part of Quraysh, andthough
that they vouch for his political acumen, condemn
they undoubtedly were fighting Ibn al-Zubayr to decide
his deviations from the Islamic model of leadership. If
from these commentaries prejudices against CAbd al-
who within the tribe was the leading family, and conse-
Malik's brand of rule are eliminated, a more balanced
quently the leader of the Muslim community. It follows
that relinquishing Mecca and its KaCba to a picture
rival emerges. In many instances, CAbd al-Malik was
Qurashi, such as Ibn al-Zubayr, would have beenaware
tan-that he had to govern according to the principles
tamount to admitting political defeat. But putting
advanced by the Muslim religious authorities who were
Jerusalem in its place would have been the equivalent
his counselors. He once asked Abu Zurca, a theologian,
of abolishing one of the fundamental tenets of Islam,
how he is judged by God. The latter cited in response
a Quranic passage (38:25) which describes David's
thus creating serious problems for a Muslim caliph.
Certainly CAbd al-Malik was not a man either to as the Caliph of God on Earth, and then said, "If
duty
this is what God required from His chosen messenger,
accept political defeat or to attempt such a grave depar-
ture from Islamic principles. From the scattered
so you even more [abide by the same obligations]."74
accounts describing his personality, it is clear that his
CAbd al-Malik's comprehension of sovereignty was
knowledge of Islamic precepts and tenets was
apparently influenced and supported by the Quranic
undisputed and his sense of sovereignty (mulk) uncom-
interpretation of the divinely ordained kingship of
promising. CAbd al-Malik belonged to the first
David. In this and other accounts, David and Solomon
Medinese generation brought up from birth inarethe
often mentioned as ideal models for a Muslim ruler,
Islamic faith.69 He was considered among the most
perhaps because the Quran praises them, and popular
trustworthy scholars of Islamic law (fuqahd') in Medina
traditions admire their wise rulership. Another report
before he moved to Damascus (682).70 The alleged
of a discussion that took place in the Caliph's court
rejection of his pious attributes after becoming caliph
demonstrates how admired were the glorious reigns of
are inconsistent with the multitude of references in David and Solomon, and one speaker attempted to link
chronicles and biographies to his adherence to Islamic"the kingship of Banu-IsmaCil [i.e., the Arabs, as rep-
traditions throughout his rule. He once told the resented by the Umayyads] to the kingship of their
Medinese:
brothers Banu-Ishaq [i.e., the Jews], namely that of the
"You are the people most entitled to adhere toprophetthis kings David and Solomon."75
original thing [al-'amr al- aawal, i.e., original Islam].
CAbd al-Malik's attempts to model his sovereignty

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18 NASSER RABBAT

3. See, for
after the archetypes of David and Solomon as example,
revealed al-Mawsu'a al-Filastinniyya (The Palestinian
Encyclopedia), (Damascus, 1984), vol. 3, art. "al-Quds,"
in Quranic examples were thus in part manifested in
p. 511. For the elaborate interpretation of the two events, which
the decision to build the Dome of the Rock on the
is accepted by the Sunnis, see Sayyed Qutub, Fi Zilal al-Quradn
sacred site in Jerusalem, since the Islamic tradition
(Cairo, 1967), vol. 15, pp. 12 ff.
4. The book
being formed at this time preserved the association of Sirat al-Nabf was collected by Ibn Hisham from the
David and Solomon with Mount Moriah. In the first materials reported by Ibn Ishaq, who is considered the first
chronicler of the life of the Prophet. See Sirat al-Nabi, ed. M. K.
ten years of his rule, when 'Abd al-Malik was faced
Harras, (Cairo, n.d.), pp. 4-18.
with numerous challenges to his authority, one can see
5. The long original inscription band around the Dome, dated to
his actions as efforts to affirm his kingship. Building a of its building, is made up mainly of polemical Quranic
the time

