The Sociology of Sports

The Sociology of Sports
ALSO BY TIM DELANEY AND TIM MADIGAN
Beyond Sustainability: A Thriving Environment (2014)

The Sociology
of Sports
An Introduction
Second Edition
Tim Delaney and

Tim Madigan
McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers

Jefferson, North Carolina
All photographs provided by Tim Delaney unless otherwise noted.
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Delaney, Tim.
The sociology of sports : an introduction /
Tim Delaney and Tim Madigan. — Second edition.
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Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-7864-9767-6 (softcover : acid free paper)

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1. Sports—Sociological aspects. I. Madigan, Tim, 1962–
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On the cover: (top) President Calvin Coolidge and Washington Senators

pitcher Walter Johnson shake hands on June 18, 1925 (Library of Congress);
(bottom) crowd cheers the Thunderbirds squadron flyover prior to
Superbowl XLIII in Tampa, Florida, on February 1, 2009 (U.S. Air Force)
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Tim Delaney dedicates this text to two
early founders of the sociology of sport
who had a great influence on him—
James H. Frey and Hal Charnofsky
Tim Madigan dedicates the book

to two other stalwarts in the sociology
of sports—Don Sabo and Merrill Melnick
This page intentionally left blank
Table of Contents
Preface 1
1. The Sociology of Sport 3

2. Social Theory and Sport 26
3. A Brief History of Sport 50
4. The Impact of Sport on Culture 72
5. Socialization and Sport 95
6. Youth Sports 117
7. High School and College Sports 144
8. Deviance in Sport 174
9. Violence in Sport 203
10. Gender and Sport 232
11. Race and Ethnicity in Sport 259
12. Economics and Sport 289
13. Politics and Sport 316
14. Religion and Sport 346
15. The Media in Sport 371
16. What’s Trending in Sports 393
Glossary 419
Bibliography 429
Index 457
vii
Preface
Sport is a universal phenomenon. There is no known culture which has not engaged in some
sort of sporting activity, and participating in and being a spectator of various sports is an important
aspect of most people’s lives. From early childhood, individuals start the process of taking part
in organized games, and it is a rare person who has no interest at all in rooting for (or against)
particular organized teams. The study of sport, therefore, is of value, both for its own sake and
for what it can tell us about individuals and societies in the broadest way.
This book is designed to serve as a textbook for a wide variety of sport-related academic
courses. It represents a fresh approach to the study of sport in society including a critical exami-
nation of sport while also highlighting many of its positive features. Unlike other textbooks, The
Sociology of Sports provides a chapter about sports’ impact on American culture (Chapter 4). It is
a glaring oversight that other textbooks—many of which are edited anthologies with a bewildering
array of authors—do not include such a chapter. There is also a chapter on the history of sports
to help put the discussions within an historical framework.
We are delighted that The Sociology of Sports, originally published in 2009, is now appearing
in a second edition. The first edition was a straightforward, student-friendly presentation of key
sociological concepts and issues that pertain to the sociological study and analysis of sport in con-
temporary society (such as socialization, economics, gender, race, ethnicity, religion, politics, the
media, and the role of sport in society). While it provided a solid foundation for showing how
pervasive sports is to our everyday lives, we felt it was important to update the many examples that
were used throughout the text to illustrate various sociological concepts relating to sports. In the
second edition we have made several changes. Each chapter, for instance, concludes with a popular
culture section. We want to show how films, television series, music, and short stories have all con-
tributed to our understanding of sports’ significance to our lives. Tables and charts have been
updated with the most current data, new tables have been created, including in Chapter 6, youth
sport participation, and the section dealing with heroes in sports has been greatly expanded, as
has the section dealing with the self-esteem issues that people have through identifying with their
favorite sports teams.
Other new features in the second edition include up-to-date information, including statistics
on player salaries and owners’ earnings, and a look at recent controversies in sports involving such
issues as performance-enhancing drug usage, domestic violence, and online gambling. We have
added a section detailing how collegiate sports are governed by a number of large administrative
bodies, including the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA); the National Association
of Intercollegiate Athletics (NAIA); and the National Junior College Athletic Association
(NJCAA). We added a new section on the growing concern of concussions and post-career health
problems (e.g., Chronic Traumatic Encephalopathy, or CTE for short). And we take a close look
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2 Preface
at how social media, like Facebook and Twitter, as well as new forms of virtual reality, have
increased the profile of athletes.
Chapter 16, the final chapter, has been completely redesigned and renamed “What’s Trending
in Sports.” In this chapter we look at the latest trends in sports including technological innovations
like drone-equipped cameras; the continued rise in popularity of fantasy sports and their significant
impact on how various sports are played and perceived; the increasing presence of online gambling;
a discussion of new and unusual sports; the prevalence of video gaming and the growing movement
of gaming as a sport; the value of sports for people with physical disabilities and special needs;
the development of sport studies programs; and, our continued emphasis on the value of sports-
manship.
We strongly believe that the revisions in this edition have made it a far superior and more
accessible work than the original version. Furthermore, we believe this text is the leader in the
study of sport sociology.
Tim Delaney would like to offer special thanks to Christina. Tim Madigan tips his hat to
good sportsmanship.
CHAPTER 1
The Sociology of Sport
Sport is a pervasive social institution in nearly every society around the world. In the United
States, sport is as much a part of American society and culture as such other major social institu-
tions as the family, religion, politics, economics and education. To ignore sport is to overlook a
phenomenon that extends into a multitude of social arenas, including the arts, mass media, the
economy, the community, and international diplomacy. In this book we will use the term “sport”
to signify its role as a social institution and we will use “sports” to signify specific activities such
as football, baseball, or cycling.
Sport reflects the norms and values of the general culture of a society. In American culture,
as in most world cultures, winning and success are highly valued commodities. Sport can serve as
an excellent exemplar of the cherished “win-at-all-costs” philosophy. This prevailing attitude often
leads to elitism, sexism, racism, nationalism, extreme competitiveness, abuse of drugs (including
performance-enhancing drugs), gambling, and a number of other deviant behaviors. However,
the true spirit of sport often reveals itself as well. The notions of cooperation and team work,
fair play, sportsmanship, hard work, dedication, reaching to achieve personal excellence, obedience
to rules, commitment and loyalty are also revered values of American society, and that is, perhaps,
the primary reason that Americans love sports so much. Despite the highly publicized negative
sport stories that are often sensationalized by the mass media, there are far more positive sport-
related stories which help to reaffirm that our support of our favorite teams and athletes is not a
wasted endeavor.
The institution of sport is very important, useful, and beneficial to American society. Sports
adherents share the emotional roller coaster of the fortunes that their favorite teams experience.
Both fans and participants find in sport a reaffirmation of central values and myths of the larger
society that help give meaning and direction to their own lives. Athletic contests are important to
the socialization of youth, to the integration of disparate groups and social classes, to physical
and mental well-being, and to the enhancement of community pride.
The Sociological Perspective

Since this book is written from a sociological perspective it is important to clarify a number
of fundamental sociological concepts and constructs relevant to the sociological study of sport.
Let’s begin with the sociological perspective. Among the core tenets of the sociological perspective
are the following basic assumptions:
1. Individuals are, by their nature, social beings. There are two main reasons for this. First, new-
born babies are completely dependent on others for their survival. Second, in order to survive as
3
4 The Sociology of Sports
a species, humans have formed groups as a defense mechanism against the other animals and the
environment.
2. Individuals are, for the most part, socially determined. As social beings, we are products of our
social environments. Trial and error, reinforcement and modeling account for the primary
methods of learning.
3. Individuals create, sustain, and change the social forms within which they conduct their lives.
Humans are both “puppets of their society” and “also puppeteers” (Eitzen and Sage 1989: 5).
Our lives are not biologically predetermined; we are capable (within certain social limitations) of
making decisions to alter our life courses. “Through collective action individuals are capable of
changing the structure of society and even the course of history” (Eitzen and Sage 1989: 4–6).
Sociology is a broad field with many different theories, methodologies and areas of interest.
Sociology is a member of the social sciences; it involves the study of groups, institutions, organ-
izations, cultures and societies. The social sciences, which also include anthropology, economics,
history, psychology, and political science, concentrate their study on the various aspects of human
society. In contrast, the natural sciences, such as astronomy, biology, chemistry, geology, and
physics, focus their studies on the physical features of nature and the manner in which they interact
and change. The social scientist is concerned with furthering knowledge for its own sake.
Sociology is nearly always defined as a science that engages in rigorous research guided by
theory. The authors define sociology as the systematic study of groups, organizations, social insti-
tutions, societies, and the social interaction among people. The word “systematic” is used because
sociology is committed to applying both theoretical perspectives and research methods to the
examination of social behavior and also because sociologists generally study regularly occurring
behaviors. By definition, sociology is a science. A science possesses such characteristics as theory
guided by empirical observations, measurement of variables, analysis, synthesis, and replication/
public verification. Definitions of the term science usually include such criteria as having knowledge
and knowledge obtained and tested through the scientific method. The scientific method itself is
defined as the pursuit of knowledge involving the stating of a problem, the collection of facts
through observation and experiment, and the testing of ideas to determine whether they are right
or wrong. As we shall see throughout this book, sociology has a strong commitment to research
and to the testing (through statistical analysis) of its theories.
The roots of sociology are firmly entrenched within the scientific tradition. Auguste Comte
(1798–1857), one of the earliest sociologists, and the person who coined the term “sociology,” was
a strong proponent of positivism. Positivism is a way of understanding the world based on science.
Positivists believe that the social world can be studied in the same manner as the natural sciences
and believe that “laws” exist that apply to the human species; they merely have to be discovered
by social scientists. Comte was an early positivist and his concept of positivism is based on the
idea that everything in society is observable and subject to patterns or laws. These laws help to
explain human behavior. The role of the sociologist is to reveal these patterns, or laws, of human
behavior. “Comte believed positivism would create sound theories based on sufficient factual evi-
dence and historical comparisons to predict future events. The discovery of the basic laws of
human behavior will allow for deliberate courses of action on the part of both individuals and
society” (Delaney 2005: 25).
In an attempt to understand the laws of society, sociologists often utilize the sociological
imagination. The American sociologist C. Wright Mills coined the term the sociological imagi-
nation to show how our private lives are influenced by the social environment and the existing
social forces. The sociologist gains insights into human behavior by utilizing the sociological imag-
ination. According to Mills (1959), “The sociological imagination enables its possessor to under-
stand the larger historical scene in terms of its meanings for the inner life and the external career
of a variety of individuals. It enables him to take into account how individuals, in the welter of
their daily experience, often become falsely conscious of their social positions” (5).
The sociological imagination stresses the importance of the historical social context in which
an individual is found. Mills emphasized that it is important to understand the personal biography
(life history) along with the current actions of an individual to truly understand the meaning of
his or her behavior. To underscore the importance of this point, Mills made distinctions between
personal troubles and public issues. This distinction is critical to fully understand the manner in
which the sociological imagination operates. Personal troubles “occur with the character of the
individual and within the range of her or his immediate relations with others. They have to do
with the self and with those limited areas of social life of which the person is directly and personally
aware” (1959: 8). An example of personal trouble would be an athlete who gets “cut” from the
team because his or her performance was not good enough to make the team. Public issues “tran-
scend these local environments of the individual and the range of her or his inner life. They have
to do with the organization of many milieus into the institutions of a historical society as a whole
and form the larger structure of social and historical life” (1959: 8). From this standpoint, “the
sociologist acknowledges that social forces, often out of the control of the individual, affect the
individual’s life for both the good and the bad” (Delaney 2005: 88). For example, let’s say an athlete
is good enough to make a team’s roster but then the league folds due to financial shortcomings
(e.g., the former XFL football league). Such an athlete was not “cut” from the team due to a personal
shortcoming (personal troubles), but rather because of reasons beyond his control (public issues).
Another example of the application of the sociological imagination to the sports world is
provided by Nixon and Frey’s (1996) example of steroid use. They argue that when one individual
out of hundreds of professional athletes uses steroids, that is an example of a personal trouble.
However, when it becomes known that a relatively large number of athletes are using steroids, the
problem becomes a public issue. (As we shall see in Chapter 8, steroid use in American society is
as much a public issue as it is a personal trouble.)
The Sociology of Sport

The sociology of sport is a subdiscipline of sociology that focuses on the relationship between
sport and society. Sport sociology is concerned with the behavior of individuals and groups within
sport and the rules and processes that exist within the formal and informal design and makeup of
sport. With a commitment toward objective analysis the sport sociologist places a great deal of
emphasis on the evidence. It is the role of the sport sociologist to keep his or her own biases under
control and to refrain from making value judgments while conducting research and presenting
findings. In other words, as with any social scientist, sport sociologists are to remain objective and
present facts. However, offering suggestions and courses of actions to correct the “wrongs” and
injustices found within the institution of sport is within the reform tradition of sociology.
The objective sociological perspective represents a more viable alternative to biological and
psychological attempts to explain sport. Sport psychology focuses on the mental processes and
behavioral characteristics (e.g., motivation, perception, cognition, self-confidence, self-esteem and
personality) of the individual almost to the point where it ignores the importance of social forces.
As Eitzen and Sage (1989) explain, biological and psychological explanations of sport focus exclu-
sively on the individual and not the social forces and processes that affect behavior. The sociological
approach, in contrast, examines social conditions in the community or society (e.g., varying degrees
More than 33,000 orange-clad fans pack the Carrier Dome on the campus of Syracuse University to
watch a men’s college basketball game.
of unemployment, leisure time, urban blight, restricted opportunities for minority groups, or dis-
tribution of power to a ruling class) that may affect individual decision-making and behavior.
As a discipline, sport sociology has been in existence for at least four decades. When people
consider the early sport sociologists, most point to Kenyon and Loy’s 1965 article “Toward a Soci-
ology of Sport” and Harry Edwards’ 1973 publication Sociology of Sport. In 1965, Kenyon and
Loy had already declared that sport had “become a cultural phenomenon of great magnitude and
complexity” and was “fast becoming a social institution” (24). They also noted that “despite the
magnitude of the public’s commitment to sport, as a social phenomenon it has received little
serious study” (24). This pattern holds true today as sports play an even bigger role in society
(than in 1965) and yet is still ignored (or considered somewhat frivolous) by some in academia.
Kenyon and Loy (1965: 24) advocated the scientific-sociological approach to the study of sports:
If sociology is the study of social order—the underlying regularity of human social behavior—
including efforts to attain it and departures from it, then the sociology of sport becomes the study
of the regularity, and departures from it, of human social behavior in a sports context. Sport soci-
ology, as Kenyon and Loy see it, is a value-free social science. “It is not an effort to influence public
opinion or behavior, not is it an attempt to find support for the ‘social development’ objective of
physical education…. The sport sociologist is neither a spreader of gospel nor an evangelist for
exercise. His function is not to shape attitudes and values but rather to describe and explain them”
(25).
There are many sport sociologists who disagree with Kenyon and Loy’s assertion that the
sport sociologist should remain neutral. In fact, they argue that it is the job of the sport sociologist
to spearhead change where there are flaws in the system. Snyder and Spreitzer (1978) were among
the early sport sociologists who advocated the need for an applied sociology of sport. “If the policy
implications of sport sociology are not brought out in the research of social scientists, this bur-
geoning field will die on the vine of academic trivia” (8). Many examples of applied sport sociology
will be presented throughout this book.
Conflict theorists (see Chapter 2 for a review of Conflict Theory) have also questioned the
commitment to the value-free approach. As Jack Scott stated in his introduction to Rip Off the
Big Game: The Exploitation of Sports by the Power Elite, “Any serious social scientist must admit,
however, that the value-free approach to social science has always had its critics both within and
without the social-science movement…. It should go without saying that Marxist social scientists
have never accepted the legitimacy of a value-neutral orientation” (Hoch 1972: 3–4). Critics of
the value-free approach to sport sociology claim that such an ideology is one of non-involvement
and an attempt to free oneself from social responsibility. There remains a great debate among
sport sociologists today as to whether the field should maintain a commitment to the roots of
sociology as a value-free, scientific approach to the study of sport in society or whether it should
be a critical field that concentrates on negative issues. This text will provide a scientific approach
while pointing out many of the problems of sport.
Edwards’ publication of Sociology of Sport (1973) represents a major turning point in the
discipline. Edwards compiled an extensive amount of research material and established a leading
textbook for the field. He also established the basic properties of sport sociology: “In its broadest
sense, this field should be concerned with the descriptions and explanation of the interrelations
between sport and other societal components. More specifically, these fragmentary writings have
been concerned with the functions of athletics in relation to basic social institutions and processes.
The unique feature of the sociological approach to sport, as distinct from that of psychology, has
been a focus upon sport in its function as a component of social organization” (10–11).
Kenyon and Loy (1965) reference a work entitled Soziologie des Sports (published in Germany
in 1921) as one of the first isolated works on sport sociology, but they do not elaborate on its con-
tents. We believe that Thorstein Veblen’s The Theory of the Leisure Class (1899) establishes Veblen
as an early pioneer of sport sociology. Of particular importance are his descriptions and analyses
of conspicuous consumption and conspicuous leisure, as they represent early theoretical explana-
tions of the growing role of sport consumerism in the United States specifically and of Western
societies in general. Veblen used the term conspicuous consumption to describe the nouveau riche
(first generation wealthy people), who purchased luxury items as a means to convey to others their
social position. In this regard, the nouveau riche were looking for approval from the upper socio-
economic classes and envy from the lower socio-economic classes. Conspicuous leisure refers to
living a lifestyle where the pursuit of leisure and the appearance of privilege are instrumental in
one’s behavior. In other words, it involves participating in nonproductive activities.
The Sociology of Sport Defined

The academic and scholarly interest in sport has grown tremendously over the years. And,
although the interest in sport comes from a varied array of sources, “sport sociology has been
defined to a great extent by the topics that have been investigated, both by those formally trained
in the area, and by those who identify with the area in order to legitimate their own work” (McPher-
son 1981: 10). As a subdiscipline of sociology, sport sociology has a focus on the processes and
patterns found within the institution of sport and how these social forces impact human behavior.
The authors define the sociology of sport as the systematic study of the processes, patterns, issues,
values and behaviors found in the institution of sport.
As we shall see throughout this book, the social institution of sport has a relationship with
all the other social institutions found within a society. Sport affects billions of people around the
world either directly or indirectly.
Why Do We Study Sports?

Sport is one of the most significant and influential social institutions found in societies
around the world. Sports are a major part of people’s lives. Sport participation provides opportu-
nities for intrinsic and extrinsic rewards and is an excellent way to help develop a physically fit
body. The sports world also provides us with opportunities to gain insight on racism, sexism, labor
struggles, structured inequality, and so forth.
Sport Is Sociological
Nearly every element of sport has sociological significance. The truth of this statement will
be demonstrated throughout the text as entire chapters dealing with specific social institutions
and their relation to sports are provided. In brief, sport participation provides personal health
benefits for individuals. Sports play a significant role in the culture of a given society. Sports help
to provide historical continuity (e.g., through record keeping and maintaining allegiances to a
favorite team over a lifetime) and more important, sports have existed throughout recorded history.
Sports help to provide continuity in life as sports allegiances formed in childhood generally per-
severe throughout adulthood. Sport often serves as a positive diversion from the negative aspects
of life by providing people a temporary “escape” from the mundane, sometimes monotonous and
painful elements in one’s personal or social life. Years ago, ESPN ran a commercial featuring a
female jogger in an urban environment followed by numerous people who have demands on her
life (e.g., husband, son, daughter, boss, women’s group, etc.) with the catch-phrase “Without Sports,
How Would We Escape?” In short, sport is sociological because it is interconnected with all the
other social institutions found in society.
Sport Is Pervasive
The institution of sport has become increasingly important and dominant throughout a
large portion of the world. To ignore sport is to ignore a significant aspect of any society and its
culture. Add to this the realization that most people have a great deal of leisure time which, for
many, involves sports—either as a participant, observer, or consumer. Although the pervasiveness
of sport will be detailed throughout the text in a variety of fashions, for now, let’s consider the
following as samples of the pervasiveness of sport in society:
• Newspapers in most cities devote entire sections of their daily editions to the coverage of
sport. USA Today, the newspaper with the highest circulation in the United States, allocates
one-fourth of its print coverage to sports. In general, newsprint devoted to sport in North
America usually surpasses the space given to the economy, politics, religion, the environment or
any other single topic of interest.
• In addition to the hundreds of “sports talk” radio stations that exist across the United States,
ESPN alone provides more than 9,000 hours of sports talk and event content annually, reach-
ing 24 million listeners a week on 450 nationwide stations, including more than 360 full-time
affiliates and clearance in the top 25 markets. ESPN Radio programming and non–ESPN pro-
gramming is also available on Sirius XM and via digital distributors Slacker Radio and Tune In
(ESPN 2014a).
• Many sport contests are worldwide events (for example, the World Cup, the Olympic Games,
the Tour de France, Wimbledon, and the Super Bowl). Children around the world are exposed
to these sport events.
• Sports venues continue to draw large crowds. For example, on February 1, 2014, the Carrier
Dome, located on the Syracuse University campus, witnessed 35,446 attend a college basketball
game between then #2 Syracuse vs. then #16 Duke and on September 7, 2013, 115,109 fans
attended the Notre Dame vs. Michigan football game played in Michigan University’s “Big
House.”
• The pervasiveness of sport is also revealed through Internet sites. In September 2014, the
authors typed the word “sport” (on a Google search) and found that there were nearly 400 mil-
lion sites and another 251 million sites for “sports.” And, Google is just one search engine.
As these few examples indicate, sport is quite pervasive in society. (For a closer look at sport
pervasiveness in society see “Connecting Sport and Popular Culture” Box 1 at the end of the chap-
ter.)
Sport as a Social Institution

As stated earlier in this chapter, sport is a social institution. Social institutions represent the
means (e.g., a set of organized beliefs and rules) that each society develops to meet its fundamental
needs. The original social institutions discussed in sociology were the family, religion, education,
the economy, and the government or politics. Today, the mass media, sports, science and technol-
ogy, medicine, and the military are also considered to be social institutions.
Functionalists argue that each social institution is designed to meet specific needs. The family,
for example, is responsible for, among other things, the replacement of members of society and
teaching the next generation cultural expectations; the government is responsible for maintaining
and preserving social order. Conflict theorists argue that social institutions exist to maintain the
status quo and therefore disadvantage those without socioeconomic or political power. The inter-
actionist perspective, with a micro focus, emphasizes that human behavior is influenced by the
roles and statuses that we possess, the groups to which we belong, and the institutions within
which we function. (See Chapter 2 for a more comprehensive review of theoretical perspectives
on sports.)
Edwards (1973) describes sport as a “secular, quasi-religious institution” (90). As a secular
institution, sport takes on a functional, non-religious role in society by upholding and reaffirming
basic values and norms found in that culture. It can serve as the functional equivalent of a religious
ceremony that brings a community together under a coherent system of beliefs.
Sociologists are generally concerned with how a social system works; specifically, the norms,
roles and structures that hold the system together. The institution of sport provides an excellent
system for analysis by sociologists. It is characterized by regulation, formalization, ideological jus-
tification and the transmission of culture. Sport as a social institution possesses many general char-
acteristics of all social institutions. The following is a brief review of four key characteristics of
sport as a social institution:
1. A Ranking System (Stratification). Within all institutions, groups and societies, a hierarchy (a
ranking system) exists. This hierarchy is often based on something of value. In business, senior-
ity and position are valued (e.g., a senior vice president has higher value than an entry-level
clerk). In sport, a hierarchy exists based on such things as “skilled” positions, star performers,
and, to a lesser degree, seniority.
2. Roles and Statuses (the Organizational/Structural Aspect). One’s role is determined by one’s
position in the hierarchy. Star players are expected to perform at peak levels at all times. Sec-
ondary players do not experience such demands. One’s status reflects one’s social position in the
hierarchy (e.g., head coach, trainer, athlete, team manager, water boy).
3. Social Control (the Ability to Provide Rewards and Levy Punishments/Sanctions). Social con-
trol is a mechanism designed to maintain conforming behavior. Sport channels human actions
so that they abide with predefined expectations. For example, a coach may have a team rule that
if an athlete is late for a film session, team practice, or curfew, that athlete will not be allowed to
start (or play) in the next game. Sport itself is filled with rules. There are rules that apply during
the game and outside of the game. When rules are violated during the game, a referee will pun-
ish the violator with a foul or some other type of sanction. For example, the National Football
League has a rule against “excessive” or preplanned celebrations. (Social control and deviance
will be discussed in further detail in Chapter 8).
4. Rules (Norms and Expectations of Behavior). The need for social control is the result of the
large number of rules in sport. All organizations have formal (written) rules as well as informal
rules (how things are really done). An example of a formal rule is the NCAA’s ban on college
athletes from gambling and taking illegal drugs. All groups have informal norms as well, such as
making a teammate pay a “fine” for inappropriate behavior, or for making a bonehead play.
In sum, sport has the same characteristics as all other social institutions and is therefore
accepted as a social institution in its own right.
What Is Sport?
We have discussed many aspects of sport, but what exactly is sport? We could list the vast
array of sports from “A” (anvil shooting) to “Z” (zebra hunting). Listing categories of sport is rel-
atively easy. Classifying sport as indoors or outdoors; professional or amateur; and so on; is only
slightly more difficult. Nearly everyone believes that they know what a sport is; however, if one
is asked to define “sport” that usually causes some difficulty. Formulating a definition that draws
clear and clean parameters around what activities should be included and excluded is relatively
difficult to do. For example, is the backyard leisure activity of badminton a sport? Years ago, the
notion of badminton as a sport would have caused great laughter. Today, badminton is not only
considered a sport by some people, it is an Olympic sport! Badminton made its Olympic debut in
1992 at the Summer Barcelona Games with four separate medals for the men’s and women’s singles
and doubles champions. Mixed doubles was added at the 1996 Atlanta Games as a fifth medal.
Kickball is another youth activity that has been transformed into a sport. The World Adult Kickball
Association is the largest sanctioning body to oversee the official rules of the sport. Now that bad-
minton and kickball are, more or less, viewed as legitimate sports what about such activities as
anvil shooting, cup stacking, dodgeball, and zebra hunting; are these activities sports?
In rural areas of the South anvil shoots have become an increasingly popular sporting activity.
An anvil shoot involves participants blowing up the blacksmith’s tool (anvil) as high as possible
in the air. According to a spokesperson for the National Anvil Shooters Association, anvil shooting
is “a guy thing” (Hoffman 1996). “Anvil shooting involves placing one large blacksmith anvil upside
down on the ground and filling its cavity with a fine grade of black powder. A second anvil weighing
up to 150 pounds is then placed upright on top of the bottom one. The powder is ignited and the
top anvil is thrust as high as 125 feet into the air. The earth literally shakes; and the deafening
boom, it is said, can be heard from as far away as 15 miles” (Museum of Appalachia 2005). Accord-
ing to the Museum of Appalachia, anvil shoots have a long history in the United States with
“accounts that the shooting of the anvil was employed to celebrate the nation’s independence,
Christmas, and even Davy Crockett’s election to the United States Congress.” Anvil shoots are
becoming increasingly common at events such as July 4th celebrations and are included with other
activities such as rail splitting and crosscut sawing. “Odd as the sport sounds—and lethal as it
could be among bumblers—it is growing in popularity among those fond of antique tools, rending
noises and gravity-defying acts. The usual venues are old engine shows and blacksmith get-togethers
along rural highways in the South” (Hoffman 1996: A-18).
The child’s game of cup stacking (sometimes known as “sport stacking”) became very popular
as a sporting activity during the 2000s. There are over 7,500 programs around the world promoting
cup stacking. The World Sport Stacking Association (WSSA), formed in 2001 for the purpose of
promoting and governing the sport stacking around the world, promotes the standardization and
advancement of sport stacking worldwide. As the governing body for sport stacking rules and reg-
ulations, the WSSA provides a uniform framework for sport stacking events, and sanctions sport
stacking competitions and records (WSSA 2008). (The Guinness Book of World Records tracks
records in cup stacking.)
Participants, mostly students ranging from elementary age to college, stack and unstack 12
plastic cups as fast as possible. Cup stacking is both an individual and team sport. Contestants
place cups in multiple stacks and sequences (such as “three-six-three” or “one-ten-one”) and com-
pete against the clock or each other. Stacking cups has long been popular at summer camps, church
youth groups, and special-education classes; but now, professionals are promoting and endorsing
the virtues of cup stacking. “Therapists use it with stroke victims to help them regain strength
and coordination. Athletic trainers, amateur and professional, encourage clients to stack” (Sefton
2004: A-16). Exercise and sports scientists report findings that indicate cup stacking significantly
improves eye-hand coordination and reaction time among participants. Proponents of cup stacking
also point out size and strength are not variables to successful stacking; therefore, anyone can excel
at this activity.
Dodgeball was once a routine activity in physical education classes for school-aged youth.
However, a number of parents and administrators became concerned over potential injuries and
impending lawsuits due to the sport’s sometimes violent nature. There was also concern that the
physically stronger kids were using dodgeball as an opportunity to bully weaker children. Dodgeball
began to enjoy an insurgence in interest after the release of the 2004 film Dodgeball: A True Under-
dog Story featuring Ben Stiller and Vince Vaughn. The National Amateur Dodgeball Association
(NADA) serves as a governing body for adult dodgeball leagues. From their homepage opening
statement, the NADA (2006) states that the Association was “created as a recreational pursuit for
nontraditional sport enthusiasts.”
Another unusual example of sport is elephant racing. Elephant races occur at various locations
throughout the world. A Google search for elephant racing will reveal a tourist site listing various
elephant races, generally found in Asia. A well-publicized elephant race occurred in Germany in
2000. More than 40,000 spectators watched the event. The idea for the race came from the Indian-
born mayor (Ravindra Gujjula) of the town of Altlandsberg, just east of Berlin. Elephant racing
is a tradition in India, but only two states currently hold such events. (The International Elephant
Race began in Nepal in 2005.) Despite the large turnout in Berlin’s Hoppegarten, elephant racing
is very controversial. Elephants have protected status in India, since the pachyderm is revered by
many Hindus because of its resemblance to the elephant-headed god Ganesh. BBC News (2000)
reported that “members of the Animal Peace group objected to the race and were supported by
French film star Brigitte Bardot, German rock singer Nina Hagen and India’s Social Affairs Minister
Maneka Gandhi” (1). The event featured 14 circus elephants, half of them African and half Asian,
and six races. Promoters of the race insist that the elephants enjoy racing. After crossing the fin-
ishing line, the elephants were rewarded with treats of fruits and vegetables (BBC News 2000).
Zebra hunting rounds out our epigrammatic look at the “A to Z” description of sport, or not
a sport, assessment. As the name implies, “zebra hunting” entails hunting zebras, generally while on
safari on conservation sites. Zebra hunts, condemned by many people, generally take place in Africa
but there are areas of Texas where the activity also takes place. One company, African Sky, provides
trophy hunting opportunities. Their website, African Sky (2014), describes the weapons necessary
to kill a zebra and informs those interested how to become involved in a zebra hunt. The Texas Hunt
Lodge (2014) website provides information for a variety of hunting packages open to wild gamers.
Will any of these quasi-sporting activities become labeled as legitimate sports and find their
way in such international competitions as the Olympics? What do you think?
Defining Sport
Labeling activities such as anvil shooting, cup stacking, dodgeball and elephant and zebra
racing as sports is contingent on one’s definition of sport. The word “sport” has its origins rooted
in the idea that it is an activity designed to divert people from the routines of everyday life. “Sport
derives its root from ‘disport,’ meaning ‘to divert oneself.’ It carried the original implication of
people diverting their attention from the rigors and pressures of daily life by participating in the
mirth and whimsy of frolic—some physical activity” (Edwards 1973: 55).
There is a lack of consensus among sport sociologists on how to define sport. John Phillips
(1993) even suggests that “in one sense the word sport need not be analyzed. Anyone who speaks
English knows what sport is and is not” (30). As a sport sociologist, Phillips takes a unique stand
as sociologists are known for establishing standardized and operational definitions of key concepts.
Phillips reflects the mentality of most students and followers of sport that we all unconsciously
know which activities our culture defines as a sport and we therefore take for granted what is and
is not sport. Snyder and Spreitzer (1978: 11) state that it is important for social scientists to have
“workable analytical handles” on the meaning of sport. We agree. Simply being able to list sport
will not help the social scientist understand sport sociologically.
Among the earliest social scientists to define sport was Günther Luschen. Luschen (1967,
1970) defines sport as an institutionalized type of competitive physical activity located on a con-
tinuum between play and world. He felt that it was particularly important to emphasize the fact
that sport is a physical activity which would therefore automatically eliminate such activities as
playing cards as being considered a sport—an important point to make as there are some members
of the contemporary media (especially ESPN) that would have us believe that playing poker is a
sport. Edwards (1973) states, “One of the most salient features of sports is that they always involve
physical exertion. This physical exertion is an imperative characteristic that cannot be overstressed.
Without it there simply is no sport activity” (55). In his own definition of sport, Edwards empha-
sizes the physical aspect, as well as the organizational, rule-making, and goal-directedness of sport.
Edwards goes on to define sport as “involving activities having formally recorded histories and
traditions, stressing physical exertion through competition within limits set in explicit and formal
rules governing role and position relationships, and carried out by actors who represent or who
are part of formally organized associations having the goal of achieving valued tangibles or intan-
gibles through defeating opposing groups” (57–58).
Nixon and Frey (1996) adapted Edwards and Luschen’s definition and define sport “as insti-
tutionalized physical competition occurring in a formally organized or corporate structure” (3).

Describing sport as institutionalized reflects the earlier discussion in this chapter of sport as a social
institution possessing such key elements as norms, statuses, roles and social relationships. The second
significant element of this definition of sport is physical competition. Physical competition man-
dates that physical activity and skills are involved in order to determine a winner or loser.
Curry and Jiobu (1984) believe that sports are physical actions but also nondeviant activities:
“Sport is a physical activity that is fair, competitive, nondeviant, and that is guided by rules, organi-
zations, and/or tradition” (8). Once again, the idea that sport is a physical activity is a part of this
definition of sport. The idea that sports are fair is an idealistic view of sport that we all like to believe
is true, but realize is not. The most unusual aspect of the Curry and Jiobu definition of sport is the
stipulation that sport is nondeviant activity. “In general, deviant activity does not fit our cultural
ideas about what sport is or should be. Sport has moral overtones about it. It’s supposed to represent
the ideals and high goals of our society, something deviance does not do. We therefore find it advisable
to keep deviance separate from sport” (11). Idealism should no longer be confused as a primary
element of sport. Deviance not only occurs in sport (as Curry and Jiobu do acknowledge) it is some-
times taught and engaged in freely by athletes, trainers, league officials, referees, and owners.
Jay Coakley (2006) defines sports as “institutionalized competitive activities that involve rig-
orous physical exertion or the use of relatively complex physical skills by participants motivated
by internal and external rewards” (21). Note once again the idea that sports are physical activities
(in this case rigorous) is included in this definition. However, there is a very critical addition to
this definition of sport: “or the use of relatively complex physical skills.” The importance of this
amendment is that it allows many other forms of recreation to be included as sports. For example,
Delaney has had many students comment to him in his sociology of sport classes, “How can golf
be listed as a sport when there is little physical activity involved; especially if golfers use a golf
cart?” As anyone who has ever played golf can attest, there most certainly is an element of skill
involved; whether it is “complex” or not is debatable. Coakley also includes motivational factors
in his definition of sport. Internal or intrinsic rewards are those which come from “inside” the
person, a feeling of accomplishment for having achieved some sort of athletic goal (e.g., finishing
a marathon regardless of “place” or climbing a mountain and reaching the highest peak). Extrinsic
rewards refer to “outside” accolades that one may receive for successful sport participation (e.g.,
monetary rewards, trophies, cheering and adoring fans).
While we acknowledge that the designation of an activity as a sport may be, to some degree,
up to the participants themselves, and while recognizing that different cultures have different per-
spectives on what constitutes as a sport, we provide a definition that includes certain and precise
parameters. Sports are institutionalized, structured, and sanctioned competitive activities that go
beyond the realm of play that involve physical exertion and the use of relatively complex athletic
skills. We maintain the consistent perspective that sports must involve physical activity and the
ability to use skill to gain an advantage over an opponent and we want to make it clear that there
is a distinction between play and sports. (This point will be elaborated on later in this chapter.)
Thus, although neighborhood kids may play football in backyards across the United States, it is a
far different game than when professional or highly skilled high school and college athletes play
football as a sport.
Universal and Regional Sports

We will discuss a wide variety of sports in a variety of settings throughout this book, but the
authors feel it is necessary to briefly distinguish between universal and regional sports here. Remem-
ber that sport reflects culture. The great diversity of sport is a result of the diverse world we live
in. Specific sports have appeal in particular regions of the world, while other sports, because of
their mass popularity, enjoy a universal following. In the United States, football is the runaway
favorite American sport. Around the world, however, futbol, or what Americans call “soccer,” is
the most popular of all sports. It would appear that Americans prefer the hard-hitting violence,
strategic planning and offensive scoring of their football over the world’s obsession with the low-
scoring, defense-minded futbol (soccer).
Universal sports (e.g., running, swimming, throwing things, soccer) are those sports which
appear throughout most of the world. Some sports, such as archery and wrestling, are indigenous
to nearly all cultures in the ancient world (Craig 2002). Running and throwing things, such as big
rocks, spears and disk-shaped items, are also universal sports. As mentioned above, the world’s
most popular sport is futbol. “Soccer is the world’s dominant sport…. The Soccer World Cup draws
an audience larger than the Olympics, but barely registers with American viewers. The antipathy
that many Americans feel for the way soccer is played is matched only be the distaste of many
Europeans for the American style of play…. Americans and Europeans have absorbed the structure
and rules of their sports into their psyches, turning the arbitrary rules of nineteenth-century
administrators into a way of life” (Szymanski and Zimbalist 2005: 2).
Regional sports are those sports which are not played universally. They may be isolated to
specific countries or regions (e.g., Afghanistan’s buzkashi) or specific areas within a society (e.g.,
lacrosse has greater appeal in the Northeast than in the Southwest regions of the United States).
In light of recent world events, Americans have learned a great deal about Afghanistan’s culture,
including sports. Under the rule of the Taliban, most Afghan sports were banned. Many national
sports have returned to the forefront in Afghanistan since the U.S.-led forces removed the Taliban
from power. These sports include cockfighting, kite fighting and buzkashi. Cockfighting is con-
troversial throughout the world and yet it appears in many “back alleys” across the United States.
Cockfighting is illegal in all 50 U.S. states and the District of Columbia; 40 states and Washington,
D.C. list this blood sport as a felony (ASPCA 2014). Cockfighting is a centuries-old blood sport
in which two or more specially bred birds, known as gamecocks, are placed in an enclosure to
fight, for the main purposes of gambling and entertainment. Although in nature a rooster may
fight another over territory or a mate, such fights are usually brief and don’t involve serious injury
(ASPCA 2014). A cockfight usually results in the death of one or both of the birds. According
to the ASPCA (2014), “cockfighting is still popular and prevalent in many other countries, such
as France, Mexico, Puerto Rico, Belgium, Spain, Haiti, Italy and Malaysia. Many of these countries
have well-established arenas with seats or bleachers for spectators surrounding the fight, similar
to a wrestling or boxing area.” A typical cockfight can last anywhere from a few minutes to more
than a half hour. Afghanistan roosters do not fight to the death, but the combatants are bloodied
and sometimes blinded before a winner is declared.
Kite fighting is another Afghan sport. Under the rule of the Taliban, participants of kite
fighting were imprisoned. “The competition is slow and beautiful, but it’s also serious business.
The idea is to cut the string on your opponent’s kite while it is in the air before he can cut yours….
Kite fighters wager as much as 600,000 Afghans, or about $5 per match—a hefty sum in a country
where most people live hand-to-mouth. The Taliban regime, which banned music, television and
most other forms of entertainment, had a particular loathing for kite fighting. Gambling is for-
bidden in Islam” (Haven 2002: A4). In 2006, Pakistan banned kite-fighting after 7 people were
killed in a competition (Shahzad 2006). The kites have glass-coated strings meant to cut an oppo-
nent’s kite loose. Low-flying kites often cut participants and observers; in some cases they slit the
throats of victims. (A best-selling novel, The Kite Runner, by Khaled Hosseini, describes in great
detail this potentially bloody sport.)
The most popular sport in Afghanistan is the traditional game of buzkashi—jostling on

horseback with other riders trying to grab a decapitated goat.
Buzkashi is a contest between two teams of horsemen over the possession of a dead calf or goat
carcass, with the object being for one talented and fearless rider to gain control of the slippery car-
cass and then separate from the pack of horsemen vying for the same prize. “Buzkashi” means goat,
but a calf carcass is often used because it reportedly stays intact longer. The animal is beheaded,
bled, and behooved [sic] before being used. It can be either gutted or not [Craig 2002: 154–155].
In the movie Rambo III Sylvester Stallone’s character, Rambo (in an ironic U.S. political mis-
fortune), is in Afghanistan to help rebel forces against Russian “aggressors.” Rambo plays the
Afghan sport of buzkashi and quickly dominates, earning the praise of the Afghan rebels.
Buzkashi was spread by the Mongol hordes that swept out of China and across central Asia.
Today, the sport is played mostly by Turkic people, including the Uzbek, Turkomen, Kazakh, and
Kirghiz. Interestingly, the Navajo of North America played a game similar to buzkashi called “the
chick pull,” with a live rooster replacing a four-legged carcass (Craig 2002).
Among the most entertaining and demanding regional sports in the United States is lacrosse
(lax for short). As reported in Sports Illustrated (4/25/05), lacrosse was once a longtime niche
sport played primarily in New York State, New England, and the Baltimore area; today, it is the
fastest-growing sport in the U.S.—at every level. Sports Illustrated (4/25/05) reported that the
number of youth-league players in the U.S. aged 15 and under was near 186,000 in 2005, a figure
double the participation rate of 2001. According to U.S. Lacrosse (2014), the national governing
body of lacrosse, a record total of 746,859 players competed on organized lacrosse teams in 2013 (a
3.6 percent growth rate from 2012). In 2013, youth participation topped 400,000 for the first time
ever. “Roughly two-thirds of the youth participants are boys (265,428) and more players came from
New York (55,298) than any other state” (U.S. Lacrosse 2014). Lacrosse continues to be the fastest-
growing sport at the high school level (290,046 players competed in 2013) with a total of 621
schools adding boys’ teams and 588 schools adding girls’ teams from 2008 to 2013; these figures
represent a 34 percent increase in the number of boys’ programs and a 36 percent increase in the
number of girls’ programs. The second-fasting growing high school sports are water polo (13 per-
cent for boys) and ice hockey (14 percent for girls) (U.S. Lacrosse 2014). Lacrosse is also the fastest-
growing NCAA sport with more than 35,000 players competing on varsity, club or junior college
teams in 2013; 60 new varsity programs were added in 2013, including 8 new NCAA Division I
programs (U.S. Lacrosse 2014). There are multiple reasons for the appeal of lacrosse. It is a fast-
paced game that combines elements of soccer (constant running), hockey (play behind the net),
and football (wearing pads, violent, controlled collisions, one-on-one defenses, zone defenses, set
plays). It is an imaginative and wide-open game where most of the participants are not huge, hulk-
ing athletes. Youth sport leagues and high schools like lacrosse because it is much cheaper to fund
than sports such as football and hockey. With roots in Native American culture, it could be argued
that lacrosse is the true American sport. (There will be more on lacrosse in Chapter 11.)
Defining an Athlete
Have you ever heard someone say, “I used to be an athlete?” Such a statement generally implies
that when that individual was younger he played a sport (most likely a traditional sport such as
football, baseball, tennis, track and field, etc.), but now that he is older, he does not. In other
words, many people agree with Nixon and Frey (1996) that athletics is a synonym for sport played
in school or college settings. But what if an individual, who is in his or her 40s, works out for 75
minutes a day, including a three mile run—is he or she an athlete? Or, do you have to play an
organized sport in order to be considered an athlete? A lot of people play golf but we would not
refer to all of them as athletes. On the other hand, there are athletes who play golf. Where do we
draw the line of distinction between someone who is “physically active” and “athlete”?
A physically active person is someone who puts forth physical energy while engaged in some
sort of activity that involves exertion. This may include walking, gardening, hiking, sightseeing,
and so on. A physically active person engages in such activity simply for the enjoyment or benefit
it provides. Thus, one may walk on a regular basis for health purposes as opposed to training for
some athletic event. An athlete, on the other hand, is in training for some specific sports event or
participates in a sport while competing against other athletes or previously set records. According
to the Merriam-Webster Dictionary, an athlete is someone who trains to compete in athletics.
Athletics is defined as exercises and games that requiring physical skill, strength and endurance.
Note that sport is not specifically mentioned as part of the definition of athletics. Most sport
sociologists believe that an athlete is someone who is involved in a sports activity. For Harry
Edwards, the distinction is clear. “It is only in sports that the participant can accurately be termed
an ‘athlete’” (55). Thus, Tiger Woods, a professional golfer, is an athlete, whereas the typical week-
end golfer is not. Michael Jordan, now that he is retired, is among the millions of people who
“used to be an athlete” but would now be labeled as a “physically active” person.
The idea of Michael Jordan, one of the greatest basketball players of all time, not being
labeled as a current athlete is difficult for many people to accept. There is also a heated debate over
whether or not a race car driver should be labeled as an athlete. Detractors will claim that race car
drivers, NASCAR in particular, simply drive a car in circles, and that, they believe, is something
anyone can do. On the other hand, there are those who support the idea that race car drivers are
athletes because they meet the criteria. Let’s take a look and see. Auto racers do certainly compete
against others and do attempt to break established records; and, fans of auto racing certainly
believe that it is a “real” sport (something detractors find hard to believe). So now, we have to look
at auto racing: Is that a real sport like football, basketball and baseball? We put forth the definition
of sport as institutionalized, structured and sanctioned competitive activities beyond the realm
of play, and auto racing meets that criteria. The definition also calls for participants who exert
physical energy and relatively complex athletic skills. Anyone who has driven for 4–6 consecutive
hours, or more, at a given time will agree that it can at the very least be tedious, but is also complex
and physically challenging. Consider the track at Charlotte Motor Speedway with “its corners,
which slope upward from a lush green infield to the wall at an angle of 24 degrees. The setup
offers a terrific calf workout for a pedestrian climbing the track, but it’s punishing to a body in
the driver’s seat. Taken at 192mph … the banked curves subject the driver to almost four times the
force of gravity” (Lawrence 2014: 52). To put this in perspective, NASA has serious concerns for
the safety of its astronauts being exposed to 3 g’s for the nine minutes of liftoff (Lawrence 2014).
This strenuous activity would seem to be enough to meet the criteria of physically challenging.
What do you think?
Distinctions Between Leisure, Play and Sports