highly visible dome on a site celebrated in the past quotations

by arguing against the deification of Christ and for the
oneness of God. Nowhere in it are either of the two events, the
David and Solomon and sanctified in the present by
Night Journey or the Ascension of Muhammad, mentioned.
Islam symbolized CAbd al-Malik's political aspirations,
For a discussion of the meaning of these inscriptions, see, for
and balanced his monarchical inclinations and religious
example, Erica C. Dodd, "The Dome of the Rock," in Erica
convictions. The precedence of David and Solomon C. Dodd and Shereen Khairallah, The Image of the Word (Beirut,
1981), vol. 1, pp. 19-26.
building the Temple in the tradition that was
6. For the evolution of the two concepts in Islamic tradition and
appropriated by Islam, combined with the Umayyads' the controversy on the location of the Aqsa mosque noted in
well known symbolic and real connections with early Islamic sources, see A. Guillaume, "Where Was al-
Jerusalem, emphasizes the reading of the Dome as a Masjid al-Aqsa?," al-Andalus, 18 (1953).
monument to the Umayyad Islamic rule, built by the7. As it was summarized in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2d ed., art. "al-
Kuds," written by S. D. Goitein, p. 325.
one caliph who is rightfully credited with its con- 8. A partial list of Oleg Grabar's contributions on the Umayyad
solidation.
Dome of the Rock are: "The Umayyad Dome of the Rock in
In the second part of his rule, after he had regained Jerusalem" (hereafter cited as Grabar 1), Ars Orientalis 3 (1959):
control of all the Islamic territories, 'Abd al-Malik 33-62; the section on the Dome of the Rock in his Formation of
Islamic Art (New Haven, 1973), pp. 48-67; his entry, "Kubbat
initiated the process of Arabizing the administration
al-Sakhra," in EF, vol. 5, pp. 298-99; and his contribution to
and Islamizing the coinage to create an imperial the article "al-Kuds," in EP2, vol. 5, pp. 339-41. Other works
Islamic image of the state. Under his son al-Walid I, of interest for the understanding of the Dome can be found in
the process was carried further, and the imperial image the bibliographies of the two El entries.
was expressed in monumental mosques built in four 9. In his latest contribution on the subject, which is an
unpublished paper entitled. "The Meaning of the Dome of the
major cities of the empire: Mecca, Medina, Damascus,
Rock" (hereafter Grabar 2) delivered at Oxford University in
and Jerusalem. The Dome of the Rock was then sub- 1985, Grabar restated his initial interpretation with two impor-
jected to a shift in significance when the mihrab of the tant modifications. I am grateful to Professor Grabar for
rebuilt Aqsa mosque was aligned with its north-south making a copy of this paper available to me.
10. Priscilla Soucek, "The Temple of Solomon in Islamic Legend
axis, thus incorporating it into a larger complex whose
and Art," in J. Gutmann, ed. The Temple of Solomon (Missoula,
focal point it became.76 The confusion that eventually Mont., 1976), pp. 73-123.
arose over the building's original message was probably11. Goitein noted this message in the Dome, but considered it as
caused when the religious functions of the Dome of the second in importance to the major religious one. See S. D. Goi-
Rock and the whole sanctuary supplanted the political tein, "The Sanctity ofJerusalem and Palestine in Early Islam,"
in Studies in Islamic History and Institutions (Leiden, 1966), pp.
ones, and the events that had led to the Dome's con-
135-48, esp. p. 147.
struction had lost their relevance.
12. Most of the earliest Muslim historiographers and biographers
are known to have been either sponsored by the Abbasids, or
Massachusetts Institute of Technology to have been their clients. Ibn SaCd (784-844) the author of the
seminal biographical al-Tabaqat al-Kubra, was a client of the
Cambridge, Massachusetts
Abbasids; the other two main figures of the "School of
Medina" in the history of the Prophet (sira), Ibn Hisham (d.
NOTES 833), the author of the important Sirat al-Nabi, and al-Waqidi
(d. 823), the first systematic collector of the materials for the
1. On the question of the genesis of Islamic architecture, see,
early for of Islam according to H. A. R. Gibb, were both
history
example, Ernst Herzfeld, "Die Genesis der islamischen favorites of the Abbasid court. See the introduction to Ibn SaCd,
Kunst," Der Islam 1 (1910): 27-63; also Oleg Grabar, Laforma- al- Tabaqat al-Kubra (hereafter cited as Ibn SaCd) written by Ihsan
tion de l'art islamique (Paris, 1987), pp. 11-32, 139-92. CAbbas (Beirut 1960), vol. 1, pp. 5-17. In addition, some other
2. See Nikita Elisseeff, La description de Damas d'Ibn CAskir chroniclers were partisans (mutashayiCa) of the descendants of the
(Damascus, 1959), p. 228. Prophet (ahl al-bayt), and thus they were more prejudiced

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 THE UMAYYAD DOME OF THE ROCK 19

against the Umayyads than the pro-Abbasids. One2 of

(1972):
our 215-39,
majorpp. 229-32, 236. For a short bibliography of
sources, al-Maqrizi (d. 1438), wrote a book on KaCb,
theseedispute
Ibn SaCd, 7: 445. The circumstances of his conversion
established his
between the Umayyads and the Hashemites (including theacceptance as an authority in the question of
Biblical
Abbasids) in which he sided with the ahl-al-bayt and prophecies. See al-Waqidi (748-823), Futuh al-Sham, 2
discredited
vols. (Cairo,
both the Umayyads and the Abbasids, see al-Maqrizi, Kitab 1946),
al- pp. 153-54 (hereafter cited as al-Waqidi);
also al-Azdl
Nizdc wal-Takhdsum, ed. G. Vas (Leiden, 1888), esp. pp. 30 (d.ff.
845) Tarzkh Futu.h al-Shdm, ed. A. M. CAmer
(Cairo, 1970), pp.
(henceforth cited as al-Maqrizi.) Moreover, al-Farazdaq (d.259-62.
26. excellence,
732), who was the poet of the Umayyads par See Ibn SaCd, 7:was
445.
also a partisan of the Descendants of CAli; see27.
theSeeintroduction
ibid., pp. 493-96, for a biography of CAbdallah. He seems
to Diwan al-Farazdaq (Beirut, 1960). to have been able to read Syriac. Another source reported that
13. For a discussion of the early Islamic sources, see theA.Prophet told 'Abdallah, "You will read the two books, the
A. al-Duri,
TorahL.
The Rise of Historical Writing among the Arabs, trans. and the Furqan [Quran];" see Kister, "Haddithu Can
Conrad
(Princeton, 1983) (hereafter cited as Duri). F. M. bani
DonnerIsraiila wa-la Haraj," p. 231.
wrote
28. Seeearly
an interesting review of modern attitudes toward Y. W. Islamic
Hirschberg, "The Sources of Moslem Tradition
historiography in his introduction to Duri's book, concerning Jerusalem," Rocznik Orientalistyczny 17 (1951-52):
pp. vii-xvii.
14. This may explain why the Muslim chroniclers and 314-50; also H. Busse, "The Sanctity of Jerusalem in Islam,"
biographers
failed to note the importance of the Dome of theJudaism
Rock 17 in(1968):
the 441-68. For an overview of the prophetic
legends
career of 'Abd al-Malik. Had the prominent religious and their role in the formation of Islamic traditions, see
functions
and associations now attached to the Dome been known to R. G. Khoury, Les legendes prophitiques dans l'Islam depuis le Ier
jusqu'au
them, their omission of its construction from the list of CAbd al- IIe siecle de l'Hegire (Wiesbaden, 1978).
Malik's achievements, while they all listed the building29. Although an unclear report on the miCrdj is inserted at the end
of al-Wasiti's traditions 117 and 162, account 117 was rejected
activities of his son al-Walid I, for example, would be puzzling.
15. See the biography of Salah al-Din in al-Sibki, Tabaqat in al-al-Nuwayri, Nihaydt al-CArab, ed. A. M. al-Bijawi (Cairo,
Shaficiyya al-Kubrd (Cairo, n.d.), vol. 7, pp. 339-69, where he1976),
is vol. 1, p. 338, and 162 was doubted by al-Zarakshi,
extolled as the Conqueror of Jerusalem (fdtih bayt al-maqdis).Acldm al-Sajid bi Ahkdm al-Masdjid, ed. A. W. al-Muraghi
16. An important discussion of jihad propaganda during the (Cairo, 1965), p. 298.
Crusades is in Emmanuel Sivan, L'Islam et la Croisade. 30. Ibn SaCd dated the micrdj to the 17th of Ramadan eighteen
ideologie
months before the hijra (immigration to Medina), and reported
et propagande dans les reactions musulmans aux croisades (Paris, 1968),
esp. chap. 5, where Sivan discusses the propaganda policies that
of it took place from the KaCba area in Mecca; the israd is