As stipulated in our definition, sports go beyond the realm of play. Consequently, it is impor-
tant to make distinctions between a number of related terms, including leisure, play and sports.
Leisure
Most economists and sociologists generally regard leisure as unobligated time that is free of work
or maintenance responsibilities. The term leisure suggests fun, distraction, and pleasure. “Leisure came
to use through the Latin word licere by way of the French, leisir, the Middle English leisere and finally
to its present spelling, leisure. The root word, licere, meaning to be permitted, evolved into another
word—license. The word leisure literally meant exemption or permission as applied to opportunity
afforded that was free from legal occupation” (Arnold 1980: 13).
Leisure provides time and opportunity for personal and creative growth, self-actualization,
and intrinsically motivated goals. Obviously, most of us look forward to our leisure time and we
feel that we deserve some time off from work and other obligations so that we can recharge our
“battery.” The idea that we “deserve” leisure time is a relatively new notion as historically, most
people had little time to pursue leisure because they were too busy trying to meet primary needs
(food, clothing and shelter). Leisure was reserved for the upper class, the privileged members of
society. All of this would change with the rise of industrialization and the resulting formation of
a middle class. Industrialization afforded an opportunity for the masses to enjoy leisure. Among
the most notable economists/sociologists to examine the relationship between industrialization
and rise of leisure prospects was the sociologist Thorstein Veblen (1857–1929).
More than a century ago, Veblen defined leisure as non-productive consumption of time.
“Time is consumed non-productively (1) from a sense of the unworthiness of productive work,
and (2) as an evidence of pecuniary ability to afford a life of idleness” (1934: 43). The primary
concept of Veblen’s theory of the leisure class is conspicuous consumption, “according to which the
consumption of goods from the very early ‘predatory’ stage of history to the present, has served
not so much to satisfy men’s true needs or to provide what Veblen chooses to call the ‘fullness of
life’ as to maintain social prestige—status” (Adorno 1981: 75). Thus, Veblen noted that when
people acquired an economic surplus they did not purchase necessity items; instead, in an attempt
to build their self-esteem, they purchased products that conveyed to others their increased socio-
economic position.
Veblen believed that individuals participated in “wasteful” behaviors as a means of attaining
self-esteem. Sport participation (even as spectators) allows members of the lower economic classes
to engage in some of the same activities as the wealthier members of society. Obviously, this can
be very meaningful to people. As for the wealthy, Veblen theorized that merely possessing wealth
and power is never enough. Instead, wealth or power must be put into evidence for esteem to be
awarded. Veblen stated, “Not only does the evidence of wealth serve to impress one’s importance
on others and to keep their sense of importance alive and alert, but it is of scarcely less use in
building up and preserving one’s self-complacency. In all but the lowest stages of culture the nor-
mally constituted man is comforted and upheld in his self-respect by ‘decent surrounding’ and the
exemption from ‘menial offices’” (Mitchell 1964: 230). Thus, Veblen understood why some people
participated in leisure activities; however, he felt that leading a good productive life should be
enough for one’s positive self-image. Outside verification from others should be unnecessary.
Clearly, Veblen’s upbringing is reflected in his view of the leisure class. His parents worked hard
so that their children had an opportunity to pursue advanced education. Their frugality afforded
this opportunity. As a result, Veblen learned to appreciate and value hard work.
Many people disagree with Veblen’s conclusion about leisure. Beginning with industrialization
and continuing in contemporary society, individuals who work hard feel “entitled” to leisure time.
They also feel a need to remove themselves, at least temporarily, from their work environments
and enter preferred leisure domains. “The very development of capitalist society has thus produced
forms of physical leisure pursuit … for getting away from it all, for escapism and ecstasy” (Brohm
1976: 88). Many sport sociologists believe that leisure is important to so many people because
these activities often reflect one’s social identity—they define who people really are, more so than
other labels (e.g., occupation).
Americans appear to be both hard workers and people who enjoy their leisure time. Americans
work far more hours than workers in many other nations, including the ten industrial nations.
According to CNN Money (2014), when factoring in part-time workers, Americans work an aver-
age of 38 hours per week. The industrialized nation with the lowest average hours worked per
week is the Netherlands at 29 hours. Following Netherlands is Denmark (33); Norway (33); Ireland
(34); Germany (35); Switzerland (35); Belgium (35); Sweden (36); Australia (36); and Italy (36)
(CNN Money 2014). Based on statistics compiled by Gallup (2014), American adults employed
full time work an average of 47 hours per week, almost a full workday longer than what the standard
five-day, 9-to–5 schedule entails (Saad 2014). “In fact, half of all full-time workers indicate they
typically work more than 40 hours, and nearly four in 10 say they work at least 50 hours” (Saad
2014). The 40-hour work week is a widely regarded standard measurement for many federal employ-
ment laws—including the Affordable Care Act, or “Obamacare”—and it is this threshold that is
used to define what a full-time employee is (Saad 2014). On the other hand, nearly every American
age 15 and over (95 percent) engaged in some sort of leisure activity, such as watching TV, social-
izing, or exercising; this includes fully-employed adults (without children under age 18) spending
an average 4.5 hours a day engaged in leisure activities (Bureau of Labor Statistics 2014). Fully-
employed workers with young children have about one less hour of leisure time per day. Not sur-
prisingly, watching TV is the number one leisure activity (2.8 hours per day per person) and social-
izing (e.g., visiting with friends or attending/hosting a social event) was the second most popular
(BLS 2014). The BLS (2014) data also reveals that men are more likely than women to participate
in sports, exercise, or recreation on any given day—21 percent compared to 16 percent.
Play
Play is a universal concept. It is as old as culture itself. Play, like leisure, represents an absence
of obligated time. Play is an activity that is performed voluntarily during leisure. Play, however, is
less organized than most leisure pursuits and is unstructured and open to fluidity in behavior.
“Play is an enjoyable experience deriving from behavior which is self-initiated in accordance with
personal goals or expressive impulses; it tolerates all ranges of movement abilities; its rules are spon-
taneous; it has a temporal sequence but no predetermined ending; it results in no tangible outcome,
victory or reward” (Snyder and Spreitzer 1978: 12). For example, two girls wander toward the swing
set and begin to swing aimlessly. Next, they pick up a basketball and haphazardly take shots at the
hoop. When they are bored they drop the ball and walk away. This type of behavior is the direct
opposite of seriousness—it is play. “Play provides an opportunity to temporarily shelve reality and
thus find one’s inner self again” (Hellendoorn, van der Koolj, and Sutton-Smith 1994: 25).
Guttmann (1988) describes two types of play: spontaneous play and organized play (games).
Spontaneous play is voluntary, flexible, and uncertain with latitude for innovation. For example,
at family picnic baseball games, youths may be allowed four or five strikes (instead of the customary
three) and adults may be required to bat from their “opposite” side (left-handed for natural right-
handed batters). Adaptations to rules are allowed, such as “do-overs”—repeating the play for some
reason (e.g., the batter wasn’t paying attention when a called “strike” pitch was made). In sports,
there are no do-overs; you must comply with the rules and be ready to play. Recreation is a type
of spontaneous play. As Nixon and Frey (1996) explain, it is a leisure activity designed to refresh
the mind or body. Arnold (1980) explains the origins of recreation:
In Latin, recreatio carried a connotation of restoration or recovery from something. Its root is in
the word re-creo (to create again) to refresh, invigorate, or revive. Further references include such
inferences as to amuse oneself after obligation: laxandi levandique animi gratia, having to do with
which we are dealing has a metaphysical quality. If we are to accept the various synonyms given,
we would need to substantiate activity as a means for attaining relaxation or rest. The assumption
indicated would produce a dichotomy: rest from activity or a cessation of movement on the one
hand and diverting activity on the other hand [9–10].
Thus, recreation has a strong component of leisure. It is meant to be a refreshing activity, and
it is playful. It may, or may not, be productive.
As play becomes more serious, more organized, we have the beginnings of competitive con-
tests and sports. According to Guttmann (1988), organized play, or games, involves both noncom-
petitive games (e.g., kicking a ball with friends) and competitive games (contests). Competitive
games can be divided into two categories: intellectual contests (e.g., chess) and physical contests
(sports). With organized play, games tend to have less freedom, they are bound by rules. There
are designated time limits and boundaries (e.g., organized baseball has a set number of innings,
bowling has 10 frames a game) and there is nearly always a clear winner (and loser) at the end of
organized games. “Since games imply winners and losers, there may be a degree or emotion or ego
investment involved, although such investment tends to be small compared to that found in sports
and athletics” (Figler and Whitaker 1991: 14). Incorporating the elements of games described
above, Snyder and Spreitzer (1978) define games as “activities with an agreed-on organization of
time, space, and terrain, with rules that define the objective and limit the pattern of human behav-
ior; the outcome, which is to determine a winner and a loser, is achieved by totaling or accumulating
objectively scored points or successes” (12).
Contests may be between two individuals, between two teams, between an individual and a
group, between an individual or team and inanimate nature (such as mountain climbing, white
water rafting), between a person or group and animate nature (e.g., hunting, fishing, or bull fight-
ing), or between an individual or team and an ideal standard (e.g., a home run–hitting contest).
A number of “competitive eating” contests have sprung to life in the past decade. In fact, there is
an international governing body, the International Federation of Competitive Eating (IFOCE),
that oversees all competitive eating contests. The IFOCE requires that all competitive eaters must
be at least 18 years old. Contestants who throw up during competition are disqualified. The IFOCE
sponsors over 100 contests a year internationally. The IFOCE, based in New York City, keeps offi-
cial eating records and ranks its professional eaters (a top 50). We will discuss competitive eating
in greater detail in Chapter 16.
Contests may also involve a struggle between animals (e.g., dog racing or horse racing) or
between a real and an artificial animal (as in a greyhound race against a mechanical rabbit) (Cal-
houn 1987). Games and contests are rule-bound, earnest and organized. As our definition of sport
implies, the more institutionalized and structured competitive games and contests become, the
more sport-like they turn out to be. This is not meant to imply that we consider competitive eating
a sport, or competitive eaters as athletes. Furthermore, considering that numerous people around
the world starve to death every day, the concept of competitive eating hardly seems sporting.
Sports
We defined the term “sports” earlier in this chapter. Sports, by their very design, are highly
structured, they involve institutionally defined rules, give rise to a hierarchical authority pattern,
and are often so over-regulated that they seem only nominally related to play. Although it is com-
monly said that athletes “play” sports, the rules and customs that control the behaviors of athletes
often distances sports from the realm of play. Sports represent the formalization of play, with
every move scrutinized and subjected to rules and rules-interpretation by game officials and league
administrators. The participants of sports (athletes, owners, trainers, etc.) have an investment
with the games they play. Their very livelihoods are dependent upon success in the sports world.
Generally, the investment aspect of sport outweighs the recreational, playful aspect of the game
itself. Thus, as Edwards (1973) notes decades ago, sport is often “anything but a diversion to its
participants. In fact, for many participants it is sport that produces the primary stresses and strains
in their lives” (55).
The Most Popular Sports in the United States

It is well understood that sports are very popular in the United States and around the world.
Any discussion of the popularity of sport in society presupposes the necessity to clarify what is
meant by “most popular.” There are two primary ways of looking at sports popularity—by sport
participation and by asking people, “What is your favorite sport?” The authors examined numerous
studies, including their own previous research, and organizational websites. Sifting through it all
we found that the most popular participatory sport in the United States is bowling (53.5 million)
(Delaney and Madigan 2009; Thomsen 2006). When controlling for sports only as a criterion,
the next most popular participatory sports are running/jogging (38 million); fitness walking (36
million); basketball (32 million); golf (26 million); tennis (18 million); and inline skating (17
million). When allowing for recreational activities to join the mix of most popular participatory
leisure activities we have bowling still at number one, followed by treadmill exercise (40.8 million);
stretching (42.3 million); freshwater fishing (42.1 million); tent camping (38.6 million); and horse-
back riding (38 million).
There is much more data available on the topic of people identifying their favorite sports
team. Remember, naming one’s favorite sport does not mean that one participates in that sport.
In the United States there is no doubt that the favorite sport of Americans is football, specifically
the National Football League (NFL). According to Harris Poll data cited in ESPN.com, pro foot-
ball has been the favorite sport of Americans for 30 straight years (Rovell 2014). In 2014, 35
percent of American sports fans named the NFL their favorite sport, followed by Major League
Baseball (MLB) (14 percent); college football (11 percent); auto racing (7 percent); National Bas-
ketball Association (NBA) (6 percent); National Hockey League (NHL) (5 percent); and college
basketball (3 percent) (Rovell 2014). In the mid–2000s, the National Association for Stock Car
Auto Racing (NASCAR) was riding fast with popularity and some polls had them third in pop-
ularity behind only the NFL and college football; but in the second decade of the twenty-first
century NASCAR has slipped in popularity.
If attendance figures were used as a measurement of the popularity of sport, NFL venues
would reign supreme, as the average per game attendance is nearly 70,000 (68,397). Statistics com-
piled of the five major team sports in the United States show that MLB is second (30,504); Major
League Soccer (MLS) (18,559), NHL (17,587), and NBA (17,407) follow (Statista 2014a). We
should not read into attendance figures as a sole guide of popularity, as baseball plays far more
games (162) than any other sport and their total attendance figures would far surpass the NFL
which has only 16 games per team per season. MLS data is misleading too as they play the fewest
total number of games. With an average of 97,722 spectators for Sprint Cup races, NASCAR
would rank higher than any of the big five team sport venues, but they have just one race per week
and play in much larger venues (36 Sprint Cup races, totaling 3.5 million) (Diel 2013).
The Most Popular Sports in the World

Americans love their sports. We like our football and we do not call it “American football”
like the rest of the world. The rest of the world loves their futbol, which Americans call soccer.
Our fastest growing sport is lacrosse and yet most of the world does not play it. We do not play
cricket and yet, for the rest of the world, this is the most popular sport in highly populous nations.
Americans like auto racing, but we like NASCAR; the rest of the world prefers open-wheel (espe-
cially Formula One).
Once again, we updated our own research and examined the research of others and found
that determining a ranking of the world’s most popular sports presents a more daunting challenge
than examining the most popular sports in the United States. It is universally accepted that soccer
is the number sport in the world. The game is played across the globe by far more than 100 nations.
It is especially big in South America, Europe, Central America, China and Africa. The World Cup,
played every four years, is rivaled only by the Olympics for top television viewership. According
to CBS Baltimore (2014), the 2012 London Games was broadcast to over 220 territories with 3.6
billion viewers (31.1 million U.S. viewers). The 2010 World Cup reached 214 territories with 3.2
billion viewers (the top draw in the U.S. had 11 million viewers: U.S. vs. Ghana). While everyone
wants a gold medal in the Olympics, many will be handed out; conversely, there is only one World
Cup trophy—making it the most coveted trophy in the world. (In North America the most coveted
trophy, arguably, would be the Stanley Cup.) The 2014 World Cup enjoyed far greater success in
American markets. For example, the World Cup Final pitting Germany against Argentina drew
17.3 million on ABC and another 9.2 million on the Spanish network Univision Deportes for an
impressive total U.S. viewership of 26.5 million (Vertelney 2014).
The second most popular sport in the world is cricket. Few Americans have played cricket
or even watched a match, let alone understand it. And yet, it is the number one sport in the pop-
ulous country of India, as well as in many other nations such as Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Aus-
tralia and parts of the Caribbean and Africa. Generally, field hockey and tennis are ranked 3rd
and 4th most popular but there is some debate over this. We list the remaining most popular sports
in the world as baseball, basketball, volleyball, table tennis (ping pong), rugby and golf (although
some research indicates American football has cracked the top ten) (Delaney and Madigan 2009;
Top End Sports 2014).
As we will demonstrate throughout the text, for many people, sport is so important to them,
it is like a religion. Sport is not a religion in the same sense as Catholicism, for example, is a religion,
but in terms of the secular meaning and self-identification that sport allegiances provide. There
are members of society who do not closely follow sports. They will have a hard time understanding
how sport can provide such significant meaning to their lives. This same rationale is applied by
those who do not adhere to a particular religion and have a hard time understanding another’s
devotion to a religion.
Connecting Sports and Popular Culture

Box 1: Sports Pervasiveness in Popular Culture:
Bobbleheads, Candy Bars and More!
As demonstrated throughout this chapter, sports are a vital aspect of billions of people’s
lives across the globe. It was pointed out that many newspapers devote an entire section of their
news coverage to sports, generally surpassing the space allocated to any other specific social insti-
tution such as politics, economics, religion, or the environment. In addition to newspaper coverage,
there are literally hundreds of sports talk radio stations and radio programs dedicated to the single
topic of sport. We can add to this the great amount of sports programming on television. The
ESPN Network is so popular that they have numerous spin-off networks such as ESPN2, ESPN3,
ESPNews, ESPN Classic, ESPNU, and ESPN Deportes. ESPN3, once known as ESPN360, is an
online streaming service that provides live action and replays of sports from around the world as
well as major college football and basketball. ESPN3 is just one source of sports on the Internet.
In brief, sports are so pervasive they are available for our consumption 24 hours a day, 7 days a
week.
That so much news coverage is allocated to sport compared to other social institutions and
news issues that are, arguably, more important is a clear indicator of the importance placed on the
sports world by so many people. (It also helps to justify the field of sport sociology and texts on
the sociology of sport.) On occasions when news events of the day are so dramatic sports do take a
back seat. And yet, during “states of emergency” (e.g., terrorist attacks, natural disasters, and social
unrest) the resumption of sporting events is often viewed as a beacon of light that the immediate
danger has waned and it’s time to try and resume a sense of normalcy.
The media attention given to sport is just one indicator of the pervasiveness of sport in soci-
ety. As we pointed out in this chapter, not only do billions of people view sports, millions of
people attend live sporting events. Attending a sporting event is much more than simply going to
a ballgame, it is often a social event that entails planning and arranging one’s daily/weekly schedule.
Sports such as football and auto racing also imply all-day tailgate parties (See Chapter 4 for a dis-
cussion on tailgating). In contemporary society, media attention is also measured in terms of the
social media presence of athletes and ball teams. As we shall see in Chapter 15, athletes have a strong
presence on Facebook, Twitter, and other media outlets.
The pervasiveness of sport is revealed through sport-related movies and videos. The 2004
Academy Award for best film went to a boxing movie, Million Dollar Baby. It was about a female
boxer (played by Hilary Swank) and a trainer (played by Clint Eastwood). The film has grossed
over $100 million and also garnered Academy Awards for best actress (Swank), best supporting
actor (Morgan Freeman) and best director (Eastwood). A recent ESPN poll of the top 20 sports
films of all time lists the following: Bull Durham, Rocky, Raging Bull, Hoosiers, Slap Shot, The
Natural, Field of Dreams, Caddyshack, The Hustler, The Longest Yard, North Dallas Forty, Jerry
Maguire, Hoop Dreams, Breaking Away, White Men Can’t Jump, The Bad News Bears (the original
version), Chariots of Fire, Brian’s Song, Eight Men Out, and When We Were Kings. All of these are
among the most popular films ever made.
The pervasiveness of sport is also demonstrated in many other ways including the oddity of
parents naming their children in honor of sports-related themes and no we are not simply talking
about naming a child after a favorite athlete (e.g., fans of Peyton Manning naming their son Peyton
or fans of Abby Wambach naming their daughter Abby). Believe it or not, a number of parents
have named their children in honor of ESPN! Variations include: ESPN, Espn, and Espen. In
2006, Leann and Rusty Real named their son ESPN Montana Real after the sports network and
former football great Joe Montana (Associated Press 2006). Leann had promised her husband that
if they ever had a son he could name him. A young boy showed up at a Baltimore Orioles game on
a summer’s night in 2014 with a sign that read, “My name is really Camden Yards.” The Orioles play
at Camden Yards Stadium. Camden’s parents confirmed that the boy, a fan of the O’s, is named
after the park (Sports Illustrated 9/15/14). Parents have also named their children Wrigley Field
(Chicago Cubs Stadium) and Crimson Tide (University of Alabama nickname) (Sports Illustrated
9/15/14). Micheal Dow and first wife, Crystal, named their child “Cuse,” the shortened nickname
for his favorite college team Syracuse. They were going to name their daughter Sarah Cuse Dow,
which would have been very clever, but named her Cuse Flynn Dow instead (the middle name is
in honor of former Syracuse basketball star, Jonny Flynn) (The Post-Standard 1/25/15: C-2).
It is common for popular athletes to have food items, such as sandwiches and drinks, named
after them. For example, Reggie Jackson (“Reggie!” bars) and Ken Griffey, Jr. have candy bars
named for them and former Buffalo Bills quarterback Doug Flutie had corn flakes (“Flutie Flakes”)
named after him. A number of athletes have sandwiches named after them that appear in local
delis; they usually remain on the menu for as long as the athlete remains popular. Some athletes
have barbeque sauce named after them, such as former NFL player William “the Refrigerator”
Perry and his “The Fridge BBQ Sauce.” Golfer Arnold Palmer was known to enjoy combining
lemonade with ice tea and now the drink is commonly known as “the Arnold Palmer.” There are
countless other examples of athletes being named after food items.
Sports franchises commonly give away a wide variety of promotional items to induce fans to
attend live sporting events. Among the more common give-away items are beach towels, team ball
caps, team t-shirts, key chains, hockey pucks, baseballs, miniature baseball bats, magnets, posters,
water bottles, and so on. Many spectators look forward to “Bobblehead night” when they are given
a free promo Bobblehead. Sport fans (including the authors of this book) really enjoy Bobbleheads
of their favorite athletes. In turn, athletes realize that it is an honor to have their face on a Bob-
blehead. The authors, like most sports fans of their generation, complain however that today’s
Bobbleheads do not really bobble, especially compared to Bobbleheads of the past that used a
giant spring to assure that the head of the figurine actually bobbles with a slight touch. Today’s
Bobbleheads rarely actually move up and down. Nonetheless, they make for a great collection item
for die-hard sports fans.
Sport itself is a hugely popular social institution. Sport’s connection with popular culture
all but assures that the people cannot ignore the pervasiveness of sports in society.
Summary
Sociology involves the systematic study of society; especially the social institutions and
people found within a given society. Sport continues to grow in importance in societies around
the world. The scientific study of sport will help provide great insights regarding human behavior
in their cultures.
Sport reflects the mores, values and general culture of a society. The systematic study of
sport, therefore, can provide a mirror into such negative issues as elitism, racism, sexism, nation-
alism, competitiveness, the abuse of drugs, and other deviant behaviors. More importantly, though,
it can help one understand the positive aspects of societies such as cooperation, hard work, ded-
ication, loyalty, understanding rules, and ethical norms.
Despite the highly publicized negative sport stories that are often sensationalized by the mass
media, there are far more positive sport-related stories which help to reaffirm that our support of
our favorite teams and athletes is not a wasted endeavor.
Sociology is a scientific endeavor which teaches us to look beyond “common sense” and utilize
“the sociological imagination” in order to understand how our lives are influenced by social forces.
Sociologists generally look at the big picture and study institutions that make up society and the
corresponding cultures that are connected with them. The sociology of sport is a subdiscipline of
sociology that focuses on the relationship between sport and society.
Sport sociology has existed as a discipline for at least four decades, although Thorstein Veblen
was a pioneer in this field with his 1899 book The Theory of the Leisure Class. In his time, sports
were primarily considered an activity of the wealthy class. Today, sports as recreation are played
by the masses as well as by elites and represent a $160 billion industry.
While interest and participation in sport have increased, it is not easy to define what activities
fall within it. There is a lack of consensus among sports sociologists on how to define sport, but
such key elements as institutionalization, competition, external and internal rewards, and physical
exertion seem to be constant. In addition, sports can be said to be whatever people label as sports.
Distinctions can be made between universal sports, which appear throughout the world, and
regional sports. Regardless of such distinctions, sport reflects culture. It is connected to the uni-
versal concept of “play,” voluntary activities performed during leisure time. As play becomes more
organized and less spontaneous, societies experience the beginnings of competitive contests and
organized play. Sports, then, are highly structured, rule-bound, hierarchical activities which play
a major role in binding people together and giving meaning to their existences. The scientific study
of sport, therefore, is a means to understand the processes, patterns, issues, values and behaviors
found in the activities.
Key Terms
Athlete A person who is in training for some specific sports event or participates in a sport
while competing against other athletes or previously set records.
Athletics Exercises and games that require physical skill, strength and endurance.
Conspicuous Consumption A term coined by Thorstein Veblen; it refers to spending money,
time and effort quite uselessly in the pleasurable business of inflating the ego.
Conspicuous Leisure A term coined by Thorstein Veblen; it refers to living a lifestyle where
the pursuit of leisure and the appearance of privilege are used instrumental in one’s behavior. In
other words, it involves participating in nonproductive activities.
Contest An organized competition. It may be between two individuals, between two teams,
between an individual and a group, between an individual or team and inanimate nature,
between a person or group and animate nature, or between an individual or team and an ideal
standard.
Culture The shared knowledge, beliefs, values, and rules about behavior that exist within a soci-
ety.
Leisure Unobligated time that is free of work or maintenance responsibilities.
Leisure Class A term used by Thorstein Veblen to describe people who engaged in non-
productive economic behavior.
Natural Sciences Disciplines such as astronomy, biology, chemistry, geology, and physics,
which focus their studies on the physical features of nature and the manner in which they inter-
act and change.
Organized Play Activities which are bound by rules, in which there are designated time limits
and boundaries and nearly always a clear winner and loser.
Play An activity that is performed voluntarily during leisure.
Positivism A way of understanding the world based on science. Positivists believe that the
social world can be studied in the same manner as the natural sciences and believe that “laws”
exist that apply to the human species; they merely have to be discovered by social scientists.
Recreation A leisure activity designed to refresh the mind and/or body.
Scientific Method The pursuit of knowledge involving the stating of a problem, the collection
of facts through observation and experiment, and the testing of ideas to determine whether
they are right or wrong.
Social Institutions A set of organized beliefs and rules that establishes how a society will
attempt to meet its basic social needs.
Social Sciences Disciplines such as sociology, anthropology, economics, history, psychology,

and political science, which concentrate their study on the various aspects of human society.
Social Structure The organization of society—its social positions and the ongoing relation-
ships among these social positions, the different resources allocated to these social positions,
and the social groups that make up the society.
Society The largest collection of people in group form.
Sociological Imagination A term coined by C. Wright Mills. Sociological imagination stresses
the importance of the historical social context in which an individual is found, and the ways in
which our private lives are influenced by our social environment and existing social forces.
Sociology The systematic study of groups, organizations, social institutions, societies, and the
social interaction among people.
Sociology of Sport The systematic study of the processes, patterns, issues, values and behaviors
found in the institution of sport.
Spontaneous Play A type of play which is voluntary, flexible, and uncertain with latitude for
innovation.
Sports Institutionalized, structured, and sanctioned competitive activities that go beyond the
realm of play, involve physical exertion and the use of relatively complex athletic skills.
Discussion Questions
• Provide at least five examples of the pervasiveness of sports in contemporary society.
• What do you think of the definitions of “sports” and “athlete” provided in the text? Do these
definitions reflect how you would define sports and athletes?
• Should dodgeball be played in gym (physical education) classes? Why or why not? Have you
ever played dodgeball? Does your college have dodgeball as an intramural sport? Should they?
• Why are sports so important in American culture? What social institutions do you think are
the most important for a society?
• Why do so many popular films deal with issues of sport? Do you think this is a good or bad
thing? Think of some recent examples of films that have sport as their central theme.
• Describe the differences and similarities between leisure, play and sports. Provide examples of
each. Which activity—leisure, play or sports—consumes more of your time?
CHAPTER 2
Social Theory and Sport
Two friends are cheering for their beloved hometown college football team, a team that com-
petes in one of the five power conferences that make up the NCAA’s elite teams. (The five power
conferences are: ACC, SEC, BIG 10, BIG 12 and the PAC-12.) Their school, however, has a current
talent level that keeps them in the lower half of the super teams. The two friends reminisce over
past glory days and wonder what it will take for their team to reach the level of national
championship-caliber.
One friend suggests, “We need to schedule non-conference games against the best schools
we can play.” (Note: Every school that plays at the elite five conferences only has a few non-
conference games that they can schedule.) “We should play the teams that are already competing
for a national title every year.” He believes that playing big-time teams will attract big time recruits.
These recruits will eventually lead the team to the promise land.
His friend disagrees and states, “We need to play teams we can beat so that we can get vic-
tories.” She adds, “Top recruits want to play at schools that win. Once we get the top recruits and
double-digit victories for a season on a regular basis we can start to play the top-tier non-conference
teams. And then, we can start to compete for a national championship.”
Each of these two friends has the same ultimate goal—for their team to win the champi-
onship. But they have different viewpoints on the best method to achieve this goal. What each of
these friends has expressed, essentially, is a theory about how to gain top recruits with the goal of
winning a national title.
Social theory involves expressing ideas about human behavior and the social world. As demon-
strated in the story above, every one of us is capable of formulating a theory about social life. Unlike
most amateur theorists, a social theorist seeks to understand the social world by means of reason
and rational thought. These scientifically driven theorists seek validity for their theories through
empirical research and data analysis and interpretation. Sport sociologists use theory as a “guide”
in their attempt to understand the institution of sport. Sport sociologists, like other sociologists
grounded in the scientific tradition, incorporate research, the use of statistical data, and analysis to
support their theories about the sports world. As for the best way to recruit top football players,
data will have to be collected in an effort to determine which theory seems the most plausible.
The Importance of Social Theory

Sociology attempts to provide insights and explanations as to why people behave the way
that they do and why social institutions exist the way they do. Social theory, then, focuses on inter-
actions, patterns and events found in the social environment and attempts to explain such observed
phenomena. A theory on social reality reflects one’s perspective on the nature of society. There
26
are numerous perspectives and theories within the sociological tradition. A sociologist’s preference
for one theory over another often reflects his or her own values and possible biases. Preference for
a particular theory or perspective is also impacted by current, in vogue, and fashionable trends
found within sociology. “Theories about society are shaped by people’s past experiences, current
needs, and future hopes, and it is more likely that at given points in history one perspective may
be more popular or more reflective of current events than others, rather than one being ‘true’ and
the others ‘false’” (Figler and Whitaker 1991: 25). All social thinkers—at least to a certain degree—
are influenced by the ideas of people who preceded them; in this manner, we all benefit from the
knowledge of others. Relying on previous knowledge allows social thinkers to treat certain bits
of information as “givens.” The discoveries of today will be treated as “givens” in the future. This
is all a part of the theoretical “chain of knowledge.”
What exactly is social theory? “The word theory is often misunderstood. It seems to imply
speculation or uncertainty because it is viewed merely as a theory, not a statement of ‘truth.’ The-
ories are generally contrasted with ‘facts.’ It is usually believed that facts are established truths,
whereas theories are speculations about what might be true” (Delaney 2005: 1). However, to social
scientists, the word “theory” does not imply mere speculation as theories may already be established
as true. Theories provide explanations or accounts concerning social events or phenomena. As
Gabriel Abend (2008) explains, a theory is “a general proposition, or logically-connected system
of general propositions, which establishes a relationship between two or more variables” (177).
The authors define theory as a statement that proposes to explain or relate observed phenomena
or a set of concepts through a logically-based system of general propositions. Theory involves a
set of inter-related arguments that seek to describe and explain cause-effect relationships. Por-
traying ideas (theories) in the form of statements allows for empirical testing. Thus, any theory
that can be tested for empirical verifiability is considered a “good” theory.
Although sociological theory has existed since the time Auguste Comte coined the term
“sociology” approximately 175 years ago, most sociologists ignored sport as an academic study.
George Herbert Mead represents one of the earliest sociologists to examine critical aspects of play
and games—essential elements of sport.
George Herbert Mead and Play

George H. Mead (1863–1931) was an American pragmatist, philosopher, social scientist and
the primary founder of symbolic interactionism. Mead established a developmental theory (of
self ) centered primarily on the play of children. Mead (1934) argues that the “development of
self ” begins with the “imitation stage” wherein infants acquire an emerging awareness of other
people and physical objects. Babies learn to grasp, hold and use simple objects like spoons, bottles
and blankets. As their physical skills further develop, they learn to play with objects by observing
and imitating their parents (Delaney 2004). For example, the parent or guardian may pick up a
ball and throw it, then encourage the child to do the same thing. Mead (1934) described the second
stage of development as the “play stage.” At this stage, the child, among other things, learns to
“play” (act out) the roles and attitudes of other persons. This is an important stage of development
as other animals play but only humans are capable of playing the role of others. Learning to play
the roles of others helps the child to take on the different roles that people in society perform.
“To learn the role of others, the child must come to understand the meanings of symbols and lan-
guage. Much of this learning takes place through various forms of play” (Delaney 2004: 181). It
is the third stage of development, the “game stage,” that children learn how multiple roles take
place at the same time, as in team work. The importance of learning makes it clear that Mead’s
theory is not biologically-based, but socially-based. Mead’s developmental theory has four stages.
1. The Imitation Stage. During this preparatory stage, infants develop an emerging awareness of
other people and physical objects found in the environment. Babies learn to grasp, hold and use
simple objects like spoons, dolls, bottles, and blankets. As their physical skills continue to
develop, they learn to play with objects by imitating the people around them. The infant may
observe an older sibling playing and may try throwing a ball like the other, older children. A par-
ent might pick up a ball and toss it, in an attempt to coax the child to do the same thing. Imita-
tion implies learning, as infants find out that some behaviors are positively rewarded and other
behaviors bring punishments. Interactions with significant others are especially important for the
infant’s development of self. Significant others are those specific individuals with whom a child
interacts with on a regular basis, generally the child’s immediate family members and friends.
2. The Play Stage. Mead was among the first theorists to emphasize the importance of symbols
in the socialization process. In the play stage, the child has learned to use language and under-
stands the meanings of some symbols. Language allows the child an opportunity to adopt the
role or attitude of other persons—they can speak with the mannerisms of the other. They not
only act out the roles of others, but their imaginations allow them to pretend to be that person
(Pampel 2000). Although lower animals also play, only humans “play at being someone else”
(Aboulafia 1986: 9). Through role-playing, the child learns to become both subject and object,
a critical step in the development of self (Ritzer 2000). It is important to note that children are
also developing their own personalities at this stage. “In play, the child takes on and acts out
roles which exist in his immediate, but larger, social world. By acting out such roles he organizes
particular attitudes about them. Moreover, the child in the course of role playing becomes cog-
nitively capable of ‘standing outside himself ’ and formulating a reflected view of himself as a
social object separate from but related to others” (Loy and Ingham 1981: 197).
3. The Game Stage. At this stage, the child is capable of putting herself in the role of several
others at the same time, and of understanding the relationship between those roles (e.g., team-
mates). “If we contrast play with the situation in an organized game, we note the essential dif-
ference that the child who plays in a game must be ready to take the attitude of everyone else
involved in that game, and that these different roles must have a definite relationship to each
other” (Mead 1934: 151). Mead, who taught at the University of Chicago, was a fan of the
Chicago Cubs and enjoyed watching baseball. He used the game of baseball to illustrate his
“game stage” theory. For example, when the ball is hit into play, the fielder must make the play,
but must also know the role of his teammates and the complexities of the game—such as,
where to throw the ball if there are already runners on base, and so forth.
Understanding the roles of others is not enough in the game stage; participants must also
know and understand the rules of the game (Miller 1973). As Mead explained, abiding by the
rules involves the ability to exercise self-control and implies that the child has learned to
function in the organized whole. Mead insisted that children take a great interest in rules.
“They make rules on the spot in order to help themselves out of difficulties. Part of the
enjoyment of the game is to get these rules. Now, the rules are the set of responses which a
particular attitude calls out. You can demand a certain response in others if you take a certain
attitude” (1934: 152). Thus, games teach children to take multiple roles but also teach them
to abide by rules. “The game is viewed as a sort of passage in the life of a child from taking
the role of others in play to the organized part that is essential to self-consciousness”
(Delaney 2004: 182).
4. The Generalized Other. This marks the final stage of development. The generalized other
refers to the attitude of the community, a specific group, or society in general. It is the univer-
salization of the role-taking process (Pfuetz 1954). The generalized other is not a person; it is a
person’s conscious awareness of the society that she or he is a part of (Cockerham 1995). Such
associations occur with multiple, diverse others in the community (e.g., geographic community,
church-group, sport-booster team, the greater society).
The development of self is dependent on interactions with others within the community. These
interactions help to shape and determine the individual’s personality. Whereas the play stage requires
only pieces of selves, the game stage requires a coherent self (Ritzer 2000). Mead’s development of
self theory is very sociological. It considers interactional patterns, past experiences, and the impact of
“outside” social forces on the individual. The impact of social forces on sport participants and the
creation and maintenance of the institution of sport is the central theme of contemporary theory.
In the following pages a number of contemporary sociological theories are applied to the
study of sport. The first theory to be examined is functionalism.
Functionalism
Functionalism, or structural functionalism as some sociologists prefer to call it, was the one-
time dominant theory of sociology (especially during the 1950s and early 1960s). Functionalism
is a macrosociological theory that explores the characteristics of social patterns, structures, social
systems, and institutions. Functionalism views society as an organized system of interrelated parts
that seeks equilibrium or balance. These interrelated parts work in cooperation with one another
so that the entire social system functions properly.
Functionalism has two basic postulates. The first is the concept of interdependent parts,
where all of society’s social institutions (e.g., sports, religion, politics, economics, and the media)
are linked together. “Functionalism begins with the idea that any stable system (such as the human
body) consists of a number of different, but interrelated, parts that operate together to create an
overall order” (Levin 1991: 76). With this reasoning, a change in one institution inevitably leads
to changes in other institutions; additionally, a change within one aspect of the system will affect
the system itself. For example, if the NCAA were to mandate that all athletes must maintain a 2.5
(4.0 grading system) GPA, member institutions would be forced to enact many changes. Currently,
the NCAA (2014) requires that Division I athletes must meet the GPA requirement of the school
they are enrolled in along with making progress toward graduation (40 percent of required course-
work for a degree must be completed by the end of the second year, 60 percent by the end of the
third year, and 80 percent by the end of their fourth year). Division II athletes must maintain a 1.8
GPA (essentially a “D” grade) after 24 semester or 36 quarter hours; 1.9 GPA after 48/72 hours;
and, 2.0 after both 72/108 hours and 96/144 hours. The NCAA does not have a nationally adhered-
to minimum GPA for Division III; instead, athletes must meet the institution’s requirement.
Because social systems wish to run smoothly, they constantly seek equilibrium, or stability. Func-
tionalists recognize that certain behaviors cause a disruption in the system—they are labeled dysfunc-
tional acts. Robert Merton (1910–2003) was the first sociologist to articulate the potential
dysfunctional features of certain aspects of the social system. Merton stated that dysfunctional aspects
are those which disturb the normally functioning social system. Furthermore, Merton argued that
aspects of the social system may be functional for some, but not for others. For example, it is common
for sporting events to be held during national holidays. This is convenient for the fans who wish to
watch the games, but not so convenient for the athletes who may have preferred to spend time with
their families. Functionalists prefer the status quo over change (especially rapid change); and any
change in the system is generally introduced in such a manner that allows ample time for a smooth
transition. Thus, if the NCAA did mandate higher grade requirements among its athletes (currently,
the NCAA requires a 2.0 GPA), it would undoubtedly provide ample time for a smooth transition.
The second postulate of functionalism is centered on the idea that individual members of the
social system (e.g., society, sports league or team) generally endorse the same basic values and beliefs.
A common agreement on issues of right and wrong, basic values, and morality allows for the system
to function appropriately. On sports teams, players are expected to follow the rules and norms
dictated by coaches, athletic directors, and school administrators in addition to NCAA guidelines.
If members of a social system lose faith in their society (the system) they will seek change. In pro-
fessional sports it is often coaches or someone in the front office who lose their jobs when the team
is losing and dissent takes place. There are also occasions where individual players are singled out
as the violator of the prevailing culture and they may find themselves traded to another team,
released from the team, have playing time dramatically reduced, or lose their scholarship. Rapid
social change within the system is something the functionalist approach is not geared to handle.
Among the leading structural functionalists of the twentieth century was Talcott Parsons
(1902–1979), a major sociologist at Harvard University. Parsons’s analysis of social systems and
social action remains as the cornerstone of the functionalist perspective. As with most social
thought, Parsons’s ideas were a reflection of the era in which he lived. The post–World War II era
was highlighted by great prosperity among many Americans. The 1950s was a decade of relative
social calm and stability. Parsons reasoned that social systems strive for stability in order to function
at peak levels, and “argued that the overall system and subsystems of which it is composed work
together to form a balanced, stable whole and that the system naturally tends toward stability
rather than toward disorder” (Levin 1991: 77). Systems have parts, or subsystems. The social system
also includes the interaction of a plurality of individual actors oriented to a situation (e.g., a sports
team). “Reduced to the simplest possible terms, then, a social system consists in a plurality of indi-
vidual actors interacting with each other in a situation which has at least a physical or environmental
aspect” (Parsons 1951: 5). Importantly, the social system is designed to continue to exist even when
some individual members leave. For example, as members of a college sports team graduate, transfer,
or drop out, they are replaced by other individuals. This cycle of individuals coming and going
continues year after year and yet the social system (the team, the league) manages to maintain
itself (with varying degrees of success).
Although social systems are quite diverse (some are small, some large; some are complex, others
relatively simplistic) a number of general assumptions about social systems can be made:
1. Systems are orderly and made of the interdependence of parts.
2. The system and all the subsystems strive for equilibrium (normal activity, a self-maintaining
order).
3. Systems are generally static or move in a progressively deliberate manner.
4. A disruption in the “normal flow” of one subsystem can cause a disturbance throughout the
whole system.
5. Systems have boundaries, which may involve actual physical space, or time and distance
[Delaney 2005: 48–49].
By the 1970s, there were many criticisms of functionalism. One criticism is that functionalism
is too conservative and fails to explain social change. Functionalism’s focus on systems equilibrium
leads functionalists to ignore conflict. People do not agree on all the values and beliefs of the dom-
inant society and, as a result, functionalism is criticized for failing to acknowledge socioeconomic
inequalities that lead to different perspectives of the social system. Because of its conservative
nature and focus on the status quo, functionalism is also criticized for ignoring such social patterns
as “discrimination, exploitation, and political dominations by elites or ruling classes who have a
vested interest in maintaining their power and prestige” (Nixon and Frey 1996: 10). Despite these
criticisms, the staying power of functionalism as a dominant sociological theory cannot be denied.
The relevancy of this perspective is demonstrated in the sports world as well.
Functionalism Applied to Sport