Salah al-Din. dated to the 17th of RabiC al-Awwal one year before the hijra,
17. On the role of pietistic propaganda in the reconquest and of started reportedly from the area around Abu-Taleb's house
Jerusalem, see, F. E. Peters, Jerusalem (Princeton, 1985), (Abu-Taleb pp. was the Prophet's uncle and guardian), see Ibn
333-48. Sa'd, 1: 213-14. As for the later adaptations, see Grabar 1,
18. See Emmanuel Sivan, "Le caractere de Jerusalem dans l'Islam pp. 62-63.
aux XIIe-XIIIe siecles," in Studia Islamica, 27 (1967): 149-82. 31. Ibid., also A. Guillaume, "Where Was al-Masjid al-Aqsa?"
In this article, Sivan traces the origin of Muslim traditions con- 32. See Grabar 1, pp. 42 ff. where an Abrahamic association with
cerning Jerusalem during the Crusades. For the traditions the Rock is emphasized. This, however, does not show in any
about the sanctity of Jerusalem since the time of Salah al-Din, of al-Wasiti's accounts. Furthermore, there is more confusion
see for example, Mujlr al-Din al-cUlaymi (d. 1485), al-Uns al- about the location of the Sacrifice of Abraham than about the
Jalil bi Tarzkh al-Quds wal-Khalil, ed. M. B. al-cUlum (Najaf, miCrdj in early Islamic sources; see, for example, al-Azraqi (d.
1968). There is a section on Salah al-Din's conquest, pp. 864), Akhbar Makka, ed. R. S. Mulhis (Dar al-Andalus, n.d.),
317-40. vol. 2, p. 175.
19. Abu Bakr al-Wasiti, Fadadil al-Bayt al-Muqaddas, ed. Y. Hasson 33. See the introduction to al-Wasiti's book, pp. 10-19; also M. J.
(Jerusalem, 1979) (hereafter sited as al-Wasiti). Hasson wrote Kister, "You Shall Only Set Out for Three Mosques: A Study
a very interesting introduction to his text, esp. pp. 1-27. The of an Early Tradition," Le Museon 82 (1969): 173-96.
importance of this book in modifying our understanding 34.ofQuran, Surat Sad (38), also called Surat Banu-Isra'il (the
Jerusalem's sanctity before the Crusades was noted by E. Jews). The two prophet-kings David and Solomon are extolled
Sivan; see "The Fada'il al-Quds Literature," Israel Oriental in many verses, esp. verses 16, 25, 34. Also, Quran, Surat al-
Studies, 1 (1970): 263-71, esp. p. 266. Ma'ida (5: 20-21).
20. Al-Wasiti, accounts 7, 13, 14, 15, 16, 26, 27, 28, 35, 49, 85, 35. See Grabar 2, pp. 11-12; also, EP, vol. 5, art. "al-Kuds,"
108, 134, 135, 142, 150, 153. p. 324.
21. Ibid., 5, 6, 8, 10, 22, 46, 47. 36. See, Salah al-Din al-Munnajid, Mu5am Bani Umayya (Beirut,
22. Ibid., 73, 99, 117, 119, 147, 155-164. 1970), p. 173 (hereafter cited as al-Munnajid). Al-Munnajid
23. Ibid., 18, 24, 25, 41, 55, 114, 115, 116, 118. extracted the biographies of all the Umayyads from the
24. Ibid., 8, 36, 39, 44, 57, 58, 87, 88, 121, 149. encyclopedic Tarikh Dimashq of Ibn CAsakir; also al-Khatib al-
25. KaCb al-Ahbar is inextricably linked to Jerusalem in Islamic Baghdadi, Tarikh Baghddd (Beirut, n.d.), vol. 1, pp. 207-9. An
tradition. Al-Wasitl's book has twenty-seven reports recorded earlier source reported a similar account; see Nasr ibn
on his authority. See also the introduction to al-Wasiti, p. 15, Muzahem al-Manqari (737-827), Waqcat Siffin, ed. A. S. M.
EP, vol. 4, art. "KaCb al-Ahbar"; M. J. Kister discussed the Haroun (Cairo, 1945) (hereafter cited as al-Manqari), p. 244,
role of Kacb in transmitting Jewish traditions to Islam in his where Nasr is reporting the story of a Syrian who had heard the
'Haddithu Can Bani Isra'ila wa-la Haraj," Israel Oriental Studies, Prophet say that an "infidel" would be elected at the Lodd

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20 NASSER RABBAT

Gate. The Syrian continued, "When MuCawiya 48. was elected

See, Khalifa ibnatKhayyat, Tanrkh, 1: 257; this event may have
the Lodd Gate, near Jerusalem, I left his groupstrengthened
and joined CAbd al-Malik's link to the city.
49. Al-Wasiti,
CAli's." Nasr, a Kufan, was the first ShiCi narrator account 138, p. 86; another source, almost contem-
(akhbari).
porary,
Thus, his inclinations are pro-'Ali, and his hatred of added more details to this account, from which we can
Mucawiya
is obvious. His story is definitely invented, given his capability
detect a stronger link to the Jewish tradition; see, ibid., note 1.
as an akhbart, but nonetheless it might be taken as aThis
Shici exag-
other book offadd'il written by Abu al-MaCali ibn al-Marja
geration of a real event, namely MuCawiya taking is the bayca
being inby E. Sivan; see, "Fada'il al-Kuds Literature,"
edited
Jerusalem. For Nasr's role in the development of the akhbar
p. 264.
genre, and his bias, see Duri, pp. 47-48. 50. The Dome's dating inscription reads, "The servant of God
37. Hibr, from the Hebrew haber, is the scholarly CAbd title ranked
[Allah the Imam al-Ma'mun] has built this Dome in the
immediately below rabbi; see ElP, vol. 4, art. "KaCbyearal-Ahbar."
two and seventy, God accept [it] of him." Max van Ber-
Thus, this reported diviner was probably a Jewish chem has shown that al-Ma'mun substituted his name in the
theologian;
if so, it reinforces the hypbthesis of a Jewish influenceplace of on
CAbd
theal-Malik's, without changing the date. The
Umayyad-Muslim view of Jerusalem. original inscription read [al-Malik] instead. See Max van Ber-
38. Al-Tabari, Tarzkh al-rusul wal-muluk, ed. M. A. F. Ibrahim chem, Materiaux pour un Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum, II,
(Cairo, 1963), vol. 4, pp. 560-61. Al-Tabari related this Jerusalem, Haram, vol. 2 (Cairo, 1927), pp. 237-39.
account on the authority of the controversial Sayf ibn CUmar (d.
51. Al-Wasiti recorded an account of CAbd al-Malik's coming to
796) who basically presented the Iraqi viewpoint and benefited Jerusalem and ordering the building of the Dome, with an
from the accounts (akhbar) of his own tribe Tamim, which extensive description of the ritualistic treatments of the Dome
opposed the Umayyads. Therefore, although this is an invented and the Rock; see, al-Wasiti, account 136, pp. 81-82. The same
khabar, it is very difficult to consider CUmar as the inventor of account appears in later fada'il texts as well, but it seems that
a story that could eventually be used for the glorification of this is its original form which later books copied, sometimes ver-
Mucawiya, unless we take into account that this story may show batim. See for example, al-CUlammi, al-Uns, pp. 272-75; also
Mucawiya as inclined toward non-Islamic traditions. For Sayf, al-Suyuti al-Minhaji (d. 1475) Ithdf al-Ikhsd bi-Fadad'il al-Masjid
see Duri, pp. 46, 140-42. al-Aqsa, ed. Paul Lemming (Copenhagen, 1817), pp. 13-14.
39. See El, vol. 5, art. "al-Kuds," p. 324; also, El2, vol. 1, art.52. See W. Ahlwardt, Anonyme Arabische Chronik, vol. 2 (hereafter
"CAmr b. al-CAs," p. 451. On the details of the pact between Ahlwardt), (Greifswald, 1883), pp. 1-78, 266-356. This is the
(Amru and Mucawiya, see al-Manqari, pp. 39-50. part of Baladhuri's Ansdb that chronicles the reign of CAbd al-
40. It seems that the expression, the Holy Land, was not strictly Malik. These sections of the Ansab discuss the revolts of Mus'ab
applied to Jerusalem in the early Islamic period. Goitein has b. al-Zubayr, CAbd-Allah b. al-Zubayr, the Kharejites