The functionalist perspective has great relevance to sport. Sport, as a social institution, may
be viewed as a social system with interrelated parts and a plurality of individual actors interacting
with one another. As the authors shall demonstrate throughout the text, sport possesses both func-
tional and dysfunctional aspects.
Sport provides many societal functions, some of them manifest (intended or planned) and
others latent (unintended or unplanned). Merton (1949/1968) described manifest functions as
those consequences that are expected, or intended; they are conscious motivations for social behav-
ior. For example, the manifest function of two friends attending a baseball game is to watch the
athletes perform or to cheer for a favorite team. Merton described latent functions as consequences
that are neither recognized nor intended; they are by-products of the original intended behavior.
Thus, the same two friends who attended the ballgame are also afforded an opportunity to reaffirm
their friendship by spending time together. Parents and children may also bond over sports activ-
ities. Individuals bond with the community of the sports team they support. Eitzen (1989) adds:
Most people view society and the role of sport in terms very similar to those used by functional-
ists. They look for the ways in which sport contributes to the communities in which they live.
They see sport providing valuable lessons for their children and opportunities for themselves to
release the tensions generated by a job or other life events. Sport gives them something to talk
with strangers as well as friends and it provides occasions for outings and get togethers. Many peo-
ple believe that sport can serve as a model of the goals we should strive for and the means we
should use in trying to achieve those goals [28].
During the 1970s many sport sociologists (for example, Allardt 1970; Wohl 1970; Luschen
1970b; Gruneau 1975; and Sage 1979) embraced the functionalist perspective by describing sport
“in functionalist terms as supportive of the social order” (Figler and Whitaker 1991: 28). Stevenson
and Nixon (1972) detailed five general functions by which sport helps the social system maintain
equilibrium and operate smoothly and efficiently:
1. Socioemotional Function. Sport provides opportunities for conflict and tension management,
camaraderie and community bonding, and ritualistic behaviors that people find comforting.
2. Socialization. All people learn society’s expectations through the socialization process (See
Chapter 5). Of primary concern to functionalists is the transmission of cultural values from
one generation to the next.
3. Social Integration. A commonly cited function, sport, it is argued, provides opportunities for
diverse groups and individuals to interact with one another.
4. Political Functions. The role of politics and sport is both functional and dysfunctional (See
Chapter 13). The singing of the national anthem before sporting events is among the more
obvious manifest functions of politics in action within the sports world.
5. Social Mobility. A recurring theme in contemporary society as well, it has long been argued
that sport provides individuals with opportunities to improve their socio-economic status
(SES). Sport does provide both direct (through professional sport participation) social mobility
and indirect (through college scholarships with afford athletes an opportunity to earn a valu-
able education needed in the job market) social mobility.
Vogler and Schwartz (1993) argue that sport is so strongly endorsed by most people in American
society that it has been given nearly “sacred status” and that the majority of people feel that sport is
“compatible with American values” (6); and thus is congruent with the functionalist perspective. As
a result, sport is viewed as having a positive function in society. Among other things, sport transmits
cultural values; is educational; provides a release for physical and psychological pressures; provides
a feeling of group membership; provides a means of social mobility; and generates a sense of per-
sonal competition (Vogler and Schwartz 1993: 6). Functionalists acknowledge that there are many
people who do not follow sport. In his “theory of social action” Parsons (1949/1937) acknowledged
the role of the subjective aspect of human activity. Thus, while it is true that some people in
society do not share the value of sports, the same can be true for all social institutions. For example,
religion and spiritual belief are very important for many people, but not for all; and while many
people take part in the institution of marriage, a number of people will never marry.
Functionalists, in the tradition of Parsons and his conception of functional imperatives
(adaptation, goal attainment, integration, and latency; or AGIL), argue that there are four basic
“system needs” in order for any society (club, organization, team, etc.) to run smoothly and effec-
tively. This principle can be applied to the sports world as well.
1. Adaptation. Members of society must learn to adapt to changes in the social structure and
culture in order to survive. The adaptation aspect is very relevant to the sports world, for exam-
ple, the emphasis on being physically fit (a requirement for most sports) is an important ele-
ment in survival. The ability to adapt to changes in coaching philosophies is often critical for
athletes when a new coach or system is introduced to the team. Sports leagues and franchises
and colleges and universities alike must generate more revenue than they spend if they are to
survive. And players and coaches must learn to adapt to rule changes.
2. Goal Attainment. Individual societal members are expected to seek society’s goals. The pre-
dominant goal in Western societies is to be successful. Sport teaches participants that working
hard leads to victory, and, therefore, success. Sport is preoccupied with tracking the successes
and failures of its participants. Statistics are used in an attempt to provide empirical evidence of
success and failure. As former Green Bay Packer coach Vince Lombardi is reputed to have said,
“Show me a good loser, and I’ll show you a loser.”
3. Integration. This functional imperative involves the regulation and coordination of actors
and subsystems within the greater social system in order to keep it functioning properly
(Delaney 2014). Sport leagues must regulate and coordinate all of the participating franchises
or teams, coaches and managers, sport participants, and spectators and fans. Sports bring people
together. Sport provides people an opportunity to bond with a group and a community. It pro-
vides a sense of social identification as well as a source of personal identity.
4. Latency. Latency consists of two related issues: tension maintenance (internal tensions and
actors’ sense of strain) and pattern maintenance (displaying “appropriate” behavior). Proper
socialization is supposed to address the issue of latency. Sport provides many forms of pattern
maintenance—primarily through participation where participants are taught to accept a well-
defined authority structure (e.g., athletes know they must abide by their coaches’ rules and the
authority of referees, etc.). Sport also provides spectators and participants a socially approved
outlet for their aggressive energy. Very few work environments involve workers being booed, or
cheered, as they perform their duties, but this is life in the sports world.
It is perhaps, the social systems-approach that gives functionalism the most relevancy to the
sports world. Parsons (1949) described the “social system” as a network of inter-related parts, or sub-
systems, arranged in such a way as to accommodate the interaction of a plurality of individual actors
who are oriented to a given situation and striving to achieve goals. The social system concept is com-
monly hyped in the sports world especially by players and coaches alike who use some variation of the
cliché, “we have to play within the system.” (Note: A Google search of “Sports: Buy into the System”
yields more than one-half billion results.) Coaches routinely attempt to implement a system among
team players. Clemson University head football coach Dabo Swinney, for example, has a system that
involves his players giving full concentration to their explicit tasks while downplaying the specific
opponent at hand. Swinney states, “Everybody is a faceless, nameless opponent” (Bradley 2012).
Team players are likely to see more playing time and greater success when they buy into their
coach’s system. Such was the case for Kosta Koufus of the Denver Nuggets (NBA). Relegated as
a benchwarmer for much of the 2012–13 season, Koufos began to dominate toward the end of the
season. When asked about his end of the season success, the 7-foot-tall Koufus explained, “The
biggest thing is just playing within the system.… I feed off our guards. They do such a great job,
pushing the ball, driving and dishing off to the big guys. That’s the biggest thing” (Hochman
2013). Koufus’s comments not only reflect the systems approach but also the idea of interdependent
parts working together for the great good of the entire system.
There are in fact, millions of stories like the two described above about the importance of
playing within the system. If any one aspect of the functionalist perspective stands above the rest
to highlight the relevancy of this theoretical approach it is the social system component.
There are a number of criticisms of the functionalist approach, including: (1) it fails to explain
social change and it stresses structure over process; (2) functionalism is better suited to deal with
static structures; (3) the conservative nature of functionalism is often criticized as an inefficient way
to study a society that is fluid; and (4) while functionalism stresses the importance of shared societal
values, it ignores the interests of people (Delaney 2014). Despite any such criticisms of functionalism,
this theoretical perspective, especially its system’s analysis, is still relevant to the sports world.
Structural functionalism represents just one outlook on sport. Among the leading challenges
to the functionalist approach is the conflict perspective.
Conflict Theory
Functional theory is centered on the idea that there is a general consensus in values and norms
of society and that the social institutions found within a society are integrated into a functioning
whole. In contrast, conflict theorists argue that society is composed of competing parts (e.g., social
institutions and special interest groups) that are in competition with one another over scarce
resources. The competing parts possess different levels of power. Consequently, conflict theory
examines the role of power and the inequality found methodically throughout society. The conflict
perspective also puts forth the notion that there is no true consensus of values found in society
and that, instead, society’s primary norms and values are those of the dominant group. Dominant
groups, because of their power, are in a position to dictate to others rules and procedures that
must be adhered. In sports, there are a number of dominant groups, including governing bodies,
league commissioners, owners (in professional sports), university presidents and athletic directors
(in collegiate sports), and to a lesser degree, coaches and gameday officials.
Conflict theory is based primarily on the ideas of Karl Marx (1818–1883) and rose to promi-
nence during the 1970s because of growing disillusionment with structural functionalism. As Turner
(1975) explains, “The growing disenchantment with structural-functional theory has been marked
by the rise of alternative theoretical perspectives over the last two decades. One of the most con-
spicuous of these alternatives has been ‘conflict theory’ which has presumably rediscovered for the
discipline such phenomena as power, force, coercion, constraint, and change in social systems” (443).
Marx did not “create” conflict theory; rather, it was his ideas on such subjects as human
potential, the historical method, class conflict, economic inequalities, class consciousness, and
communism that influenced future social thinkers. Marx noted that all of human history was high-
lighted primarily by a class struggle between those with power (the elites, or owners of the means
of production) and those without power (the masses, or workers). The result is predictable: the
people who possess power will want to keep it, while those without power will want to gain it.
People may react to class differences in a number of ways including open hostility and revolt
against the existing social system (and those who benefit from it) to simple acceptance of how
things are in society. Marx referred to this latter response as false consciousness—the inability to
clearly see where one’s own best interests lie.
Marx viewed religion as an example of false consciousness and as a weapon of the power
elite to keep the masses in their place. He recognized that the power elites encouraged the masses
to embrace afterlife considerations because it diverted people from taking action against social
inequalities on earth. (For example, Psalms 37: 11 states that “the meek shall inherit the earth.”)
Religious institutions, therefore, are useful to the power elites as means of keeping the powerless
from questioning their status. Marx suggested that “religion is the opiate of the masses” (McLellan
1987; Hadden 1997). An opiate is a drug used to dull the senses; if one is not thinking clearly, one
is likely to believe almost anything. Likewise, religions can help dull the pain of reality by encour-
aging a feeling that, no matter how oppressed or unfulfilled a person may be, there will be a joyous
and exciting afterlife for those who endure such inequalities on earth. Using this Marxist perspec-
tive, Paul Hoch (1972) argued that sport has replaced religion as the opiate of the masses. “Five
generations ago, Karl Marx called religion the opiate of the masses. Today that role has been taken
over by sports” (Hoch 1972: 19). At the time Hoch made this statement he suggested that perhaps
the word “opiate” was a little strong, but he felt it was the best possible answer to the climate of
the time. Hoch noted that people were more concerned with baseball and football scores than
with the Vietnam War. Additionally, people appeared more concerned with whether Muhammad
Ali would defeat Joe Frazier than the possibility of the Vietnam War extending into Laos. “To
many, sports are such an escape from reality that the political economy is too mundane to be men-
tioned in the same breath” (Hoch 1972: 11).
The idea that sport is the opiate of the masses is reinforced by the realization that sports are
in an “age of the spectator” and the “age of the sport consumer.” This is evident by high attendance
figures (see Chapter 1), the large number of hours fans spend watching televised sporting events,
the growing popularity of sports fantasy leagues, sports gambling, the amount of space dedicated
to sports in most newspapers and social media, and the everyday casual conversations centered on
sports among the populace. As Yiannakis and associates (1978) argued four decades ago, sport has
taken on the quality of a secular religion because it provides the “followers” an escape from the
mundane (as other opiates provide), and provides a sense of belonging. In addition, many sports
fans say they follow their favorite teams “religiously” and pray for favorable outcomes. These are
truly “devout” fans. (See Chapter 14 for a further discussion on the relationship between sport
and religion.) Such terminology, sociologists argue, is not merely ironic but is in fact descriptive.
The conflict perspective remains relevant in the contemporary era as there exist great social
conflicts among a variety of special interest groups, politicians, and groups and categories of
people. The validity of the conflict theory is also very evident by the continuous waging of war
throughout this century. That war and conflict have dominated every century in human history
also attests to the validity of the conflict perspective. That sport serves a diversionary role in
society also reflects the conflict perspective on power. This means the polity is afforded an oppor-
tunity to continue “business as is” because so many people have become “fed up” with the socio-
economic reality of society and rather than concentrate their collective efforts to bring about
change; they turn to sports for a diversion.
Members of the 2014 Stanley Cup Champions Los Angeles Kings ride in a parade in Redondo Beach,
California (courtesy of William “Bear” Konopka).
Conflict Theory Applied to Sports

Although Marx did not write much about sports, a Marxist perspective proves to be quite
enlightening, as well as relevant. Marxist interpretations of the rise of modern sports are related
to the organization of ownership over the means of production. Sport sociologists who utilize
the Marxist point of view analyze the rise of modern sports from a materialistic perspective. Today,
many elite sport teams and events are controlled by corporations, corporate sponsors, and those
whom could be labeled as “power elites.” Even the individualistic sports, such as tennis, golf and
surfing, are controlled by corporate sponsors. Although most fans are aware of this corporate
domination, few find it overly threatening. Marx would most likely identify this behavior as a form
of false consciousness. Conflict theorists in general and Marxists in particular, are concerned about
the role of power and domination found in sport. The role of power and domination in sport is
evident in many ways, including the efforts of professional sports leagues to bust unions and, in
effect, strengthen their position over the workers. Those who control the means of production
will attempt to maintain their advantageous position. The players, who represent the workers, are
in competition with the owners over the control of the means of production. Players’ unions work
to guarantee as many benefits as possible for the workforce while the owners attempt to break
player unions and guarantee themselves a disproportionate amount of the profits—profits earned
via the labor of the workers.
Marxists also argue that the power elite promote sports as a means of keeping the masses
preoccupied with more mundane things than matters of the state. Those who participate in sport
are taught to accept authority (e.g., from coaches, administrators, and officials). From this per-
spective, sports are not only viewed as an opiate of society, but the power elites of society may
also be viewed as the ones “pushing” or “selling” the opiate to the masses. Furthermore, the power
elites use sport to help socialize the masses into accepting rules. The power elites, it is argued,
determine the rules and laws of the land, and individuals have little or no say in their formation
and modification. Likewise, athletes have no chance of changing a rule while the game is being
played; and, aside from sports with “instant replay,” the decision of the referee/official is final.
(Have you ever seen a home plate umpire change his mind after a called third strike is disputed by
the batter? It doesn’t happen!)
The idea that power elites control society is underscored by the conflict perspective’s central
tenet that power is differentiated unequally, resulting in oppressive and coercive relationships that are
manifested in the social system of sport. According to Gruneau (1975) this includes the following:
1. Sport is wedded to material gain and must be seen in this light [not simply as recreation and
entertainment].
2. Sport is intimately associated with differences in wealth and power.
3. Competitive sport reflects bourgeois (i.e., middle class, upwardly mobile) ideology; as a mer-
itocratic, mobility-oriented institution, it fosters a false consciousness and false hopes for the
lower class.
4. Sport, particularly the professional variety, alienates the athlete-workers from each other
and, in fact, pits them against each other (e.g., many athletes vying for few positions), thus
undermining social revolution.
5. “Competitive sport” cannot exist in a classless society because competitive sport is not, by its
nature, egalitarian. [Its outcome draws a clear line of distinction between participants—
rewarded winners and nonrewarded losers.]
Many of today’s “holdouts” and “strikes” are all based on a demonstration of power. The
owners, in an attempt to maintain their power position, attempt to weaken the power of player
unions, and use holdouts as a sign of their power (e.g., the NHL’s cancellation of the 2004–05
season). Players, on the other hand, will often go on strike in an attempt to demonstrate their
power—they are, after all, the product that owners promote to the fans in an attempt to generate
revenue. The owner-player relationship in a classic example of the Marxist analysis of a two-class
society—although this two-class system has become distorted in the contemporary era because of
the high salaries earned by athletes. The result is the masses (the fans) viewing the players as a part
of the ruling, or elite, class. Conflict theorists also believe that
1. Sport Generates and Intensifies Alienation. Standardized rules and a rigid structure destroy
the spontaneous freedom characteristic of play.
2. Sport Is Used by the State and the Economically Powerful as a Tool for Coercion and Social
Control. Sport, as an opiate, provides a temporary “high” (for both fans and participants); it
diverts attention from political and economic realities; it masks the problems of everyday life;
and it emphasizes success through hard work, leading to people to disparage “losers”—often
failing to acknowledge the unequal opportunities to succeed.
3. Sport Promotes Commercialism and Materialism. Sport is viewed as a product to be con-
sumed; athletes are commodities to be exploited; and advertising makes consumers believe that
they must have certain products.
4. Sport Encourages Nationalism, Militarism and Sexism. Many powerful countries use sport as
a showplace for displaying their national symbols and military strength (e.g., Germany’s Adolf
Hitler attempted to use the 1936 Berlin Olympics to showcase his Aryan “superior” athletes, the
East German government tried to legitimize its Communist regime through the medal winnings
of its athletes, and most major U.S. sporting events include military “flyovers” just prior to the
start of the game—especially in the NFL). Nationalism and militarism will be discussed in fur-
ther detail in Chapter 13 and sexism in Chapter 10.
Among the criticisms of the conflict perspective on sport is the fact that many sports fans
and sport participants are concerned about matters outside of sport but they love sports because
it provides them with moments of thrills, hours of entertainment and a lifetime of cherished
memories. In short, many people do not feel alienated or exploited by sport. They enjoy the recre-
ational aspect of sporting events and find the release that sports provides as invigorating. Because
of its concentration on power differentials, conflict theorists often ignore the many areas in which
most people arrive at an uncoerced consensus about the important values of life. Conflict theorists
fail to acknowledge the numerous elements of shared morality, values and beliefs held by citizens
of a society. Furthermore, sports can be sites for positive experiences that individuals find rewarding
and fulfilling. The fact that many people have found alternatives to corporate sports underscores
the truth that sport still provides meaning—free from coercion—in many people’s lives. The
conflict perspective’s focus on materialism, and economic issues, shields its discovery of the quasi-
spiritual experience that many athletes and sport and leisure participants enjoy. Both conflict
theory and functionalism are subject to criticism because of their macrosociological orientation.
The major sociological theory that addresses micro concerns is symbolic interactionism.
Symbolic Interactionism
As essentially a social-psychological perspective, symbolic interactionism focuses on how
people interact with one another through the use of symbols (e.g., language and gestures). Language
is the primary method used to communicate symbolically. Language allows individuals to discuss
and comprehend ideas and events that transcend the immediate environment.
Herbert Blumer (1900–1987) coined the term symbolic interactionism in 1937. According
to Blumer (1969):
Symbolic interactionism rests in the last analysis on three simple premises. The first premise is that
human beings act toward things on the basis of the meanings that the things have for them. Such
things would include everything that the human being may note in his world—physical objects,
such as trees or chairs; other human beings, such as a mother or a store clerk; categories of human
beings, such as friends or enemies; institutions, as a school or a government; guiding ideals, such
as individual independence or honesty; activities of others, such as their commands or requests;
and such situations as an individual encounters in his daily life. The second premise is that the
meaning of such things is derived from, or arises out of, the social interaction that one has with
one’s fellows. The third premise is that these meanings are handled in, and modified through, an
interpretative process used by the person in dealing with the things he encounters [2].
Symbolic interactionists presume that human behavior involves choices and that choices are
made based on meanings, or definitions of the situation. Because objects found in human environ-
ments carry no intrinsic meaning, humans are capable of constructing meanings for them. Sports
are filled with symbolic meanings. Examples are found through its rituals, rhetoric, culture, emo-
tion, “coach talk,” and trophies. The Stanley Cup, awarded to the National Hockey League’s cham-
pion, is among the most cherished championship trophies in all of sport. The Stanley Cup is
treasured because it is so hard to earn. The NHL title is the most difficult of all professional sports
to earn because the championship team has to win four best-of seven series resulting in a minimum
of sixteen games played and the possibility of 28 games. During the NHL playoffs it is common
for hockey fans to bring homemade replicas of the Stanley Cup to hockey games. Fans will wait
in line for hours to have their photo taken next to the Cup whenever it is on tour.
Symbolic interactionism is a micro theory with a focus on individuals and group behavior.
“Symbolic interactionism takes as a fundamental concern the relationship between individual con-
duct the relationship between individual conduct and forms of social organization. This perspec-
tive asks how selves emerge out of social structure and social situations…. The interactionist
assumes that human beings are capable of making their own thoughts and activities objects of
analysis, that is, they can routinely, and even habitually, manipulate symbols and orient their own
actions towards other objects” (Denzin 1969: 922–923). The interactionist perspective maintains
a belief in the ability of individuals to alter their behaviors to meet the needs of the present and
the immediate environment. Humans come to define their acts and the social environment during
interaction. Additionally, human interaction involves both covert and overt elements, both of
which are capable of being modified to meet the actor’s expectations and needs. For example, play-
ers and fans alike are capable of adding extra meaning to a game that pits two bitter rivals competing
against one another (even if each team has a losing record at the time of the game).
Symbolic Interactionism Applied to Sports

The symbolic interactionist perspective of sport is easily recognized by fans and participants, pri-
marily because of its personal and up close analysis of sporting action. Sports fans like to hear “stories”
about their favorite players and teams. The symbolic interactionist micro orientation provides this.
Furthermore, sports fans understand the importance of symbolism in sports (e.g., the baseball catcher
flashing signs to the pitcher and the symbolic importance of playing for a championship “ring”).
Symbolism comes in many shapes and forms. When people violate social norms they are gen-
erally subject to punishments, or sanctions. When people commit severe violations of social norms,
especially those tied to ideals of morality, the resulting sanctions are also quite strong. Harsh sanc-
tions serve as a symbolic message to all those involved, including the general public. One of the
most horrific examples of a violation of American mores is pedophilia. Penn State University, and
especially certain members associated with its football program, will forever be linked to a child
abuse scandal involving former football assistant Gerald Arthur “Jerry” Sandusky. Sandusky served
as legendary coach Joe Paterno’s assistant from 1969 to 1999. He also ran a non-profit charity serv-
ing Pennsylvania underprivileged and at-risk youth called “The Second Mile.” After retiring as
assistant coach, Sandusky maintained an office at Penn State until 2011. Following a two-year grand
jury investigation, Sandusky was arrested in 2011 and charged with 52 counts of sexual abuse of
young boys over a 15-year period from 1994 to 2009. He is currently serving a 30- to 60-year sen-
tence after being convicted of 45 counts of sexual abuse of 10 boys (Smallwood 2014).
Sandusky met boys via his charity organization. Many boys testified against Sandusky in his
pedophilia case. Because he often brought the boys to the Penn State campus so that he could
show them the football facilities, the football program was tied to the Sandusky case. It was revealed
that a number of people involved in the football program were both well aware of and some even
witnessed acts of pedophilia committed against the boys by Sandusky at the facilities. The NCCA
investigated and was outraged by what they deemed a total lack of institutional control and respon-
sibility. In July 2012, the NCAA announced significant penalties against Penn State and its football
program, including a $60 million fine, a four-year postseason ban, the loss of 10 scholarships per
year for the next four years, a limit of 64 total scholarships for players on the roster (the norm is
85), five years’ probation, and a very symbolic gesture of vacating all its football victories (111
wins) from 1998 to 2011 (Thamel 2012). The NCAA fell just short of giving Penn State the “death
penalty” that would have resulted in a complete decimation of the football program. NCAA pres-
ident Mark Emmert stated, “Football will never again be placed ahead of education, nurturing
and protecting young people” (Thamel 2014).
Among many of the implications of the NCAA sanctions levied against Penn State, Joe
Paterno was no longer the major-college career leader in football coaching wins. As an example of
yet another symbolic move, the statue of Joe Paterno outside Beaver Stadium was removed. Penn
State University also fired Paterno and Penn State University president Graham B. Spainer was also
removed. Senior vice president Gary Schultz and athletic director Tim Curley also lost their positions
(at the time of this writing they were awaiting trial for their alleged roles in a cover-up) (Smallwood
2014). The sanctions levied by the NCAA sent a very powerful message that sexual abuse would
not be tolerated and that even football was not bigger than morality and the protection of youth.
If the NCAA had meant to send a powerful message that pedophilia will not be tolerated and
those associated with the crime would be severely punished, what kind of message did it send in Sep-
tember 2014? By this time, Sandusky was punished by the legal system and Paterno, who was fired,
had died with his legacy forever tarnished (Smallwood 2014). In September 2014, the NCAA reduced
the sanctions (e.g., lifted the ban on the number of scholarship players) and declared the football
team immediately eligible for bowl game consideration. University of South Carolina president
Harris Pastides, a member of the NCAA board of directors, stated, “Penn State has made remarkable
progress over the past year. The board members and I believe the executive committee’s decision [to
reduce the sanctions] is the right one” (Smallwood 2014). One year of doing the right thing (e.g.,
the university now offers “Child Abuse 101” as part of its curriculum) had, apparently, outweighed
decades of doing the horrific wrong thing. In January 2015, the NCAA also changed its mind on
vacating Paterno’s 111 victories and restored them to his “official” record, making him again the all-
time winningest football coach in Division I history (Scolforo and Levy 2015). Bobby Bowden, the
former Florida State University legendary coach, had taken over the lead in victories (377 total wins)
but fell back to second place behind Paterno’s 409 wins. And among Penn State alumni, “Fund-
raising is also continuing for a statue of Mr. Paterno in downtown State College, Pa., in which he
would appear seated and reading Virgil’s ‘Aeneid,’ his favorite poem” (Longman and Tracy 2015). As
of January 2015 the statue of Joe Paterno was still in storage, but it is easy to imagine its reappearance,
“since some alumni predicted that there would be a renewed effort to restore the statue outside
Beaver Stadium of Mr. Paterno, wearing his familiar glasses, coat, tie and high-water pants, and
raising his index finger in a sign that his team was No. 1” (Longman and Tracy 2015).
The NCAA had, more or less, admitted to overstepping its bounds when it levied the severe
sanctions on Penn State and stated that it was more concerned about securing the $60 million fine
from Penn State so that it could fund child abuse-prevention programs (Scolforo and Levy 2015).
After all is said and done, PSU football moved on while the sexually abused victims live day-by-
day coping with what had happened to them.
There are a variety of symbolic interactionist approaches (those with a micro focus). The phe-
nomenological approach to sport examines “sport through the senses and emotions of the player. A
crunching tackle or a dive into water are intrinsically rewarding and satisfying experiences for the
tackler and the diver. Some of these specific experiences are remembered for a lifetime, as though
they had happened the day before” (Vogler and Schwartz 1993: 8). In fact, most people who partic-
ipated in sports can think back to a sporting event that has significant meaning to them. The old
story of the fisherman who retells the story (defining the situation) of catching a prize fish, only to
have the length of the fish grow over the years of storytelling, reflects the phenomenological approach.
Because of its micro orientation, symbolic interactionism has great cross-over appeal to psy-
chological theories; especially those which examine personality traits and relaxation techniques.
This should not surprise too many people as sport psychology, oddly, has enjoyed greater success
than sport sociology. “The primary goals of sport psychology are to describe, to explain, and
to predict the attitudes, feelings, and behaviors of sport participants—including athletes,
coaches, and even crowd members” (Anshel 1994: 16). However, as will be demonstrated through-
out this text, most problems, issues and events encountered by sport participants are sociological
in nature.
Psychological theories that examine personality traits of athletes have found that
successful athletes differ markedly from their less successful counterparts in several ways.
Despite flaws in personality research, studies have shown that successful participants tend to be
self-confident, have a high need to achieve, maintain a relatively high self-image, at least in the
sport environment, and score low on personality inventories in trait and state anxiety, tension,
depression, mental fatigue, confusion, and anger. They often score relatively high in mental
toughness, intelligence, sociability, creativity, stability, dominance, aggression, and extroversion.
Still, personality scales should not be used to predict the level of an athlete’s future success, the
type of sport for which a person is best suited, or any other sport-related measure [Anshel
1994: 51–52].
The simple reason why individual psychological personality theorizing alone cannot predict
future success in sport is because of all the social factors (e.g., opportunities to play, grades in
school, family support, coaching, school funding) involved between an athlete and the sports
world (thus reaffirming the importance of the sociological analysis of sport).
Relaxation theory teaches athletes how to handle tense situations so that they do not “choke”
when the pressure is on to perform. Relaxation, as defined by theorist Bud Winter (1981), “involves
getting the tension out of muscles not directly involved in the task at hand. Relaxation also involves
getting rid of mental tensions so that you can have peace of mind to think or not to think, as you
choose” (27). Winter is convinced that anyone can learn to relax physically and/or mentally at a
high level of proficiency. An athlete learning how to relax so that he can perform basic tasks is
perhaps the most legitimate area of psychological study in the field of sports. Relaxation theory
teaches the need for repetition of behavior to the point where it becomes so routine that one can
visualize in their minds before it happens (e.g., making a free-throw in basketball). However, at
times, some athletes have trouble performing basic tasks; why is this the case? For example, many
basketball fans marvel at Shaquille O’Neal’s dismal free-throw shooting percentage (just over 50
percent for his career). Many “professionals” have worked with O’Neal, but to no avail. Despite
being one of the most dominant “big men” in NBA history, O’Neal fails at the easiest task in bas-
ketball—an uncontested set shot from relatively close distance. O’Neal appears to be relaxed, and
his gentle demeanor off-court would seem to imply that he is a mellow fellow and therefore casts
doubt on the idea that he is not relaxed at the free-throw line.
Among the criticisms of symbolic interactionism is its overly individualistic approach and
reliance on personal definitions of events—thus ignoring social process. Psychologists interested
in the same topics as symbolic interactionists tend to criticize the perceived lack of scientific rigor
utilized in their methodology. Because of its commitment to, and overemphasis on, everyday life
and the social formation of self, symbolic interactionists tend to ignore social structure, especially
structured forms of inequality.
One of the leading sociological perspectives to study structured forms of inequality is fem-
inist theory.
Feminist Theory
Feminist theory attempts to highlight the importance of women in society while provid-
ing evidence that gender differences are socially created rather than inherent to any sexual classi-
fication system. Historically, and cross-culturally, women have fallen victim to discrimination
and oppression in nearly all spheres of social life. This includes sports. Mary Wollstonecraft
(1759–1797), author of A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792), was one of the first to
argue that this state of affairs was unacceptable and immoral. Patricia Altenbernd Johnson
writes,
In a Vindication of the Rights of Woman, Wollstonecraft advocated an education for women based
on the principle of independence rather than obedience. In addition, she advocated changes in
social practices that would enable women to actualize this independence. She was optimistic about
the political changes that were possible and about the speed at which changes could take place
[ Johnson 2000: 81–82].
While Wollstonecraft (whose daughter, Mary Shelley, would write the bestselling novel
Frankenstein) might have been optimistic that such social changes would occur quickly, such was
not to be the case. Although a number of social thinkers (both men and women) promoted the
idea of equality for both sexes, it was not until the early 1800s that any significant women’s rights
movement took place. In the United States, the origins of feminism can be traced to the abolitionist
movement of the 1830s. Seneca Falls, New York, lays claim as the birth place of American femi-
nism. A small group of women led by Elizabeth Cady Stanton spearheaded the first Women’s
Rights Convention, in Seneca Falls, in 1848. More than 300 people attended the convention that
was held in the Wesleyan Methodist Chapel. The convention highlighted the many ways social
institutions were designed to keep women subordinate to men. For example, “once a woman mar-
ried, she forfeited her legal existence. She couldn’t sign a contract, make a will, or sue in court of
law. If she received property from her father or some other source, her husband could sell it and
keep the money for himself ” (Gurko 1978: 8).
Feminism is as much a social movement to empower women worldwide as it is a theory. As
a social movement, feminism is an ideology in support of the idea that a larger share of scarce
resources (e.g., funding for women’s athletics, equal pay for coaches) should be distributed to
women. In short, feminists fight for the equality of women. As a social theory, feminism is a
women-centered, broad-based theoretical perspective designed to reveal how sexual discrimination
is a result of historic man-made conditions and not biological inferiority. “Through analysis of
gender roles and gender appropriateness, feminist theory demonstrates how women have histor-
ically been subjected to a double standard in both their treatment and in the evaluation of their
worth” (Delaney 2005: 202). It is important to note that there are a variety of feminist theories
(for example, liberal feminism, Marxist feminism, radical feminism, critical feminism, socialist
feminism, and postmodern feminism) that advocate different approaches and solutions to end the
male supremacy that dominates most cultures of the world. With this precaution in mind, feminism
can be defined as “a recognition and critique of male supremacy combined with efforts to change
it” (Hartmann 1998: 41). Feminists argue that women should enjoy the same rights in society as
men and that they should share equally in society’s opportunities and resources.
Feminist Theory Applied to Sports

The women’s rights movement reached new heights during the 1960s—a decade of unprece-
dented social change in the United States. The feminists of the 1960s ignored inequality found
in the sports world. They were more concerned with socio-political issues designed to empower
women in the workplace and in the home. This would change in the 1970s—a decade that would
forever alter the role of women in sports. In 1972, the United States passed Title IX of the Edu-
cation Amendments to the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (see Chapter 10 for a further elaboration of
Title IX). Title IX is perhaps the single most important event that ever occurred in regard to
women’s participation in sport. In brief, Title IX declared, “No person in the United States shall,
on the basis of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected
to discrimination under any educational program or activity receiving federal financial assistance.”
Initially, this piece of legislation was overlooked in the sports world. In 1971, there were nearly
3.7 million boys playing varsity high school sports, but just 295,000 girls (a 12.5: 1 ratio). A number
of lawsuits followed and women’s participation rates soared in the 1980s and 1990s (See Chapter
10 for current participation statistics).
In the 1970s, feminists realized that with sport, they had a social institution that provided a
clear arena to document and measure sexual inequality. Feminists critiqued sport as “a fundamen-
tally sexist institution that is male dominated and masculine in orientation” (Theberge 1981: 342).
As Messner and Sabo (1990) describe feminism of the 1970s and 1980s:
Feminist analyses uncovered a hidden history of female athleticism, examined sex differences in
patterns of athletic socialization, and demonstrated how the dominant institutional forms of
sport have naturalized men’s power and privilege over women. The marginalization and trivializa-
tion of female athletes, it was demonstrated, serve to reproduce the structural and ideological
domination of women by men. In the decade that has followed, the feminist critique both of the
institution of sport and of the androcentric biases in sport studies has had a profound impact.
Feminism now makes a major contribution to defining terrain of scholarly discourse in sport stud-
ies [2].
Feminists and equality minded theorists and professionals have so successfully increased the
role of women in sport (both in terms of perception and participation) that many young female
athletes today take for granted their opportunity to play sports and have seldom faced outright
discrimination like their female predecessors had experienced. This is not to imply that full gender
equality is found in sport today. As we shall see in Chapter 10, gender issues are still relevant in
the sports world.
Among the criticisms of feminist theory is its primary focus on just half of the population—
women. As the role of women in society (and sport) has changed so too has the role of men. The
issues facing men must also be addressed, especially if feminists hope to change the once-dominant
view held by men against women’s increased participation in sports. Focusing a theory on just one
issue—gender—leaves the feminist approach open to objections that it ignores other critical vari-
ables (e.g., social class, race, and willingness and desire of individuals to play sports). There are
feminists, such as Sandra Harding, who have noted that gender, class, and race are interlocking
variables and cannot be separated. In addition, Carol Gilligan, author of In a Different Voice (1993),
raises the possibility that women, in general, may have a different concept of competitiveness than
men do, rooted in their moral concerns. She writes: “Sensitivity to the needs of others and the
assumption of responsibility for taking care lead women to attend to voices other than their own
and to include in their judgment other points of view” (16). Such an “ethics of care” could mean
that men and women fundamentally differ over the importance of competitiveness and the need
for a hierarchical structure in sports contests.
Thus, the wide variety of approaches to feminist thought demonstrates that feminists lack
a clear and comprehensive agreed-upon theory to explain human behavior and gender differences
in sport.
Functionalism, conflict, symbolic interactionism, and feminism represent four of the more
“traditional” theories of sociology that may be applied to the sports world. We now address a pair
of related theories that has been mostly applied to the sports world and not to other social insti-
tutions. The first concept is “basking in reflected glory” (BIRG) and the second is “cutting off
reflective failure” (CORF).
Attachment and BIRG and CORF Theories

There’s a tendency among humans to attach themselves to successful others while distancing
themselves from persons who have been stigmatized in some manner. For example, if you win a
multi-million dollar lottery, chances are, many people will suddenly claim to be your best friend
or closest relative! A kid from “the hood” who makes it big as a professional athlete will have all
sorts of people trying to attach themselves to the successful person. However, if you do something
wrong or “bad” (e.g., being accused of rape or pedophilia) chances are many of your so-called
friends will suddenly distance themselves from you. There’s a song by John Lennon, “Nobody
Loves You (When You’re Down and Out),” that expresses this sentiment. Lennon wrote the song
during a time of depression and loneliness. The idea being that when you are depressed and shut
yourself off from others, the attachment you once had is broken. Conversely, individuals who are
cheerful and happy will attract others.
That we attempt to associate with successful others is rooted in a branch of human study
known as “attachment theory.” Attachment theory itself is quite complex and multifaceted (Mooney
2009). Essentially, attachment theory centers on the idea that infants, from the moment they are
born, are completely dependent upon primary caregivers providing nourishment and safety in order
to survive. Strong attachment to primary caregivers represents an aspect of human survival.
Attachments take on meanings beyond basic survival; they become emotional. Humans are
often very emotional and form strong attachments with a number of select others as they grow
and age. Following primary socialization (provided by parents, guardians or caregivers), we form
bonds with peers and develop friendships. Some friendships last a lifetime while others fade. Most
people date and eventually mate and form a strong attachment to each other. Having one’s own
child leads to the “circle of attachment” wherein a new caregiver role is established.
We become attached to many other entities as well, including the community we are raised
in, the schools we attend, and the activities that give us a visceral stimulation. For some, belonging
to a musical band, choir, dance troupe, or ball team stimulates feelings of attachment. Sports fans,
especially passionate ones, develop a strong emotional attachment to their favorite athletes and
teams. When the attachment level is particularly high, the emotions of sports fans become inter-
connected to the fortunes of the team’s performance. Thus, when the team wins, we feel better.
And when the team loses, we feel pain.
When highly attached sports fans feel better about themselves because of the success of their
favorite team, they are said to be “basking in the reflected glory” (BIRG) of their team. On the
other hand, when people try to distance themselves (emotionally or otherwise) from the disap-
pointment brought on by their favorite team’s poor performance they are said to be “cutting off
reflective failure” (CORF).
BIRG and CORF Theories Applied to Sports

In 1976, Cialdini and associates uncovered a phenomenon which they called “Basking in
Reflected Glory” (BIRG). In their study of “big-time” college football programs, they noticed
that students had an increased tendency to wear their schools’ logo (e.g., on items of clothing) on
Mondays following Saturday victories. Additionally, Cialdini and associates note that students are
more likely to use “we” in discussing wins, but use “they” when describing losses. The BIRG theory
is based on the premise that individuals purposely manipulate the visibility of their connections
with winners and losers in order to make themselves look good to others. Individuals showcase
positive associations and try to bury negative ones, thus encouraging observers to think more
highly of them and to like them more.
Subsequent research (Snyder, Lassegard, and Ford 1986; Wann and Branscombe 1990) reveals
that in additions to increasing their association with successful others (BIRGing), people also tend
to increase the distance between themselves and unsuccessful others. This phenomenon is called
“Cutting Off Reflective Failure” (CORF).
Wann and Branscombe (1990) theorize that the extent to which allegiance to a group
or team that a person has will modify the effects of BIRGing and CORFing. They suspect
that individuals high in identification would demonstrate a stronger tendency to BIRG in their
team’s success when compared to persons low in identification. The reverse was anticipated for
CORFing; persons high in identification should CORF less than those low in identification. The
results of their study support their hypotheses. Persons high in identification did show an increased
tendency to BIRG following the team’s victory, relative to persons moderate or low in allegiance.
In addition, persons highly identified with the team appeared to maintain their association with
the team even when faced with defeat, thereby showing a reduction in the tendency to CORF
when compared to those lower in identification. Consequently, Wann and Branscombe show that
the effects of BIRGing and CORFing are affected by one’s identification level to the group or
team.
The pervasive nature of group identification has shown that fans identify not only with
sport teams but with the institutions represented by sport teams they support. In fact, fans who
maintain high levels of identification with a sports team also show feelings of bonding with other
fans of that same team (Wann and Branscombe 1993). Throughout time people have derived
much of their identity and self-worth from groups to which they have membership (Baumeister
1991).
In an attempt to replicate Wann and Branscombe’s (1990) findings, Delaney (1999) con-
ducted research on a sports booster group (the Southern California Browns Backers Association)
in 1993. Delaney’s research analyzed BIRG and CORF techniques based on respondent’s identi-
fication and self-esteem levels. Respondents were asked a number of questions that reflect BIRG
(Questions 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 8) and CORF (5, 6, 9) tendencies (See Table 2.1).
Table 2.1. Birg and Corf (in percent [N = 502])

BIRG and CORF Variables Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
Wear more apparel after a win 4 25 58 13
Read sports pages regardless of outcome 51 40 7 2
Read additional sports articles after a win 37 34 25 4
Buy more newspapers after a win 9 16 58 17
Do not read newspapers after a loss 1 2 54 42
Try to block out a Browns defeat ASAP 5 37 45 13
Try to relive Browns’ highlights after a win 13 46 35 6
After win, watch as many highlights as possible 39 43 16 2
After a defeat, watch one, or no, highlights 8 34 47 11
Based on past research, Delaney (1999) hypothesized that highly identified fans will display
increased tendencies to BIRG and decreased tendencies to CORF. In contrast, moderate fans are
less likely to BIRG and more likely to CORF. In Table 2.2, BIRG and CORF tendencies are exam-
ined by high and moderate levels of identification. Nearly all variables reveal a statistical difference
based on one’s identification level (Question 1 did not). The results show that highly identified
fans exhibit many signs of BIRGing but not of CORFing. Meanwhile, the moderately identified
fans are less likely to BIRG, but also less likely to CORF. Thus, the tendency to BIRG is consistent
with past research, but the tendencies to CORF are not consistent with past research. One expla-
nation for this is, perhaps, the fact that the entire group under study may have been more highly
identified fans than non-booster fans.
Table 2.2. Birg and Corf by Identification Level (in percent [N = 502])
BIRG/CORF Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
Variables High Mod High Mod High Mod High Mod
APPVICT 3 4 27 24 58 58 12 13
RDSPRTPG 35 61 52 33 10 5 3 1
ADDSPRT 25 44 41 31 31 21 3 5
MORNSP 4 12 13 18 66 53 17 17
DEFPAP 0 2 3 1 59 52 38 45
BLOCK 2 8 34 38 52 41 12 14
RELIVE 4 18 37 52 49 27 10 3
HILIGHTS 20 51 56 36 21 13 3 0
DEFLIGHT 4 10 37 33 52 45 7 13
Variable Key (For Tables 2.2 and 2.3):
APPVICT—Wear more apparel after a win
RDSPRTPG—Read sport pages regardless of outcome
ADDSPORT—Read additional sport articles after a win
MORNSP—Buy more newspapers after a win
DEFPAP—Do not read newspapers after a loss
BLOCK—Try to block out a Browns’ defeat ASAP
RELIVE—Try to relive Browns’ highlights after a win
HILIGHTS—After a win, watch as many highlights as possible
DEFLIGHT—After a defeat, watch one, or no, highlights
In Table 2.3, the relationship between one’s level of self-esteem and BIRG/CORF techniques
is examined. (Self-esteem was measured by using Rosenberg’s Self Esteem Scale.) As with the
highly identified fan, it is hypothesized that those individuals with high self-esteem will show
increased tendencies to BIRG and decreased tendencies to CORF. This is because those who are
high in self-esteem can increase positive feelings of self through BIRGing and yet, they will not
have to CORF because they possess a higher level of self-confidence than those with low self-
esteem. Thus, it is should follow that those with low self-esteem are less likely to BIRG and more
likely to CORF. Those with low self-esteem are more likely to CORF because it provides a means
of self-protection. An examination of the results revealed in Table 2.3 indicate that those with
high self-esteem have a slightly increased tendency to BIRG compared to those with low self-
esteem. The tendency to CORF is nearly identical for members of both high and low levels of
self-esteem. Based on the results of this study, the argument that BIRGing and CORFing are tech-
niques used in the maintenance of self-esteem is tenuous, at best.
Table 2.3. Birg and Corf by Self-Esteem Level (in percent [N = 502])
BIRG/CORF Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
Variables Low Mod High Low Mod High Low Mod High Low Mod High
APPVICT 3 6 2 21 25 29 66 60 51 10 10 17
RDSPRTPG 43 54 56 49 37 37 7 7 7 1 2 0
ADDSPORT 28 38 42 44 34 28 25 25 25 4 3 5
MORNSP 8 8 42 13 18 16 69 60 49 10 14 24
DEFPAP 1 1 2 1 1 2 64 58 46 34 40 50
BLOCK 3 5 8 43 35 35 45 48 42 9 12 16
RELIVE 10 13 15 47 46 44 40 35 34 3 6 8
HILIGHTS 33 37 47 50 46 36 17 16 15 0 2 2
DEFLIGHT 8 7 8 34 36 33 53 48 43 5 9 16
The study of BIRG and CORF techniques explores some of the many ways in which indi-
viduals attempt to associate themselves with successful others while distancing themselves from
those perceived negatively. It is believed that the BIRG and CORF phenomenon is not limited to
the realm of sports. Future research should attempt to apply these same techniques within other
social worlds such as family, religion, and national pride.

Box 2: “It’s Gonna Be a Good Year”:
BIRGing and Big Fan
BIRGing (Basking in Reflected Glory) is something all true fans can relate to. But sometimes
BIRGing can get out of hand, especially when one’s entire life becomes invested in the experiences
of one’s favorite team. Such is the case for the lead character in the 2009 dramatic movie Big Fan,
written and directed by Robert D. Siegel.
In Big Fan, the comedian Patton Oswalt (in a decidedly very serious role) plays Paul Aufiero,
a diehard New York Giants fan living in Staten Island who avidly follows the team’s exploits. Like
many other fans, he reads all he can about their latest statistics, he constantly wears clothing with
the team’s logo (and on game day paints his face with the team colors), and he and his friend Sal
go to every Giants’ home game, where they gleefully take part in tailgating activities in the stadium
parking lot. (See Chapter 4 for a further discussion on the joys of tailgating.)
However, all is not quite right with Paul. For instance, instead of entering the stadium to
watch the game, he and Sal plug in a TV attached to his car and as an alternative watch the game
outside of the stadium, since they can’t afford the price of a ticket. Paul’s daily life is also, to put
it mildly, rather dismal. He works a dead-end job as a parking lot attendant, is a 35-year-old bachelor
with no girlfriend (and no prospect of ever having one), and still lives at home with his mother,
who constantly compares him unfavorably with his two siblings even while being dependent upon
him for transportation and companionship.
The bleakness of Paul’s existence is considerably brightened, though, by his deep feelings for
the Giants. In fact, he takes on a new persona as a blustery, opinionated know-it-all called “Paul
from Staten Island” as a constant caller to a late night talk radio sports show hosted by a guy called
“Sports Dogg.” During his job at the parking lot, while waiting for car owners to pay their fees,
he jots down on a yellow legal pad the thoughts he will later relay (seemingly spontaneously) on
Sports Dogg’s call-in show. His dedication to the team, his deep knowledge of the game, and his
disparaging comments about the Giants’ rivals, makes him a hero of sorts to other Giants fans lis-
tening. And, as is the case with many sports teams, he even has a hated rival—“Philadelphia Phil”—
a fanatical Eagles fan and his on-air archenemy. The two—who have never met, and don’t know
each other’s true identities—engage in nonstop battle on the show, to the delight of the listeners
(but not to Paul’s mother, whose bedroom is next to his, and who frequently yells at him through
the wall to get off the phone and go to bed).
Much to Paul and Sal’s surprise, one day they see the Giants’ quarterback (the fictional
Quantrell Bishop) driving through their borough of Staten Island. While they know as much
about him as any true fans could, they have never seen him up close before, and impetuously decide
to follow him in hopes of getting an autograph. Unbeknownst to them, Bishop’s reason for being
on Staten Island is to illegally buy drugs. Paul and Sal end up following him into Manhattan (Paul,
who seldom ventures into “The Big Apple,” is shocked by how difficult it is to find parking, a prob-
lem he never has in Staten Island). When Bishop enters a strip club, they go in as well. Uninterested
in watching the strippers, all Paul wants to do is introduce himself to his hero and get his autograph,
which he finally gets up the nerve to do. Bishop is at first polite, in the way many professional ath-
letes are when meeting their fans, even in such an unorthodox setting. But when Sal blurts out
that they’d followed him all the way from Staten Island, the drug-impaired quarterback—thinking
they witnessed his buying illegal drugs and are trying to shake him down—brutally beats up Paul,
who passes out from a concussion, only to wake up days later in a hospital room.
When Paul awakens and is told he’d been in a coma for a few days (and therefore missed
watching that Sunday’s Giants game), his first words to the visiting Sal are, “How did we do?” He’s
particularly interested in hearing about Bishop’s statistics, only to learn that the quarterback had
been suspended due to the beating that occurred in the strip club. A detective investigating the
incident (who suspects that illegal drugs were involved) tells Paul that, should he testify against
him, Bishop would likely not only be kicked off the team for good but would serve time in jail as
well. Being the “Big Fan” he is, however, Paul feigns amnesia, and since no one else who witnessed
the beating—including Sal—is willing to say what happens, the charges against Bishop are dismissed
and he is reinstated to the team.
However, Paul’s sleazy lawyer brother Jeff then files a multi-million dollar claim against
Bishop on his brother’s behalf, saying that due to the beating Paul is no longer mentally capable
of making rational decisions. When he discovers this by hearing about it on the radio, the usually
meek Paul angrily confronts his brother and has the charges dropped. But due to the claim’s initial
publicity, “Philadelphia Phil” is able to piece together the true identity of “Paul from Staten Island”
and gleefully “outs him” on the Sports Dogg show.
Ashamed and angered by losing the one thing that gave his life any sense of meaning—his
alter ego role as the blustery radio hero—Paul (whose mental stability seems to be on increasingly
shaky grounds) tracks down “Philadelphia Phil” and at first gets into his good graces by pretending
to be a fellow Eagles’ fan. The two join a group of other Eagles supporters at a Philly sports bar
to watch them play the Giants. But when his beloved team loses to their hated rival, Paul finally
loses it as well. He follows his rival into the men’s room and pulls out a gun, and reveals to the
frightened Phil his true identity, yelling out “The Eagles suck” after firing the gun several times.
Luckily for Phil, it was a paint gun, and he is unharmed (except for the damage done to his
Eagles’ logo-filled attire). But Paul is arrested for assault, and ends up in prison—ironically, given
his shielding of Bishop from having to undergo the same experience. The movie ends with Sal vis-
iting his friend in the prison, where he delights the otherwise deeply depressed Paul by telling him
that next year’s Giants season has just been published. An excited Paul eagerly reads the schedule,
and predicts a 12–4 season at the very least. And, when he realizes that he will be released in time
to attend next year’s home game against New England, Paul exuberantly exclaims to his buddy,
“It’s gonna be a good year…. No way we’re losing with us in the parking lot!”
Big Fan is a melancholy look at BIRGing gone bad. Patton Oswalt—otherwise known for
his brilliant standup comedy routines and also for being the voice of Remy the Rat in the children’s
classic film Ratatouille—is outstanding as a man whose love for his team has overridden every
other aspect of his life. Big Fan is a cautionary tale about the extremes of BIRGing and the need
to “get a life” outside of being a sports fan.
Summary
Social theory involves expressing ideas about human behavior and the social world through
the formulation of theories about social life. A theory is a statement that proposes to explain or
relate observed phenomena or a set of concepts. “Good” theories are those which can be tested
empirically.
A social theorist seeks to understand the social world by means of reason and rational
thought. These scientifically driven theorists seek validity for their theories through empirical
research and data analysis and interpretation.
George Herbert Mead described play as the stage which precedes organized games. He also
described a developmental theory of the self which is dependent upon interactions with others
in the community. It is during the “game stage” of development when children learn how multiple
roles take place at the same time, as in team work.
Contemporary sports sociology theories can be applied to sport. Functionalism views society
as an organized system of interrelated parts that seek equilibrium. Sports can play a vital role in
maintaining such balance. However, critics of functionalism feel it is too conservative and fails to
explain social change. Conflict theorists examine the role of power and inequalities found within
society. For them, sports often exemplify such power inequities. Sports are the functional equiv-
alents of religions, shielding people from harsh realities and inculcating a false sense of achieve-
ment. Sports also encourage commercialism, sexism, racism and nationalism, all conditions which
further unequal class distinctions. However, conflict theorists do not acknowledge that sports is
not necessarily exploitative and many people enjoy sports without feeling alienated.
Both functionalists and conflict theories are subject to criticism because of their macroso-
ciological orientation. Symbolic internationalism takes a micro approach, by focusing on how peo-
ple interact with each other using symbols. Humans construct the meanings they give. Sports are
filled with symbolic meanings. For instance, trophies, which may not be aesthetically great works
of art, have tremendous significance to those who win them. Symbolic internationalism has con-
nections with psychological theories, which examine personality traits of athletes and fans. How-
ever, critics of symbolic internationalism say that it is overly individualistic and ignores social
processes and structures.
Feminist theory attempts to highlight the importance of women in society while providing
evidence that gender differences are socially created rather than inherent to any sexual classification
system. It is one of the leading sociological perspectives which focuses on the discrimination and
oppression that women have undergone in all societies. As a social theory, feminism is designed
to reveal how sexual discrimination is a result of man-made conditions rather than biological dif-
ferences. While focusing on sexual equality as its aim, feminist theory has been criticized for ignor-
ing other critical variables, such as class and race. In addition, the wide varieties of feminist thought
demonstrate that such a theory lacks a clear and comprehensive theory to explain human behavior
and gender differences in sport.
Attachment theory serves as a basis for two other theories—BIRG and CORF—can be
applied to the understanding of sports. BIRG stands for “Basking in Reflected Glory” and is based
on the premise that individuals purposely manipulate the visibility of their attachment with win-
ners to make themselves look good to others. CORF stands for “Cutting Off Reflective Failure”
and is based on the premise that individuals distance themselves from perceived losers. These the-
ories help to explain the allegiance which persons have to sports teams and individuals. However,
statistical studies show that the relationship between one’s level of self-esteem and BIRG/CORF
connections with sports teams is tenuous.
Both macro theories such as functionalism and conflict theories and micro theories such as
symbolic interactionism, feminism, BIRG and CORF may be applied to the sports and help one
to understand the importance of sport to everyday life.
Key Terms
Attachment Theory The emotional bond we form with others that helps to provide personal
identity.
BIRG (“Basking in Reflected Glory”) Individuals reflect positively about themselves through a
bond and identification with successful people and teams.
Conflict Theories Theories which examine the role of power and the inequality found method-
ically throughout society.
CORF (“Cutting Off Reflective Failure”) Individuals reflect negatively about themselves through
identification with unsuccessful people and teams and attempt to distance themselves.
False Consciousness A term used by Marxists to signify the inability to clearly see where one’s
own best interests lie.
Feminist Theory An attempt to highlight the importance of women in society while providing
evidence that gender differences are socially created rather than inherent to any sexual classification
system.
Functional Imperatives A term coined by Talcott Parsons, who argued that there are four basic
“system needs” (adaptation, goal attainment, integration, and latency; or AGIL) necessary in order
for any society (club, organization, team, etc.) to run smoothly.
Functional Theory The idea that there is a general consensus in values and norms of society and
that the social institutions found within a society are integrated into a functioning whole.
Phenomenological Approach A type of symbolic interactionism which examines sport through
the senses and emotions of the player.
“Significant Others” Those specific individuals with whom a child interacts with on a regular
basis, generally the child’s immediate family members and friends (a term used by George Herbert
Mead).
Social Theory Focuses on interactions, patterns and events found in the social environment and
attempts to explain such observed phenomena.
Symbolic Interactionism The view that that human behavior involves choices and that choices
are made based on meanings, or definitions of the situation.
Theory A statement that proposes to explain or relate observed phenomena or a set of concepts
through a logically-based system of general propositions. It involves a set of inter-related arguments
that seek to describe and explain cause-effect relationships.
• Does play “make a human complete?” Can one be a fulfilled individually without engaging in
activities purely for fun?
• When do you think children begin to learn the importance of teamwork and cooperation?
• Do you agree or disagree with the statement that “Sports are the opiate of the people”? Why
or why not?
• Do you think that the Penn State University football organization was rightly punished by
the initial sanctions levied by the NCAA? Do you think that NCAA did the right thing by
reducing the penalties against the Penn State football team? Explain.
• Do you think that men and women have different views on the nature of competition?
Explain.
• Do you think that women’s sports are more supported now than they were previously?
• Do you think that the BIRG and CORF theories, which are based on a presumption of
“attachment,” have validity? Why or why not? Give examples of when you BIRG and/or
CORF.
CHAPTER 3
A Brief History of Sport
Undoubtedly, all sports fans have heard stories about the legendary “Mighty Grog,” the all-
time qualfire leader. The qualfire record is the most treasured of all in the sport of Kalrina—which
has its roots in the Quarryville League circa 150,000 bce. The “Mighty Grog” solidified his immor-
tal status, and eventual induction into the Quarryville Hall of Fame, during his final fire appearance.
Grog needed to last four seconds in the “pit of fire” and emerge with the elusive qual to secure his
team’s victory. The crowd was at a frenzy pitch cheering their hometown hero. As Grog emerged
with the elusive qual he grunted his superiority and turned his back on his unworthy opponents.
The fans threw rocks into the air, batting them with their clubs, as they descended to earth as a
sign of their approval. The beaten foes threw themselves headfirst into the fire to demonstrate
their shame. Poems and stories would immortalize this great athlete and his accomplishments.
Cave paintings gave vivid depictions of his victory. His legendary status has only grown over the
centuries.
Well, as most students have quickly figured out, the above story is fantasy. The truth is,
although no one knows for sure when humans first played sports, there is no evidence to indicate
that sport existed in prehistoric times. Thus, our discussion of the history of sport begins with the
“ancient” societies.
Ancient Sports (Circa 1400 bce–800 bce)

The word “history,” when applied to humanity, refers to the period of time when humans
first provided a formal written account of events and, thus, not the entire scope of our civilization.
This realization helps to underscore the selection of the chapter’s fictional account of a pre-historic
sporting event. That is, prehistoric humans may have participated in some sort of sporting activity,
but without documentation, how would we know?
Sports in Ancient Africa

The first variations of sports and games of the ancient world would reveal a pattern that held
consistent until the time of the Romans; namely, that early sport reflected religious significance
combined with activities associated with physical survival. For example, Africans participated in
archery because it was valued as a warring skill and dance because it held religious value.
Sports in ancient Africa are divided into two uneven categories: Egypt and the rest of the
continent. Egypt, because of its geographical location (at the crossroads of Africa, Asia, and
Europe), has always been different from the rest of Africa. The ancient Egyptians were a highly
advanced society that had a written language and left behind visual biographies in the form of wall
paintings, thereby providing archaeologists with a wealth of information on their sporting activities.
50
On the other hand, the rest of Africa remains mostly a mystery. We do know that archery and
dance were popular throughout Africa, as were a wide variety of games that required dexterity and
skill.
As for Egypt, a number of identifiable sports were played, including archery, stick fighting,
wrestling, dance, running, swimming (especially in the Nile River), mancala (a counting strategy
game), and senet, also called senat (one of the world’s oldest recorded tabletop games) (Craig 2002).
Poliakoff (1987) also mentions boxing and pankration as sports played in ancient Egypt. “Pankra-
tion (or in Latin spelling, pancratium) is a Greek word that means ‘complete strength’ or ‘complete
victory.’ … These terms reveal a lot about the sport: pankration allowed boxing, kicking, wrestling
throws, strangleholds, and pressure locks. The bout ended when a competitor signaled unwilling-
ness or inability to continue the fight” (Poliakoff 1987: 54). The ancient sport of pankration is
actually much like today’s “ultimate fighting.” (This helps to explain why some people consider
ultimate fighting as an ancient, barbaric sport.)
Stick fighting is a particularly interesting sport in Egypt as it was a minor sport elsewhere in
antiquity. The Egyptians held formal stick fighting contests and their artwork shows crowds of
spectators watching the fighters. Some stick fights involved combatants wearing a shield on the
left arm, keeping the right arm free to swing. As Mandell (1984) explains, “The sticks, which are
about a meter long, were swung with the right hand, the left arm being shielded. Some stick fighters
wore a light helmet to protect their faces and ears” (21). It remains unclear, unfortunately, how a
winner was determined, although most believe a record of “hits” were recorded and perhaps a
knockout blow also determined a winner.
Sports in Ancient Asia

As in other parts of the world, sports in ancient Asia were tied to physical survival. Partici-
pation in Asian sport also possessed a philosophical quality. There is great diversity in the Asian
continent, and as a result, sports varied from one society to the next. Ancient Chinese culture was
relatively advanced and served as “the major civilization of the Far East” (Freeman 1997: 62). Chi-
nese culture is rich in sport and game participation. The Chinese played many board games includ-
ing chess. Early versions of soccer (called t’su chu, a regimented game involving a foot striking a
ball is traced back to 770 bce), polo and competitions in archery and wrestling were practiced by
the Chinese people. Polo, or pula, is believed to have begun in Tibet and then spread throughout
Asia; recognizable evidence exists in Persia dating from 525 bce (Bell 1987). In addition, “A pro-
gram of mild exercises, similar to gymnastics-oriented calisthenics, was developed and called cong
fu. The objective was to prevent disease, which the Chinese believed could result from a lack of
physical activity. Dancing was also popular. Although it was primarily ceremonial, there were both
religious and popular forms. The popular forms were informal recreational dances” (Freeman
1997: 63). Martial arts, of course, were also popular in China, and throughout Asia. “In Mongolia,
the men have participated for centuries in what they consider the ‘three manly sports’ of archery,
equestrian races, and wrestling” (Craig 2002: 58).
Japanese ancient sports are similar to the Chinese and include board games, archery, and
sumo wrestling. The Japanese had their own version of chess called shio-ghi, played chiefly by the
intellectual classes (Falkener 1961). Sports were not as predominant in Indian society. There were
some recreational sports and games dances that were used for ceremonial purposes and religious
observances.
The review of ancient sports in Africa and Asia represent a mere sampling of sports and
games played in the ancient world. As Craig (2002) summarizes, there are some sports, such as
archery and wrestling, that are indigenous to nearly all cultures of the ancient world. Throwing
objects (e.g., spears), dancing, and running are also common sports activities shared by all ancient
people.
Sport and Ancient Greek Culture (800 bce–100 bce)

According to Bell (1987), the only non–Western game to influence the Greeks was pula, or
polo, which (as stated earlier) originated in Tibet and spread throughout Asia. The Greeks were
concerned with the use of the horse in sport, more than the sport of polo itself. “The combination
of the horse and chariot in Asia soon evolved into a chariot race that would fascinate both the
Greeks and Romans…. The first horse race as an Olympic event came at the twenty-third games
in 624 bce—one of the first visible signs of cultural cross-pollenization, the Greeks playing the
Asian game, which would lead to the Hellenistic world: everyone playing the Greek games” (Bell
1987: 92–93).
The Minoan civilization had participated in two primary sports games, boxing and bull vault-
ing (Bell 1987). Of historical note, the boxers wore boxing gloves. (The significance of this will
be explained later in the chapter.) Bull vaulting involved an individual standing in front of a charg-
ing bull, catching it by the horns, and leaping over the back of the animal. The fascination of the
Minoans with bulls did not appeal to the Hellenic world. Boxing, on the other hand, held such
great appeal that certain matches were described in Homeric poems when the sport was adopted
by the early Greeks. Poems were written to honor heroes. The most heroic quality in the era of
ancient Greece, just as it was in ancient times, was one’s ability to demonstrate physical strength
and survival techniques. “A general and persistent feature of Homer’s poems is emphasis on physical
prowess, whether this be manifested in armed combat, in organized athletic contests, in acrobatic
dancing, in erotic adventures or in the sheer capacity for survival displayed by Odysseus on his
way home to Ithaca from Troy” (McIntosh 1993: 20).
The Egyptian sport of pankration found its way to Greek society as well. “The object was,
as in boxing, to force the opponent to acknowledge defeat, and to this end almost any means was
allowed” (Gardiner 1930: 212). Serious injuries occurred often. The Spartans used pankration as
a means of training warriors. Eventually, rules prohibiting biting and gouging were introduced to
the sport. As with ultimate fighting, or street fighting, participants work with their strengths. Gen-
erally, taller athletes, with a longer reach, rely on hitting; while short, stocky athletes rely on
wrestling.
The ancient Greeks loved their sports; this characteristic reflected the highly competitive
character of the Greeks, “who were not only avid participants in athletic contests but also regularly
held competitions in, for example, dancing, lyre playing and drinking…. In a society as competitive
as that of the ancient Greeks, it is not surprising that sports, particularly competitive sports, were
very popular” (Sansone 1988: 76–77). Homer’s poems describe how sporting events were social
gathering events. However, it was also clear that the “contests also reveal a near obsession with
winning. The stratagems employed to win offend our sense of ‘fair play’ as, for example, in the
case of the goddess who blithely trips the superior runner, Aias” (Mandell 1984: 39). Greek society
valued physical excellence and cities glorified athletic victories of their citizens, rewarded victors
materially and honored them in legend in the form of statues and poems/stories. Every Greek city
had athletic facilities (similar to the stadiums found in most major world cities today).
Greek sport was such a serious endeavor that it took on cultural and religious significance.
The Greek culture, heavily influenced by mythology, infused religious rituals and significance with
athletics. Many city-states throughout Greece participated in religious games and festivals. As
Freeman (1997) explained, these religious events and festivals “were generally celebrated by athletic
contests, dances, and music. Some of the festivals were celebrated within a single city-state and by
only one sex, as in the case of honoring local gods. Other festivals, however, were broader in appeal
and sometimes were celebrated by all of the Greek people” (69). Freeman also acknowledges that
there is some debate over the origins of the religious games. Some scholars trace religious games
to the great Irish funeral festival, Aonach Tailteann, which may be older than the Olympics games.
Thus, “the Irish claim that it was the inspiration for the Greek games” (Freeman 1997: 69).
Clearly, the most significant of the Greek festivals was the Olympic Games. The Olympic
Games are the oldest of the four panhellenic festivals. The other three panhellenic Games were
the Pythian Games at Delphi, held in honor of Apollo; the Isthmian Games held in Corinth for
Poseidon; and the Games at Nemea, which, like the Olympics, were held in honor of Zeus (Swad-
dling 1980). Bell (1987) argues that the Olympics did not reflect any high ideals of the Hellenes,
but rather served as a way to keep the Hellenistic world unified. As we shall learn, it is common
for competition, sport or otherwise, to divide rather than unite people.
The Olympics
The Olympics were held in honor of Zeus, the most revered and powerful of all mythical Greek
gods. The first recorded Olympic Games took place in 776 bce. We know that many festivals were
held before this first recorded Olympic Games and there is speculation that the games “may have
been held originally to honor Herakles, an early traditional hero, with the worship of Zeus appear-
ing in the sixth century. Women were banned, perhaps because Herakles was a warriors’ hero, and
because the presence of women was thought to diminish the warriors’ power” (Freeman 1997: 69).
The Olympics were greatly modified over centuries but every four years, from 776 bce to 395 ce,
the games continued. People flocked to Olympia, originally a small village existing for the purpose
of hosting the most prestigious of all Greek sport spectacles. “There is no modern parallel for
Olympia; it would have to be a site combining a sports complex and a centre for religious devotion,
something like a combination of Wembley Stadium and Westminster Abbey” (Swaddling 1980: 7).
The timing of the Games was sacred to the Greeks. They took place every fours years, on the
second or third full moon alternately after the summer solstice, in the months of August or Sep-
tember (Gardiner 1930). Months before the Games began “Truce Bearers of Zeus” would set out
from Olympia wearing crowns of olive and bearing heralds’ staves to proclaim a month-long peace.
This truce was always honored, as the Games took precedence over war. The city-states leaders
did not want war to interrupt the training of the athletes or the eventual five-day competition.
Originally, women were not allowed to compete or view the Games. (The women would eventually
create their own games and dedicate them to the Goddess Hera, sister-wife of Zeus. These games
were held at a time separate from the male Olympics). The athletes competed in the nude and
were often beaten for violating rules (e.g., a false start in a race led to a whipping from a referee).
The athletes prepared themselves (trained) for a month before the Games began. Only those of
pure Greek birth were allowed to compete (Gardiner 1930). Many of the athletes spent their time
exclusively on training for the Games (like professional athletes); they had coaches, and received
medical advice and assistance. As this special treatment implies, Olympic athletes were generally
privileged males from well-to-do families.
There are some romantic revisionists who look at the ancient Olympics as something the
modern Olympics should strive to be. Ironically, perhaps the modern Games are already like the
ancient ones. Consider, the ancient Olympics were sexist (did not allow women), elitist (only those
from wealthy families could participate), racist (Greeks only), politically corrupt and full of displays
of poor sportsmanship (poor sports, cheaters, and enviousness of winners). Students may want to
examine other ways that the ancient and modern Olympics mirror one another.
Regardless of any criticism of the original Olympics, they stand alone as a monumental tes-
tament to the value of sport in ancient Greece. They also represent an idealistic view of how sport
could/should be organized.
Sport and Roman Culture (100 bce–500 ce)

The Olympics stand alone as the longest running sporting event in human history. The Games
survived early Roman occupation, but eventually disappeared after it lost Roman financial support
due to a Roman public that preferred bloody gladiator sports.
Before the infamous gladiator games dominated Roman culture, citizens participated in a
number of games. The Romans, especially the wealthy, loved to play ball games. Playing ball
afforded participants an opportunity to increase coordination and provided a measure of physical
fitness. Although harpastum (interpreted in a variety of ways, including as an early form of rugby,
“keepaway,” or “monkey in the middle,” was played by of a group of players) and trigon were never
major spectator sports, there was a following for these athletes and games.
Roman children and adults participated in hoop bowling, loosely described as a game that
entailed participants throwing a spear, or stick, or stone through a rolling hoop. The hoop was
pushed to keep it rolling through the streets. The Roman hoops generally had jingling rings
attached to forewarn oncoming traffic to clear a path (Craig 2002).
Initially, the Romans had a different perspective on sport than the Greeks. They did not con-
sider sport to be a philosophical activity but were more interested in military development and
popular entertainment. The Romans, unlike the Greeks, had no interest in the balanced develop-
ment of the individual. For the Romans, sport was merely a practical activity.
As a predatorial regime, the early Roman Empire placed a great deal of importance on military
training. General physical education and training for boys was directed almost exclusively toward
military goals. Military training involved pace training in marching, weapons proficiency, and
weight training. Swordsmanship was a valued trait for Roman soldiers. It should be noted that
professional athletes, along with coaches and trainers, were also expected to maintain a strict phys-
ical training program.
Over the centuries, the Roman Empire continued to grow. During the later centuries of the
Empire, the Romans no longer felt the need to train. The Empire paid armies to fight for it, and
other armies to defend Rome from potential invaders. Slaves did most of the day-to-day work pre-
viously performed by poorer citizens. Romans no longer had to work to survive; the state even
provided free food. Political corruption abounded. Roman societal morals and ideals of patriotism
and self-sacrifice continued to deteriorate. Roman citizens became increasingly bored and restless.
They needed a diversion. What they got was entertainment spectacles; especially in the form of
the brutal gladiator games.
Gladiator Games
Rome’s citizens had become lazy; they had transformed themselves into a nation of spectators
more content with watching other people play sports and athletics than performing such activities
themselves. (It could be argued that the United States has become a nation of spectators, much
like Ancient Rome.) Greek festivals and the pursuit of athletic excellence was not enough for the
Romans. Instead, the Romans wanted a show, a spectacle, and the bigger the better. Winning was
everything; and the more decisive the victory, the better. After a few centuries, the Romans had
completely transformed the Greek ideal of athletics and sports. As Dunning (1999) indicates, the
ancient Roman gladiator “sports” represent a regression into barbarism. The Romans ignored the
decay of sport and sportsmanship. The level of cruelty and violence in Roman gladiator sport, the
massacres and the bloodthirst of the crowds, were very different from the contests engaged in by
the ancient Greeks.
The gladiators of the Roman spectacles entered the arena with the intent to kill each other;
the spectators were fully aware of this. Romans developed a great appreciation for the “art” of
killing. The gladiators were fed three meals a day, received relatively good medical care, and if they
performed well enough, they could gain their freedom. They were not allowed to become citizens,
however. Females were allowed to be gladiators and the practice was rather widespread, until
women were forbidden to participate by the Emperor Septimius Severus in the early 3rd century ce.
The gladiator games pitted “undesirable” people (e.g., criminals, captured soldiers, slaves, and
Christians) against heavily armed and trained gladiators. Generations later, gladiators would be
matched against such animals as lions, crocodiles, bears, and elephants. Beyond human death, it
was common for hundreds of wildlife deaths to occur during a gladiator spectacle. During a “half-
time,” or lunch break, executions would be performed against those convicted of capital offenses.
Burning at the stake or crucifixion was a common method of execution. These also served to enter-
tain the Roman spectators.
As Zeev Weiss (2014) points out, Herod the Great built theaters, amphitheaters, and hippo-
dromes at great expense in ancient Palestine in an attempt to ingratiate himself with Rome. While
rabbinic and clerical elites tried to convince their respective populations not to participate in
pagan form of entertainment such as the Romans, Jews, Christians and Romans all intermixed in
the Palestinian gladiator games from first century bce to the sixth century ce.
Sport in the Middle Ages (500 ce–1500 ce)

The secularization of sport that started during the Roman Empire continued during the Mid-
dle Ages. This was a transitional period between a time when a large, unified nation or civilization
(the Roman Empire) had disappeared and a later time when nations regained strength and stability
(the Renaissance). Greek festivals and Roman spectacles were replaced by a variety of tournaments,
hunts, and folk games. Sport participation during this era tended to be class specific.
Participation in tournaments was restricted to the upper class, although all classes were allowed
to be spectators of the knights who displayed their prowess. The tournaments actually have chariot
racing as their roots. During the early Middle Ages, chariot racing was quite common in Eastern
Europe and the events staged were similar to what the Greeks had done a thousand years earlier (e.g.,
two- or four-horse teams driven by professionals on a roughly 900 meter course, generally running
7 laps) (Mandell 1984). The medieval tournaments conducted by knights served the dual purpose
of providing entertainment but also served a military purpose: training for fighting. The tourna-
ments lasted for centuries (11th–16th) until the invention of gunpowder would make such an activ-
ity inane. (King Henry II of France died from jousting injuries in 1599, ending the tournament
games there.) Performed primarily in France, England, Germany, and southern Europe, tourna-
ments featured armed horsemen in simulated battle. They were held with great pageantry at the
invitation of royalty or the nobility and were meant to display the ideals of chivalry (e.g., a knight
fighting for “a fair maiden’s hand”). Jousting (two knights in full armor ride at high speed directly
toward one another with the object to unhorse one’s opponent with a long tilting spear) was the
most famous activity of the knights during the tournaments, but tourneys featuring two opposing
factions of knights were also held. Death was common. The dead knights often had their posses-
sions stolen from them. Those knights who lived but lost in battle were potential victims of hostage
demands (the kingdom of the losing knight might pay a ransom for the safe return of the knight).
The medieval sport of jousting is reenacted at a Renaissance Faire.
Jousting became obsolete as gunpowder became increasingly prominent in warfare. Today,

interestingly, jousting is popular at medieval reenactment faires and is the official sport of the state
of Maryland. Instead of two combatants riding at each other in full gallop and wearing armor, a
solitary rider, without armor, attempts to place his or her spear through a small ring that is sus-
pended roughly in the same position that an ongoing rider would be. In subsequent rounds the
ring keeps getting smaller.
Hunts and other activities that lead to the death of animals are viewed by some as barbaric,
and yet, most of these same activities exist today. Cock-fighting and dog-fighting, for example,
occur in many places of the world, including the contemporary United States. Hunting was not
restricted to the poorer classes, as “leisured Europeans hunted with horses, dogs, hawks, and falcons”
(Mandell 1984: 112). Mandell also points out that there are almost no literary records of fishing.
He assumes, therefore, that either fishing was viewed as a degrading trade, or if it was pursued
strictly for leisurely purposes, it would have been done only by illiterate, lower-class persons.
During the Dark Ages, archery remained as a popular activity (as it had been in ancient Egypt
and Greece). Archery had been popular in war for thousands of years, but now, a bull’s eye target
was established for sporting purposes—although, as Bell (1987) points out, the target could just
as easily be a barbarian or a rival lord. The invention of the crossbow, a later development, proved
to be a status symbol among archers, and because it was an expensive instrument, tended to identify
people of a higher social status.
Because the peasants were not allowed to be participants in the upper class tournaments,
they played a number of folk games, some with ancient origins. Dance, for example, remained
popular during the Middle Ages just as it had for thousands of years prior. All social classes par-
ticipated in dance, although their venues were quite different. The peasants, for example would
dance at local festivals, while the wealthy would enjoy facilities equipped with stages and other
conveniences of the time. Boxing, with its roots in the ancient world, was still common during the
Middle Ages. The game soule, a French game (called la soule) similar to rugby, served to unite
members of all classes (e.g., farmers, clergymen, and noblemen) from one city or town who teamed
together against another city or town. After the game, it was common for members of both teams
to share a communal meal, thus encouraging a sense of equality and fellowship.
Sports such as field hockey have their roots in medieval Ireland. The Celtics played with a
curved stick and a rough style of play that was so physical; it is believed by some sport historians
that the origins of the term “fighting Irish” originated from field hockey (Bell 1987). The Irish also
played a game called “fives” (five fingers to the hand) that is the forerunner to handball. They
players bounced a ball off a single wall, alternated turns, and kept score.
Bowling has its roots in the Middle Ages. It was so popular that in 1366 King Edward III of
England outlawed bowling to keep his troops focused on archery. Bowling lanes were roofed over
for the first time during the mid–15th century in Germany and it became an indoor game after
that. The Dutch would bring bowling to North America. In Connecticut in the 1840s, a tenth pin
was added; this became the standard in the 20th century.
The high price of bows led many peasants to ignore archery and pursue games, most of which
were prohibited. Football (soccer) was a popular sport in England during the Middle Ages and
although it’s true roots are hard to determine, the first certain reference dates to 1314 from an
edict of Nicholas de Farndon (Magoun 1966). From this edict it is clear that football was regularly
played in London and was regarded as a dangerous nuisance. The first recorded football fatality
occurred in 1321. There were no recorded rules of the game during this era (although there is evi-
dence that the playing fields may have been marked out), and it is, therefore, not known whether
the ball was only kicked, or whether carrying the ball was allowed. Medieval English football was
certainly viewed as an undesirable alternative to archery, however. King Edward IV specifically
forbade football and urged archery instead. In 1477, he made playing football a punishable offense
which led to imprisonment. In 1477 the king proclaimed that no person shall participate in any
unlawful games such as dice or football and that every strong and able-bodied person shall practice
archery for the purpose of the national defense of England (Magoun 1966). By the 1700s, football
was very common in England and still quite a violent game.
During the Middle Ages, the English also played a game called stoolball, in which a batter
hit a ball pitched toward an upside-down milk stool and ran around three other stools before com-
ing home safely. This game would be transformed into a game called rounders in the 17th century.
Rounders, a game much like stoolball but with a diamond shaped field, would be brought over to
colonial America, where it would eventually evolve into town ball (the rules varied from town to
town). This game would eventually evolve into baseball.
Clearly, a couple of patterns of sport were established during the Middle Ages. First, many
sports played in this era were also played in ancient times. Second, many sports played during the
Middle Ages would evolve into sports played today.
Sport in the Pre-industrial Age (1500 ce–1750 ce)

After the Protestant Reformation, Calvinism and Puritanism took hold as dominant cultural
influences in both Europe and colonial America. The ideals proclaimed by these social forces were
in stark contrast to that previously represented in sport. “Sports were seen as frivolous, profane,
useless distractions from religious observance, hard work, family devotion, and expressions of good
character that Puritans associated with good, virtuous, godly lives” (Nixon and Frey 1996: 20).
These restrictive measures were aimed primarily at the peasants. The Puritans detested the English
tradition of playing sport on the Sabbath. James I had proclaimed in a royal decree, published as
the Book of Sports, that his subjects had the legal right, after religious services, to engage in lawful
recreation (e.g., dancing, archery, vaulting, etc.). When the Puritans briefly took power in England,
“they ordered the state executioner to publicly burn the Book of Sports” (Curry and Jiobu 1984:
27).
In colonial America, the Puritans forbade sports on Sundays. They also sought to discourage
horse racing (Radar 2004). The occasional farm festival was allowed, but such activities were
restricted to post-barn raising celebrations, quilting bees and cornhusking contests (Eitzen and
Sage 1989). The New England Puritans “permitted fishing and hunting if those activities were
pursued for food, to refresh the body, or to rid the colony of vermin. Towns even paid bounties
to those killing foxes, wolves, and bears” (Radar 2004: 7–8). The Puritan influence was not so
strong in frontier America, though there was seldom time for recreational activities on the fron-
tier.
As time moved on, the Puritan influence would diminish in colonial America. The wealthy
would enjoy more opportunities for sports and leisure than most others. Horse racing and yacht
racing (not as we know yachts today) was fairly common. Yacht racing, or sailing, a sport where
one yacht chases another, first became popular among the upper classes in Holland and then
England in the 17th century. The first yacht club, the Walter Club of Cork Harbor, was founded
in Ireland in 1720. Competitive sailing continued to gain popularity in England and the United
States through the modern era. The less wealthy people enjoyed many sports, but especially bowl-
ing. At times colonial gatherings would feature a variety of games and contests on large open fields.
Hunting and other contests that led to the killing of animals (e.g., cockfighting) were common.
Because these contests involved the spilling of blood, the contemporary term used to describe
these contests is “blood sports” (Radar 2004). It was also common to gamble on sports and contests
in colonial America.
In Europe, sports had become popular at the universities, although the amount of time stu-
dents were allowed to participate in such activities was limited. University officials limited the
amount of time students played sports because they did not want it to interfere with academics.
(This is something that colleges and universities struggle with today.) Taking the Athenian
approach—the need to balance mind and body—the Renaissance era encouraged the idea of an
all-around person (i.e., a Renaissance Man). The sports played in colleges during the Renaissance
were similar to student intramural sports today. As with education, sport was generally limited to
the elite. They enjoyed such activities as swimming, running, horseback riding, acrobatics, archery,
swordsmanship, and wrestling (Freeman 1997).
Archery remained important for military purposes and became mandatory for English
soldiers. The elites also enjoyed the skill of archery. The Finsbury Archers of London, who held
tournaments in the 17th and 18th centuries, had their origins with Henry VIII, who provided a
grant for the association in 1537. The world’s oldest continuous archery tournament, the Ancient
Scorton Arrow Contest, was commissioned by England’s Charles II in 1673. Charles II viewed
archery as a sport as much as a military and hunting technique. Settlers in the United States would
also take up archery. The native people were already experienced with the bow and arrow.
The first archery club in the United States, the United Bowmen of Philadelphia, was organized
in 1828.
Modern bowling can trace its roots to mid–15th century Germany and other European coun-
tries. The Dutch brought the game to North America in the 17th century where it gained an imme-
diate and immense popularity. A section of lower Manhattan and towns in Kentucky and Ohio
were named Bowling Green in honor of this sport. In the 1840s, players in Connecticut added a
10th pin to the traditional ninepin game. As we learned in Chapter 1, bowling is the most popular
participant sport in the U.S. today.
Sport During the Early Industrial Era (1750–1900)

The rather archaic versions of sports activities that had developed throughout the previous
centuries were evolving to modern versions during the Industrial era. Industrialization was the
process of transforming an agricultural (farming) economy into an industrial one, through an
increase in large factories, rapid population growth, and urbanization. Standardized, written rules
are a sure sign of the impending modern version of sports. Heavy bureaucratization would be one
of the last developments to finish this transition from loosely-organized games to highly structured
sports leagues. “Old traditions, customs, and rituals, as well as the folk groups of family and friends,
were being replaced with such radically different social inventions as standardization, centralization,
division of labor, impersonal authority, and rational planning. Bureaucracy and formal organization
were proving to be effective ways to organize the emerging social order. This included recreation-
sport” (Leonard 1988: 33).
Golf, a sport that is likely derived from a Dutch game called “kolf ” (meaning “club”), was
first played in Scotland dating back to the mid–15th century. The formalization of golf dates to
1754 when the basic rules of the game (e.g., playing 18 holes) were established at the Royal and
Ancient Golf Club (Everard 2011). The first true golf club in the United States was founded in
Foxburg, Pennsylvania, in 1884.
In the 1860s, the Marquis of Queensbury endorsed a set of rules, including requiring boxers
to wear padded gloves and three-minute rounds that would become the standard of modern boxing.
The American John L. Sullivan, “the Boston Strongboy,” won the last bare-knuckles heavyweight
championship in 1889.
In Germany, Friedrich Ludwig Jahn (1778–1852), who is often considered the “Father of
Gymnastics,” and someone who was an ardent Prussian patriot (he was against the provincialism
of Germany), introduced gymnastics in an outdoor setting. Jahn described this outdoor exercise
activity area as turnplatz, or “exercise group,” which was basically a playground with various appa-
ratuses for exercises. Adolf Spiess (1810–1858), another German, would later develop a system of
“free exercises”—no apparatuses were needed.
During the late 1700s and early 1800s, Americans participated mostly in the same games and
sports as they had during the colonial era. Furthermore, the Puritan ethic still surrounded American
sport. Playing sports on Sunday was still forbidden and made officially taboo by the blue laws.
Blue laws were given this name because they were printed on blue paper in New Haven, Connecti-
cut, in 1781. These statutes restricted sports and recreation but did not forbid utilitarian activities
such as hunting and fishing (Leonard 1988). The slow transformation of American sport was pri-
marily attributed to the fact that the urbanization of American cities did not take place until the
mid–1800s. Urbanization is the process by which a country’s population changes from primarily
rural to urban. It is caused by the migration of people from the countryside to the city in search
of better jobs and living conditions.
So what social factors occurred during the mid–1850s that would lead to a new outlook on
sports in the United States? For one, massive Irish and German immigration to American cities
such as New York and Boson led to a huge urban development in the United States and also created
ethnic diversity. Traditional values were challenged and crime sky-rocketed. Overcrowded, unsan-
itary conditions characterized America’s growing cities. Numerous reform efforts were spearheaded
to alleviate social problems that plagued the cities. Although urbanization was in full bloom in
the United States at this time, social critics condemned city life and looked idealistically at rural
society. Farmers, especially, were portrayed as healthy, honest, self-reliant people (Riess 1995).
Now, physical fitness programs were promoted by social reformers as instruments of positive social
change. It was argued that sport participation would benefit society by instilling traditional Amer-
ican values upon immigrants, lower and middle class persons.
The increased importance placed on sport participation hit a snag each winter in the northern
U.S. states. As a result, a number of sports clubs emerged toward the end of the 1800s. Sports such
as basketball and volleyball were created as a result of these sports clubs. By the late 1800s a number
of sports clubs, including religious based groups such as the Young Men’s Christian Association
(YMCA), an evangelical organization founded in London in 1844, emerged throughout the United
States. James Naismith invented basketball as a class YMCA project in 1891 in Springfield, Mas-
sachusetts. He had his players shoot a ball into half-bushel peach baskets attached to the gym bal-
cony 10 feet off the ground. In men’s basketball, the number of players on a side dropped from
nine to five in 1895, a year before Chicago and Iowa played the first college game. Women starting
playing basketball in 1892. A few years after the YMCA opened, the Young Women’s Christian
Association (YWCA) was formed and encouraged women to participate in “feminine” sports such
as swimming, golf and tennis (Riess 1995). Volleyball, created by William G. Morgan while he
served as physical director of the YMCA at Holyoke, Massachusetts, was designed for older men
who found basketball too demanding (Rader 2004).
During the early industrial era, a number of sports were popular in the United States. Most
of these sports have their roots with the colonial period. However, as society became urbanized,
many sports changed as well. Horse racing, for example, became both a sporting enterprise and a
business. Race tracks built in cities helped to transform horse racing from strictly a rural sport to
an urban sport. The entrepreneurs that founded race tracks may have loved horses and horse racing,
but they also loved the economic benefits associated with owning such a business. Betting on horse
races was also very common and led to both opportunities to make money and corruption (e.g.,
fixing races, bribery) (Curry and Jiobu 1984). Horse racing was also quite popular in Canada at
this time as well. By the 1850s, there were horse races in forty towns and villages throughout the
Quebec province (Eitzen and Sage 1989). Rowing developed as the first big-time college sport and
regularly attracted huge crowds (Curry and Jiobu 1984). Cricket, an English sport, was quite pop-
ular at this time and was organized under the guidance of the American Cricket Club (1855). In
the 1850s, cricket was a very popular American sport. Bicycle riding, although not as physically
demanding as running, was viewed as an excellent form of physical activity. Kirkpatrick Macmillan
(1812–1878), a blacksmith, invented the first completely self-propelled (with foot pedals) bicycle.
Macmillan never bothered to patent his invention, but others were quick to realize that a great
deal of money could be made in the manufacturing and sale of bicycles. The earliest recorded
bicycle race was held in Paris in the late 1860s. As the bikes became lighter and safer, racing became
fashionable in Europe and the United States. In 1891, the first international bicycle race was held
at Madison Square Garden in New York City. Cycling events were held at the 1896 Olympics. The
first Tour de France, the world’s premier bicycle race, was held in 1903.
In brief, there was no shortage of sporting activities during early industrialization. It would
be fruitless to try and provide a discussion of all the variations of sports and recreation endeavors
during this time. However, baseball deserves special attention.
Baseball
By the Civil War, a number of baseball clubs were competing against one another in the
United States. Baseball was especially big in the Northeast, with New York City leading the way
in the number of teams. By 1858, there were ninety-six baseball clubs in the New York metropolitan
area. There exists a great controversy over the origins of baseball. As mentioned earlier in this
chapter, baseball is similar to the English game of rounders, but the modern version played in the
United States is not nearly the same sport. The popular belief is that Abner Doubleday (1819–
1893) is the founder of modern baseball. In 1905, the A.G. Mills commission, headed by Al Spald-
ing, wrongly credited Doubleday with inventing the game of baseball in Cooperstown, New York,
in 1839. In actuality, Doubleday was a cadet at West Point when he was supposed to have founded
baseball. The commission made its ruling based primarily on a single, unsubstantiated letter from
an elderly man named Abner Graves, who claimed to be a friend of Doubleday and present at the
time when he allegedly invented baseball. The discovery of an old baseball in an attic of a farmhouse
in Fly Creek, a village three miles from Cooperstown, was said to have substantiated the story.
The stitched cover had been torn open, revealing stuffing of cloth instead of wool and cotton yarn,
which comprise the interior of the modern baseball. The ball became known as the “Doubleday
Baseball” and is still on display at Major League Baseball’s Hall of Fame in Cooperstown.
The rules established by Alexander Cartwright include nine contestants at a time for each team
during the play of the game and the use of a diamond field with ninety feet in between the bases. Thus,
it is generally accepted that Cartwright and not Doubleday established the modern game of base-
ball. However, Cooperstown’s claim to be host to the first game of baseball is a different argument.
After three years of unorganized play, Cartwright established a permanent site for his baseball
club at Elysian Fields in Hoboken, New Jersey (1845). This is one reason why Hoboken claims to
be the birthplace of modern baseball (Hoboken disputes Cooperstown’s claim to have hosted base-
ball in 1839). Furthermore, as Adelman (1997) states, a report in the Herald mentioned that the
New York Club played a baseball game versus the Brooklyn Club at Elysian Field as early as 1843.
Despite the controversy over the exact origins of baseball, Adelman (1997) declares that “historians
universally accept the Knickerbockers as baseball’s pioneer club even as many of them recognize
the existence of earlier teams” (59). A number of New York Knickerbocker Club members claimed
to have played a “bat-and-ball” game as early as 1842, in the Murray Hill section of New York at
Twenty-seventh Street and Fourth Avenue before the club team moved to Elysian Fields in Hobo-
ken (Riess 1989).
Adding to the baseball origin controversy, city officials and historians in Pittsfield, Massa-
chusetts, claimed to have evidence proving that baseball originated in their hometown in the late
1700s. A 1791 bylaw was passed to protect windows in Pittsfield’s new meeting house by banning
anyone from playing baseball within 80 yards of the building. Baseball was so common that it was
necessary to pass the law, officials claimed. A librarian found the original Pittsfield document in
a library vault and its age was authenticated by researchers at the Williamstown Art Conservation
Center (The Post-Standard, May 12, 2004).
Claiming to be the first professional baseball club and the site of the birthplace of baseball
depends on how people define professional baseball. For example, if baseball was indeed played in
Cooperstown in 1839 (and Pittsfield, for that matter), but not by professional baseball players,
was that really a baseball game? Most sport historians say it may be impossible to ever pinpoint
the exact time and place that baseball was invented. As is often the case, according to the conflict
perspective, those in power (in this case, Major League Baseball) generally dictate the official
answer—which is, as of now, baseball was founded in Cooperstown by Abner Doubleday.
The story of baseball is far more important than a debate over its origins. Baseball attracted
huge crowds; in many cases, people were turned away from the small stadiums of the 1800s. “Even
before the Civil War, a crowd of 5,000 was not unusual for a baseball game in Brooklyn, and after
the war, crowds of 10,000 to 15,000 were attracted to the more popular games” (Szymanski and
Zimbalist 2005: 16). Baseball and Brooklyn would go hand-in-hand for another 100 years (until
the beloved Dodgers were moved to Los Angeles, breaking the hearts of Brooklyn Dodgers fans).
Baseball games were usually followed by elaborate postgame festivities where food and spirits
abounded (somewhat like pregame tailgating at American football games). Baseball was quickly
on its way to becoming the “national pastime.” And for most people, this meant being socialized
into the role of spectator and consumer of a sports culture.
The Formation of the Modern Olympics

Another critical development during the industrial era was the reintroduction of the Olympics.
In brief, the Games were revived by a Frenchman, Baron de Coubertin (1863–1937) in 1896. Paris-
born Coubertin was an aristocrat, a well-versed intellectual and talented sportsman who took part in
boxing, fencing, horseback riding, and rowing. His passion for education extended to sports education.
After visiting organized sports organizations in England and the United States, Coubertin returned
to France to persuade officials to introduce physical education in schools. Coubertin did not promote
physical education simply for sports purposes but rather, as a means of keeping his countrymen in
shape. He was convinced that the humiliating French defeat in the Franco-German War (1870–71)
was tied to the fact that the Germans were physically superior. Furthermore, in the spirit of French
democracy, Coubertin viewed sports as a way to bring the social classes together (Hill 1992).
Coubertin was convinced that sports education was an important part of the personal devel-
opment of young people. He believed that sports education presented opportunities to develop
what he called “moral energy.” To publicize his plans to revive the Olympic Games, Coubertin
established the International Olympic Committee (IOC) during a meeting held at the University
of Sorbonne in Paris on June 23, 1894. Among the ideals that Coubertin hoped the Olympics
would inspire was the concept of amateurism. Coubertin embraced this ideal when it was suggested
to him by Professor William Milligan Stone during his 1893 visit to Princeton University. Sloan
promoted what he called “clean sport” (Mandell 1984). The IOC decided that the first modern
Olympics would be held in Athens, Greece, and that they would be held every four years at a site
to be determined by the IOC. The Athens Games were a huge success. Unfortunately, the Paris
Games of 1900 and 1904 were not so successful and were overshadowed by international fairs.
The 1906 Paris Summer Olympics was a success and the momentum carried on. Coubertin served
as IOC president for 29 years and died of a heart attack in Geneva on September 2, 1937.
Thanks to the efforts of Pierre de Coubertin, the modern Olympics are now played on a reg-
ular basis, with the Summer and Winter Games alternating every two years. As with the original
Olympics, new sports are regularly added and old ones are dropped. For instance, in 1996 beach
volleyball became an Olympic sport, whereas baseball and softball have been eliminated from the
Olympics beginning in 2012. Also, as with the ancient Olympics, the modern Games are filled
with political controversy (See Chapter 13).
Sport in the Twentieth Century