suggested that it might have been taken to mean all of Bilad al- (including the Azariqas), the Slaves and CAbd al-Rahman b. al-
Sham, probably under the influence of Christian as well as Ashcath. Al-Baladhuri (d. 892) is probably the most reliable
Jewish traditions. See S. D. Goitein, "The Sanctity of source on the Umayyads, for he is known to have tried to give
Jerusalem and Palestine in Early Islam," pp. 145-48. See also a balanced image to the accounts he chronicled, despite his con-
al-Waqidi, 1: 154, where Bilad al-Sham as a whole is identified nections with the Abbasids. His sources were mostly Medinese,
as the Holy Land, the land of the Prophets, and the place to and some of them were even close to the Umayyads. Moreover,
which people will be gathered on the Day of Resurrection. he was among the first historians to have methodically
41 See al-Maqrizi, p. 37; also Jall al-Din al-Suyuti (d. 1504-5), organized the materials available to him; see Duri, pp. 61-64.
Tarnkh al-Khulafad, ed. M. M. D. CAbd-al-Hamid (Cairo, 1964), 53. For the major dates in the reign of CAbd al-Malik see, ElP, art.
p. 195. Even (Ali ibn-Abi Talib, MuCawiya's rival, is said to "CAbd al-Malik," vol. 1, pp. 76-77, written by H. A. R. Gibb.
have heard a prophetic saying to the same effect; see al- 54. See, for example, I. A. al-CAdawi, Al-Umayyiun wal Byzantiyyun
Munnajid, p. 172. (Cairo, 1964), pp. 205-8.
42. See Khalifa ibn Khayyat, Tanrkh, ed. A. D. al-cUmari (Najaf, 55. This seems to have remained the case in Jerusalem until later
1967), vol. 1, p. 205. The event is reported in the year 52 (672), times, for al-Muqqadisi (d. 895) in his Ahsan al-Taqasim fi-
in which Mucawiya designated Yazid as his successor. MaCrifat al-Aqaltm (Leiden, 1877-1906), vol. 4, p. 165, wrote,
43. See the introduction to al-Wasiti, p. 20; also El2, vol. 5, art, "Jerusalem is a town whose Culama are few and whose Chris-
"al-Kuds," pl. 324. They both reported the same source, al- tians are many."
Azdl, al-Bid' wal-Tarnkh, vol. 4 (Paris, 1899), p. 87. 56. See El, art. "al-Kuds," vol. 5, pp. 323-25.
44. Al-Waqidi reported an account from which we can understand 57. See Hirschberg, p. 320; he reached a similar conclusion but
that CUmar established (khatt) a mihrab (sanctuary?) to the east stressed theJudaizing tendencies and underestimated the role of
of the city when he entered it. Al-Waqidi wrote that "it is in the the Islamic context that used and transformed these tendencies.
place where the Mosque of CUmar stands now [ca. 200 A.H.], 58. Al-Wasiti's account 24, pp. 21-22, Wadi Jahannam could be
with no reference to MuCawiya; see, al-Waqidi, vol. 1, p. 152. understood in two ways, but both have the same connotation.
45. See the discussion of the identification of al-Bayt al-Muqaddas The first is literally "the Valley of Hell." The second is related
in F. E. Peters, Jerusalem, pp. 187-91. He mentions many to the prophecy that called the eastern side of the temple Wadi
reports on CUmar's search for the sanctuary. Jahannam, because it was believed to be the real gate to Hell,
46. Sketched in Grabar 2, pp. 10-14. see, al-Wasiti, account 15, p. 14.
47. See al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. 5, ed. S. D. Goitein 59. See, Peters, Jerusalem, pp. 185-99.
(Jerusalem, 1938), pp. 158-80. This could have been the period 60. Ibid., p. 198.
in which CAbd al-Malik established his connection with 61. See, Grabar 1, pp. 55-56.
Jerusalem and started contemplating the building of the Dome.
62. The text of al-YaCqubi can be found in K. A. C. Creswell, Early