A number of general aspects characterize sports in the twentieth century. According to Riess
(1995), sport is used “to engender pride in one’s hometown (boosterism) and country (nationalism).
According to conventional wisdom, people could more easily identify with their neighborhood,
city, region, or nation when they cheered for athletes or teams who represented them in sporting
competition” (26). Having a major league sports franchise became a way to express boosterism, to
show pride in one’s hometown. Sport provided a tangible comparison between cities that sym-
phonies, for example, could not. Nationalism grew throughout the twentieth century. Once again,
sport provided a tangible measurement through which comparisons between nations would be
possible. Americans were especially eager to show the British and other European powers that
their athletes were able to successfully compete in sports. Reiss also points out that technological
improvements, especially in communications, helped to fuel the interest and importance that sport
commands in the twentieth century.
Allen Guttmann (1978) suggests that there are seven characteristics of modern sports:
1. Secularism. Secularism means nonreligious. The sports of the Greeks were quasi-religious
ceremonies. Modern sports are more like Roman sport with an emphasis on show and spectacle.
2. Equality. Modern sports are, more or less, equality-driven. Women, minorities, and lower
class persons all have, at least theoretically, an equal chance to achieve in the sporting world.
Equality is assured because of the standardization of rules and passage of laws that ensure egali-
tarianism. Of course, participants who lack athletic ability are less likely to seeing playing time
as the level of competition increases; thus, there is always some form of inequality in sport.
3. Specialization. In an attempt to keep an edge over competitors, many advanced athletes prac-
tice their primary sport almost exclusively. Furthermore, there is great specialty in sport. For
example, in baseball, there are starting pitchers, middle-relievers, “set-up pitchers” and “closers.”
Baseball’s designated hitter position (which did not exist in 1978 when Guttmann established
these characteristics) is the ultimate example of over-specialization and a clear example of dilut-
ing the quality of baseball.
4. Rationalization. Rationalization, a product of the scientific, lucid outlook on social life that
characterizes modern society, is exhibited in the development of standardized rules.
5. Bureaucracy. As German sociologist Max Weber (1864–1920) articulated, bureaucracies are
goal-oriented organizations designed to meet rational goals. As sports evolved, the bureaucracy
that oversees it also continued to grow (mirror-effect). Guttmann used the IOC as an exemplar
of an overly bureaucratic sports organization. The modern world is so overly-bureaucratic that
it often seems impersonal. Realizing this, Weber viewed future society as an “Iron Cage”
(inescapable from bureaucracy and rationalization) rather than paradise (Delaney 2004).
6. Quantification. The rationalistic approach to social life involves documenting everything.
Measurement and keeping performance records is a critical aspect of modern sport. The beauty
of quantification (numbers and statistics) is that it provides something tangible for the athlete
and participant. A bowler realizes the significance of a 300 game. A golfer wants to shoot below
par. Major League Baseball hitters want to reach the 762 number (Barry Bonds’ career record).
Quantification is equated to precision. It provides a specific goal to strive for.
7. Records. Directly tied to quantification, the concept of keeping records is mirrored by soci-
ety’s idea of progress. As long as records are being broken, progress is being made. Thus the
cliché, “Every record was made to be broken.” Fans and athletes alike love the chase of famed
records; it reflects our continuous desire to improve, to be “the best ever.”
The characteristics of sport described in this section are meant to provide a highlight of the
primary features of modern sport. In the proceeding chapters, the review of a number of specific
topics (e.g., gender, race, politics, and economics) will focus on a number of specific characteristics
(both positive and negative) that characterize sports today.
Sports Played
Most of the same sports played since industrialization still exist today. In the following pages,
we will provide a highlight of some of the more popular ones. Among the more popular sports
played is billiards (or pool). The ancient activity of lawn game (dating back to ancient Persia) is
most likely the forerunner of billiards. A similar table game developed in England and France in
the 14th century, although it is unknown if this game evolved into billiards. Pocket billiards, or
pool, originated in the 1800s. In the twentieth century billiards became hugely popular. Tables
were found in pool halls and saloons. In the mid–1920s there were about 42,000 poolrooms, over
4,000 in New York City alone (Riess 1989). Poolrooms also had a bad public image, as they were
viewed as places where young males went to gamble and drink and otherwise engage in deviant
behavior. In the early 1900s poolrooms outnumbered bowling alleys, but this would change by the
end of the century, as bowling is the number one participatory sport in the United States.
Tennis and golf are two relatively popular participant sports; both have often been viewed
as semi-elitist sports, played mostly by upper-class persons. Dwight Davis, for whom the “Davis
Cup” in tennis is named, attempted to make tennis accessible for all—not just the country club
crowd—early in the twentieth century. Davis was a world class tennis player and a World War I
hero who served as President Coolidge’s secretary of war and as President Hoover’s governor
general of the Philippines. Davis realized that most inner city children did not have adequate
places to run and play. He promoted building playgroups where people from all social classes could
enjoy recreational activities such as tennis. As park commissioner of St. Louis, Davis was responsible
for a boom in parks development. By late spring 1913 there were tennis courts at four parks (includ-
ing 32 new courts at Forest Park alone) in St. Louis. Many other cities followed suit and before
long parks across the country had tennis court facilities. Today, tennis is played at most public
high schools, but overall, it has remained primarily a sport for upper-class white persons.
Throughout most of the twentieth century, golf was played on private country club courses.
These private clubs restricted play to a mostly upper-class, male, white clientele. Although the
multiracial Tiger Woods is a household name, when he first joined the professional tour (PGA),
he was confronted with the reality that some golf courses still did not allow blacks to play. Today,
many public courses have extended the participation of golf to middle-class persons.
As mentioned earlier, baseball evolved from the English sport rounders. Throughout most
of the twentieth century, baseball was known as the “national pastime” because it was the most
popular sport in the United States. Youth played baseball, followed professional baseball, collected
baseball cards, and dreamed of playing for their favorite Major League team. For many, baseball
is a simple game to understand, but filled with chess-like strategic moves and displays of physical
excellence. Baseball is both a rural and urban game. And many of today’s Major League Baseball
(MLB) players are from economically-depressed Central American countries.
Football is a game derived from English football (soccer) and rugby. Toward the end of the
twentieth century, football replaced baseball as America’s favorite sport. American football is con-
trolled violence and it is poetry in motion. It is chaotic and it is planned precision. In many respects
it is very primal and yet quite evolved in sophistication and technology. Football is the number
one sport in high schools across the United States and the passion for this sport continues at the
collegiate level and peaks at the professional—the National Football League (NFL).
The Post-Modern Era: An Interest in “Extreme” Sports

Traditional sports remain hugely popular in American and Western societies. However, the
increasingly prominent role of sport in society has led to a nontraditional backlash. Many people,
especially the younger generation, have become frustrated with the overly specialized, overly com-
petitive and highly selective character of most traditional sports. Many sports have become so rule-
oriented that people have sought alternatives to “traditional” sports. Collectively, these “nontra-
ditional” sports are known as “alternative sports.” The most prevalent of these alternatives are
known as “extreme sports.” In this section, we will discuss the development of extreme sports and
provide a brief review of some of the more prevalent extreme sports. As we shall see, ironically, or
maybe predictably, many of these extreme sports are becoming as bureaucratized as the sports these
participants shunned.
Extreme Sports
The term extreme sports (sometimes called action or adventure sports) is a collective idiom
used to describe a number of relatively newer sporting activities that involve risky, adrenaline-
inducing action. Adrenaline junkies are susceptible to all kinds of dangerous activities not limited
to sports. Many behaviors that attract such people are often dangerous and risky, defying common
sense.
The longer any sport is in existence, the more likely it is to become standardized and com-
mercialized; many extreme sports have been unable to escape this inevitability. For example, in
1995, ESPN created the “X Games.” The X Games are a made-for-television phenomenon that
features a number of extreme sports. The popularity of the X Games led ESPN to create annual
Winter X Games and Summer X Games. Some of the events include aggressive in-line skating,
bicycle stunt riding, snowboarding, sky surfing, street luge and skateboarding. Advertisers who
covet the audience drawn to the X Games have been eager to join the extreme bandwagon. Spon-
sorships have guaranteed the success of the Games for both ESPN and the participants.
As with any discussion of traditional sports, it would not be practical to try and provide a
complete analysis of all extreme sports. Consequently, our review will be brief and begins with
post-modern variations of surfing. The thrill enjoyed by water surfers is shared by land-lovers who
transformed traditional surfing into such sports as skateboarding, snowboarding, sky surfing and
elevator surfing. Skateboarding represents one of the first activities to be classified as an “alternative”
or “extreme” sport. Skateboarding has actually been in existence for decades dating back to its
California origin during the 1950s. Skateboarding started as a dry land hobby for surfers while
they weren’t in the ocean. By the 1960s, skateboarding was so popular that a number of competi-
tions with various styles (e.g., downhill slalom and freestyle) of competition were judged (Cave
2006). Skateboarding is so popular today that it enjoys subcultural status and has been immortal-
ized by skating movies and long-time television rebel Bart Simpson.
Snowboarding is another extension of surfing. Adopting a similar stance to the surfer and
skateboarder, the snowboarder seeks gravity free moments of excitement and adrenaline rushes.
Snowboarders first appeared at ski slopes in the early 1980s. They quickly earned the reputation
as “bad boys” which only fueled the attraction of this sport to nontraditional sport enthusiasts.
In 2013, SnowSports Industries America (SIA) reported that 19.3 million people snowboard
(Wharton 2013). However, the demographic profile of snowboarders makes one wonder whether
or not they are indeed “bad boys.” According to data provided by SIA, 62 percent of snowboarders
are male, but 54 percent of them have incomes of more than $75,000 a year and 74 percent own
their own home (Wharton 2013). And while there are many reports claiming that snowboarding’s
popularity has peaked, and the Outliers Project (2014) reports that there is a decline in participation,
the millions of snowboarder enthusiasts that still exist will keep this extreme sport on slopes across
the nation and the world.
Sky surfing is an extreme sport that combines “getting air” with attempts to make “turns” on
waves or slopes prior to parachuting to safety. Elevator surfing is one of the newest extreme sports.
It involves daredevils riding, or “surfing,” on the top of elevators. The inherent danger of elevator
surfing includes being crushed between the elevator and the top of the elevator shaft or simply
falling off the elevator top and falling to one’s death. Elevator surfing typically takes place in sky-
scrapers and college campuses with tall buildings. Participants generally enter the building early
or late in the day or whenever there are few people around. They pry the doors open and use emer-
gency hatches to enter the elevator shafts.
Another example of an extreme sport is street luge. Street luge, as with most extreme sports,
evolved from existing traditional sports; in this case from a combination of ice luge and skate-
boarding. Street luge races may be conducted legally (sanctioned events) or illegally (a hill in any
neighborhood). Street lugers lie down on a skateboard-like apparatus that is equipped with four
large urethane wheels and no brakes. The luges are generally made with aluminum frames. Steering
is accomplished by leaning the body weight from side to side. Starting from the top of a hill (this
could be in any neighborhood) lugers allow gravity to take them on their thrilling joy ride. One
variation of illegal street luging involves the rider grabbing a hold of a moving vehicle for a “free ride.”
One of the most dangerous extreme sports is BASE jumping. BASE jumping is defined as
parachuting from stationary objects (e.g., buildings, bridges, steep mountains). BASE is an acronym
for building, antenna (an uninhabited tower such as an aerial mast), span (bridge, arch, or dome)
and earth (cliffs or other natural formation). Unlike skydiving, no aircraft is involved with BASE
jumping. BASE jumping is a very dangerous sport and has a high fatality rate. There have been
isolated examples of BASE jumping since the early 1900s (e.g., Frederick Law jumped from the
Statue of Liberty in 1912), but these were usually done for publicity purposes. BASE jumping is
somewhat like parachuting except BASE jumping is done from lower heights and at lower airspeed
than a skydiver. Furthermore, an off heading landing is most likely to lead to fatal consequences
for BASE jumpers, whereas skydivers have some time to maneuver. Most BASE jumpers already
know how to skydive. It is advisable that BASE jumpers learn skydiving first so that they know
how to safely fly and land a parachute (there is more room for error when learning how to sky dive
than when learning how to BASE jump).
Unlike skydiving, the FAA has no jurisdiction over BASE jumping. However, to legally BASE
jump, the jumper must secure necessary permissions to use the object that is being jumped and
the area used for landing. Obviously, due to risk concerns, there is great reluctance among most
owners of jumpable objects to allow BASE jumping. However, there is one bridge in the United
States where it is legal to BASE jump—the Perine Bridge in Twin Falls, Idaho. The bridge is a per-
fect site for jumping. It sits 487 feet above the canyon and Snake River below. There is a flat area
to land. Tom Aiello, a BASE jumping trainer at Twin Falls, has taught many people. However, he
makes all jumpers write a letter (just prior to their jump) to their family or loved ones explaining
why they are jumping and promising not to sue Aiello, Twin Falls, or the state of Idaho, if they
should get injured or die as a result of their jump (ESPN, 7/24/05). Two people have died from
their jumps at Twin Falls.
As a matter of historic sports interest, the Perine Bridge is 2 miles west of the area where, in
1974, legendary daredevil and ultimate thrill seeker Evel Knievel attempted to jump the Snake
River Canyon in his rocket-propelled motorcycle (he called it his “Skycycle”). Knievel made it
over the quarter mile wide chasm but strong winds blew the malfunctioning parachute back into
the canyon, and just a few feet away from the river in which he most likely would have drowned.
Knievel would recover from his injuries and would attempt other extreme jumps before retiring.
He died in November of 2007, shortly after a rock opera based on his life opened with excellent
reviews in Los Angeles.
One of the more brutal extreme sports is ultimate fighting. Ultimate fighting has grown in
popularity during the early 2000s. Ultimate fighting combines such traditional sports as karate,
wrestling, boxing, kickboxing, and a variety of marital arts. Ultimate fighting generally involves
participants beating up one another where the rules are flexible enough to allow for a number of
fighting styles. This sport has become standardized already under the Ultimate Fighting Cham-
pionship (UFC). The UFC is a series of international competitions televised internationally several
times a year. Ultimate fighting is little more than sanctioned gang warfare or a bully who beats
someone for the sheer enjoyment of harming another human being. Despite the brutality of this
sport and its challenge to the premise of a civilizing movement in the premodern era, the popularity
of ultimate fighting has not reached its peak.
It is important to reiterate the point that many sports classified as extreme have existed in
the past. For example, many people climbed rocks, mountains and ice glaciers before these activities
became labeled as extreme sports. Surfing is sometimes classified as an extreme sport, and yet it
has a relatively long history in the United States. Running with the bulls in Pamplona, Spain, is
certainly an extreme way to get one’s kicks in life, and yet this event dates back to the 13th century.
The annual running with bulls became popular in the late 1800s. Numerous people are gored each
year and fatalities are common in this action activity.
Participation in extreme sports is steadily growing. However, participation rates for females
in extreme sports remain distant to that of males. As with traditional sports, males generally control
access to participation and the processes by which females could become accepted as fellow extreme
athletes. Boys generally control the local parks and high school parking lots often used by extreme
sport enthusiasts, thus depriving girls of the opportunity to develop their skills. Nonetheless, the
popularity of extreme sports has increased so quickly that some of these sporting activities have
become so standardized that they are included in such international sporting contests as the
Olympics. Snowboarding, for example was included in the 2002 Winter Olympic Games.
Sports in the Future

In this chapter, a brief review of the history of sports was provided. It was not intended to
be an exhaustive listing of sports and games played throughout history, as that would take volumes
of published works. Rather, it was our intention to provide an accurate glimpse of sports throughout
human history. As we have demonstrated, a number of specific sports and activities have existed
for thousands of years. One other thing should be quite clear as well: sports have existed for so
long, and are such a pervasive aspect of humanity, they will certainly remain popular in the fore-
seeable future. Note, in Chapter 16, we will take a look at what’s trending in sports.

Box 3: “In this life or the next, I will have my vengeance”:
Gladiator Lives On
In the year 2000 one of the most popular movies was set in an era over 1800 years earlier,
in the year 180 to be exact, during the time of the Roman Empire. Gladiator, directed by Ridley
Scott, was a box-office smash and still remains a favorite film of many people. It went on to win
the Academy Award for Best Picture that year, a rarity for an adventure movie that had much in
common with previously disparaged so-called “sword and sandal” epics like Demetrius and the
Gladiators (1954), Hercules Unchained (1959), and The Fall of the Roman Empire (1964). The
film’s star, Russell Crowe, also received the Oscar for Best Actor. Gladiator featured several other
outstanding performances from great actors such as Richard Harris, Joaquin Phoenix, and—in his
last role—Oliver Reed, who died during the filming (controversially, some of his scenes were com-
pleted posthumously by digitally transposing his face onto the body of another actor).
Gladiator is the story of Maximus Decimus Meridius (Russell Crowe), a general fighting on
behalf of the Roman Emperor Marcus Aurelius in German territory, far away from the City of
Rome itself. A born leader and stoic warrior (much like Marcus himself, who was both a noted
ruler and an advocate of the philosophy known as “stoicism”), Maximus is summoned to the tent
of the Emperor (Richard Harris). The latter, who realizes that he is near death, says that he wishes
to pass his power on to Maximus, so that the general can return to Rome and restore its virtue,
which has been tainted by the corruption of crooked politicians and disloyal subjects. Maximus
refuses, saying he is unworthy of such power, to which Marcus replies, “That is why it must be
you.” It is because Maximus does not crave power that he is most likely not to abuse it—a very
philosophical observation.
But there is a fly in the ointment, as it were. Marcus’ son Commodus ( Joaquin Phoenix), a
violent and headstrong young man, fully expects to succeed to the throne upon his father’s death.
When Maximus points this out to Marcus, he vehemently replies, knowing his son’s reputation,
that “Commodus is not a moral man.” Maximus, who also knows him well, cannot disagree. And
Commodus proves this shortly afterwards, when—upon learning about Marcus’ plans—he kills
his own father by crushing him to death. Commodus also has Maximus’ wife and son murdered,
but unfortunately for him Maximus himself escapes. However, Maximus, devastated by the loss of
his family, is captured by a slave caravan who thinks he is a military deserter. He ends up being
owned by Proximo (Oliver Reed), the head of a gladiator school who has no idea of the true
identity of his new slave (which Maximus wishes to preserve as the new Emperor, Commodus, has
given orders for him to be killed on sight). Observing Maximus’ martial prowess, Proximo recog-
nizes that he has a prime new candidate for his gladiator school.
The middle part of the film deals with the training of gladiators, and the various fighting
techniques they must master before entering the arena. Gradually, Maximus—through his military
training and natural skills—becomes one of the most successful gladiators on the circuit. He wins
every tournament and becomes a “sports hero.” Proximo’s now-renowned team is invited to come
to the greatest arena of all, the Roman Coliseum, to fight in front of the Emperor himself, Com-
modus.
The plot of Gladiator becomes rather convoluted at this point. But it is the action scenes in
the arena, each one more exciting than the last, which are the true reason to see the film. One gets
a visceral sense of what life must have been like for the gladiators as they train for battle, enter the
arena, and must do everything they can to survive in hand-to-hand combat. The Roman crowd
roars its approval for Maximus’ fighting abilities and his basic nobility, especially when he refuses
to kill his opponent even though he has the chance. Commodus, meanwhile, has learned the true
identity of the warrior, and wishes him executed, but he fears the response of the Roman crowd
should he do so, because of Maximus’ popularity. Eventually (in a rather implausible scenario) the
two of them square off in the arena, but just before they enter it Commodus surreptitiously stabs
Maximus. Still, even though he knows he is dying, Maximus—with memories of the brutal killing
of his family to inspire him—wins the fight, and kills Commodus before dying himself.
Then and now, many questions have been raised about the historical accuracy of the film.
While, like all motion pictures based on real events and people, many liberties are taken with the
known facts, much of the central plot adheres to reality. Marcus Aurelius was indeed the Emperor
at the time, and like Harris’ depiction he was noted for his bravery, wisdom, and sense of justice.
And he really did have a son named Commodus who succeeded him (although there is no evidence
of his being assassinated by him). The real Commodus, as the movie shows, was fascinated by glad-
iator fights and actually did fight in the arena even when he was Emperor (and not surprisingly
won every match, since to beat him would have been to sacrifice one’s life). And, while Gladiator’s
central character of Maximus did not really exist, it was true that Commodus’ growing unpopularity
led to his execution by his own bodyguards.
However, there is no evidence that Marcus sought to restore the Roman Republic, and as far
as anyone knows he was pleased that his son would succeed him. Commodus, unlike in the film
where his time as Emperor is very short, actually reigned for 12 years, and there were many more
emperors after him, although he is usually ranked—along with Caligula and Nero—as one of the
worst. It is an interesting question why such a good and just man as Marcus had such an evil and
unjust son. Roman historians like Tacitus and Suetonius reported that there were rumors at the
time that Marcus might not have been Commodus’ real father, and that the Empress had had an
affair during one of the Emperor’s long absences with none other than the leader of the Roman
Gladiator School. So Commodus’s love of gladiator fighting might in part have been genetic!
While there is no evidence for this, it is central to the plot of another film, 1964’s The Fall of the
Roman Empire, in which Commodus (played by Christopher Plummer) is driven mad by learning
of his true parentage.
While Gladiator has many historical inaccuracies, from a sociology of sports approach it
should be pointed out that the film did generate a great deal of interest in books and articles about
the Roman Empire and its sporting events. Indeed, something called “The Gladiator Effect” was
identified shortly after the film came out, to explain the growing popularity of books—both fiction
and nonfiction—being published about Ancient Rome. Wrote Martin Arnold in 2002: “The snob
in us likes to believe that it is always books that spin off movies. Yet in this case, it’s the movies—
most recently Gladiator two years ago—that have created the interest in the ancients” (Arnold
2002).
Given the number of recent popular television shows such as Empire (2005), Rome (2005–
2007), and Spartacus (2010–2013) one can claim that “The Gladiator Effect” is still going strong.
And the movie itself remains equally popular. The Guardian newspaper declared it to be one of
the 25 Best Action and War Films of all time (coming in at number 21), adding that “the combat-
arena sequences are bloody and utterly gripping … as are the politics and the palace scheming”
(Patterson 2010). Gladiator is a rare example of a riveting adventure film that also received the
highest accolades in awards. But most of all, it has stood the test of time in the best way possible
for a movie—countless people still choose to watch it. As he did with Commodus, Maximus has
gotten the last laugh.
Summary
It is difficult to trace when sport first began. This is connected with the continuing debate
as to when humans first appeared on earth. The ancient Egyptians played a number of identifiable
sports, including archery, wrestling, running, swimming, and tabletop games. Many sports and
games in Ancient Asia had a philosophical quality, which helped to humanize their martial aspects.
The ancient Greeks loved their sports, which characterized their highly competitive nature. This
was reflected in the Olympic Games, which combined cultural and religious aspects and helped
to produce unity throughout the Hellenistic world. The Roman Empire continued the traditions
begun by the Greeks, but during this period sports became increasingly professional and secularized.
Eventually, the Roman Empire became dominated by the infamous gladiator games, which led to
a debasement of the culture.
In the Middle Ages, the secularization of sport that started during the Roman Empire con-
tinued with the rise of tournaments. These were held with great pageantry at the invitation of roy-
alty and displayed the ideals of chivalry. Such tournaments were limited to the upper classes, but
folk games were popular with the lower classes. The Pre-industrial age (incorporating the Renais-
sance, Reformation and Enlightenment) marked a major period of transition where religious and
philosophical debates had an impact upon the sports being played. Calvinism and Puritanism, for
instance, became dominant cultural influences in both Europe and America, and looked upon
sports as frivolous, profane distractions from religious observances. Sports did become popular in
universities, which had risen during the Middle Ages, although officials limited the time students
played because they did not want it to interfere with academics.
In the mid 1700s the Industrial Revolution radically changed the Western world, through
the introduction of machinery and mass production. With the rise of a middle class, there was an
increase in the number of people with disposable income and the time to spend on leisure and
sport pursuits. Urbanization also had an important influence on the rise of spectator sports. This
transition marked a development of higher-level organization and standardized rules.
The modern Olympics were founded in 1896 by Baron de Coubertin as a way of bringing
social classes together and encouraging international cooperation. As the twentieth century began,
sports and leisure activities enjoyed a valued status in the Western world.
Today, sport is such a well-established social institution that it is as much a part of the char-
acter of a nation as are its politics, economics, and religion. Sport has been seen as a vital part of
the civilizing process. However, due in part to increasing frustration with over-specialized, rule-
oriented sports, the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries have seen the rise of extreme
and alternative sports.
Key Terms
BASE Jumping Parachuting from stationary objects (e.g., buildings, bridges, steep mountains).
BASE is an acronym for building, antenna, span and earth.
Blue Laws So-called because they were once printed on blue paper, these are laws restricting
activities or sales of goods on Sundays or holy days.
Boosterism Efforts to engender pride in one’s hometown. Having a major league sports fran-
chise can be a means to show pride in one’s hometown.
Chivalry The qualities idealized by knighthood in the Middle Ages, such as bravery, courtesy,
honor, and gallantry toward women.
Extreme Sports A collective idiom used to describe a number of relatively newer sporting activ-
ities that involve risky, adrenaline-inducing action. Features of extreme sports may include
speed, height, danger, peril, stunts, and illegality.
Folk Games Popular and traditional games, primarily played in rural areas and passed along
from one generation to another.
Industrialization The process of transforming an agricultural (farming) economy into an
industrial one, through an increase in large factories, rapid population growth, and urbaniza-
tion.
Jousting Competition between two knights in full armor who ride at high speed directly
toward one another with the object to unhorse one’s opponent with a long tilting spear.
Marquis of Queensbury Rules Set of rules agreed upon in the 1860s which became the stan-
dard of modern boxing, including requiring boxers to wear padded gloves and limiting rounds
to three minutes.
Middle Ages A transitional period between a time when a large, unified nation or civilization
(the Roman Empire) had disappeared and a later time when nations regained strength and sta-
bility (the Renaissance).
Pankration A Greek word that means “complete strength” or “complete victory.”
Secularism The process of moving from a religious orientation toward one that is focused on
the world.
Tournaments Public contests held in the Middle Ages between armed horsemen in simulation
of real battle; these were restricted to the upper classes.
Urbanization The process by which a country’s population changes from primarily rural to
urban. It is caused by the migration of people from the countryside to the city in search of bet-
ter jobs and living conditions.
• What do you think were the earliest “sports?”
• What is “Pankration” and how does it relate to contemporary “ultimate fighting” events?
• Why was the ancient Olympics started by the Greeks? What is the idealized view of the
ancient Olympics, and how does this differ from the reality of the Games?
• How did the Romans differ with the Greeks on the role of sport in society? How did gladia-
tor fighting originate, and what were its effects on the Roman character?
• What do you think “chivalry” means, and how does it relate to the Middle Ages’ develop-
ment of sport?
• What objections did the Puritans have toward sport? Which sports did they approve of ?
• In what ways did the Industrial Revolution impact upon the development of modern sport?
Why have sports become more rule-oriented and bureaucratized? Is this a good or a bad thing,
in your opinion?
• What are “extreme sports” and how are they a reaction to the civilization process?
• Which popular sports of the early twenty-first century will still be popular in the early
twenty-second century?
• Will sports remain popular 100 years from now?
CHAPTER 4
The Impact of Sport on Culture
Once upon a time, there was a legend of a man who could “walk on water.” Imagine that,
walking on water. How could that be possible? This man resided in the tropical paradise of Hon-
olulu, Hawaii, but word of his accomplishments reached faraway lands. The legend grew so big
that people in the United States wanted to see for themselves someone perform such an extraor-
dinary feat. And so, this mysterious fellow left his tropical homeland for America so that he could
showcase his talent. Tens of thousands of people descended upon the beautiful Redondo Beach,
California, shoreline to witness this miracle. The curious wanted to know who was this “man who
could walk on water.” His name was George Freeth, and although he was descended from Hawaiian
royalty, he was no god. Freeth was a surfer. Henry Huntington, a wealthy Californian entrepreneur,
had witnessed Freeth surfing while he was on vacation in Hawaii in the early 1900s. Huntington
convinced the part royal Hawaiian and part Irish beach boy to come to Redondo Beach in 1907
to promote Redondo Beach tourism. Freeth was advertised as the “Man who can walk on water.”
George Freeth did much more than simply bring surfing to the United States; he helped to
transform the Southern California culture. For many, surfing is not just a sport, it is a lifestyle with
a spiritual feel to it. Beach communities throughout the United States have developed a highly
identifiable subculture centered on surfing and the beach way of life. Surfing as a subculture will
be discussed later in this chapter.
Defining Culture
No review of the sociology of sport is complete without a chapter on the role of culture and
sports. The study of culture is one of the most important things sociologists do because of the impact
of culture on individuals, groups, organizations and society. Culture is defined as the shared knowl-
edge, values, language, norms, and behavioral patterns of a given society that are handed down
from one generation to the next and form a way of life for its members. The prevailing culture of
a society will dictate what is “proper” and “improper” behavior based on a number of variables,
including the context and circumstances of a situation. For example, a child who throws a temper
tantrum in a store is engaging in unruly behavior and is the cause of onlookers’ scorn, but such
behavior is discounted by the fact that the child is immature and has not learned to control his or her
own behavior. An adult throwing a temper tantrum is not acceptable and deemed odd or peculiar.
Oddly, a number of professional athletes, managers and coaches feel that it is okay to throw
a temper tantrum. Lou Piniella, for example, a long-time MLB manager (he was manager of the
Chicago Cubs in 2008), is known for his emotional outbursts in dugouts and on the playing field.
(Piniella has been known for kicking dirt on umpires, picking up bases and throwing them, making
a number of strange gestures, and in short, “blowing a fuse!”) Although Piniella (apparently) finds
72
this behavior acceptable, it is considered highly immature and child-like among viewers. If his
antics were not so pathetic, they would be comical. If people in any other profession were to throw
such a temper tantrum they would likely be subject to a psychological evaluation.
It is culture that influences members of society. A society refers to a group of people who
interact with one another as members of a collectivity within a defined boundary. A society also
consists of a number of highly structured systems of human organization and this organized
system helps to form the social structure of society.
Sociologists generally identify two components of culture: material and nonmaterial. Material
culture refers to the physical, tangible creations of a society (e.g., clothing, merchandise, football
stadiums, sporting equipment, automobiles, art, and so on). In societies obsessed by conspicuous
consumption, the material culture plays a prominent role. A preoccupation with conspicuous con-
sumption and conspicuous leisure leads to a consumer culture. The possession of material goods
are, in essence, “social communicators” of cultural values. In this manner, a season ticket holder
of a particular sports team is “socially communicating” to others that he or she has the time and
money to support the team on a full-time basis.
Nonmaterial culture includes the more abstract creations of society, such as beliefs, values,
ideology, and norms. To illustrate how these two components of culture work, let’s examine the
merits of building a new stadium. Most fans, owners and players value a new stadium with all the
modern amenities over an old and deteriorating stadium. However, Boston Red Sox and Chicago
Cubs fans love the character of their respective old stadiums and value the sentimentality of the
stadium over the idea of a new luxury one. The point is, no matter what type of stadium one
prefers, culture has played a role in that fan’s preference.
There are other aspects of culture that sociologists examine. We will limit our examination
to a few key aspects of culture that are of particular interest to the sociology of sport; specifically,
symbols, language, cultural diversity, and subcultures. (Social norms, the rules that govern behavior,
will be examined in Chapter 8, when we discuss the role of deviance in sport.)
Symbols
The use of symbols is another important aspect of culture. Symbols are items that possess
meaning and represent something else by association, resemblance, or convention to a people in
a society. We come in contact with a large number of symbols on a daily basis, including road
signs, parking instructions, male and female bathroom signs, and so on. Members of a society gen-
erally share an understanding of the meaning behind symbolic representations.
Sport, as an institution of society, is also consumed with symbolic gestures. For example, in
baseball, it is common for a catcher to flash signals to the pitcher. Elementary signals include the
index finger as symbolic of a fastball, two fingers for a curveball, and three fingers for change-up
pitch. If a catcher flashes a sign for a fastball “down the middle” (directly over home plate) but
the pitcher “reads” the sign as a pitch-out (throwing outside and away from the batter) the ball is
going to sail away from the catcher’s reach. The third base coach is responsible for flashing signs
to the batter. If a “run and hit” (the base runner takes off immediately for the next base and the
batter is suppose to “protect” the runner by swinging at the pitch—no matter what) is called by
the third-base coach but the batter fails to recognize the symbols the coach is flashing and does
not swing at the pitch, the runner is “hung out to dry.” Referees in sports use symbols. One of the
most common referee symbols in football involves the ref raising both arms straight in the air sig-
naling a touchdown. A soccer referee may pull out a yellow (warning) or red (suspension) card
from his or her pocket and flash it toward a player indicating a violation has occurred. All soccer
fans understand the significance of the red or yellow card symbol. Trophies and championship
rings become the ultimate symbols of achievement in sport. There is a cliché in certain sports that
athletes play for “the ring.” “It’s all about the ring.” Of course, it’s not really the ring itself the
player wants. Anyone can order a “championship” ring (and some are available on eBay); it’s the
symbolic nature of the ring that is important to athletes.
Language
Among the most important symbols used by a society is language. Language is an abstract
set of symbols that make up a body of words and provides systems for their common use by people
who are of the same culture or society. The language developed by a society reveals the aspects of
culture that are deemed most important. Language is used to describe events, to express feelings
and beliefs, and to convey the importance of specific values and norms.
Just as language tells us a good deal about what is important and relevant to a culture, sub-
cultural groups modify language to fit their needs. This is especially true in the world of sports,
as all sports utilize language in a symbolic manner relevant to their domain. Tennis uses the term
“love” instead of the number “zero.” Thus, after an opening point has been won, the score is 15-
Love. Soccer uses the word “nil” instead of “zero.” Thus, after the first goal of a soccer match is
made, the score becomes “one” to “nil.” Baseball uses such expressions as: “Texas Leaguer” (a weak
hit to the outfield), “can of corn” (a type of catch made in the field), “sacrifice bunt” (attempt to
hit the ball in play to move a runner, rather than going for a “hit”), “grand slam” (a bases loaded
homerun) and “infield fly rule” (a rule used with runners on base and less than two outs). Football
uses such phrases as “blitz” (when the defense sends extra players to rush after the quarterback),
“post pattern” (the receiver runs a pattern that ends near the goal post), and “going deep” (the
receiver runs a long distance down the field).
Language is used to emphasize important aspects of the sport. It is also a method of intro-
ducing the basics of the sport to novice fans. As Extreme sports become increasingly commercial-
ized, a language that reflects the events being played has developed correspondingly. The media
(especially ESPN) encourages the use of subcultural language to convey the uniqueness of extreme
sports. Examples include “no hander lander” (ending the trick ride without hands on handlebar),
“back flip no handlebar” (doing a back flip without holding onto the handle bar), “360-tail flip”
(a complete circle spin while shaking the back of the bike), and “double tail whip” (shaking the
back of the bike twice while airborne). The colorful language used to describe extreme sports
leads to judging based on subjective and aesthetic criteria (similar to such sports and figure skating
and gymnastics) rather than objective and measurable criteria such as time, distance and score
(e.g., track and field and the major team sports).
Sport language emerges from the obvious elements of sport (as described above), and terms
and expressions developed over time by sport participants, fans, and clever announcers. One of
the most colorful sports announcers of all time is the late voice of the Los Angeles Lakers, Francis
Dayle “Chick” Hearn (1916–2002). Hearn, who “was instrumental in introducing professional
basketball to Southern California sports fans when the team moved from Minneapolis in 1960,”
coined unique phrases that became known as Chickisms (Stewart 2002: D3). Los Angeles Times
writer Larry Stewart compiled a list that included the following:
• Slam dunk. A shot that is thrust down hard into the basket
• Airball. A shot that badly misses the rim
• Dribble drive. A player is driving hard toward the basket
• “No harm, no foul.” A player might have been fouled, but no damage was done, so no foul was
called
• Ticky-tack. A foul not worth calling

• Frozen rope. A line-drive shot
• “You can put this one in the refrigerator. The door’s closed, the lights are out, the eggs are cooling,
the butter’s getting hard and the Jell-O is jiggling.” The game has been decided (Stewart 2002: D3).
Although sport language is vibrant, curse words remain the most colorful and troublesome.
There are times when people find it necessary, no matter how inappropriate, to curse. Cursing is
so common in English soccer that one British educator called for the games to be banned from
television during daytime hours. English soccer officials have proposed a ban on cursing. Politicians
have called for civility in English soccer. Martin Ward, deputy general secretary of the Secondary
Heads Association, called the behavior of many English soccer players “very childish.” England’s
Premier League players’ union has even joined in for the call of proper language in soccer by print-
ing posters urging its members to straighten up. Under a photograph of a player and referee argu-
ing—but smiling—a caption reads: “Respect the Game. Respect the Ref ” (The Post-Standard,
8/11/05). While there are often calls for athletes (and coaches and spectators alike) to eliminate
cursing, the practice continues. Mike Riley, the Referees’ chief, admits that top Barclays Premier
League players are routinely allowed to get away with swearing at match officials because the players
are under great pressure to perform (Ashton 2013). Sports leagues and venues across the United
States have also attempted to thwart the use of curse words. Spectators, especially in “family-
friendly” sections of venues, can be kicked out of games if fellow spectators complain or if venue
officials deem certain instances of cursing overly offensive. Many people involved in sports, includ-
ing spectators, feel that they have the right to vent their displeasure at sporting events and this
includes the right to use profanity. What do you think?
Diversity of Culture
Every culture found around the world possesses aspects that are unique when compared to
others. The diversity of culture is the result of each society’s adaptation to its specific natural envi-
ronment (e.g., climate and geography) and a number of traditions, customs, routines, values and
norms that develop over time a form a way of life for people. Some nations, such as Sweden, are
referred to as homogeneous societies because they mostly consist of people who share a common
culture, language, religion, ideology, customs, norms, and values. Conversely, some nations, such
as the United States, are heterogeneous societies because they consist of people who do not uni-
versally share key social characteristics such as language, religion, race, ethnicity, politics, and eco-
nomic backgrounds. Heterogeneous societies are likely to be characterized by conflict and tension,
as behaviors that may have been acceptable in one’s old culture are not acceptable in the host
society. Each unique group tends to view their culture as the “best” and the others as inferior. Such
an attitude is referred to as ethnocentric thinking. Ethnocentrism is the belief that one’s own
culture is superior to all others and is the standard by which all other cultures should be judged.
Cultural differences are often reflected in sport. This may include styles of play, the level of
deference shown to authority figures, the willingness to “win at all costs” philosophy versus ideals
of sportsmanship, and so on. As Luschen (1981) explains, “Games of strategy are found in societies
where obedience [is stressed], games of physical skill in those where achievement is stressed. Indi-
vidual sports would mainly qualify as games of physical skill and again show achievement as their
basic cultural value. Team sports as well are games of strategy. Their relation to training of obe-
dience would support exactly what we called earlier the value of collectivity” (291). The prevailing
cultural value of the United States, as with other nations of the West, is winning and achievement.
These cultural values are reflected in America’s most popular sports.
Cultural diversity is an important topic for the business of sport as well. For example, in
2004, Nike learned that the success of a marketing campaign in one culture does not assure its
acceptance by another culture. A series of ads in Singapore designed to resemble graffiti stirred
negative emotions in the Asian nation known for its obsession with cleanliness and civic order.
Small, page-size posters featuring NBA star LeBron James were pasted on 700 bus stops, shocking
commuters throughout Singapore (USA Today 11/26/04). Numerous complaints led to Nike
pulling the ads that were viewed as offensive in a culture where public spaces are immaculate and
stiff penalties for offensive behavior await violators.
While many marketing and advertising firms attempt to be sensitive to potential cultural
diversity issues in their ad campaigns, a large number of stereotypical commercials remain as the
mainstay form of advertising. Richard Lapchick (2010) found that only four of the 67 ads shown
during the 2010 Super Bowl had an African American male as a main character; and of those four,
only two involved an actor who is not a well-known celebrity. Other minorities, including minority
women, did not have a leading role in any of the commercials. The 2010 Super Bowl ads also
included many examples of a favorite Madison Avenue technique, the mantra of “sex sells.” Go
Daddy’s featured celebrity commercial actor and NASCAR driver, Danica Patrick, replies, “How
hot is too hot?” to the statement, “Some say the commercial is too hot for TV” (Lapchick 2010).
What we have found is, just as there exists a large backlash among conservative Americans against
notions of perceived “political correctness” (see Chapter 11 and the discussion on the controversial
usage of “Redskins” by the NFL’s Washington franchise for an example of mainstream society’s
reluctance to condemn the offensive word “Redskin” as disparaging), the advertising world has
yet to truly embrace notions of cultural diversity and sensitivity.
Subcultures
A subculture refers to a distinctive category of people within a greater culture that possesses
its own cultural values, behavioral patterns, and other traits distinctive enough to distinguish it
from the dominant group. Members of a subculture generally abide by the prevailing norms and
values of the greater society, but distinguish themselves on a specific criterion that provides them
with a sense of identity. There are many examples of subcultural groups, including “Trekkies”
(fans of Star Trek), gang members, drug users, students, and surfers. Members of a subculture
identify one another in a number of ways, including greeting styles, outlooks on life, priorities in
life, mannerisms, clothing, and language. It is their language, or jargon, that really helps to differ-
entiate subcultural members. Surfers for example get “stoked” about “duck-diving” and executing
an “alley-oop. “ They don’t want to “wipeout” or look like a “barney” in front of a “nugget” (Quin-
tanilla 1998). Surfers understand this language, but others may not. Quintanilla (1998: D1) has
complied a list of surfer terms. Below is a sampling:
• Air. When the surfer and board take off into the air and land on the wave again
• Alley-oop. When a surfer rotates 360 degrees backward above the wave
• Barney. A clueless surfer
• Duck-dive. While paddling out, the technique of submerging the surfboard under oncoming
waves
• Filthy. Flawless waves
• Lineup. The area where surfers linger for waves
• Nugget. An attractive member of the opposite sex
• Stoked. Excited
• Wipeout. Crash
In the United States, surfing is mostly a subcultural sport restricted, obviously, to beach com-
munities. Thus, logic dictates that surfing will enjoy greater subcultural participation in California
and Florida as compared to Nebraska and Iowa.
An interesting aspect about subcultural language and its usage is that as the popularity of a
subculture increases, it begins to become mainstreamed in the greater society. From the list above,
most people understand the expression, “I was stoked about my grade in class” or, “Did you see
that alley-oop pass to Kobe Bryant?”
Professional Sports and Their Relation to the Community

Community members generally have a strong emotional commitment toward their home
professional sports team. They care a great deal about the outcome of a game, perhaps caring too
much in some cases. Sports fans rejoice together in victory and console one another in defeat.
They invest a great deal of leisure time following the fortunes and tribulations of their favorite
teams. They believe in the old adage, “We’ll get ’em next year.” Year after year fans show up at the
start of the season and support their team. They give freely of their time and energy because they
have a feeling of loyalty and commitment to the team. But, what if there is no next year? What
if the fans show up, but the team is no longer there? Does professional sport have the same level
of commitment and loyalty to its fans as the fans have for the professional franchise? Often, sadly,
they do not.
The owners of professional sports expect the fans and taxpayers of the community to support
them (frequently) unconditionally. The owners are motivated by greed and when they feel that
they are not making enough revenue they threaten to relocate the franchise, hold the community
“hostage” for better stadium deals and revenue sharing agreements, or use any number of other
tactics to maintain their profit margin. What can the average fan do about such power moves? In
short, nothing. They are powerless. The undying loyalty to the team does not guarantee perma-
nence of the franchise. The shared history between a franchise and its community does not promise
a continued relationship. Fans want to know that their team will be there next year, and the year
afterwards. The problem with supporting a professional sports team is the realization that they
may not be there next year. A stadium public address announcer may excitedly yell, “And now,
your…,” but realize that it’s “your” team only as long as the owner wants “your” money. The fol-
lowing season the owner may want some other community’s money.
Even when a team has a long history of support from the community (e.g., the Brooklyn
Dodgers and the Cleveland Browns), that alone does not guarantee the stability of the franchise
in a community. Art Modell, owner of the Cleveland football team, broke the hearts of millions
of Browns fans when he moved his franchise to Baltimore for the 1996 season. The city of Cleve-
land managed to secure the Browns’ franchise name, colors and history, and was awarded a new
franchise in 1999, but it certainly isn’t the same thing. And die-hard Browns fans will never forgive
Art Modell or the NFL for allowing the move in the first place. The Brooklyn Dodgers abandoned
New York for California in 1958 because of civic inducement factors offered by the city of Los
Angeles, even though Brooklyn fans were among the most loyal of all baseball fans.
Assuming the community wants the franchise to stay, there is still very little they can do to
stop the owner from relocating a franchise. In the NFL, Cleveland accomplished the most—they
saved everything (e.g., the “Browns” nickname, the records, and team colors) but not the team.
No community is safe from the realization that their beloved franchise may relocate. Fan groups,
which come and go, and legislative attempts have failed to stop owners from moving their team
from one community to another. The Professional Sports Community Protection Act of 1982,
for example, has failed to stop franchise relocation ( Johnson 1983). A number of municipalities
have attempted to gain ownership of franchises through the laws of eminent domain, which enable
municipalities and states to acquire private property, so long as the owner is compensated for the
value of the property. This strategy has been tried and failed on a number of occasions: A Mas-
sachusetts lawmaker introduced legislation to seize the Boston Red Sox during the 1994 baseball
strike; the city of Oakland attempted to stop the Raiders’ move to Los Angeles; and the city of
Baltimore challenged when the Colts fled to Indianapolis (Katz 1994; Euchiner 1993).
In 2008, Seattle went to court to stop the NBA’s Super Sonics franchise from leaving the city.
Seattle used the same legal principle—specific performance—that Cleveland used in 1996 to ulti-
mately secure a replacement NFL team. The “specific performance” clause used by Cleveland
against Art Modell stemmed from exact language in Cleveland’s lease requiring that the Browns
must occupy the stadium until the lease expired, and that a lease buyout was not an option. In
2008, the Sonics still had two years remaining on their contract. As it turned out, Seattle and
Sonics fans shared the same fate as Cleveland and its fans—the franchise moved (in the case of
the Sonics, to Oklahoma City) but the city retained the nickname, colors and records of the team.
Other team owners seldom speak out against franchise relocation because they realize they
may want to move their own team someday if a better deal comes along. There are two possible
solutions to ending franchise relocations, however. The first involves empowering the league com-
missioner with the authority to refuse to schedule games for the team that relocates. This will
never happen because the owners pay the commissioner’s salary; and they certainly are not going
to give the commissioner power to supersede their wants and desires.
The best solution to keeping franchises in the communities that support them is to allow
the community itself to own the franchise; not an individual or corporate ownership, but com-
munity ownership. If the team is really a representation of the community, let the community
own it. The Green Bay Packers (NFL) have enjoyed this type of relationship within their com-
munity for several decades. In a city of just 96,000 residents, the business of football is secondary
to the game of football, thanks mainly to the structure of Green Bay Packers, Inc. The Packers
have a management team to run the franchise. Fans know that the team will not be relocating, and
stadium concerns become public concerns because the money going in is shared through the rev-
enue generated by tenants. All fans should be as lucky as Packers fans. The time has come for com-
munities and fans to own the sport franchises that they cheer. Unfortunately for communities, the
owners do not want to give up this type of power and it is not likely that many communities will
own franchises in the near future.
Followers of college sports do not have to worry about their team relocating—although occa-
sionally, sport teams are dropped from the program. College sport fans enjoy a greater degree of
loyalty in their sports. In professional sports today, there are far too many examples of the lack of
loyalty. Often there is a lack of loyalty shown by owners and the community in which teams reside;
there is a lack of loyalty shown by owners toward players; and there is a lack of loyalty among
players and the franchise they were drafted by. And yet, the vast majority of professional sports
fans remain loyal to their favorite teams despite the strikes, holdouts, lockouts, franchise relocation,
and greedy demands perpetrated by owners.
Mike Lupica (1996) offers some suggestions to improve the relationship between the fans
(and community) and owners of professional sports. First, give rebates to fans when a player dis-
plays unsportsmanlike conduct and then gets thrown out of the game. Second, team owners should
sign a “prenuptial” agreement with the league and the community in which the team operates.
The language should be simple. If an owner makes a mess of the team, sell it, don’t move it. Third,
offer cheap seats for every game. The fact is, professional sports events (and many “big-time”
college sports for that matter) are too expensive for the average fan. There should be a cheap-seat
section at every major arena, for every sport. And Lupica emphasizes the seats should be inexpen-
sive, not bad seats. Additionally, Lupica believes that the fans should have a league commissioner,
one that assumingly would assure the best interests of the fans. Twenty years later and Lupica’s
suggestions have yet to be heeded. If anything, many fans are experiencing cognitive dissonance
as spectators to sporting events do not receive rebates if a star player does not play; owners are
still free to move the franchise if they so desire; and ticket prices continue to escalate.
The World Cup as a Global Community

Every four years, well more than a billion people are transfixed by the men’s Federation Inter-
national Football Association (FIFA) World Cup, the pinnacle of achievement in the sport of fut-
bol, forming a global community of highly invested fans from around the world, including the
United States. (Women have their own FIFA World Cup one year after the men’s championship
tournament.) The popularity of “soccer,” as Americans call it, rests primarily with its relative sim-
plicity, a game that needs just a ball, a field (called a “pitch” in futbol ) and any sort of makeshift
goal that is played primarily by kicking a ball to teammates while avoiding defenders in attempt
to score a goal. Unless you are a goalie, players may not use their hands while the ball is in play.
American football, representing an advancement of technique and skill, allows players to kick,
throw and run with the ball, thus increasing dramatically the level of complexity of the sport.
Soccer, then, can be played around the globe by people from developed and developing nations
alike and nearly any nation can assemble a reputable soccer team (in contrast, no other nation has
mastered American football).
After a series of regional qualifying matches a field of 32 national teams is selected to compete
for World Cup supremacy. The World Cup brings with it some outstanding competitive matches
and some of the most passionate fans imaginable. For soccer fans, a 0–0 tie can be as exciting as
a 28–27 football game is for Americans. Americans tend to enjoy sports that lead to scoring and
often find low-scoring soccer matches to be boring. But true soccer fans realize that the game is
much more complex than scoring alone. They find a fascination with precision passing and great
defense even if it does not lead to a score.
At the time of this writing, the most recent World Cup was the 2014 games held in Brazil.
It is safe to say that Brazilians love soccer. As described by Greg Bishop in a 2014 Sports Illustrated
article, soccer is everywhere in Brazil. “Soccer in the streets choked with traffic, on crowded beaches,
in the small villages that dot the muddy shores of the Amazon, outside the mansions and the
favelas in Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo. Organized soccer, pickup soccer, even beach volleyball
played soccer-style: no hands allowed” (Bishop 2014). The Brazilian government spent $11 billion
in the seven years before the World Cup resulting in an uproar among many citizens who felt the
money should be spent on hospitals, schools and public transportation systems to better help the
people. “In a nation where nearly 20% of the populations lives in poverty, this felt like an inversion
of priorities” (Bishop 2014: 7). Brazilian leaders were accused of corruption and failing to assure
on-time construction of stadiums and infrastructure roads and bridges. In one instance, during
the World Cup, an uncompleted infrastructure project led to an overpass collapse in the World
Cup host city of Belo Horizonte, killing at least two people and trapping a commuter bus (Daily
Breeze 7/4/14). FIFA had also criticized Brazil over severely delayed stadium construction projects.
Foreign tabloids warned traveling fans to be aware of becoming a victim of crime and violence
in Brazil (Brooks 2014). Leading up to the World Cup, civil protests were common throughout
Brazil.
But then the games began and luckily for Brazilian officials the highly regarded national team
won its first match and then its next. And with that, Brazilians were united under the common
goal of supporting their beloved national team in its pursuit of its 6th World Cup title. Brazil was
in the process of successfully giving the world a smooth running and exuberant sporting spectacle
(Brooks 2014). By the time the two-day break occurred ( July 2–3), Brazil and fans world-wide
were suffering from Cup withdrawal. They had watched a number of outstanding group play
matches and yearned for the Round of 16 and the rest of the elimination rounds.
The Round of 16 matches began on July 4, the first of two days designated as FIFA’s 13th annual
Anti-Discrimination Day. Since 2002, FIFA’s Anti-Discrimination Days have taken place every year
during at least one of FIFA’s competitions with a special prematch protocol, at which the team captains
read a short declaration against discrimination (FIFA 2014). The captains’ message reads as follows:
“We wholeheartedly reject discrimination on any grounds, including race, gender, sexual orientation,
ethnic origin, and religion. Using the power of football, we can help to eradicate racism and discrim-
ination from our sport and society at large. We pledge to pursue this goal and urge you to join us
in this fight ” (FIFA 2014). Players and fans of soccer represent a world-wide community and FIFA
embraces its role to use soccer as a platform to fight discrimination in the world-wide community.
The 2014 World Cup Final Four had four powerhouse representatives: Brazil, Germany,
Netherlands, and Argentina. Host Brazil was stunned by the team’s stunning and historic 7–1 loss
in the semifinals, followed by a 3–0 drubbing in the consolation game. Germany beat Argentina
in a classic 1–0 championship match when Mario Gotze settled a cross from Andre Schurrie with
his chest and, before the ball hit the ground, booted it past the goalkeeper Sergio Romero (Christen
2014). With skills such as these, who needs hands?
Tailgating as Community
While the World Cup stimulates gatherings of sports fans across the globe at local pubs, bars
and house and office parties, American football games are highlighted by the very unique social
gathering of sports fans at tailgate parties. The camaraderie experienced by tailgaters represents a
true community marked by interpersonal relationships, conversations, games, tossing a football,
and especially the consumption of food and drink. Ah, the tailgate.
Tailgating is mostly exclusive to football but also occurs at auto races and lacrosse games. For
football fans especially, it is a near necessity to plan a pre-game tailgate, and this is true at college
games and professional games (as well as many high school football games). And with all the foot-
ball games played in the United States, there are literally thousands of tailgates occurring through-
out the season. While the vast majority of college football games are played on Saturday, is it
common for some college teams to play one another on weekdays, especially Friday nights. The
NFL has football every Sunday but also on Mondays and Thursdays. Occasionally, there is a football
game being played at the collegiate or professional level every day of the week. High school football
is generally played on Friday nights or Saturdays. The common thread among all these football
games, especially collegiate and professional, is the realization that tailgate parties, spread across
stadium and other nearby parking lots, will precede them all. It should also be noted that many
spectators tailgate after the games are played as well.
While there are hundreds of football games played each week, hometown fans have limited
opportunities to see their beloved local teams play. In the NFL, each team is only guaranteed eight
regular season games spread across four months. Most major college teams have six to eight home
games during the four-month regular season. Thus, football spectators treat each home game as a
social event.
Tailgating at sporting events represents a type of secular sentiment (in the tradition of
Durkheim) that helps to bond fans together in collective action where ritualistic behaviors are the
norm. As with the staging of any social event, there is a relative amount of planning involved,
especially for the host of the tailgate. The first order of business is to secure a regular or predes-
ignated spot for everyone to convene. Regular tailgaters often have a special lot they go to and are
likely to have season parking passes to assure a regular spot. Organized tailgates (as opposed to
the haphazard simple gatherings of folks with a beverage cooler and some simple food items)
employ the “controlled menu” format of planning (this assures that the tailgate does not consist
simply of chips and beer). While both of the authors of this text have tailgated often, Delaney
has tailgated and played host at tailgate parties for over 30 years. He likes to have a list, and at the
top of the list are the most crucial items to remember to bring: the grill and propane tanks for the
grill (yes, we recognize that some people instead prefer charcoal grilling) and food to be grilled
(people love hot food, especially when the weather cools).
A true American tailgate party must involve the grilling of some combination of meat (e.g.,
hot dogs, burgers, sausage, steaks, and/or ribs); conscientious tailgate hosts will make sure there
is something for vegetarians and vegans to eat. The host must make sure there is “plastic-ware”
(plates, eating utensils, red Solo cups!), napkins, paper towels, and trash bags. The host knows
that regular attendees to the tailgate party can be counted on to bring their “signature” side dishes,
desserts and special drinks. The host and regular guests will also bring tables to set up the food
and anyone who needs a chair to sit in generally is expected to bring their own. Some tailgates
necessitate a protective covering, like an Easy-up tent, to protect tailgaters from inclement weather
and they may also bring portable heaters to keep folks warm. (Note: At Ole Miss, some tailgaters
bring tents so that they can hang chandeliers over the tailgating tables covered in fine linen.) Other
invited friends tend to bring their own booze and snacks (e.g., chips, pretzels, and peanuts). Alcohol
and other beverages for the tailgate are generally taken care of by the hosts and regular guests. By
the time the tailgate begins, there is enough food and drink to embarrass most Thanksgiving meals.
The feast will last for hours prior to kickoff.
Tailgate parties are social events intended for fun and will include a number of behaviors
designed to form a community among fellow tailgaters. Tailgaters can be counted on to wear the
team’s colors and replica jerseys. Face painters and tailgaters who dress up with a certain “gimmick”
(some type of “costume” that has special meaning to fellow fans) are often praised for their team
loyalty. Some fans will fly the flag of their team high above the tailgate party as a sign to all of
their allegiance to the team. Music serves as background white noise. Tailgaters may also participate
in good-natured ribbing of nearby tailgaters who are supporters of the opposing team.
Tailgating represents a community formed on bonds of friendship and family and for fans
of a football team that generally losses, the tailgate may be the best part of the day, weekend, and
even the week. Tailgating, essentially, represents the pinnacle of sports spectatorship. It is a crown-
ing achievement of American sports culture. (Note: See “Connecting Sports and Popular Culture”
Box 4 as we examine tailgating from the perspective of Homer Simpson.)
Sport Heroes
Who is a hero? A hero is usually someone who is admired for his or her achievement, courage,
skill, dedication, or integrity. Heroes are recognized for feats of courage or notability of purpose,
especially when one has sacrificed his or her own life for the betterment of others. But must one
save another’s life in order to qualify as a hero? Kirk Gibson is a hero to Dodgers fans. He did not
save anyone’s life to become a hero, but he did hit a dramatic homerun in his one and only plate
appearance during the 1988 World Series and spearheaded Los Angeles to a championship. New
York Yankee fans respect Derek Jeter as much as for the way he played the game as they admired
his contributions to five World Series titles during his tenure. Should athletes even be considered
heroes? Shaquille O’Neal once said that the only hero is a sandwich. Charles Barkley feels that a
child’s parents should be heroes, not athletes. Perhaps the word “hero” is used too freely in our
culture. Just doing the right thing should not qualify someone as a hero, and yet, that is often the
case. What if someone’s job is to save lives (e.g., firefighters and police officers) and they do indeed
save a life of another, is this person a hero, or doing what they are paid to do?
The ancient Greeks, who coined the word, had a precise meaning and limits for “hero.” A
hero was a person who was descended from a god or goddess on one side of the family, either by
father or mother, and from a mortal on the other side. This definition is flawed, as the Greek gods
never actually existed. But there are common themes in the various stories about heroes. Psychol-
ogist Otto Rank, in his influential 1909 book The Myth of the Birth of the Hero, argued that all
cultures have heroic figures who share a similar story: they are fathered by supernatural beings and
born to queens or goddesses but the birth is kept hidden; they are raised by either animals or
people from a low status; they eventually discover their true origins and finally receive the proper
honors due them after engaging in some significant courageous activity.
According to Webster’s dictionary, a hero is a mythological or legendary figure endowed with
great strength, courage, or ability, and favored by the gods. It also says a hero is a man admired for
his achievements and noble qualities and considered in a literary or dramatic work. A heroine is
Baseball fans head into the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum in Cooperstown, New York.
a woman admired for her achievements and qualities, or the leading female character in a literary
or dramatic work.
Representatives of Culture
Heroes have existed in society since ancient times. The study of heroes in any given culture
is very revealing, as the people proclaimed as heroes gain such a status because they reflect cultural
ideals and values. As Leonard (1988) explains, “Cultural heroes or heroic archetypes typically man-
ifest the major value orientations and symbols that a society holds in high regard…. Values provide
directives and motivation for action; hence, it is predictable that cultural heroes, individuals who
personify such values, become objects of admiration and emulation” (72). Heroes, then, reflect
the character traits most desired by members of a society. In this regard, heroes help to reaffirm
and maintain the social structure of a society by perpetuating cultural values and norms. As Cre-
peau (1985) elaborates, “The hero shows us what we ought to be, and we make him a hero because
we wish to be what he is. He calls us beyond ourselves, toward the ideal” (76). A hero is someone
that we admire. Consequently, heroes are chosen, whether they want to be or not. Conversely,
someone cannot claim to be a hero. Such status needs to be conferred by others.
One difficult issue is the role which heroes play in a democratic society. Traditionally, heroes
were either godlike figures or members of royalty who rise above the common crowd. How might
heroes fit into a society which places emphasis on equality rather than superiority? In his book
The Hero in History, philosopher Sidney Hook (1943) noted that: “A democratic society has its
‘heroes’ and ‘great men,’ too. It is no more exempt from sharp political crisis than other societies,
and rarely lacks candidates for the heroic role. It selects them, however, on the basis of its own
criteria. Where a democracy is wise, it will wholeheartedly co-operate with its leaders and at the
same time be suspicious of the powers delegated to them—a difficult task but one which must be
solved if democracy is not to become, as often in the past, a school for tyrants” (14).
Contemporary American society views someone as a hero based on such criteria as achievement,
courage and skill. Heroism also involves the ability to overcome extreme adversity, requires dedication
and integrity, and involves a willingness to accept responsibility. With these qualities in mind, the
authors define a hero as a person of distinguished courage or ability who is admired for brave deeds,
noble qualities, achievement, dedication, integrity, or skill. Certainly, many athletes demonstrate these
qualities. Sports heroes are admired and idolized figures in American society. The sports hero has
become the central role model of young children and has gained enormous adoration from his or
her fans. “Hero worship in sport is common and its manifestations are multitudinous…. The nature
of the sport hero is the United States has changed throughout the present century and these
changes mirror significant alterations in dominant cultural values” (Leonard 1988: 72). In the first
half of the twentieth century sports heroes such as Jack Dempsey, Babe Ruth, Knute Rockne, Joe
Louis, Lou Gehrig, and Joe DiMaggio “were all portrayed as embodying various positive qualities
of the American character” (Crepeau 1985: 76). In the years following World War II, most sports
heroes were clean-cut, modest, all–American boys like Johnny Unitas of the Baltimore Colts (Car-
roll 1999). By the end of the century, flamboyant, brash, and often boastful athletes (e.g., Joe
Namath, who played in the NFL from 1965 to 1977; boxer Muhammad Ali, who became heavy-
weight champion in 1964 and referred to himself as “the Greatest”; and tennis player Andre Agassi
and football player Deion Sanders who led the charge for athletes to promote a “style” as much as
demonstrate athletic substance) became heroes. Many of today’s athletes are brash and boastful
and are fueled by a desire to achieve while drawing attention to themselves via flashy means.
There is a great deal of evidence to support the claim that athletes are among society’s leading
heroes. Children play video games (e.g., Madden NFL 15, Pro Evolution Soccer 2015, NBA Live 15,
and FIFA 15 ) that include their favorite sports stars; sports enthusiasts seek autographs (sometimes
to be sold at high prices on eBay); sports fans memorize statistics; read box scores, newspapers and
sports features; attend publicity events; visit sport Halls of Fame (e.g., the NFL in Canton, Ohio,
and MLB in Cooperstown, New York); fans collect trading cards; and many fans play “fantasy”
sports. Fantasy sports are quite fascinating. (Note: Fantasy Sports will be discussed further in
Chapter 16.) Fans will draft and trade “players” like real sports owners, belong to a fantasy league
where records are kept, and compete against others. It’s just a matter of time before someone
creates a “Fantasy Hall of Fame”—one that can be visited only in cyberspace.
Functions of Heroes
Sociologically speaking, heroes represent culture and value components. By understanding
a country’s heroes, one has an idea of what is culturally important in that society. Heroes become
representatives or symbols of a given culture. Thus, heroes serve many functions in society.
First, sport heroes help to perform a pattern maintenance function in society. Key beliefs
and values such as hard work, achievement and success are essential in society and sport. Sport
heroes are shining examples of these cultural beliefs. They shape our lives with lessons of their
fervor and follies, their tragedies and triumphs (Chua-Eoan 1999). Second, heroes serve as agents
of social control. Behaviors of heroes help to control, or at the very least, influence, other members
of sport, as well as citizens of a society. Young athletes hear their coaches, parents and teammates
say, “Why aren’t you more like _______?” This particular person shows up for practice early, doesn’t
complain, accepts his or her role, and so on. In the film Rudy, high school and college teammates
of Rudy constantly heard from their respective coaches about the heart and determination of
Rudy, despite his overall lack of athletic talent. In this real-life–based story, Rudy served as an
agent of social control because the coaches were able to use him as an example of how others
should behave. Likewise, in the famous film version of the life of Notre Dame football coach
Knute Rockne, Rockne inspires his team to victory by reminding them of their late teammate
George Gip (played by future U.S. president Ronald Reagan), whose inspirational words were to
“go in there with all they’ve got and win just one for the Gipper.”
A third function of heroes is that they help to provide for social integration. It is often said
that sports serve a valuable function to society by helping to bring disparate groups together. At
ball games we will see spectators of all ages, races, ethnicities and social classes joined together
while cheering for their shared favorite player or team. The social integration function is not lim-
ited to fans. In many ways sports was ahead of society in the integration of blacks into mainstream
society. Athletes such as Jackie Robinson, Larry Dolby, Jack Johnson, and Jesse Owens helped to
change the course of sport and society and helped to shape the future of sports. These athletes
are known as “political-social-athletic leaders” (Dorison 1997). The African American sport hero
served as role models for black youth. Guidance from identifiable role models is imperative if the
greater culture is to be assimilated.
Jack Johnson (1878–1946) is considered a sports hero because of his efforts to overcome
white supremacy by defeating white boxers. Johnson inspired black youth to think that they too
could attain success in a white dominated society. Johnson became the heavyweight champion of
Negro boxing in the early 1900s. Jim Jeffries, the white champ at the time, refused to fight Johnson.
After Jeffries retired, Johnson became heavyweight champion of the world when he defeated
Tommy Burns in Australia in 1908. Johnson officially received the title in 1910 after he defeated
Jeffries, who came out of retirement. Race rioting was sparked after the Johnson-Jeffries fight.
Johnson was clearly a trailblazer in the attempt to integrate sport in the United States. He gave
hope to all blacks that they might find an equal place in American society.
The Brooklyn Dodgers broke the color barrier in Major League Baseball by signing Jackie
Robinson in 1947. But it was Harold “Pee Wee” Reese, Robinson’s teammate, who showed the
game and a nation how the integration process would be possible. Reese did this with a simple
gesture of purposely putting his arm around Robinson’s shoulders while he was enduring a high
degree of harassment from Cincinnati Reds fans during a game at Crosley Field early in his career
(Smith 1999). Reese, the Dodgers’ captain, endured the wrath of some bigots for his thoughtful
embrace, but he became a hero to others by taking a stand against racial injustices. At Reese’s
funeral (August 18, 1999) Rachel Robinson, widow of Jackie, said that she was not sure whether
the integration of baseball would have worked without Reese (Whitmire 1999).
Serving as a source of identity is a fourth function of heroes. The once popular “Be like
Mike” ( Jordan) media campaign is an extreme example of heroes serving as a source of identity—
the ad flat out said, Be like Mike. Athletes often serve as role models for youth. This is especially
true among minority or discriminated persons. Former MLB player Roberto Clemente (1934–
1972) instilled great hope to young Puerto Ricans. Clemente played for the Pittsburgh Pirates
from 1955 to 1972. During the off season, Clemente would travel around his home island of
Puerto Rico and conduct baseball clinics as a way of reaching out to youngsters. He spoke about
the importance of sports, the importance of being a good citizen, and the importance of respecting
parents (Feldman 1993). The economically poor Puerto Ricans were able to identify with Clemente
because he was one of them.
Categories of Heroes
There are a number of categories of heroes. We will briefly review some of the more common
types and offer suggestions of athletes that fit each category (you can decide for yourself who best
fits each category). Perhaps the most identifiable category of sports hero is the winner. This type
of hero is determined by outcome assessment—did he or she win a championship or individual
honor of achievement? If yes, this athlete is winner. The emphasis is on outcome and not the
processes that were involved to achieve such a winning performance. Some athletes are not always
the most graceful while performing, or they may appear not to be the most physically talented,
and yet, they find a way to win. Generally, such heroes become winners because of good old-
fashioned hard work and dedication. Eli Manning, Drew Brees and Robert Horry are examples
of this type of hero. Not all winners are necessarily heroes, however. Baseball legend Ty Cobb,
for instance, was one of the greatest players in the history of the game, but it is usually noted that
he was also violent, ungracious to other players and a bigot, and his own teammates often refused
to associate with him.
Skilled performers are a second category of heroes. These athletes do possess exceptional
skill. They give off an aura of invincibility and have usually psyched out the opposition by their
mere presence. Surfer Kelly Slater, USA National Team soccer goalie Tim Howard, tennis players
Novak Djovovic and Serena Williams, NBA stars Kobe Bryant and Kevin Durant, soccer players
Lionel Messi and Cristiano Ronaldo, and MLB star pitcher Clayton Kershaw and Angels outfielder
Mike Trout are examples of skilled performers. The skilled performers generally perform excep-
tionally well every time they step on to the field/court and rise to the occasion of key events and
big games. They are show persons for their sport and shine before an audience. As Dick Vitale, an
ESPN men’s college basketball analyst, is known to say about exceptional athletes, “He’s a prime-
time player.” Most fans prefer the “skilled performer” over “winners” because they love the dramatic,
theatrical play; the long touchdown pass versus the 9-minute drive, the winning home run in the
bottom of the 9th inning, or a winning putt on the 18th green. As for Kershaw, he won his third
straight National League (NL) Cy Young Award in 2014 after a record-performing regular season;
he also became the first pitcher since 1968 (Bob Gibson) to win the NL Most Valuable Player
(MVP) Award. Mike Trout won the American League MVP Award in 2014 after finishing 2nd in
voting behind Detroit’s slugger Miguel Cabrera. At 26 and 24 respectively, Kershaw and Trout are
expected to be stars, and therefore skill performer heroes for years to come.
The hero of social acceptability, a third category, is admired because he or she upholds the
values of society. Through their efforts on the playing field these athletes instill and uphold such
beliefs as good sportsmanship and dedication. The hero of social acceptability often transcends
the sport they participate in. Jesse Owens, at the 1936 Berlin Olympics, not only shattered Adolf
Hitler’s concept of Aryan superiority, he helped to unite whites and blacks in the United States.
All Americans cheered for Owens because of his athletic prowess and his virtues. Heroes of social
acceptability demonstrate great character and become excellent role models. Athletes that overcome
personal tragedies and hardships and still perform admirably are especially admired. Athletes who
give generously to charities, often without great fanfare, fall into this category of hero. Examples
include David Beckham (long time UNICEF supporter), Lance Berkman (has raised over $2.5
million for his charity foundation), LeBron James (has raised more than $6 million for various
charities), and Tiger Woods (has raised more than $30 million for charities) (York 2013). Other
athletes who raise money give their time to help less fortunate people in foreign countries. Serena
Williams, for instance, has raised money to build schools in Kenya and disaster relief in Haiti and
Clayton Kershaw, who has won the MLB Roberto Clemente Award (the most prestigious off-the-
field honor awarded by MLB), is noted for his charity work helping poor children in Zambia.
The group servant, similar to a martyr, represents a fourth category of hero. The group servant
is willing to put the needs of the team above individual needs, wants and desires. The group servant
wants to do what is best for the team even if it means sacrificing individual statistics. This type of
behavior is often rare in professional team sports today, although there are occasions where athletes
are willing to restructure their salaries in order to free up “cap space” (a professional sport’s league
“ceiling” limit on team salaries) to sign other players. Tim Duncan of the San Antonio Spurs
(NBA) is an example of a group servant. He sacrificed his own numbers early in his career while
David Robinson was still on the team, and continues to do so with later stars like Manu Ginobili
and Tony Parker, and through it all, he continues to win NBA championships. Chris Bosh, a mem-
ber of the United States national basketball team, sacrificed his own statistics and personal glory
so that LeBron James and Dwayne Wade could star while they were teammates with the Miami
Heat. Pat Tillman (former NFL player with the Arizona Cardinals) is an example of a group ser-
vant, for he gave up his own career, and ultimately his life, to serve the U.S. Army team, and thus,
all of the United States. This is one of many reasons why a large number of Americans consider
Tillman a hero. Other examples include gymnast Kerri Strug and Daniel “Rudy” Ruettinger, whose
dream to play in a Notre Dame football game was depicted in the beloved 1993 film Rudy.
Most people will not take life-threatening risks in their everyday lives; they do however,
admire the risk takers. The risk taker category of hero is reserved for athletes who are inclined to
place themselves in peril—and thus, become the object of fans’ affection. Risk takers are found
in many sports, especially in contact sports. For example, in football, a wide receiver who is willing
to run a pattern across the middle of the field; in baseball, a catcher who will dive into the oppo-
nent’s dugout for foul ball; and in basketball, a player who will drive the middle of the paint. Ath-
letes who thrive on the action and danger of the game they play are risk takers. They give their all
and they have no fear. Many extreme sport athletes are risk takers. Snowboarder and skateboarder
Shawn White is a perfect example of a risk taker. Is there any wonder why he has become so pop-
ular? He fears no injury and he continues to raise the bar on the risky behavior. Freestyle motocross
star Robbie Maddison and snowmobile racer Levi LaVallee are other examples of extreme sport
risk takers. Race car drivers take huge risks every time they race. Passionate NASCAR fans have
made heroes out of such drivers as Dale Earnhardt, Jr., Jeff Gordon, and Jimmy Johnson. Jackie
Robinson took a huge risk, of a different type (especially in terms of the abuse he would take from
fans), when he signed with the Brooklyn Dodgers. Cuban-born MLB star Yasiel Puig took a huge
risk when he defected from Cuba and had to pay black-market smugglers to help him enter the
United States (Eden 2014).
A sixth category of hero is the reluctant hero. The reluctant hero would rather lead by example
(on the playing field) than by trying to motivate teammates with an inspiring speech, pep talk, or
some other indirect method of leadership. These athletes are usually unselfish and assuming. They
may, in fact, be shy individuals. Marvin Harrison, Dwayne Wade, and Tim Duncan are examples
of reluctant heroes. Road and track racing cyclist Bradley Wiggins is described by The Telegraph
as an example of a British reluctant hero. So revered is this unassuming sports hero that he was
knighted as Sir Bradley Wiggins (Hayward 2012). The Guardian described South African Caster
Semenya, who won the world 800m title in 2009, as a reluctant hero because of the attention she
drew as an intersex athlete. Semenya became a spokesperson of sorts for intersex persons when it
was revealed that she was made to undergo gender testing to determine whether she was a “woman”
or a “man” (Kessel 2011). Decades ago, baseball great Lou Gehrig, the “iron man” and “the Pride
of the Yankees,” was also known for his quiet competence and dedication to the game.
The charismatic hero represents a seventh category. The charismatic hero is “viewed as excep-
tional, autonomous and unique, as endowed with super-human powers, and commanding a divine
violence…. The triumphant moment of charisma is the moment of effervescence on the part of
the community of followers. They hail, cheer, cry and try desperately to touch or be close to the
heroes” (Giesen 2005: 276–277). The charismatic sports hero possesses unique qualities that dis-
tinguish him or her from the rest of the group. This person need not be the most talented on the
team, but is likely to be the team captain, or clubhouse leader. Thus, any team leader that is not
necessarily the most talented (although they often are) would serve as an example. Derek Jeter and
Shaquille O’Neal are specific examples of charismatic heroes. Spanish pro golfer Steve Ballesteros,
as described by Tiger Woods, was talented, exciting, creative and inventive (Pilcher 2011). He was
a charismatic member of the European Ryder Cup team.
Perhaps the most fascinating category of hero is the anti-hero. What makes the anti-hero
such an enigma is the fact that he or she does not demonstrate the desired values or norms of
society and yet still possesses a fan following. Traditionally, heroes have been noted for outstanding
achievements, bravery, nobility of actions, moral and intellectual qualities, or some other contri-
bution to society that has improved the quality of life for others. But hero identification is specific
rather than diffused, and in most instances the hero is not a model of behavior in other spheres
of social life. The anti-hero is the opposite of the group servant. The anti-hero thinks of him or
herself first and the team second. The anti-hero is “someone who says that he does not need other
people” (Crepeau 1985: 77).
The sports world has had its share of anti-heroes dating back at least as far as Ty Cobb and
continuing on with such colorful characters as Pete Rose, Billy Martin, John McEnroe, Tonya
Harding and former Chicago Bulls player Dennis Rodman who was noted for his bizarre behavior,
including multiple body-piercings and numerous tattoos (before they became fashionable), and
general unprofessional conduct. Yet this “bad boy” of basketball was a hero to many people because
of his insubordination and colorful antics. Even in retirement, Rodman remains in the spotlight
because of his odd friendship with North Korean Supreme Leader Kim Jong-un. Terrell Owens,
the former wide receiver for the Dallas Cowboys, has a long history of acting unprofessionally and
fighting with teammates and ownership (he was kicked off the Philadelphia Eagles, leading to his
trade to Dallas). And yet, Owens still has his fans. He was after all, an excellent receiver; but he
was not a “team player” and did not care how his immature behavior affected others—he is, after
all, the anti-hero. There is a seemingly growing list of anti-heroes in contemporary sports, including
Alex Rodriguez, Kobe Bryant, Barry Bonds, Bode Miller, Kyle Busch, Hope Solo, Tony Stewart,
and Uruguay soccer player Luis Suarez who has been known to literally bite opponents during
play (including the 2014 World Cup).
Heroes Survey Data

In 2014, Delaney and Madigan replicated their 2005 research and the 1994 and 1999 research
conducted by Delaney (1999) on college students and whether they have heroes. Students were
asked whether they had a sports hero when they were younger and if they had one currently.
Respondents were also asked whether they presently have a hero of any kind, other than a family
member or religious figure. In addition, students were asked whether or not they believe that there
are as many heroes in this country today as in the past.
The data in Table 4.1 reveals that a higher percentage of males report having had a hero when
they were young compared to females in each of the four sample years. Only in the 1994 survey
did more than half (62%) of all females report having a sports hero in childhood; and 2014 rep-
resents the lowest percentage (28%) in the four research years.
Table 4.1. Did You Have a Sports Hero in Childhood?

in percent. 1994 N = 199 (82 males, 117 females); 1999 N = 201 (97 males,
104 females); 2005 N = 239 (110 males, 129 females); 2014 N = 199 (83 males,
116 females)
1994 1999 2005 2014
Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No
Males 79 21 64 36 69 31 72 28
Females 62 38 36 64 35 65 28 72
As people age, they are less likely to view sport athletes as heroes. The data in Table 4.2 reveals
that the percentage of respondents, both males and females, who report currently having a sports
heroes drops considerably compared to childhood. In each of the sample years the pattern holds
true that males still are more likely to report having a sports hero than are females.
Respondents were also asked to indicate who their sport hero was, if they had one. The list
of all these different athletes is not provided here, but a startling and sociologically significant
pattern, first noted in 1999, has continued in 2005—100 percent of all male respondents who
indicated having a hero named a male hero. In contrast, only 50 percent of females in the 1994
study had a same-sex hero. In 1999, this figure rose only slightly to 53 percent. Consequently, not
a single male reported having a female hero, while one-half of females had males for a sport hero.
Delaney (1999) had anticipated that the number of women who report having a female sports
hero would increase throughout the 2000s with the continued growth of girls and women’s sports.
The 2005 results were surprising, as only 40 percent of reporting females identified a female as
there sports hero. Among the questions raised by this data are: do males really not see females as
hero-material, or are they worried about a possible negative label from male cohorts if they identify
with a female as a sports hero? Further, why do so many females report male athletes as heroes? In
2014, respondents were simply asked whether they currently had a sports hero, but not to identify
any specific hero. This survey resulted in the largest percentage (62%) of males reporting that they
currently had a sports hero. The numbers of females reporting to have a current sports hero was
nearly identical to the 2005 survey with just 25 percent saying that they did have a sports hero.
Table 4.2. Do You Have a Sports Hero Currently?

in percent. 1994 N = 199 (82 males, 117 females); 1999 N = 201 (97 males,
104 females); 2005 N = 239 (110 males, 129 females); 2014 N = 199 (83 males,
116 females)
1994 1999 2005 2015
Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No
Males 54 46 35 65 40 60 62 38
Females 38 62 14 85 24 76 25 75
In Table 4.3, male and female responses were combined to answer the question, “Do you cur-
rently have a hero (other than a family member or religious leader)?” We had speculated, following
the 2005 survey, that since the events of September 11, 2001, there was a groundswell of support
for people who act admirably in the light of terrorist events since 1999. The 2014 survey results
indicate that an even greater percentage of respondents report currently having a hero other than
a family member or religious leader. We plan to see whether or not this trend continues in the
future.
Table 4.3. Do You Currently Have a Hero (other than a family member
or religious leader)?
in percent. 1999 N = 201; 2005 N = 239; 2014 N = 199
Yes No
1999 24 76
2005 51 49
2014 58 42
Respondents were asked whether they believe people have as many heroes in this country
today as in the past. The data in Table 4.4 reveals that far fewer believe we do have as many heroes
today as in the past. This is an interesting development as Table 4.3 reveals that in 2005 and 2014
a significant higher number of respondents reported to having a current hero even though in Table
4.4 they indicated we do not have as many heroes as in the past.
Table 4.4. Do We Have as Many Heroes Today as In the Past?

in percent. 1999 N = 201; 2005 N = 239; N = 199
Yes No
1999 30 70
2005 41 59
2014 39 61
Are We Witnessing the Demise of the Sports Hero?

Heroes have existed for a long time. Flattering stories and generous embellishment of the
facts over any given period of time eases the accession of mortal beings to hero status. Often,
these tales of accomplishments were unchallenged, further enhancing heroes to legendary pro-
portions. Heroic behaviors in one sphere of life were assumed to carry over to all other spheres as
well. When a person displayed an admirable trait in one field, it was assumed (or ignored) that
this person must demonstrate the same qualities consistently in all endeavors. Newspaper writers
wrote heroic stories of such icons as Babe Ruth and Mickey Mantle, leaving their personal short-
comings out of print and away from the public’s knowledge. Mickey Mantle, for example, admitted
in 1985, years after his retirement, that most players can look back on their career and say that
they gave it their best; he could not do that. He admitted that he never worked out or trained as
he should have. He went boozing regularly. The general public was unaware of this. Mantle was
a hero for many kids growing up in the 1960s. The truth was revealed in 2005, in a HBO 60-
minute presentation on Mickey Mantle, titled Mantle. Bob Costas stated, “On the ball field there
was something very dignified and heroic about the way he carried himself. But Mickey’s life overall
was not always a study of dignity” (Poliquin 2005).
Today’s heroes (in all fields) have a higher risk of having their private lives become public
than heroes of the past did because of the ever-growing presence of the media. As a result, their
star status is in constant risk of burning out. For example, if a hero does something deviant (e.g.,
gets drunk at a bar and does something foolish) he or she is likely to have it revealed by the tra-
ditional or social media outlets. No athlete is immune from media coverage and the sports hero
(or any other type of hero) no longer holds the mythical status once enjoyed. We know about the
private aspects of public persons, and consequently they do not stand apart from us anymore.
Thus, the media has as much impact in the potential demise of a hero as it does in creating and
expressing the existence of one. On the one hand the media may help to create an image of a
sports star as some type of larger-than-life character that we should admire because of their athletic
ability; on the other hand, the media cannot wait to air dirty laundry capable of crushing the once
positive image they created of an athlete for their audience’s consumption. Sport stars are treated
like any other celebrity, a life to be consumed. As a result, many athletes see themselves as celebrities
that need to entertain the public. And while athletes want to be celebrities, celebrities want to be
athletes. ESPN found a way to combine them both with their annual production of the ESPYs.
This award ceremony combines celebrities—who hand out the awards—with athletes. It seems
that each group wishes to be the other!
Earlier in this chapter, the authors offered examples for each of the categories of heroes; and
while it is true that readers may have their own ideas as to which athletes best fit each category,
there is one thing we all have to consider—their potential fall from grace. For instance, at one
time, the authors, along with most Americans, considered Lance Armstrong a hero (i.e., the hero
of social acceptability). After all, his achievements both on the bike (he won an unprecedented
seven straight Tour de France bicycle races only to later have them stripped away) and off (he
became an inspiration to those with cancer because he successfully won his battle against life-
threatening testicular cancer that had spread to his lungs, abdomen, and brain) earned him acknowl-
edgement as a hero. However, once we learned that he had indeed cheated (he admitted to taking
performance-enhancing drugs) throughout his famed career he fell off his pedestal as if he had
crashed down a mountain cliff in Col du Tourmalet. He has yet to recover from his fall from grace
because of his dismissive attitude. In his 2014 interview with Dan Patrick in Sports Illustrated,
Armstrong was less than repentant about his behavior, essentially claiming that his taking
performance-enhancing drugs was done to keep up with everyone. (There would seem to be some
truth to Armstrong’s claim that “everyone was doing it.”) Another example of a seemingly obvious
sport hero is swimmer Michael Phelps, the most decorated Olympian of all time (currently at 22
total medals). However, in 2014 he was arrested for speeding, crossing double lane lines and sus-
picion of DUI after failing a field sobriety test. His 2014 arrest for DUI added to his list of unac-
ceptable behaviors, a list that includes a previous drunken-driving arrest a decade earlier, and a
published photograph of him in a British tabloid smoking marijuana from a bong (pipe) (The
Citizen 10/7/14). These two stories should serve as an alarm that just because someone (e.g., an
athlete) performs heroic in athletics does not mean they are a true hero in life. Of course, the same
thing can be said about a hero from any walk of life. A firefighter, police officer, military personnel,
religious and political leader, teacher or individual from any other background may act heroically
in one sphere of life, but that does not guarantee they act heroically in all spheres.
It sounds as though we are proclaiming the demise of the hero, but that is not completely true.
We are sounding the alarm that we have to be careful about who we choose to treat as heroes while
also pointing out that heroic deeds performed as an athlete do not imply immunity from poor behaviors
in other areas. However, we are also supporting the idea that there are indeed many people in
society acting heroically, and this includes athletes. Sports fans seem to want a hero, a person that can
burden the expectations of a fan base that dreams, desires or demands a championship and thus justifies
the time, effort and passion fans exert. Cleveland Cavaliers fans, for example, so desperate and so
deserving of a professional sports team championship from their hometown city, placed their col-
lective hopes on hometown favorite LeBron James to bring them a NBA Championship. ( James
is actually from nearby Akron, Ohio.) James was selected number one in the 2003 NBA draft
straight out of high school. He played with the Cavs until 2010 when, after bringing many exciting
playoff appearances but no titles, he announced, in a very public manner, that he was leaving
Cleveland to “bring his talents” to Miami. Cavs fans specifically, and all Cleveland sports fans in
general, were devastated by the announcement. They felt betrayed. They burned their James jerseys.
They tore down his banners. They cried. They cursed James. They begged him to say it wasn’t
true. Every emotion you can think of, the Cavs fans experienced. Their beloved hero had purpo-
sively broken the hearts of fan base that idolized the man. It seemed like the person you loved had
broken up with you for another lover. James as a hero, the idea of anyone as a hero, had demised.
Then the unthinkable happened. Like a long-lost beloved pet, or the love of your life coming
back to you, James announced, again very publicly ( James’s letter, titled “I’m Coming Home,” was
published in Sports Illustrated on July 21, 2014), that he was returning to Cleveland, the city he
spurned years earlier. He had been in sunny Miami and won two titles, but now he promised to
move back to the snow and cold and win titles there. The fans very eagerly accepted him back. All
was forgiven. After all, the hero had returned to save the day. James’s first season was in progress
at the time of this writing and only time will tell whether or not he will bring Cleveland a title.
Rest assured, if he does you will never be able to convince Cleveland fans heroes don’t exist; after
all, the man they are readily willing to treat as a god, or at least a king, had just returned home.
Perhaps the demise of the hero has been over-exaggerated.
The study of a society’s heroes is indeed quite revealing, as the attributes possessed by a hero
reflect the values and norms of the greater culture. We often judge a society by the individuals it
holds up as its own exemplars, so learning about those individuals granted heroic status by their
own fellow citizens can be highly educating and a cause for further reflection.

Box 4: Tailgating with The Simpsons
Early in this chapter we discussed tailgating and its ability to help form a sense of community
among tailgating participants. Tailgating is a time-honored tradition in the United States that
combines fandom, celebration, and bonding over two behaviors that Americans love to do—eating
large amounts of food and consuming large sums of alcohol. People may paint their faces, wear
team colors and boast of their favorite team’s upcoming victory.
No one knows for sure when the first sports tailgate party began, but it’s a good bet that tail-
gating was involved at the very first collegiate football game between Princeton and Rutgers played
at New Brunswick, New Jersey, on November 6, 1869. According to the American Tailgater Asso-
ciation (2014), Rutgers fans showed up at the game wearing scarlet-colored scarves (converted
into turbans). However, these fans did not grill and drink in nearby paved-parking lots.
Contemporary tailgaters drive to the football game with their vehicle filled with food and
drink and seek out their favorite tailgating spot in a parking lot near the stadium. Tailgating at
football games is like picnicking but instead of a comfy blanket on a grassy field, tailgaters cook
up a feast on a parking lot. This may seem like an odd thing to do; after all, who picnics at a parking
lot under any other circumstances? Football tailgating, however, is not like any other circumstance
or experience, for that matter.
America’s favorite animated family, the Simpsons, also like to tailgate; or at least, father
Homer likes to tailgate. In The Simpsons (2008) “Any Given Sundance” episode, we see Homer
Simpson preparing to take his family to Springfield Stadium where arch-rivals Springfield Univer-
sity and Springfield A&M will meet on the gridiron. (Futbol may be played on a pitch, but American
football is played on a gridiron; advantage, American football!) Homer is very excited and eager
to get an early start on tailgating. He hustles his family out of their early morning sleep and packs
them in the car already full of food and beverage. Speaking aloud what his other family members,
other than Homer, are privately thinking, Bart says, “Why are we arriving so early? The game
doesn’t start for hours.” Homer laughs at his son’s complaint and proudly proclaims, “We’re not
here for the game. The game is nothing. The real reason we Americans put up with sports is for
this. Behold the tailgate party! The pinnacle of human achievement. Since the dawn of parking
lots man has sought to stuff his guts with food and alcohol in anticipation of watching others
exercise.” Homer goes on to proclaim the gloriousness of eating “trunk meat”—a very interesting
term of endearment for the food about to be grilled because it was packed away in the trunk of
people’s cars.
Homer, perhaps representing the sentiment of tailgaters everywhere, proclaims, “What could
be greater than eating and drinking for hours in a drizzly parking lot?” The authors toast you,
Homer Simpson, and all the other tailgaters eating trunk meat on a parking lot. And if you ever
get the chance to join either of us, we put on great tailgates!
Summary
Sport has a tremendous impact on culture. Culture provides people with a “script” for what
is acceptable behavior, and puts order into our lives. Sports usually have tangible elements such as
uniforms, stadiums and equipment, as well as nonmaterial elements such as attachment to locations,
values of fair play, and preferences for specific teams. In addition, symbols are used to represent
meanings within a society.
Cultures can vary a great deal, and such differences are often reflected in sport. For instance,
cultural values, such as fair play or competitiveness, can be reflected in a country’s most popular
sports, such as soccer or baseball. Subcultures are groups within a culture who share beliefs and
behaviors which distinguish them from the larger society. They do so through the use of clothing,
mannerisms, and language. Many sports are a type of subculture, such as surfing, which is specific
to certain geographical areas.
A community is a group of people who organize together for a common purpose and form
a network of social relationships. Traditionally, communities had the same physical location, but
this has changed in recent times. There are many ways in which sport can unite a community—
through both active participation and passive support. Such identification with a team can provide
a healthy diversion from mundane reality and a sense of identification with the larger group. Sport
can also divide communities, particularly when athletes and owners do not seem to have the inter-
ests of the community itself as their primary concern.
Sports fans generally have a strong emotional attachment toward their team. This can help
them to feel as though they are a part of a group or community. One way to do this is through
participation in a sport booster group. Such identification with a sport can reaffirm the fan’s estab-
lished values and beliefs and provide for identity enhancement. It can also allow individuals to
express loyalty, commitment and emotional ties, which leads to group cohesiveness. Athletes also
experience deep emotional highs and lows, especially when they are treated as heroes or ostracized
by the general society.
Heroes were once thought to be semi-divine, and they still have a legendary status in societies.
Such criteria as achievement, courage, dedication, integrity, and responsibility are admired by most
societies, and athletes often demonstrate these qualities. There is a great deal of evidence to show
that, whether they wish it or not, athletes are among societies’ leading heroes. The media can both
help to create a hero out of an athlete but it also has a tremendous impact on the potential demise
of the hero in today’s society. Nonetheless, the passion and love that fans bring to sports and their
willingness to place their hopes and dreams onto the performance of others all but assures sports
heroes will continue to have their place in society.
Key Terms
Consumer Culture Using consumer goods to express cultural categories and principles, culti-
vate ideals, create and sustain lifestyles, construct notions of the self, and create (and survive)
social change.
Culture The shared knowledge, values, language, norms, and behavioral patterns of a given
society that are handed down from one generation to the next and form a way of life for its
members.
Diversity of Culture The result of each society’s adaptation to their specific natural environ-
ments (e.g., climate and geography) and a number of traditional customs, habits, values and
norms that develop over time to form a way of life for people.
Ethnocentrism The tendency for members of a society to use their culture’s norms and values
as standards for judging other cultures.
Hero Someone who is admired for his or her achievement, courage, skill, dedication, or
integrity.
Heterogeneous Societies Consist of people who are dissimilar in regard to social characteris-
tics such as religion, race, ethnicity, politics, and economic backgrounds.
Homogeneous Societies Consist of people who share a common culture and are generally
from similar social, religious, political and economic backgrounds.
Language A set of symbols that can be strung together in an infinite number of ways that
expresses ideas and abstract thoughts and enables people to think and communicate with one
another.
Material Culture The physical, tangible creations of a society, such as clothing, merchandise,
football stadiums, sporting equipment, automobiles, and art.
Nonmaterial Culture The more abstract creations of society, such as beliefs, values, ideology,
and norms.
Social Norms The rules that govern behavior.
Society A group of people who interact with one another as members of a collectivity within a
defined boundary. A society also consists of a number of highly structured systems of human
organization and this organized system helps to form the social structure of society.
Subculture A distinctive group within a greater culture that possesses its own cultural values,
behavioral patterns, and other traits distinctive enough to distinguish it from the dominant
group.
Symbols Items that represent something else by association, resemblance, or convention to a
people in a society.
Tailgating Hosting or attending a gathering held in a parking lot of or near a sports stadium
where food and beverages are served from the back of a parked vehicle.
• How do sports figures mirror the values of a given society?
• What are some of the differences between material and nonmaterial cultures? Think of some
examples relating to a specific sports team—what would be the material and nonmaterial
aspects of the team?
• What role do symbols play in helping people identify with a sports team?
• Come up with some examples of sports subcultures and list various types of argot and behav-
iors they use to separate themselves from the larger culture.
• List some recent examples where sport has helped to unify a community, and where it has
divided a community.
• Why are franchises important to communities? Do you agree with Mike Lupica’s suggestions
for ways in which communities can protect a franchise from relocating?
• Do you think that athletes should be “heroes” in modern-day societies? What do you think
are the characteristics of a hero?
• Why are so many “anti-heroes” in sports admired by the general public?
• Provide an example of a contemporary athlete that best fits each of the categories of heroes
discussed in this chapter.
• Do you feel that sports heroes are no longer as important as in the past? Why or why not?
CHAPTER 5
Socialization and Sport
A father is telling a story to his young children about his favorite football player, and hero,
Jim Brown. As he tells of the legendary running skills of Brown the father becomes increasingly
excited reminiscing about past glory. His enthusiasm is contagious. The children eagerly pry their
father for more details, as if listening to a favorite bedtime story. The heroic tale told by the father
will influence his children for some time. As they grow older, whenever these children hear the
name “Jim Brown” they will think of him as a hero based primarily on the testimony of their
father. Soon, these youth will search for their own “bigger than life” person to admire, just as their
father did.
Many students reading this text have heard of Jim Brown and know him as a former great
NFL quarterback. And yet, it is unlikely that any of you remember seeing him play. Still, despite
never having seen Jim Brown, most young Cleveland Browns fans admire him as a hero. This is
also true for football fans (and fans of all sports) across the country. Thus, young New England
Patriots fans admire Tom Brady, Indianapolis Colts and Denver Broncos fans admire Peyton Man-
ning, Arizona Cardinals fans consider Larry Fitzgerald to be great and Seattle Seahawks fans idolize
Russell Wilson.
Admiring athletes as heroes represents an example of how the socialization process can
influence people. Sociologists firmly believe that nearly all human behaviors are learned through
the socialization process. It is through the socialization process that individuals learn cultural
norms, values, beliefs and social expectations. As with all spheres of life, socialization plays an
important role in the sports world. Sports are not just physical activities and games; they serve as
focal points for the formation of social worlds. Social worlds consist of group members who share
a subcultural perspective and are held together through interaction and communication. In order
to fit into a social world, group members will adjust their behavior and mindsets to revolve around
a particular set of activities. Social worlds are like reference groups, they provide us with a certain
perspective on social matters (Shibutani 1955). People are socialized into sport worlds by the
agents of socialization.
The Socialization Process