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 THE UMAYYAD DOME OF THE ROCK 21

companions
Muslim Architecture, vol. 1 (Oxford, 1932), p. 43. Creswellof the Prophet; see also, Ibn SaCd, vol. 5, p. 234.
seems
71.for
to have incorrectly accepted this explanation Recorded in Ibn SaCd,
the building of5: 233; also, al-Munnajid, p. 115.
the Dome. As for Eutychius, see Eutychius ibn
72. See esp. al-Batriq,
Ahlwardt, pp. 177-79, for Baladhuri's report of CAbd
al-Malik's
Annales, ed. L. Cheikho et al., in Corpus Scriptorum speech to the people of Medina, in which he
Christianorum
forcefully
Orientalium (Paris, 1909), ser. 3, vol. 7, pp. 39 ff. lays down the law, saying, "There are no games we
63. Grabar 1, pp. 35-36, also EI2, art. "al-Kuds,"
will notvol. 5,except
tolerate p. 325;
climbing the minbar [i.e., officially
also Peters, Jerusalem, pp. 190-91. denouncing the caliph] and raising a flag [i.e., starting a
64. Al-Hajjaj is known to have led the hajj duringrevolt].
and" after the final
73. Abu-Hurayra,
attack against Ibn al-Zubair in Mecca (692). See Ibn the SaCd,
famous hadith
5: transmitter, is reported to
have said
228-29, also Khallfa b. Khayyat, Tarzkh, 1: 257. upon meeting the
Al-Husayn b. young CAbd al-Malik, "This man
al-Numayr, the leader of Yazid I's army against Ibn
will rule al-Zubayr
the Arabs." See al-Suyuti, Tarfkh al-Khulafda, p. 216.
(683) did the same thing as al-Hajjaj, see, al-Baladhuri,
Umm al-Durada', theAnsdb
pious wife of the first Muslim qadi of
Bilad
al-Ashrdf(hereafter Ansab 2), vol. 4, pt. 2, ed. M. al-Sham, pointed out CAbd al-Malik's qualifications for
Schloessinger
(Jerusalem, 1938), pp. 52-53. the caliphate (see al-Munnajid, p. 112). MuCawiya himself and
65. Ibn SaCd, 5: 231-33; also Ahlwardt, p. 186. CAmru ibn al-CAs had reportedly noticed his natural abilities
66. See, M. J. Kister "You Shall Only Set Out and for Three
skills (see Ibn Sa'd, Mos-
5:224).
ques," p. 182. The dating of the poem to74.694
See, Ahlwardt,
stems from pp. 258-59.the
75. Ibid., 254.
fact that al-Farazdaq addresses CAbd al-Malik in Al-Baladhuri
the opening reported these two accounts on the
few verses using the title Ibn Marwan, and later on he
authority describes
of al-Mada'ini (752-839), who is known to have writ-
the caliph's leading the hajj procession as it comes down
ten narratives from
more balanced than those of previous narrators
Mina, after the ritual throwing of stones, to the KaCba.
(akhbariyun). He CAbd al- access to Umayyad documents,
also had direct
see Duri,once
Malik is known to have performed the hajj only pp. 46-49, 145-48.
after he
became caliph, in 75 A.H. 76. For the Aqsa Mosque, see, for example, Henri Stern, "Re-
67. Al-Farazdaq, Dfwdn al-Farazdaq (Beirut, cherches
1960), vol.
sur la 2,al-Aqsa,"
mosquee pp. Ars Orientalis 5 (1963): 28-
31-33.
48. In addition to the possible work of Mucawiya and the
68. See, al-Baladhuri, Ansdb 2, p. 67. This account is recorded on documented works of CAbd al-Malik and al-Walid, we can see
the authority of CAwana ibn al-Hakam (d. 764), who might the construction of what appears to be an Umayyad palace com-
have had inside knowledge of the Umayyads' affairs. Some of plex outside the southern wall of the platform, and connected
his reported accounts are suspected to reflect the Umayyad with the Aqsa Mosque as a later contribution to this progressive
viewpoint, which in this case is what we are interested in (see program of transformation. For the complex's excavation and
Duri, pp. 141-43). plans and for a discussion of its connection with the mosque, see
69. See EP, vol. 1, art., "CAbd al-Malik," pp. 76-77. M. Ben Dov, "The Area South of the Temple Mount in the
70. See al-Munnajid, p. 112. The report is on the authority of Ibn Islamic Period," Jerusalem Revealed (erusalem, 1975), pp. 97-
CUmar, the famous scholar and son of the second caliph CUmar, 101. A brief interpretation of this Umayyad program is given
who described CAbd al-Malik as afaqzh second in rank to the in Peters, Jerusalem, p. 201.

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