Despite the focus on early childhood development, socialization is actually a life-long (from
infancy to old age) process of learning. Socialization is defined as a continuing process of social
development and learning that occurs as individuals interact with one another and learn about
society’s expectations of proper behavior so that they can participate and function within their
societies. At the micro level, the socialization process also enables an individual an opportunity
to acquire a personal identity wherein he or she learns the norms, values, behavioral expectations,
95
and social skills appropriate to his or her social position. Thus, an athlete is expected to conform
to certain expectations that correspond to her role, just as a coach is expected to conform to specific
expectations attached to his role.
Every person we come in contact with, either directly (face-to-face) or indirectly (e.g., via a
media portrayal and social media), has influence over our behavior. However, socialization is most
effective when enforced by significant others—family, peer groups, schools, the media, and so on.
We learn directly from others who inform us about expectations of proper behavior and how to
survive life’s many obstacles, and we learn indirectly by observing others. It is through the social-
ization process that each of us (ideally) learns how to conform to society’s norms and values.
At the macro level, socialization is critical for the survival and stability of society, as it is crit-
ical that members of a society are socialized to support and maintain the existing social structure.
Furthermore, it is through the socialization process that members of a society learn about culture.
Thus, just as children learn about culture from their parents (or other primary caregivers), these
same children will some day grow up to become adults who must teach the next generation. In
this manner, culture reproduces itself.
It should be noted that in some cultures, the socialization process may encourage people to make
necessary changes in the social structure for the betterment of society or disadvantaged persons. For
example, at one time African Americans were not allowed to play professional sports (see Chapter
11). Eventually, enlightened individuals decided to challenge policies that discriminated against
minorities. It was the socialization process that changed previously held norms of behavior.
Whether we are talking about accepting old customs, values and norms or new ones, the
effectiveness of the socialization process is predicated by the need for individuals to internalize
the messages being sent to them. Messages become internalized when people react automatically
to certain stimuli. For example, when teaching the fundamentals of running the bases in baseball,
young (or new) players are taught that they must “tag” before advancing from one base to the next
when there is one “out” or no “outs.” Players are also taught that when there are two outs they run
as soon as the ball is hit into play. Before long, players do not need to be reminded of such fun-
damentals because they have internalized the norms of base running. This is why it is so frustrating
to others when an experienced player forgets (or makes a mental error) how many outs there are
and runs on an infield pop-up only to be tagged out.
The Nature-Nurture Continuum

How does the socialization process work? That is, are we born (the nature perspective) with
the knowledge of a culture’s norms and values? And, is our behavior predestined? If this were
true, there would be no need for a learning process, as a society’s social expectations would be
innate and so too would our behavior. Or, must we learn (the nurture perspective) about the
demands and expectations of society? And, consequently, is our behavior a matter of free will?
Sociologists lean heavily toward nurture. While it is true that biology dictates a number of physical
attributes of an individual (e.g., skin color, hair color, eye color, ancestry and potential hand size)
and plays a role as to whether or not an individual is mentally capable of learning, it does not
dictate behavior. The nurture perspective states that socialization, experience, modeling, and
motives—in short, the environment—determines human behavior. Sociologists argue that humans
are free to make their own decisions and therefore our behavior is not predetermined by biology.
If a child sees their best way to get ahead in the world is via sports, for example, they will
pursue sports as a possible career. Conversely, no one is born an athlete; one becomes an athlete.
All athletes, even Michael Jordan (who was once cut from his high school basketball team), rely
on individual effort, good coaching and encouragement, and not some natural biological or genetic
predisposition to play ball. “The notion of a natural or ‘born’ athlete is misleading because it
belies the fact that individuals must learn a host of social, psychological, and kinetic movements
associated with a particular activity. Typically, an individual is referred to as a ‘natural’ if he or she
possesses the ‘tools’ or motor skills (i.e., coordination, agility, speed, strength, power, and stamina)
enabling one to perform sport feats with relative ease” (Leonard 1988: 112). Clearly, possessing
certain physical attributes (e.g., in basketball, having significant height and large hands to palm a
ball) are important, but so too are socio-psychological skills such as desire, opportunity, coaching
and encouragement, to mention just a few. Being tall is not much of an asset in basketball if the
individual is not willing to run up and down the court to play ball. (The topic of genetics will be
discussed in further detail in Chapter 11.)
Primary and Secondary Groups

What if someone tells you, “I am very disappointed in your behavior?” Does such a statement
bother you more if expressed by someone close, like a parent, sibling, significant other, or best
friend, or if it is expressed by a complete stranger? Most of us are more concerned about the sen-
timents and opinions of someone close rather than someone who hardly knows us. This is because
the people closest to us are supposed to know us the best. The people closest to us are known as
significant others and primary groups consist of these significant others. Because primary groups
have the greatest effect on us, socialization is most effective when taught by significant others. A
primary group may be defined as a relatively small group of people with whom members share a
sense of “we-ness,” intimacy, and mutual identification.
Charles Cooley (1909), an early symbolic interactionist, described primary groups as “those
characterized by intimate face-to-face association and cooperation…. The result of intimate asso-
ciation, psychologically, is a certain fusion of individualities in a common whole, so that one’s
very self, for many purposes at least, is the common life and purpose of the group” (23). It is the
face-to-face association between group members and the high degree of intimacy (especially when
compared to non-primary individuals) that leads to a sense of “we-ness.” Every one of us uses var-
ious expressions with “we” in it. For example, “We went to the game last night”; “We won our
game today”; or “We wished my brother a happy birthday.” Think about how many times you have
used the word “we” in a conversation as a means of identifying yourself with a group of significant
others. Chances are it is far more common than you might suspect.
As of point of clarification, Cooley (1909) highlighted five fundamental properties of a pri-
mary group: face-to-face association, unspecified nature of associations, relative permanence, a
small number of persons involved, and relative intimacy of participants. As social beings, humans
are prone toward forming groups. For most of us, the first primary group in our lives is our family.
As a child grows older, she will seek friends of her same age (peers) in an attempt to form a bond
of friendship. Ideally, individuals will also learn to form a number of other relationships that
involves forming a bond with their school, neighborhood, community, and eventually, with society
as a whole.
Cooley also acknowledged that individuals often have interactions with others that are, more
or less, impersonal. That is, we associate with a number of people on a fairly regular basis but our
relationships are not very deep. For example, many of us shop at a favorite grocery store and see
the same clerks time and time again. We say hello to each other, but other than that, we do not
spend any time with each other. Most of us do not know our postal carrier on a personal basis,
and yet, he or she comes to our homes six times a week. As a result, of the impersonal nature of
secondary relationships we can define a secondary group as a collectivity whose members interact
with one another in a relatively formal and impersonal manner.
Agents of Socialization
A sports team may be viewed as a primary group because it consists of a number of significant
others. This is one reason why athletes generally value the opinions of teammates, coaches and
other team-related personnel. Symbolic interactionist George Herbert Mead used the term sig-
nificant others to refer to those who play a major role in shaping a person’s sense of self. Significant
others may also be viewed as agents of socialization. In brief, agents of socialization are sources
of culture. They are the people, groups or institutions that teach us what we need to know in order
to function properly in society. The most important agents of socialization for any individual are
the ones that are most highly revered and trusted.
The agents of socialization include:
1. Parents and close family members. They provide the early preparation for life; primary social-
ization. The role of parents and the family will be explored in Chapter 6 with our discussion of
youth sports.
2. Schools (and day care). Raised within the family structure, the young child receives mostly
consistent messages about social expectations from an extended number of significant family
members. However, once children start going to day care and then school they begin to interact
with other children and adults with potentially different outlooks on proper behavior (Delaney
2012). Parental influence usually declines as the child progresses through school. This period
marks the beginning of the secondary socialization process.
3. Peer groups. As the young child grows older, the opinions, values and norms of peers become
increasingly influential. A peer group consists of friends and associates of a similar age and usu-
ally from the same social status and background (Delaney 2012). The opinions, values and
norms of peers are especially significant to school-age children.
4. The mass media. Providing news, information, and entertainment is the cornerstone of con-
temporary mass media. The media includes television, radio, magazines, motion pictures, news-
papers, video games, Internet (e.g., social networking and news and entertainment), and the
like. Most people, especially sports fans, are heavily influenced by the mass media (see Chapter
15).
5. Religion. The importance of religion varies a great deal from one individual to another.
Many athletes attribute their success to a divine source, while others attribute success to hard
work, determination, and sometimes, luck. (See Chapter 14 for a review on the relationship
between sports and religion.)
6. Employment. Many people’s lives are dictated by their work environment; it either hampers
or allows for opportunities for individuals to pursue sports and leisure activities.
7. The government. The type of socio-political structure found in a society will have a great
deal of influence on individuals and the sports world. (See Chapter 13 for a further discussion.)
These are the principal examples of the agents of socialization. They impact individuals in
varying degrees, but collectively, the agents of socialization are responsible for the transmission
of culture from one generation to the next.
Development of Self
Although the socialization process continues throughout one’s lifetime, early childhood is a
critical time in the initial development of self. Consequently, primary group participation is very
important for children. It is within the primary group that children develop a sense of self. “The
self develops in a group context, and the group that Cooley called the primary group is the real
seat of self-development” (Reynolds 1993: 36). The development of self is the result of a number
of interactions with others over a period of time in a variety of social and cultural contexts.
Throughout time people have derived much of their identity and sense of self from groups
to which they have membership. Identity involves those aspects of one’s life that are deemed as
essential to the character and maintenance of self. A sense of self, which develops in a social group
context, provides an individual with an identity. Thus, individual identities are socially constructed.
Correspondingly, if such an identity is to sustain, it must be worked on and maintained in a group
context (Berger 1963). For example, someone may claim an identity as the team captain, but that
identity can only be sustained in the context of a group (team) setting. As individuals come to see
themselves by a particular identity they must meet the expectations of that role (e.g., the team
captain must take on a leadership role and be an exemplar of expected behavior). Loy and Ingham
(1981) elaborate: “As the individual takes a position (status) in a group, he learns to define himself
in response to the expectations which the group has of a person occupying that status. That is, the
person attempts to interject a group-defined identity into his own identity. The more congruent
the projected self is with the group-defined self, the more social sustenance (reinforcement) one
expects. Once having established one’s claim to an identity, one works to preserve it, and if possible
to enhance it” (190).
While engaging others, individuals attempt to present themselves according to their identity
constructs. “The ‘self label’ is an identity that one presents to others in an attempt to manage their
impression of him or her” (Delaney 2005: 122). Individuals are secure in their identities for as
long as they interact within their primary group. As college freshmen learn, the identities held in
high school do not necessarily remain attached in college. The “big man” on campus in high school,
who once basked in all the glory that comes with that identity, finds himself a mere freshman in
college where people are rarely impressed with high school achievements. Athletes that dominated
in high school sports are often shocked by the decreased identity they possess in college. Whenever
someone joins a new group they encounter new people who come to define them with a new iden-
tity. Modifications to self-identity are often necessary with new involvements. The individual must
know how to adjust his or her role to meet the new group’s requirements.
In team sports it is critical for everyone to play their role and accept the responsibilities that
come with that role. The new person to the group will be accepted as long as they perform their
role up to preconceived expectations.
Acceptance into the group is also dependent upon the actor’s willingness to take on and inter-
nalize the communicated values and norms of the group. In turn, it is the responsibility of the
group to socialize the neophyte within the idealized ideology. When the individual shares the per-
spective of a reference group, she has, in Mead’s (1934) terms, taken on the attitudes of the gen-
eralized other (the community). At this stage of development the individual not only identifies
with significant others (specific people) but also with the attitudes of the group or community as
a whole. The generalized other is not a person; instead, it is a person’s conscious awareness of the
society that he or she is a part of. The ability to adopt the attitude of the reference group is what
allows for diverse and unique persons to share a sense of community.
Thus, every team is composed of individuals who maintain their own sense of individuality
while working cooperatively as a functioning whole. In a team context, any individual member has
the power to disrupt the functioning operation of the whole by inappropriate conduct. Thus, the
group influences the development of individual self and, individuals influence the group. For
example, when a college football player wins the Heisman Memorial Trophy (considered the most
prestigious award in American college football, awarded annually to the top NCAA football player
of the year), the whole team, coaches and the university benefits because of the prestige involved
and the fact that football is a sport where individual achievement is accomplished only through
teamwork.
Sports Identity
Participation in sport is generally recognized as a positive endeavor for at least two crucial
reasons: sports provide valuable opportunities to develop physical skills, competency and proper
conditioning, and sports are a powerful socializing agent that promotes the values and norms of
the prevailing culture. Because of the cultural importance of sport in society, many people have
their identities directly, or indirectly, tied to sports. Sport participants have a generic identity as
an athlete. Within the athlete identity label are a number of subcategories based on such criteria
as success (elite versus marginal); professional status (amateur or paid professional); team sport
or individual sport; team leader (or captain) or backup player; and so on. Clearly, an elite athlete
has a higher status than a marginal athlete. Non-athletes with a sports identity include sport con-
sumers and sport producers.
An elite athlete is someone who has reached a top performance level of competition. Most
elite athletes begin their sports involvement at an early age and generally enjoy success in their
chosen sport. Elite athletes generally have a strong support system from significant others. As
Kenyon and McPherson (1981) explain, “The elite athlete emerges from an environment which
was highly supportive; that is, he was exposed from an early age to an abundant opportunity set
(middle-class values and ample facilities, equipment, and leadership) and much encouragement,
reward, and reinforcement from a variety of meaningful others” (234). A team leader or team cap-
tain enjoys an elevated sense of self, as generally these labels are bestowed upon individuals because
they have displayed character traits deemed most desirable in a team context. Team captains lead
by example. They are especially significant to younger team members who look up to and admire
team leaders. Possessing an identity such as an elite athlete or team leader comes with great respon-
sibility and a conscious effort by such individuals to maintain such a status.
The effects of sports on self-identity and self-image are not fully understood. However, we
know that boys learn at an early age that masculinity is related to achievement in sports and the
more successful a boy is in sports, the more masculine he appears and the more likely he will be
accepted by his peers. Furthermore, all boys are judged according to their ability, or lack of ability,
in competitive sports. Because they equate a positive sense of self through becoming a successful
athlete, boys learn to develop instrumental relationships—those based on pragmatic principles
that assist individuals in their pursuit of goals (Messner 2002). Understandably, young males who
are successful in sports benefit from such an identity. Boys who are not good at sports, or shun
sports, will have to find another way to attain an identity. Some find identities through becoming
waterboys, scouts or other related roles connected with sports while not actually involved in active
participation. Considering how important sports are for boys, alternative identities seldom have
the same level of status as that of an athlete.
Research on the effects of sports on girls is not as extensive as it is with boys. (The effects
of sport participation on female sense of self will be examined in Chapter 10.) As more girls and
women participate in sport, it would stand to reason that females will also benefit from a sports
identity. For instance, a popular photo exhibit called “Game Face: What Does a Female Athlete
Look Like?” opened in the Smithsonian Institution’s Arts and Industry Building in 2001 to cele-
brate the increasing role of women in sport. It focused on the revision of beliefs about womanly
and feminine behavior, and the positive ways in which women use athletics to enhance their sense
of self.
The sport consumer (anyone who purchases sport-related products, including game tickets
and sports merchandize) is an identity embraced by millions, and thus, far outnumbers the athlete
as a sports identity. The pervasive nature of group identification has shown that sport consumers
identify not only with teams but often with the institutions represented by the teams they support.
In fact, fans who maintain high levels of identification with a sports team also show feelings of
bonding with other fans of that same team (Wann and Branscombe 1993). Research indicates that
discriminating between groups can increase self-esteem (Lemyre and Smith 1985; Oakes and Turner
1980). As a result, sport consumers who have formed an identity by pledging an allegiance to one
team (an in-group) view fans of another team (an out-group) as rivals. (Rival teams are also viewed
as out-groups.) As described earlier, identity involves those aspects of one’s life that are deemed
necessary to the character and maintenance of self. For many sport consumers a fan identity to a
particular team or favorite athlete is in fact deemed as a critical identifier of self.
Agents of Sport Socialization

Why is it that some people love sports and others ignore them completely? How is it possible
within the same home environment that siblings do not share the same passionate level for sports,
and why don’t they always cheer for the same teams? Socialization, life experiences, opportunities
and individual motives are among the explanations to these complicated questions.
American society provides ample opportunities for youth sport participation. Most schools
have sports programs, a number of community centers provide safe venues for those interested in
sport, and organized youth leagues such as Little League and Pop Warner Football abound through-
out the United States. Children form informal playgroups in their neighborhoods and engage in
sports. In short, if a child is motivated enough, there are plenty of sporting options available in
every community.
Not every child is motivated to play sports. Some children played sports, had initial bad expe-
riences and never returned to the sports world. Others never were interested in playing sports, and
did so only under duress. As Turner (2006) explains, we need motives to occupy positions in life.
We need to be energized to play certain roles in life. Some people simply never possessed a motive
or desire to play sports when they were young. The motivation for sports participation is affected
by a number of variables, including:
1. Individual ability. Possessing skill in a sport is a prime motivator to continue participation.

Youth who lack skill in certain sports (or all sports) are less motivated to play when compared
to those who demonstrate sporting skills.
2. The availability of opportunities to play sports. Sports programs and teams must be available
for youth to try out. Unfortunately, many school districts face budget constraints that some-
times lead to the elimination of sport programs. Geography plays an important role as well. For
example, youth in Los Angeles have far more opportunities to surf than youth in Montana do.
3. Socioeconomic factors. A number of sports (e.g., club hockey, polo, tennis, and golf ) are too
expensive to participate in and thus limit participation. On the other hand, other sports (e.g.,
soccer and basketball) are less expensive to play and therefore are accessible to youth of all
socio-economic backgrounds.
4. The influence of family and friends. Youths who are encouraged to play sports and who are
positively reinforced for their efforts by friends and family are more likely to start and continue
their sport participation.
5. The prestige and power of the socializing agents. Possessing a sports identity is a great motivator
for youth and provides them with an edge in the social world. Conversely, when sport participa-
tion loses its appeal, the prestige attached also decreases.
Individual motivation toward sport participation, or away from it, is greatly influenced by
the agents of socialization. While the agents of socialization prepare individuals “for many roles
in life that have little or nothing to do with sport, they also play a significant part in the individual’s
sport socialization” (Vogler and Schwartz 1993: 15).
The Family and Sport

It should not come as a surprise that parents, as the primary agent of socialization, especially
the father, and other immediate family members have the greatest impact on a child’s socialization
into sport. As Phillips (1993) states, “Children are more interested in sports when they receive
encouragement from parents” (86). Nearly all parents engage in ball playing with infants as a means
of developing coordination, balance and basic motor skills. Rolling a ball to a baby and encouraging
active participation in such an activity provides the child its first introduction into sport. It is also
a non-threatening and fun way of developing a bond between a guardian and child. American
boys are almost always encouraged to play catch or bat a baseball. Sports equipment (e.g., ball,
glove) is a common gift for a newborn baby boy. Messner’s (2002) research on male former athletes
revealed that their earliest experiences in sports came in childhood from male family members,
including uncles and older brothers, who served as “athletic role models as well as sources of com-
petition for attention and status within the family” (128). Messner (2002) also found that in some
cases, attempts by younger aspiring athletes to meet the standards of older siblings was too much
pressure and was difficult to contend with. Still, as adult males, these aspiring athletes looked back
upon their childhood relationships with their athletic older male family members in a positive light.
Many parents also encourage their children’s participation in board games and other fun
activities as a way of providing entertainment but also as a way of introducing the child to the
world of rules and clear-cut winners and losers. Children who learn to enjoy competition will
become increasingly drawn to sports and other contests. Some children may be turned off by the
physical activity or the competition and will begin to turn away from sports. Additionally, parents
who encourage their children to engage in more passive activities such as reading and starting a
coin or stamp collection are more likely to have children who shun sports.
The age and physical condition of the parents can affect a child’s socialization into or away
from sport. A father or mother who is physically fit and active will be more likely to encourage
sport participation in the child. Conversely, if the parents are physically incapable of sport par-
ticipation, their children may not be exposed to as many sport opportunities. The age of the
parents in relation to the child can have an effect as well—many older parents are less able or
willing to play sports with their children. A family’s economic status and geographic residence are
two additional factors that influence a child’s socialization into sport. Families with limited dis-
posable income will generally be limited to sports that they can afford to register their children
into. Thus, the wealthy have opportunities to play the vast array of sports, including polo and
golf, while the poor are more likely to play street basketball, soccer, or stickball.
The ethnicity of the family has also been cited as a variable in sport participation. Phillips
(1993) examines the “ethnic influence” from the standpoint (and tradition of Harry Edwards)
that certain ethnic and racial groups that are discriminated against are more likely to participate
in sport. Blacks have valued sports excellence for decades and view it as a way of getting ahead
and therefore have a higher percentage participating than whites (Edwards 1973). This trend has
continued into the early twenty-first century and explains, in part, why blacks dominate many
American sports. Today, many other minority ethnic groups are beginning to use sport as a means
of getting ahead and have begun to re-shape the elite strata of sport. (This topic will be discussed
in further detail in Chapter 11.) Phillips (1993) notes that whites have a higher participation rate
in sport than Asians and that this difference holds across all income and social class levels. Vogler
and Schwartz (1993) examine the ethnic influence as a socializer in sport from a different perspec-
tive. Their focus is on ethnic neighborhoods that have a fondness for a specific sport (e.g., a Brazilian
neighborhood would encourage soccer participation among its youth) that leads to a greater interest
and participation in such sports. Furthermore, parents who are highly identified by their ethnicity
and active in the community are more likely to encourage their children’s participation in the eth-
nically preferred sport.
Peers and Sport

A child’s playmates will also have an influence on sport participation. In simplest terms, if a
child’s friends play ball, the child is more likely to play ball. As the level of importance in ball
playing increases among peers, so too will the commitment level to participate in sport increase.
As the child plays with others, talent levels are compared. A child that receives praise for his or
her sports propensity is more likely to continue participation. Conversely, if a child’s performance
level is sub-par he or she may be subject to ridicule from peers. This will result in a negative self-
concept and a negative outlook on sports, thus decreasing the likelihood of continued participation.
Most children are somewhere in between the elite and inept extremes of athleticism. These children
will continue to play sports for as long as it remains fun and relatively fulfilling. They will most
likely remain fans, or consumers, of sports after their playing days have ended. The bond shared
among peers who cheer for the same team or individual athlete is a very strong and important one.
Kenyon and McPherson (1981) summarize the peer-induced factors related to sport social-
ization:
1. The greater the peer involvement in sport, the greater the propensity for sport involvement.
2. The greater the positive sanctions from peers, the greater the propensity for sport involve-
ment.
3. The greater the amount of sport-oriented face-to-face interaction with peers, the greater the
propensity for sport involvement.
4. The higher sport is placed in the peer group’s hierarchy of values, the greater the degree of
sport role socialization (235).
School and Sport

Obviously, children need opportunities to participate in sports and to develop a passion for
sport and physical play. Ideally, all schools would mandate physical education. Unfortunately, and
as hard as it is to believe, some school districts have cut back on physical education (due to budget
cuts) and do not require regular physical activity among their pupils. For most children, however,
physical education is provided in school. Before long it becomes clear who has athletic ability and
who does not. Physical education instructors, who often serve dual roles as coaches, will identify
those kids with potential for school sports and encourage more advanced and specialized training.
Since most junior high and middle schools have interscholastic teams and intramural leagues, chil-
dren with sports ability are given a platform to showcase their skills. Success, to any degree, will
most likely lead to a continuation in sport participation. Accolades from classmates, teachers and
school personnel will enhance the ego of these young athletes and will, in turn, generally lead to
a further commitment to sport. Schools with a winning tradition in sports will especially value
athletic excellence, leading to both more pressure to succeed among elite athletes, but also providing
an even bigger stage from which to shine when successful.
Socialization into Sport

The agents of socialization pave the way for the socialization into sport. Socialization into
sport is a process whereby an individual is encouraged by the agents of socialization to partake in
sport either as a participant or as a spectator and consumer. Generally speaking, individuals are
socialized “into” sport by significant others (agents of socialization) because of the perceived pos-
itive attributes of sport. As stated earlier, parents introduce games to children because they are
rule-bound and encourage conforming behavior. A game that involves multiple players means that
each participant must know the role of others. Behaviors must be adjusted to conform to group
or team needs and game rules. Once a child learns how to play games, he or she is mature enough
to be socialized into sport.
Socialization into sport is most effective when it begins in early childhood. This is especially
true if a father shows an interest in sport and encourages his son or daughter to play sports. A
highly identified fan and parent may try to “force” socialize a son or daughter into sport by dressing
him or her in baby clothing of a favorite team, including pajamas, t-shirts or baby bibs; giving the
child a stuffed animal that is either a replica of the mascot of a favorite team or one that is simply
wearing clothing that supports a favorite team; watching the favorite team on television with the
child in hopes that the excitement and passion will carry over; and so on. Clearly, children who
are raised in a family where the parents, or older siblings, already demonstrate an interest in sport
(either directly as participants, or indirectly as consumers) are more likely to embrace sports as
well. Some parents want to live vicariously through their children’s sport participation. These par-
ents encourage their sons and daughters into sport either to recapture (indirectly) their loss athletic
glory and the attention that sport participation garnered, or they hope to experience the glory
that sport can provide and that they never enjoyed themselves when they were younger. The level
of parental vicarious attachment and encouragement of sport participation increases as the level
of competition (e.g., from intramurals to interscholastic sports) and corresponding prestige
increases (Nixon and Frey 1996).
It is interesting to note that regardless of the sex of the child, the father typically has the
most influence over whether a child will be socialized into sport. Fathers are also more likely to
“type” sport activities that are gender “appropriate.” For example, fathers are more likely to tell
their sons that sports such as football and baseball are more appropriate than ballet and dance to
participate in. Because of socialization influences, boys are more concerned than girls about sports
that are deemed “gender appropriate.” A child’s ordinal position in the family is also a factor in
socialization into sport. First born children do not have the same opportunity to imitate siblings
and lack older sibling role models to shape their behaviors.
Historically, boys, especially in American culture, have been encouraged to play sports. Girls
have not. As we shall see in Chapter 10, women have had to overcome a great number of obstacles
in their attempt to reach gender equity in the sports world. Socialization into sport is the first bar-
rier that women had to shatter. Sports were believed to be a male’s domain and most parents,
fathers and mothers, socialized their children into this gendered view of sport. For instance, as J.
C. Reeser (2005) notes: “Historically, female athletes have been subjected to a variety of discrim-
inatory and prejudicial practices that have affected their access to sport. For example, women were
not permitted to compete in the ancient Olympics, nor were they included when the modern
Games were first organized in 1896” (695).
With the rise of the women’s rights movement in the 1960s and the passage of legislation in
the 1970s, a number of sporting opportunities became available for girls and women. Initial inroads
made by women seeking gender equity in sport were met by a variety of challenges. For example, in
1980, Iris Marion Young questioned whether women should participate in sport and utilized the sexist
putdown in baseball, “You throw like a girl” as her central theme (Wedgwood 2004). In a later ver-
sion of her 1980 article, Young (1998) suggested that women underestimate their physical power
and skills and approach tasks with timidity, doubt and hesitancy because they are afraid of getting
hurt. Conversely, boys and men are not afraid of getting hurt. People get hurt playing sports; ergo,
boys are more suited for sports. Twenty-five years later, few people in sport share this sentiment.
Nikki Wedgwood turned the phrase “throwing like a girl” around to “kicking like a boy” in
her study of a schoolgirl Australian Rules football team. Wedgwood’s (2004) research centered
on why the girls played football; whether they played football as a means of consciously resisting
male domination; whether they felt empowered by playing football; and how they handled gender
role conflicts. Among Wedgwood’s (2004) findings:
• Because some of the women on the team felt physically strong and confident before playing
football, it is hard to conclude that they felt more empowered after playing football.
• However, for the women who had not previously felt strong and confident, football encour-
aged them to come out of their shells and “playfully experiment with their bodies” (159).
• The exhilaration of physical play and assertiveness boosted their overall confidence.
Wedgwood concludes that these young women benefited by their socialization into a male-
dominated sport and that their participation in football provided them “the opportunity to resist
the traditional ideal of women as fragile, defenseless, weak sexual objects” (159). Furthermore,
Wedgwood found that most of the women were not inspired by tenets of feminism to play football;
rather, just like boys, the inspiration to play football was attributed to a love for the game. More
than a decade prior to Wedgwood’s study, Ryckman and Hamel (1992) concluded that adolescent
girls participated in sport to maintain and prolong friendships more than any desire to develop
and improve their athletic skills or nurture a love for the game.
The social characteristics of race, ethnicity and social class are also factors involved in the
socialization into sport. Wealthy people are often socialized into sports that reflect their status
and perceived dignity (e.g., fox hunts in England, rowing at Oxford and ivy league schools, polo
“at the club,” golf in private country clubs). People from lower socio-economic classes and those
who are discriminated against are generally attracted to sports that provide accessibility and enjoy-
ment, and also a chance for economic success.
Geographic location plays a role with the socialization into sport. Children raised in Syracuse,
New York, are more likely to play lacrosse than children in Los Angeles. Conversely, children living
in the beach cities outside of Los Angeles are more likely to surf than kids in Syracuse. This is despite
the fact that someone from one geographic area may have a greater ability to play a sport popular in
another area. Certain geographical areas are known for their sports: basketball in New York City;
hockey throughout Canada; football in Texas, Florida and Alabama. Whether someone resides in a
city, the suburbs, or a rural community can also affect the socialization into sport (e.g., what sports
will be made available, funding, coaching, interest from the community to field a specific sports team).
Socialization Via Sport

Once an individual has entered the sports world, what keeps him or her interested? From the
functionalist perspective, continued participation is related to individual ability, the influence of
family and friends on the individual, the continued availability of resources, and whether one
experienced success, or a positive experience, while playing sport. Developing a commitment to
sport participation involves a number of factors, including:
1. A willingness to accept a sports role and the corresponding relationships and networks affili-
ated with it. This includes a willingness to abide by the rules.
2. The continued development of the web of personal relationships connected to sport partici-
pation.
3. Assessed potential for achieving success.
4. Degree of involvement in the sport. Those who play a lot have a vested interest in continu-
ing their participation. Those who primarily sit on the bench are likely to lose interest.
5. Whether participation is voluntary or involuntary. Youths who are pushed into a sport
(involuntary) by a parent, coach, or some other significant person are less likely to want to keep
playing, compared to someone who participates voluntarily.
6. The prestige and power associated with playing the sport and how rewarding an individual
finds sport participation will affect one’s willingness to continue playing.
7. Gradually accepting the established personal reputation and identity as an athlete; in other
words, seeing oneself as an athlete.
As athletes increasingly accept their role and position within the sports world, they acquire
a number of character traits. Proponents of sport love to point out the positive attributes of par-
ticipation, such as working hard, dedication, loyalty, teamwork (where applicable), and commit-
ment. Detractors point to the undesirable attributes, such as athletes who cheat, take drugs, or
employ a “win-at-all-costs” mentality instead of fair play and cooperation among all participants.
Socialization via sport involves the social processes and significant others that influence an
individual’s decision to remain in sport. This process can only occur through participation. Indi-
viduals who decide to continue their athletic careers do so at many costs. They must give up free
time to practice. They may need to diet and exercise. Strength and conditioning programs are
often a part of an athlete’s “off season” training. Some athletes, such as football players, often
need to bulk up. Other athletes, such as wrestlers, must meet a weight limit before each match.
Athletes learn that they must abide by their coaches’ rules, team rules, school rules, and league
rules. They must also accept any negative sanctions for non-conforming behavior.
Ideally, all participants learn good sportsmanship. Poor sportsmanship, according to John
Rosemond, a family psychologist, is a show of self-centered disrespect for others. Children should
develop positive sportsmanship by age 10. To instill good sportsmanship, Rosemond (2000) rec-
ommends that a child (at age 7) who begins to gloat or get upset during a game should be imme-
diately removed and not allowed to continue unless he or she apologizes to everyone—the coaches,
teammates, and the other team members. If the child refuses, then he or she should be removed
from the game. Rosemond recognizes that the disciplined child will feel embarrassed and believes
that’s the point in properly socializing a child. “He must be required to experience a negative emo-
tional consequence powerful enough to cause him to begin controlling his anti-social behavior on
the field” (2000: C3). Most likely, readers will find Rosemond’s approach a little extreme, but
imagine if all of today’s professional athletes had been required to meet such criteria in sports-
manship. (Note: We will discuss sportsmanship in greater detail in Chapters 6 and 16.)
Athletes on teams often retreat to their own social worlds. It is here that they feel most com-
fortable. Peer pressure is a powerful form of “socialization via sport” technique. Not only is there
pressure to follow the formal rules (e.g., meet curfew, no gambling) there is pressure to follow the
informal rules of the team. Some of these rules are harmless forms of socialization. For example,
baseball players may have a “donation” cup for every time a player makes an error. This mild form
of sanction serves to bond teammates. Players begin to regret and fear making an error as much
for the informal ridicule they will receive (along with the “donation” sanction) from teammates,
as the fact that the error could cost the team the game.
An important element of the “socialization via sport” process is the fraternal bond. The fra-
ternal bond is a process whereby members of a group foster and reinforce team camaraderie and
a commitment to group goals. Curry (1991) describes the fraternal bond as a force, link, or affec-
tionate tie that unites men. It provides bonding opportunities among teammates. The fraternal
bond is a crucial element of fraternities, sports teams and other subcultural groups. The fraternal
bond is not inherently negative or positive. Cooperation among team members who work hard to
achieve a goal is one of many positive examples of the fraternal bond. However, the fraternal bond
may also promote negative character traits. Curry (1991) suggests that “doing gender” in the locker
room (e.g., communication among team members that involves putting down women, treating
women as sexual conquests, mocking gays and bragging about sexual conquests) is a means of
strengthening the fraternal bond. Kane and Disch (1993) claim that “an act of sexual assault such
as gang rape becomes an important mechanism for male bonding in two interdependent ways: It
creates in-group solidarity by clearly establishing dominance over an inferior outsider, and it tem-
porarily erases pre-established hierarchies within the group by creating a ‘level playing field’ for
all group members.”
The contrasting viewpoints of the fraternal bond underscore the debate over whether sport
participation actually promotes positive or negative character traits. Nixon and Frey (1996) con-
clude that any differences between the behaviors of athletes and non-athletes is most likely attrib-
uted to differences between individuals in the first place, rather than because sport changes
individuals. Thus, people who display “good” character traits and who play sports will continue
to develop positive attributes via sport socialization; while those people who display “negative”
character traits will continue to develop negative attributes regardless of their sport participation.
Delaney and Madigan believe there are exceptions to both categories of sport participants. In
other words, sport socialization can improve the character traits in individuals who previously had
questionable ones; and people who generally display good character traits may also display negative
traits, at least periodically, in sport.
Socialization Out of Sport

Eventually, sport participants are socialized out of sport. This can be voluntary (e.g., retire-
ment, quit) or involuntary (e.g., being cut from the team, career ending injury). Socialization out
of sport involves a desocialization process where an individual leaves sport and experiences a mod-
ification of sense of self. For professional athletes, exiting can be very difficult. (Think of all the
tearful retirement speeches shown on television.) Drahota and Eitzen (1998) describe the role
transition of athletes out of sport as a difficult one because: “They lose what has been the focus
of their being for most of their lives, the primary source of their identities, the physical prowess,
the adulation bordering on worship from others, the money and the perquisites of fame, the cama-
raderie with teammates, and the intense ‘highs’ of competition. All of these are lost to professional
athletes who are in their twenties and thirties when they exit sport” (263).
Big-time athletes have heard deafening crowds chant their names and have had adoring fans
nearly worshipping them throughout their playing days. But when the career ends, so to does the
cheering. Many professional athletes miss this type of attention after retirement. This is especially
true if the person’s primary identity was tied to sport participation. Many athletes stay close to
sport by becoming coaches or sports media personnel. Tim Green, the former Atlanta Falcon who
became a color analyst for FOX Sports, discusses what he calls the “The Second Death” phenom-
enon:
They say that football players die two deaths. The first death comes when their career finally ends.
My career has ended. No more cleats, no more banging helmets, no more cheers, no more
headaches. Instead of the stress and worry of an impending football season, the notion of
autumn is nothing more than brilliantly colored orange trees, just like in the postcards. I hear sto-
ries in the news about my former teammates losing weight in the heat, having last-minute battles
over their contracts, getting injured…. As great as it is to stay close to this game, to talk about it, to
be there watching, to get excited about doing television broadcasts, it really isn’t quite the same, is
it? [1996: 263–264].
Exiting Sport Voluntarily

There are a variety of ways for individuals to leave sport voluntarily. One simple reason for
leaving is because participation has merely lost its appeal—it is no longer viewed as a rewarding
endeavor. The sport participant may come to a realization that the personal time allocated (e.g.,
practice, training, game day) is taking away from the time needed to pursue other interests (e.g.,
dating, school work, family). In other words, at some point in time, usually during childhood,
most people stop playing sports because it has lost its appeal. But how does sport lose its appeal?
Most young children play sports because they are fun. However, as the level of competition
increases and becomes more structured and the emphasis on skill and success becomes paramount,
the lesser talent participants simply turn away. These young athletes desire that their sporting activ-
ities remain fun and do not like the intrusion of seriousness (e.g., emphasis on improving skills,
utilizing techniques that attempt to maximize the chances of winning versus a commitment to
playing everyone) creeping into their leisure activity.
From the participant’s point of view a lost appeal in sport is one of the easiest ways to exit.
However, the individual may find that significant others have objections to this decision. Friends,
teammates and coaches may try to assert pressure on the individual to remain. Many parents become
upset when their children quit sports because they had an emotional, communal and financial
(e.g., purchased specific equipment that now will now go unused) attachment and involvement
with their children’s sport participation. Parents and family members that made a number of sac-
rifices so that their child could play sports may try to influence or coerce the young athlete back
into sport. Parents who were living vicariously through their children’s participation will especially
be upset when their kids quit. However, it is also true that some athletes will quit or retire volun-
tarily to spend more time with their families. Professional athletes who retire voluntarily (especially
those with seemingly more years of playing time ahead of them) often cite the desire to be with
their families as their primary reason for leaving.
Many athletes are also pressured by friends, spouses and business associates who have a finan-
cial as well as emotional interest in their remaining in the game. This is often the case, for instance,
with professional boxers, who have significant entourages and who find it difficult to voluntarily
break away from the perks and privileges their status provides them in their community. Quite
often, even after retiring, such athletes will find themselves returning to the sport they had volun-
tarily left, due to such financial, emotional and status pressures.
Another reason participants exit sport is because of burnout. Burnout occurs when individ-
uals feel overwhelmed by their sport participation; to the point where they feel (or fear) that they
have lost control over their lives and believe that their identity is too closely tied to sports. These
young athletes come to believe that they may be missing out on other opportunities and identities
apart from sports.
Retirement represents an exit strategy out of sport for the professional athlete. Voluntary
retirement is different for professional athletes than it is for “other retirees who, typically, are
elderly and leaving the occupational world altogether” (Drahota and Eitzen 1998: 264). Although
common sense alone should serve as a reminder to athletes that when they retire (even if it is after
a long and successful career) they will have decades remaining in their lifespan, many are not pre-
pared for life after sports. This is usually because of their single focus on their sport and the failure
to plan ahead. Drahota and Eitzen (1998) believe that many athletes know but do not necessarily
accept the fact that playing sports is a temporary role to be performed for a relatively short period
of their lives. Often this failure to realize that a career will come to an end is tied to denial. Most
athletes view retirement as the only acceptable way of exiting sport because it implies they left on
their terms—ready, or not, for life after sports. And there does seem to be a special status for
athletes who retire on their own accord, often at the top of their game or at least before inevitable
decline in their skills sets in. Rocky Marciano, “The Brockton Blockbuster,” retired as Heavyweight
Champion in 1956, after holding the title for four years, and remains the only undefeated champion.
He was noted for his courage, dignity and sense of grace, and managed his money and career well
after leaving the ring, unlike many other athletes who find it difficult to adjust to life after sports.
Exiting Sport Involuntarily

The two primary ways that sport participants exit sports involuntarily is through injury and
being cut, or kicked off, the team. Injuries are a common occurrence, as the playing field can be a
violent, risky and hazardous environment. “Not even the risky and labor-intensive settings of min-
ing, oil drilling, and construction sites can compare with the routine injuries of team sports such
as football, ice hockey, soccer and rugby” (Delaney 2002: 1560). According to the Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, for instance, between 1997 and 1999 an average of 7 million
Americans per year received medical attention for sports and recreation-related injuries. Youths
aged 14 and under comprise about half of this annual total. A decade later, the CDC (2013)
reported that nearly 2.6 million children were treated in hospital emergency departments for sports
and recreation-related injuries in 2009. Many more injuries were treated in doctor’s offices and
primary, acute care, and sports medicine clinics (CDC 2013). (Note: In Chapter 6, we will provide
more data on youth sports and recreation injuries.)
Ending a sports career due to injury is one of the cruelest things to happen to an athlete. The
years of hard work and training and fighting off competition (both from those trying to take your
job and the competitors) comes to a brutal end when injuries cut short a career.
Being cut from or kicked off a team is the other major way of exiting a sport involuntarily.
There are a variety of reasons that someone might be cut from a team: skills level is not high
enough to successfully compete; diminished skills; increased competition; poor attitude; off-the-
field problems; and so on. Lately, there has been an increase in the number of veteran professional
players being cut because they carry too high of a salary. For example, in the National Football
League (NFL) salary contracts are not guaranteed and as a result, if a player is earning a high
salary and a younger player is available for less money, a number of franchises have decided to cut
the veteran as a cost-saving mechanism. This veteran must now decide whether to take a playing
offer for substantially less income (and “lose face” in the process), hope that some other team will
sign him, or her, or retire. According to the National Football League Players Association (NFLPA),
400 players are socialized out of the game each year. According to the NFL’s players union, the
NFL is a 4-year turn-around business (meaning that the average player lasts four years in the NFL).
Will Leitch (2005) notes: “The average NFL player’s career lasts 3.5 years, according to the NFLPA,
and the average annual salary is $1.25 million. That’s good money, of course, but this fact com-
plicates matters: NFL teams do not guarantee contracts, meaning that if a player is injured or does
not perform up to expectations, he can be cut and the team is not required to pay his salary” (1).
The NFL (2011) claims there is a bit of a misrepresentation when citing the 3.5 years career statistic.
Nearly 88 percent of players in the NFL have a 6-year career and a first-round draft pick has a 9.3
year career. According to a Forbes report, the average salary for an NFL player was $1.9 million
in 2012 (Burke 2012). The highest single salary for an NFL player in 2014 was $22 million for
Green Bay Packers star Aaron Rogers (NFL 2014).
Although such instances are rare, there is another example of exiting sport involuntarily that
occurs in rare cases—death. The causes of death include the athlete having a previous health ailment,
injuries sustained while playing, or negligent medical treatment. Research conducted by Maron,
Gohman and Aeppli (1998) found that over a twelve-year period (1985–86 through 1996–97) there
were three Minnesota high school athletes that died during competitive high school athletic compe-
tition due to cardiovascular disease. In 2005, San Francisco 49er Thomas Herrion died from compli-
cations of heart disease. Herrion collapsed in the team’s locker room following a preseason NFL game
against the Denver Broncos. There are numerous sport activities that may lead to death. Among the
most common are horse racing, sky-diving, hang-gliding, mountaineering, scuba diving, motorcycle
racing, college football and boxing. Seven Olympic athletes died during competition during the years
1912–2010 (11 athletes died due to a terrorist attack at the Munich Games in 1972) (Games Bids 2010).
Athletes certainly are not the only ones being forced out of their occupation. This is some-
thing that many Americans can relate to, especially in light of economic uncertainty, corporate
downsizing, jobs moving overseas, and so forth. No one wants to lose their job, especially if they
are qualified and capable of doing the work.
Resocialization
Just as we are socialized into new roles, we are also socialized out of existing ones. Being
socialized out of a role means being re-socialized into yet another new role. Socialization “out of ”
sport involves a re-socialization process, as one’s sense of self changes when the athlete stops
playing sports. This is true whether a participant exits voluntarily or involuntarily. Some athletes
handle the transition quite well. They find jobs in the professional workforce or start their own
companies. A number of former athletes will find jobs in the sports world (e.g., coaching, admin-
istration, the sports media). As we shall see in Chapter 13, some athletes even make a successful
transition into the world of politics.
The NFLPA claims that upon retirement, 66 percent of NFL players report having emotional
problems, 50 percent report personal problems, and 1 of 6 were divorced within 6 months. The
NFLPA compares the experiences that professional jocks have after leaving sport to that of war
veterans—the transition into civilian life is difficult, almost shocking (Leitch 2005: 4). This diffi-
culty in transition of roles is partly explained by the realization that the athlete can no longer per-
form his or her role successfully—he or she has been replaced. The truth of this reality can be
painful both physically and psychologically. Resocialization out of sport will be especially difficult
and stressful under these conditions:
1. The athlete’s level of intensity of involvement in the sport was high.

2. Retirement from sport was involuntary.
3. Retirement will result in a loss of income and prestige (celebrity).
4. The athlete has not come up with a substitute career to fill the void that sport once filled.
5. The athlete’s self-concept and sense of self were directly tied to sport participation.
6. The athlete does not seek counseling or assistance during the resocialization process (Figler
and Whitaker 1981).
The successful transition from sport athlete to non-athlete involves a process known as role exit.
“Role exit is depicted as a process of disengagement, disidentification, and resocialization. Disengage-
ment involves the actual means of withdrawing from the type of behavior associated with a role.
Disidentification refers to the time when individuals stop associating their self-identity with the role
being exited. The process of leaving a role means that one also is being socialized into a new role”
(Drahota and Eitzen 1998: 266). The key to resocialization for the athlete is to re-identify one’s sense
of self. Many athletes have a difficult time with this. Identifying with the “ex-athlete” role identity is
something that takes years for many athletes. Tim Green, the former defensive lineman with the
Atlanta Falcons and an athlete who has made a successful transition, believes that “it’s hard for pro
players to retire—regardless of how long or successful their careers were—after dedicating their lives
to going pro” (Gifford 2004: A-5). Green, who became a lawyer and best-selling author, ended his
eight-year career in 1994. His book The Dark Side of the Game: My Life in the NFL chronicles some
of the problems that players face after exiting sport. Green (1996) reports that many players have
problems with alcohol, other drugs, and marital relationships, and engage in reckless behavior.
Research conducted by David Frith (2001) on cricket players reveals that they have the highest
suicide rates of all ex-athletes. Since the early 1900s there have been 143 documented cricket player
suicides worldwide. The largest percentage of cricket suicides occurs in South Africa. Frith reports
that cricket athletes do not seek professional counseling for their emotional problems after exiting
sports. Frith believes the high suicide rate is related to the pressure of the game. The most important
matches take 6 to 8 hours a day for 5 days. As with other athletes that dedicate their lives to sport, the
loss of night and day involvement in sport and the idea of being a “has been”—despite a relatively
young age—is too much to handle for many athletes. Frith (2001) insists that it is not cricket that
causes personal problems for its players; rather, it is the loss of cricket that is responsible. Frith’s con-
clusion seems plausible. After all, golf matches often take 6 to 8 hours and last for four days, and
Major League Baseball players play 162 games in less than six months. Consequently, the high suicide
rate for cricket players cannot be attributed to being over-stressed due to the demands of the sport.
There is growing evidence that many face serious physical ailments such as chronic traumatic
encephalopathy (CTE), a degenerative condition many scientists say is caused by head trauma and
linked to depression and dementia (ESPN 2013). Pro Football Hall of Famers Tony Dorsett and
Joe DeLamielleure and former NFL All-Pro Leonard Marshall have all been diagnosed with CTE.
“CTE is indicated by a buildup of tau, an abnormal protein that strangles brain cells in areas that
control memory, emotions, and other functions” (ESPN 2013). (Note: We will discuss concussions
and post-concussions among other by-products of violent sport participation in Chapter 9.)
Successful transition into the “ex-athlete” mode is a difficult for many athletes. As Drahota and
Eitzen (1998) found, some professional athletes never completely exit the role of professional athlete.

Box 5: It’s Time to Hang Up the Gloves
When should an athlete retire, and why don’t more do so earlier, before their athletic skills
have declined? This is a question which especially relates to boxers. Joe Lewis, Mohammad Ali,
and Mike Tyson are just a handful of examples of World Heavyweight Champions who ended up
being beaten later in their careers by opponents they would have easily demolished during the
height of their powers. In fact, Rocky Marciano (1923–1969), who retired as champion in 1956
with a record of 49 wins and zero losses, is a rare exception of an elite boxer hanging up his gloves
voluntarily.
Jack London (1876–1916) was one of the most popular fiction writers of the early 20th cen-
tury. He was fascinated by individuals who put their lives and reputations on the line and lived
life on the edge. Not surprisingly, many of his characters were boxers, and he seemed to intuitively
understand the reasons why so many boxers kept getting into the ring long past their prime. His
short story “A Piece of Steak” (originally published in 1909 in The Saturday Evening Post) is a
harrowing look at an aging former champion named Tom King who is desperate to win just one
more title bout so that he can make enough money to feed his starving family and have a decent
life. King had once been the toast of the town. But he’d spent all his money as soon as he had it,
and, after having been battered and bruised so often, he has lost the title and is now in desperate
straits. As the saying goes, he’s at the end of his ropes. Then, unexpectedly, King is given an oppor-
tunity to fight a young opponent named Sandel. Using all the boxing skills he’d accumulated over
the years, King almost wins the fight. But as the match wears on he recognizes that his strength is
fading. And remembering back to his younger days, he can see the same sort of youthful contempt
in Sandel’s eyes that he himself once had for the former greats he had knocked out so often. As
his energy flags, and just before he is knocked out cold, King (whose last name of course is quite
ironic) keeps wishing that he had had enough money before the fight so he could have had a piece
of steak, rather than just bread and gravy, which was all he could afford. Not only does he lose
what he knows will be his last chance at a decent fight, but because he’s taken out credit on the
loser’s share he will be paid (presuming that he would instead get the winning purse) he is now
even more deeply in debt. He has to walk the two miles back home to his starving wife and child
(whose meager food he had consumed earlier to give him more strength) because he doesn’t have
any money for cab fare.
The bleak ending leads the reader to wonder why Tom hadn’t saved money when he had it
to spare, and why he’s gotten himself into such a degrading situation. One answer is found in
another great work of popular culture, the 1962 movie Requiem for a Heavyweight, written by
Rod Serling (1924–1975), who would later achieve fame as the host and primary writer for the
beloved television show The Twilight Zone. Requiem for a Heavyweight is the story of “Mountain”
Rivera, a former champion boxer suffering from dementia pugilistica (also known as “punch drunk
syndrome”). He’s no longer able to function well, or even think straight. But boxing has been the
only career he’s ever had, and he doesn’t know what else to do to earn a living. He is warned by a
fight doctor that should he take another savage beating in the ring he’s likely to be permanently
paralyzed or even killed. His manager, Maish Rennick, however, who Rivera trusts completely,
encourages him to continue fighting, primarily because he himself is in debt to the mob (and is
in fact betting against Rivera). Rennick is unsuccessful in convincing Rivera to take a dive and
throw the fight, which results in his getting even deeper in debt with the mob, and Rivera getting
brutally pummeled to the point where it’s doubtful he can ever fight again.
Rennick then arranges for Rivera to go into “professional wrestling” but the boxer is humil-
iated by this fall in social status, and deeply dislikes that the outcomes of the matches are pre-
arranged, as he takes pride in never having thrown a fight. When he learns that Rennick has been
betting against him he is devastated by this betrayal of his trust. Requiem for a Heavyweight, like
London’s “A Piece of Steak,” is a poignant look at an athlete well past his prime trying desperately
to stay in the fight. Anthony Quinn is incredibly moving as the washed-up, kindhearted boxer
betrayed by his own body and his own manager, and Jackie Gleason gives a well-rounded perform-
ance as Rennick, a conniving scoundrel with a raffish charm. At the end of the film, Rivera tries
to find redemption by working at a children’s summer camp, while Rennick, ominously, begins to
train another promising young boxer, who will more than likely ultimately share Rivera’s fate.
Requiem for a Heavyweight originally appeared as a live television show in 1956, starring Jack
Palance as the boxer, with a youthful Muhammad Ali (then known by his original name, Cassius
Clay) as his much younger opponent. Both versions are powerful indictments of the ways in which
the boxing profession grinds down the human spirit as well as the physical self. Boxers may be
powerful in the ring, but they are often powerless when it comes to the financial duplicity of their
managers and other promoters associated with the sport.
While “A Piece of Steak” and Requiem for a Heavyweight each capture the dark side of boxing
and the ways in which so many boxers exit that profession involuntarily, another work of popular
culture, the beloved film Rocky, written by and starring the then-unknown Sylvester Stallone, has
a much different tone. The feel-good movie of 1976, it was not only a box-office success, but also
won the Academy Award for Best Picture, and made a star of its writer and title actor. The world
fell in love with the lovable lug Rocky Balboa and his equally lovable manager Mickey (played by
Burgess Meredith), two characters entirely different from Requiem for a Heavyweight’s pitiable
Rivera and detestable Rennick. Unlike Rivera, Rocky has a realistic sense of his abilities. He loses
the title fight in a split decision, but for all intents and purposes he is the champion. Rocky became
such a part of the American popular culture that in 2006 it was selected for preservation by the
Library of Congress, in the United States National Film Registry, for being “culturally, historically,
or aesthetically significant.”
But like an athlete who doesn’t know when to quit, Sylvester Stallone can’t seem to walk away
from Rocky. While he has appeared in countless other roles (including the equally iconic Rambo
films), Stallone keeps returning to the role of Rocky long past the point where it’s even remotely
plausible he could continue to be a professional fighter, much like a boxer who has to get into the
ring long past his prime. There have been an endless series of Rocky sequels, each one more pre-
posterous than the last. And the 68-year-old Stallone has yet another one in the works, scheduled
to appear in 2016. Like Tom King and Mountain Rivera, Sylvester Stallone doesn’t seem able to
lay down the gloves for good.
Summary
Sports are not just physical activities and games; they serve as focal points for the formation
of social worlds. In order to fit into a social world, group members will adjust their behavior and
mindsets to revolve around a particular set of activities. People are socialized into sport worlds
by the agents of socialization.
Socialization is how we “become” human. Without it children would not learn a language
or how to behave in society. The “nature–nurture ” continuum debate continues in many academic
circles, but for most sociologists human behavior is primarily determined through the socialization
process. This takes place most effectively in primary groups—intimate associates who play a direct
role in shaping one’s sense of self. Significant others are those who play the most major role in
such developments. Such agents of socialization not only foster a sense of self, they also help to
sustain it over a lifetime.
Sport is instrumental in creating self-identity for many individuals, through their interactions
with primary groups involved in sport activities, and through their identification with specific
teams and players as well. In team sports, it is critical for all members to play their role and accept
the responsibilities which come with it. The values and norms of the group are internalized and
new members must learn these rules.
Many achieve identity in sport through participation as an athlete. Some reach elite status
or become team leaders, while others are primarily followers or sport consumers. The latter form
an identity through practicing allegiance to a team and often through rooting against the chief
rivals of that team.
One question is, “Why do some people love sports whereas others do not?” For many, this
is due to the motivations experienced in childhood. Initial bad experiences can cause a lifetime of
aversion to sport, whereas positive experiences and availability of opportunities to play can instill
a lifetime of enthusiasm. The influence of family and friends is also crucial in such developments.
This is usually a positive experience, but at times parents might wish to live vicariously through
their children to recapture past glories. This places an undue strain on the offspring to perform.
Children are more interested in sports when their parents and family are supportive. Such
characteristics as the age, physical condition, economic status and ethnicity of the family serve as
variables in sport participation. Peers also have a major influence—if a child’s friends play ball,
the child is more likely to do so. The role of schools is crucial as well, in mandating individual
physical education and teamwork. This can help in showing which students have athletic abilities
and which do not.
Maintaining interest in the sports world throughout one’s life is another important consid-
eration. There are many sacrifices involved, including financial costs and time commitments. An
important aspect of socialization via sport is the fraternal bond, where camaraderie is constantly
reinforced. Such a bond is neither inherently negative nor positive, but its effects remain a source
of contention.
Socialization out of sport can be difficult, especially for former athletes who are no longer
able to adequately perform. Some remain involved as coaches or sports media personnel. One
major topic is whether such exiting is done voluntarily or involuntarily. In the latter case, injuries
or being kicked off the team can curtail a career before its natural end. Being cut is a type of degra-
dation ceremony. Re-socializing can become an issue, as one’s sense of self must change in light
of the new situations. Such a transition from sport athlete to non-athlete is known as “role exit.”
The transition can be a difficult one for those whose personal identities are interwoven with the
sport they excelled in.
Key Terms
Agents of Socialization The people, groups or institutions that teach us what we need to know
in order to function properly in society.
Development of Self The result of a number of interactions with others over a period of time
in a variety of social and cultural contexts.
Elite Athlete Someone who has reached a level of competition at or near a national standard.
Fraternal Bond A process whereby members of a group foster and reinforce team camaraderie
and a commitment to group goals.
Generalized Other A person’s conscious awareness of the society that he or she is a part of; the
community or communities one belongs to.
Identity Involves those aspects of one’s life that are deemed as essential to the character and
maintenance of self.
Instrumental Relationships Those relationships based on pragmatic principles that assist indi-
viduals in their pursuit of goals.
Primary Group An intimate association where members share a sense of “we-ness”—a sort of
sympathy and mutual identification for which “we” is a natural expression. The primary group
is relatively small, often informal, involves close personal relationships, and has an important
role in shaping an individual’s sense of self.
Role Exit A process of leaving a role through being socialized into a new role.
Secondary Group A collectivity whose members interact with one another formally and imper-
sonally.
Significant Others Those who play a major role in shaping a person’s self.
Social Worlds Group members who share a subcultural perspective and are held together
through interaction and communication.
Socialization A process of social development and learning that occurs as individuals interact
with one another and learn about society’s expectations of acceptable behavior.
Socialization into Sport A process whereby an individual is encouraged by the agents of social-
ization to partake in sport either as a participant or as a spectator or consumer.
Socialization Out of Sport A desocialization process where an individual leaves sport and
experiences a modification of sense of self. For professional athletes, exiting sport can be very
difficult.
Socialization Process The ways in which individuals learn cultural norms, values, beliefs and
expectations.
Socialization via Sport The social processes and significant others that influence an individual’s
decision to remain in sport.
Sportsmanship Conduct and attitudes considered as benefiting participants, especially in
regards to a sense of fair play, courtesy toward teammates and opponents, game officials, and
others involved in sporting contests, as well as grace in losing.
• Do you admire any athletes whom you never actually saw play? If so, how did you learn
about their careers, and what is it you admire about them?
• How does the socialization process help a person learn what his or her athletic skills are? Give
some examples, based upon the role which the following agents play: parents, peers, the school,
the community, and the media.
• What does it mean to “internalize” social messages? How might this occur for individuals
who from a very early age root for a specific team or athlete?
• Why is the notion of a “natural born athlete” misleading?
• In what ways does an elite athlete differ from a marginal athlete? Give some examples based
upon your knowledge of current sports.
• What might be some reasons why children who grow up in the same household, under the
same influences, can differ in their commitment to or participation in sports?
• Why do parents usually encourage children’s participation in sporting events and games?
What is your own opinion as to whether or not this is beneficial or harmful to the children
involved?
• Do you think that schools should support physical activity and sports involvement? Why or
why not?
• Why is it so difficult for athletes to retire from sports participation? Can you think of exam-
ples of athletes who should have retired earlier than they did?
• What is a “fraternal bond” and how does it relate to socialization via sport? What are some of
the positive and some of the negative attributes of such bonds?
• Can you think of examples of athletes who seem to have retired later than they should have,
or who have had difficulties adjusting to life outside of sports?
CHAPTER 6
Youth Sports
It is only natural for children to play. Participating in organized sport, however, is different.
The highly structured design of formal sports is not attractive to all youth. Children should be
allowed to make their own decisions as to whether they want to play organized sports. Encouraging
children to participate is certainly acceptable; however, pressuring a child is not. Marv Marinovich,
co-captain of the undefeated 1962 football national champion University of Southern California
(USC) Trojans and former offensive lineman for the Oakland Raiders, was obsessed with the idea
that his son, Todd, would become a quarterback for USC and then the Raiders. Marv trained his
son with the assistance of over 20 specialists while Todd grew up. They were designing a quarter-
back, a “Robo-quarterback,” as Todd was known. Todd’s youth was totally regimented. He slept
and woke at his father’s direction and worked out in between. He was not allowed to eat any junk
while he grew up; cake at his friends’ birthday parties was also banned. Marv Marinovich would
make Todd run several miles home after a poor performance (Weiner 1999). Todd Marinovich
did become the quarterback for both USC and the Raiders. But his professional career was short-
lived and his off-the-field problems include two drug-related arrests and an arrest for sexual assault
(Weiner 1999; USA Today, 6/7/99; USA Today, 4/27/00). As a youth, Todd Marinovich was phys-
ically prepared to play football. Clearly, all this training did not prepare him for life as an adult.
Has Marv Marinovich learned his lesson, that you cannot force someone to be an athlete?
Well, the answer is “no.” Marv has another son, Mikhail (Todd’s half-brother), who was also sub-
jected to the same regimen that his father devised for Todd. Mikhail was once described as the
“greatest 6-year-old athlete” his American Youth Soccer Organization team coach had ever seen
(Los Angeles Times, 7/4/94). Should six-year-olds be described in terms of “greatest athlete” ever,
at that age? Is this too much pressure for a child to handle? These are among the concerns of youth
sport participation that will be discussed in this chapter.
After starring in football at JSerra High School in California, Mikhail signed with Syracuse
University to further his football career. He wanted to get as far away from his father and the USC
legacy that father Marv planned for him. He chose to be a defensive end instead of trying his hand
as a quarterback. Mikhail’s Syracuse career did not start off too well as before playing a single
down with the Orange, Marinovich was arrested and charged with misdemeanor criminal mischief
following an alleged break-in of a sports equipment room at Manley Field House. Marinovich was
also a partner in a controversial hookah bar near campus, which he later gave up at the suggestion
of his coaches (Heisler 2011). From that point on, Mikhail settled down quite nicely and had a
very good career with Syracuse. He married his high school sweetheart and claims to have never
taken any drugs (Heisler 2011). When asked if his father was the worst parent in sports history,
Mikhail laughed and said that his father was only second, behind the father of tennis player Mary
Pierce (Heisler 2011). (As a point of interest, Mary Pierce, as a young teenager, successfully filed
117
for a restraining order against her father who was known to be verbally abusive to his daughter
and her opponents.)
Should Children Play Sports?

Should children play sports? And if so, when and what sports should children be allowed to
participate in? Are organized sports worth all the time, money and effort put into them? These
are questions that confront parents, and to a lesser extent, society in general. In most countries,
organized youth sports are a luxury. They cost money and time that many people cannot afford.
This is true even in the United States and Canada. The authors believe that it is important to indi-
cate that youth sports benefit the vast majority of participants, including youths and parents. Fur-
thermore, most parents have the best intentions when they encourage their children to play sports
and certainly do not go to the extremes of Marv Marinovich.
Benefits of Youth Sport Participation

It has long been argued that sport participation helps to develop motor skills and physical
fitness in youths. Play and sport are healthy behaviors that should be encouraged. Medical profes-
sionals argue that youth need to exercise to fight off the growing possibility of becoming obese
and lower the risk of heart disease and to help stimulate brain development and learning (CBS
This Morning 2014). According to data collected by ESPN (2013a), 14.4 percent of boys and 9.6
percent of girls ages 2–5 are obese; 20.1 percent of boys and 15.7 percent of girls ages 6–11 are
obese; and, 19.6 percent and 17.1 percent of girls ages 12–19 are obese in the United States (Kelley
and Carchia 2013).
Medical professionals were quoted in a CBS This Morning (2014) report saying, “Take the
bubble wrap off !” This comment was directed toward those who have sounded an alarm that con-
cussions are a growing concern with youths who participate in sports and a common reason cited
to keep kids away from playing sports. (Note: We will revisit youth sport injuries later in this chap-
ter.) This concern has led to a sharp decline in youth participation in sports. While an estimated
27.4 to 30 million kids play sports, CBS reported that in the period 2008–2012, football partici-
pation declined 5.4 percent, soccer 7.1 percent, baseball 7.2 percent and basketball declined 8.3
percent. Of this 27.4 million total, ESPN Magazine reports that 21.5 million youths play team
sports (Kelley and Carchia 2013). The main reason cited for this decline in participation?—the
media portrayal of high profile cases that has led to a growing fear among parents that their chil-
dren may suffer long-term negative effects due to concussions. Dr. Marc Difazio, child neurologist
at the Children’s National Medical Center claims that there is no definitive evidence that a con-
cussion causes long-term damage to a child and that there is no scientific evidence supporting some
current recommendations for treating concussions—such as extended periods of rest, often for
weeks (CBS This Morning 2014 ). In the same CBS report, Dr. Barr, a neurologist at New York
University, claims that periods of long-term rest leads the brain to mimic and prolong concussion
symptoms. The bottom line is youths need to play sports and/or exercise.
Beyond the physical benefits, most people who support the idea of youths playing sport cite
the character development aspect. In the United States, the “sport builds character” concept can
be traced back to the post–Civil War era. It should be noted, however, that this character devel-
opment concept was applied primarily to boys. As Rader (2004) explains, a number of social
leaders were concerned that modern life had become too soft and effeminate:
Frontiers and battlefields no longer existed to test manly courage and perseverance. Henry W.
Williams observed that the ‘struggle for existence, though becoming harder and harder, is less and
6. Youth Sports 119
less a physical struggle, more and more a battle of minds.’ Apart from sports, men no longer had
arenas for testing their manliness. Theodore Roosevelt worried lest prolonged periods of peace
would encourage ‘effeminate tendencies in young men.’ Only aggressive sports, Roosevelt argued,
could create the ‘brawn, the spirit, the self confidence, and quickness of men’ that was essential
for the existence of a strong nation [105]. [For the Williams quote reference see Williams 1895;
see Dubbert 1979 for the Roosevelt quotes.]
The post–Civil War period marks a point in history where the traditional expression of man-
liness took on new meanings. Rapid industrial and technological advancements were making life
increasingly “easy” (less dependent on physical brawn as a means for survival) for those in Western
societies, especially the United States. Sports, especially aggressive ones, were viewed as a way for
males to express their manliness.
Although this bit of historical information provides a framework for when advocates first
touted sport as a means of building character, it does not inform us as to what character is, and
whether sport can provide it. “Character” has a different meaning for people. Generally, it is
assumed that “good” character is displayed when someone abides by the rules and acts according
to social expectations. “Aristotle said that character is the composite of good moral qualities,
whereby one shows firmness of belief, resolution, and practice about such moral values as honesty,
justice, and respect. He also said that character is right conduct in relation to other persons and
to self. Our humanness, he continues, resides in our ability and capacity to reason, and virtue
results when we use our reasoning ability to control and moderate our self ” (Stoll and Beller 2000:
18). Others would argue that reasoning alone is not enough to determine good character; instead,
one must have a strong value system as well. As Stoll and Beller (2000) explain, “To say, ‘Cheating
is wrong,’ is inadequate. One must know why it is wrong and put into action what one values,
knows, and reasons is right. It is easy to say that one does not cheat but another thing not to cheat
when surrounded by others who are cheating” (19).
There are a number of personal qualities associated with “character.” “They include respon-
sibility, persistence, courage, self-discipline, honesty, integrity, the willingness to work hard, com-
passion for others, generosity, independence, and tolerance” (Griffin 1998: 27). The authors define
character as individual personality and behavioral traits, both good and bad, which define who a
person is. Those who abide by societal rules are said to have good character; whereas those who
flaunt society’s rules or become overly self-absorbed do not.
Griffin (1998) states that “good character” comprises four traits:
1. Responsibility. Someone who can be depended upon to get the task or job done. This person
works hard and is self-disciplined and persistent. Furthermore, a responsible person does not
blame others for his or her own shortcomings or failures.
2. Integrity. A person with integrity “lives according to personal values” and possess deep con-
viction for his or her conduct in the social world.
3. Decency. “This person is directed by a firm sense of what is just and fair…. They respect the
rights and dignity of others.”
4. Independence. A free thinker who “is not the tool of someone else” [56].
Childhood and adolescence is a critical time in character formation and social development.
“Social development comprises such things as friendship, social ranking, status, power, rejection
and acceptance, inclusion and exclusion, dominance and submission, leadership, connection to
the group, cooperativeness, aggression and passivity and withdrawal, and conflict” (Griffin 1998:
27). The ability to get along cooperatively with others and a willingness to accept society’s rules
are signs of good character and proper social development. Sports provide a good mechanism to
develop character, and it does so under the watchful public eye. Because of this, youth receive
immediate feedback regarding their behavior. At the same time, they become increasingly aware
of their sense of self and role in the community.
Stoll and Beller believe that sports can build positive character traits in participants if the
athletic programs themselves are designed to contribute positively to the ethical and moral devel-
opment of athletes. “While teaching the will to win does not have to be eliminated, coaches,
athletic administrators, and others in sport leadership positions must re-evaluate their philosophy
regarding the importance of winning as it relates to character development, particularly when the
participants are children and young adults. Without this fundamental shift in philosophy, sport
will never fulfill its potential as a tool to educate and build positive character traits in our nation’s
youth” (2000: 27).
Schreiber (1990) argues that sport does build character. “Perhaps more important, sports
reveals character—in kids and adults. Just watch a group of kids play basketball, and see if you
can’t immediately discern who looks to pass, who looks to shoot, who hollers at teammates when
they make a mistake, who berates herself for the slightest error, who’s the leader, who’s eager to
take the ball during crunch time, and so on…. Sports is an uncanny truth-detector” (Schreiber
1990: 9). Schreiber makes a good point about sport revealing character. It is quite enlightening
watching children play, as many of their character traits are revealed. However, it is important to
A young child playing with a toy football appears to make the “Heisman pose” (courtesy Shannan
Delaney).
6. Youth Sports 121
note that some people transform themselves when playing sport in order to perform at a maximum
level. Thus, a youth who plays football very aggressively is not necessarily an aggressive person off
the field. In short, it is difficult to make general statements regarding sport participation and the
building of character.
Griffin (1998) concludes, “No matter how one wants to define character, athletes very likely
have no more of it than members of any other group” (67). Some athletes display very positive
character traits; in some cases these values were learned in conjunction with sport participation
and in other cases these values were learned by other agents of socialization. Unfortunately, all
athletes do not display positive character traits. Throughout the remainder of this book a great
number of negative character traits displayed by athletes will be detailed (see, for example, Chapter
8, Deviance; and Chapter 9, Violence).
Another benefit of sport participation is tied to the idea of personal identity. For many
youths, being an athlete is a big part of who they are. For girls of all grades, 34 percent report that
sports are a major aspect of their identity (35% for girls grades 3–4; 40% for girls grade 6 to 8;
and 28% for girls grades 9 to 12). A much higher percentage of boys have their identity tied to
sport participation, 61 percent for all grades (70% for boys grades 3 to 5; 63% for grades 6 to 8;
and, 53% for grades 9 to 12). As both boys and girls age, a small, but still significant, percentage
report that sports are a big part of who they are (Kelley and Carchia 2013). Regardless of age,
boys find sports far more important than girls when it comes to personal identity.
In a 2014 Sports Illustrated special report it was revealed that there were more than 1.2 million
homeless (defined by the U.S. Department of Education as “the lack of a fixed, regular and adequate
nighttime residence”) students in the nation’s public elementary, middle and high schools
(Wertheim and Rodriguez 2014). Homeless students face many challenges when they do not have
a stable place to live, including often going hungry, having a higher dropout rate, and a greater
likelihood of suffering physical and sexual abuse. “By age 12, 83 percent of homeless students have
been exposed to at least one serious violent event, according to a 2004 study in the American
Journal of Orthopsychiatry” (Wertheim and Rodriguez 2014: 56). Of the 1.2 million total homeless
students are an estimated 100,000 youth athletes. Having conducted numerous interviews on
homeless youth athletes, Wertheim and Rodriguez (2014) found that sports provided structure,
support and joy to their lives.
From this 1.2 million total were 100,000 homeless students on U.S. youth, public school and
college teams. In the Mobile (Alabama) County school system, for example, 27.6 percent of home-
less students competed for middle and high school teams in 2013–14; in Kansas City (Kansas),
the figure was 20 percent, and in the Cypress Fairbanks Independent School District of Texas,
16.8 percent of homeless students played sports (Wertheim and Rodriguez 2014). These young
athletes, lacking a stable place to live and often going hungry, found structure, support and joy in
their lives through sport participation. Wertheim and Rodriguez (2014) found that virtually every
homeless athlete interviewed found sports to be a positive force in their lives. “Coaches often
become mentors and even surrogate parents; pregame and postgame meals provide essential nour-
ishment; [and] kids benefit from the exercise and structure” (Wertheim and Rodriguez 2014: 56).
Sports also provide academic benefits as well. While homeless youths are 87 percent more likely
to stop going to school than their non-homeless classmates, homeless youth who play sports are
far more likely to stay in school, graduate from high school and attend college. These same homeless
youths may not find a career in sport, but they have better life chances because of their sports play.
(See “Connecting Sports and Popular Culture” Box 6 for a discussion of Michael Oher, a former
homeless youth who was adopted by foster parents and went on to play in the NFL, as depicted
in the movie Blind Side.)
When Should Youths Begin Sport Participation?

Infants, from birth until about eighteen months, are just beginning to learn to interact with
their environment. A physically active infant is an important foundation for a healthy life. Infants
learn to play through interaction with caregivers (e.g., family members) and by self-exploration.
There are very few “skills” that can be encouraged at this age. However, playful slapping, smacking,
and pounding a ball can be encouraged by placing a ball in the baby’s crib. When the infant can
sit up, rolling a ball is a good way to develop motor skills. Infants can kick a ball before they can
walk, so parents should encourage this activity as well. Parents who take their young children on
walks and bike rides provide another way to encourage early active participation. When toddlers
begin to walk, it is important to encourage the activity, so that the child will feel proud of his or
her accomplishment. From around eighteen months to 2 and a half years of age, children develop
a well-organized autonomous achievement orientation that evolves from increasing mastery of
competence motivation. Around age two or three, children learn to throw items; if not a ball,
then a doll, or food. At this age, the child throws only with his or her arms and does not use any
body motion. Catching a ball is more difficult than throwing one. Playing catch with toddlers is
another excellent motor skill development activity.
In short, it is never too early for physical play, as infants can be encouraged to roll a ball or
kick one. When a toddler has learned to walk, running is the next type of development, and this
activity should be encouraged. Caroline Silby (2000) argues that at young ages, it is very important
for children to discover the numerous ways their body can move. Relying a great deal on imitation
and trial and error, youngsters will develop most of their complex motor skills by age six or seven.
At this age of maturation, children are beginning to develop self-perceptions of physical, social,
and cognitive competency. As a result it is very important for adult care-givers to emphasize a pos-
itive social environment (Silby 2000).
The early school years of a child mark an important stage in development, and thus, athletic
competencies. Around age seven, most children experience a growth spurt; including the size of
the brain, which increases to 90 percent of its total weight (compared to 25 percent at birth).
Along with body growth comes an increase in ability to handle more challenging physical activities.
Children tend to cling to rules and organization at this age.
Early elementary age children have learned the basic skills necessary to play any sport of their
choosing. “It is crucial for youngsters to practice their newfound skills in order to gain proficiency
in sports” (Small and Spear 2002: 14). At this age it is advisable for youths not to specialize in one
sport, as they are still developing and may enjoy or excel at another sport. From ages 10 to 13, chil-
dren generally undergo their adolescent growth spurt as they reach puberty. During this growth
spurt, many children are often physically awkward. As these children become comfortable with
their new physiques, they may find that they have new athletic grace and ability (Schreiber 1990).
Sports become increasingly competitive with each succeeding year. Selection for team sports
comes to the forefront. “By age eleven, more than half of children have quit organized sports.
Kids cite several common reasons for quitting: sports cease to be fun; sports become too compet-
itive; she does not receive enough playing time” (Small and Spear 2002: 17). Kids who drop out
of organized sports have the option to participate in informal sports such as hiking, skateboarding,
skating, snowboarding, bicycle riding, and walking.
In short, by age 7 or 8, children have developed a capacity for reason and an understanding
for rules and are therefore ready for organized physical activities. At the very least, children at this
age are capable of participating in physical education classes in school. Organized sports before
the age of 7 should be matched with that child’s needs and abilities. As for contact sports, Martens
6. Youth Sports 123
and Seefeldt (1979) believe that youth at age 6 are ready for noncontact sports (e.g., swimming,
tennis, track and field); 8-year-olds are ready for contact sports (e.g., basketball, soccer, wrestling);
and 10-year-olds are ready for collision sports (e.g., ice hockey, tackle football).
Origin and Development of Organized Youth Sports

One of the outcomes of industrialization and urbanization of the United States and Canada
midway through the nineteenth century was the emergence of leisure time for many children,
especially urban youth. The large number of children roaming the streets convinced social policy
makers and citizens alike to find a way to organize children’s lives through a combination of sport
and education. The linking of sport with formal education began in the United States around the
time of the Civil War. This idea was influenced by European sports programs of early nineteenth
century.
Toward the end of the nineteenth century, advocates of youth sports were proclaiming the
moral value of participation. Combining sport and morality with education was accomplished
through an ideology known as “Muscular Christianity.” Muscular Christianity, then, refers to the
religious philosophy of teaching morals and values through sport. The idealism of Muscular Chris-
tianity had a great impact on the development of sport in English and American society. Muscular
Christianity triggered the development of sports in American schools; especially for boys. Sport
activities were organized for boys in schools, on playgrounds, and in church groups. Team sports
were supposed to teach boys how to cooperate and work productively together with others. It was
believed that boys would become strong, assertive, competitive men.
Ideas of Muscular Christianity and boys acting manly influenced the establishment of the
Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA). “Founded by laymen in England in 1851 and sub-
sequently transplanted to the United States before the Civil War, the original purpose of the
YMCA had been to offer spiritual guidance and practical assistance to the young men who were
flooding into the nineteenth-century cities” (Radar 2004: 106). After the Civil War, the YMCA
broadened its sports programs but maintained a commitment to developing a spiritual “physical
culture.”
The development of organized youth sports was not limited to the schools or a religious
realm. A “play movement” developed outside the schools and gained momentum toward the end
of the nineteenth century. Massive immigration during the nineteenth century had led to over-
crowded cities and youth with no place to play. “In an effort to provide suitable play space for chil-
dren in this environment, sand piles were first erected in Boston in 1885. In 1888, New York passed
the first state legislation that led to an organized play area for children. By 1899, the Massachusetts
Emergency and Hygiene Association sponsored 21 playgrounds” (Lumpkin 1994: 213). Jane
Addams’ Hull House in Chicago also had a playground. As the twentieth century began, a large
number of political and community leaders worked to ensure that children had a place to play,
either at parks, playgrounds, or indoor facilities.
With the development of sports in and out of school it became necessary to train people to
teach physical education courses and to coach sports. By the end of the nineteenth century many
colleges offered degrees in physical education. It became a recognized subject by the National Edu-
cation Association in 1891. As the twentieth century progressed, schools across the nation provided
competitive sports for youth. Slowly the number of sporting opportunities for girls would increase.
Summer sport programs ensured that children had an opportunity to remain active in sports year-
round. During the 1950s, general fitness programs were established in schools. And although the
popularity of sport has continued to grow in the United States since the 1950s, American school
children have tested poorly on fitness (Lumpkin 1994). The 1950s also marked the beginning of
the “Baby Boomer” generation. For the first time in history, a large number of children had a great
deal of leisure time on their hands, with families that had the means to provide for their children’s
athletic pursuits. Sports were funded by a combination of public, private and commercial sponsors.
Parents were active. Some fathers would serve as coaches, managers and league administrators and
mothers became chauffeurs and short-order cooks so that their kids could be on time for practices
and games and still have time to eat. During the late 1970s, girls’ participation in sport began to
grow in earnest.
In the following pages we will take a closer look at youth sports in the twentieth and twenty-
first centuries in our analysis of formal and informal youth sports.
Formal Youth Sports

It should be fairly well established by this point that sport plays an integral role in American
culture and is a major social institution in society. Furthermore, because of the free time afforded
children (because they are not expected to work full-time) and a general concern that idleness
leads to delinquency, it comes as little surprise that formal sports are strongly encouraged.
The main objective of organized youth sports was to provide opportunities for all youths to
participate in sport in a wholesome character-building environment as they made the transition
form childhood to adulthood (Berryman 1988). The concept of character development has always
been associated with youth sport. As described earlier in this chapter, sport is promoted as a setting
where youth can develop good character traits such as positive attitudes about competition, sports-
manship, authority, and discipline. Martens and Seefeldt (1979: 11) identify a number of objectives
for youth sport programs:
1. To develop motoric competencies.

2. To develop physical fitness.
3. To teach children how to cooperate.
4. To develop a sense of achievement, leading to a positive self concept.
5. To develop interest in, and a desire to, continue participation in sports in later years.
6. To develop healthy, strong identities.
7. To help develop independence through interdependent activities.
8. To promote and convey the values of society.
9. To contribute to moral development.
10. To have fun.
11. To develop social competencies.
12. To help bring the family together.
13. To provide opportunities for physical-affective learning, including learning to understand
and express emotion, imagination, and appreciation for what the body can do.
14. To develop speed, strength, endurance, coordination, flexibility, and agility.
15. To develop leadership skills.
16. To develop self-reliance and emotional stability by learning to make decisions and accept
responsibilities.
17. To teach sportsmanship.
18. To develop initiative.
19. To teach children how to compete.
20. To help children learn about their capabilities through comparisons with others.
6. Youth Sports 125
Formal youth sport leagues were formed to help keep the idealized view of sport as a character-
building activity for youths. Children would develop positive character traits and their idle time
would be minimized. There are a number of organized youth leagues in the United States (as well
as Canada and other Western nations) and in most cases all those involved, especially the coaches,
have the best intention of the athletes in mind. It is refreshing to know, especially for sports fans
that have to listen to, and acknowledge, the many negative aspects of sport portrayed in the media,
that many people, including former professional athletes willingly give freely of their time. During
the summer of 2014, one of the authors, Tim Delaney, had the pleasure to speak with Preston
Shumpert, a former Syracuse University basketball star (1998–2002), who went to star in European
leagues for over a decade (for 11 years he played on teams in France, Italy or Turkey). Shumpert
had returned to the Syracuse, New York, area to raise his two sons with his wife Ashley. His oldest
son was about to start high school and Shumpert turned down an offer to play in Turkey to be
near his boys full-time. Shumpert wants to help other youths too, so he decided to serve as a coach
at the Bellucci Basketball Academy (BBA) in Syracuse. The BBA is named after Ben Bellucci, a
Syracuse kid who went on to star at SUNY Brockport and then play professional basketball in
Europe (2006–2008). While the BBA teaches youth fundamental basketball skills such as shooting,
dribbling, defense, improving speed and agility, and reacting to play on the court, it also stresses
building confidence, self-esteem and a wide range of skills that transcend the court and will be
beneficial throughout life (Bellucci Basketball Academy 2014). Shumpert always appeared to be a
good-natured young man on the playing court and having spoken with him one cannot help but
be drawn in by his positive attitude. He loves to encourage youth to be positive. Shumpert shared
our belief that nurturing and teaching basketball skills is far more important than relying on any
natural attributes that might help an athlete (e.g., having big hands is helpful in basketball but
does little good if one does not understand how to use them to catch, pass and shoot the ball).
In the following pages we will examine a few examples of organized youth leagues beginning
with, perhaps the most famous of them all, Little League Baseball.
Formal Youth Baseball

Little League Baseball was founded in 1939 in Williamsport, Pennsylvania, by Carl E. Stotz
and Bert and George Bebble. There are many divisions (decided by age) in Little League Baseball.
The most popular division is the Major League Division (for boys and girls between the ages 9
and 12). It is this division that receives the most media attention during its annual World Series.
(A 2006 rule change now allows 13-year-olds to play in the World Series as long as they turned 13
after May 1.) The Major League Division utilizes a 60 foot diamond and the pitching distance is
46 feet. The Junior League Division is a program for boys and girls ages 13–14, using a conventional
90-foot diamond with a pitching distance of 60 feet 6 inches. The Senior League Division is for
boys and girls ages 14–16, using a conventional field (Little League Baseball 2008).
There are nearly three million youths world-wide play Little League ball, making it the world’s
largest organized youth sports program. Little League baseball teaches sportsmanship and promotes
the ideals of character building. One of the characteristics that makes Little League Baseball
(Major Division) so special is its annual World Series. Little League baseball teams from all 50
U.S. states, more than 70 countries, and six continents (understandably, Antarctica is the lone con-
tinent which does not have Little League Baseball) compete against one another for the opportu-
nity to play in the Little League World Series (LLWS), held in Williamsport every August. The
top 16 qualifying teams from around the world are invited to the 6 week tournament. A local
league has the option to choose a “Tournament Team” (or “All Stars”) of 11 and 12-year-olds from
within its division and enter the International Tournament leading to the series. All expenses for
the teams advancing to the LLWS (travel, meals, housing) are paid by Little League Baseball. The
LLWS is broadcast live in the United States and in many other countries around the world, adding
to the overall formal, organized nature of the game. Furthermore, Little League Baseball has its
own Hall of Fame Museum located in Williamsport.
The annual LLWS brings with it many storylines. In 2014, for example, the media hyped the
accomplishments of Chicago’s Jackie Robinson West. This team consisted completely of African
American boys. This was deemed important by many with an interest in baseball (at all levels)
because of the decreasing number of black youths playing baseball. This has resulted in a dramatic
decrease in the number of black men playing Major League Baseball. In the mid–1980s MLB con-
sisted of 18 percent African Americans, but 30 years later that figure had dropped to near 8 percent
(Madhani 2014). The Jackie Robinson team was the first member of the Urban Initiative—formed
in 1999 to help local Little League programs in low-income urban neighborhoods—to make it to
the LLWS since Harlem in 2002 (Miller 2014). Chicago West beat Las Vegas in the U.S. final but
lost the world title to South Korea. The team was treated like heroes back home in Chicago and
all the major professional teams and many politicians acknowledged them.
Perhaps the biggest story of all was reserved for a single player, rather than a team, Mo’ne
Davis, a 13-year-old girl who became a media darling, primarily because she was the most successful
female pitcher in LLWS history (she earned a shutout victory). In a league with more than 360,000
girls, it would take a special story like Davis’s to make the news (Rushin 2014). She now has the
distinction of becoming the first girl to make the cover of Sports Illustrated as a Little League
player. She also threw out the first pitch of Game 4 of the 2014 Major League World Series and
starred in a commercial, for which she was paid, sparking a mini controversy over her amateur
status (the NCCA ruled that because she was still in grade school no infraction was incurred to
impede her efforts to play college ball—she has publicly announced she wants to play basketball
at the University of Connecticut). The icing on the Mo’ne Davis cake occurred at the end of 2014
when she was named the Associated Press “Female Athlete of the Year” (Associated Press 2014f ).
Another organized baseball league is the Babe Ruth League. The Babe Ruth baseball and softball
program uses regulation competitive baseball and softball rules and teaches skills, mental and physical
development, a respect for the rules of the game, and basic ideals of sportsmanship and fair play (Babe
Ruth League 2008). The first Babe Ruth League was formed over 50 years ago by a group of men,
dedicated to the youth of America, who met in a suburb of Trenton, New Jersey. This group eventually
agreed to name Marius D. Bonacci as the founder of the program. They initially named their league
the “Little Bigger League.” It was renamed in 1954, when Claire Ruth, Babe Ruth’s widow, learned of
the merits of the organization and agreed to lend Babe’s name to the league. Since its humble 10-team
league start, the Babe Ruth League now has over 886,000 players on more than 45,000 teams in more
than 7,300 leagues (Babe Ruth League 2008). As with all major formal sports, the number of par-
ticipants has decreased since 2008 by about 7 percent. The 13–15 age division is the most popular
and the one that most boys join after Little League. There is a Babe Ruth division for 16- to 18-
year-olds that has been increasingly growing in size over the years. A softball division (with different
age groupings) is designed for girls. The Babe Ruth League also has an annual World Series.
In 1999, the Babe Ruth League announced the renaming of one of its youth baseball division
from the Bambino Division to the Cal Ripken Baseball Division. This division is for kids 12 and
under. This league promotes providing every youngster the opportunity to play baseball and have
fun while learning to play the game “The Ripken Way” (Babe Ruth League 2008). Cal Ripken, Jr.,
the former Baltimore Orioles great and a graduate of the Babe Ruth program, is often cited as one
who played the game “right.” Ripken is also an example of a hero of “social acceptability” because
he upholds the values of society, especially those of sportsmanship and hard work.
6. Youth Sports 127
Little League and Babe Ruth League baseball are highly organized youth sport programs.
They are adult-centered, meaning adults run the operation and children follow the standardized
rules. Many people support these organized youth sport programs for those very reasons. Others,
however, complain that a formal and rational organization deprives young people of playlike expe-
riences. Nixon and Frey (1996) use the term little leaguism to describe youth sports that have
become bureaucratic, standardized, efficiency-driven, rationalized, calculated, and predictable.
Formal Youth Football

The most recognized formal and organized youth football program is Pop Warner Football.
The history of Pop Warner Football can be traced to Philadelphia in the late 1920s and a group
of factory owners who were tired of having youth throw rocks through their factory’s windows.
They attributed this delinquent behavior to the idleness of children with nothing better to do
(Powell 2003). As a result, they formed an athletic program for kids. They also assumed that foot-
ball would be best sport to keep idle kids occupied and out of trouble. The league was called the
Junior Football Conference and operated for the first time in 1929.
Today, over 360,000 boys and girls, ages 5–16, mostly in the United States (there are teams
in Japan and Mexico), play in eight different age categories of Pop Warner Football (Pop Warner
2005). As reported throughout this chapter the number of youths participating in formal sports,
in this case football, has decreased by about 5 percent. In some areas of the country Pop Warner
Football is taken very seriously. For example, as Powell (2003) describes, there were more than
6,500 fans in attendance for a Miami Pop Warner championship game at the 65 pound division.
In the poorer neighborhoods of Miami, like so many other areas, sports, in this case football, is
viewed by some community members as the best way to escape their impoverished environment.
Powell describes one Pop Warner playoff game in Miami that was marred by gun fire in the nearby
neighborhood. Just as colleges and professional teams compete for athletes, rival youth football
leagues in Miami vie for youth talent. “But Pop Warner is the only league that offers the possibility
of playing for a national championship at Disney World. For that reason, Pop Warner is far and
away Miami’s dominant youth football league, home to the best players and the toughest compe-
tition” (2003: 5).
Tennis
Tennis is a sport that historically has been linked to the wealthy socio-economic classes. At
private clubs, the girls wore white skirts and boys wore hip-hugging white shorts and swung wooden
rackets while adults often drank cocktails courtside (McKibben 2006). Many public schools offered
tennis in the 1950s and 1960s and baby boomers began to embrace the sport as way to stay fit. The
interest in tennis reached its peak in the 1970s when an estimated 36 million boys and girls played
tennis (McKibben 2006). Court time was coveted. Private clubs and public tennis courts were
rapidly built to meet the growing demand. “During the sport’s peak in the mid–1970s, developers
couldn’t build private clubs fast enough to satisfy the public’s urge to whack a fuzzy yellow ball.
The building boom continued through the 1980s, even as the number of recreational tennis players
fell by more than half and cheap-to-build suburban public courts flooded the landscape” (McK-
ibben 2006: A21). Today, many of the private clubs have closed their doors. “The demise of the
private tennis club has touched nearly every region of the country, from San Francisco to Kansas
City to New York, where four Manhattan facilities recently closed. Hardest hit is Southern California,
where private clubs, once only for the rich, proliferated after World War II to serve a growing
upper-middle class. Half of Orange County’s 22 tennis-only private clubs have been bulldozed
and replaced by shopping malls, condos and homes in the last 15 years” (McKibben 2006: A21).
Many youth today prefer to play soccer. But that does not mean that tennis is dead, as nearly
25 million Americans still play the game (McKibben 2006).
Formal Youth Soccer

Soccer has gained popularity in the United States over the past two decades. Many youth
soccer leagues have developed across the nation. Soccer is often a preferred sport because it is an
inexpensive sport to fund (all that is really needed is a ball and an empty field with a goal at each
end) and smaller children can compete more evenly than in contact sports such as football, rugby,
and basketball. Soccer is appealing because it is a simple game to comprehend and youth can easily
pick up the few critical rules. Today’s youth also prefer soccer over baseball because they get to
run around in soccer, whereas in baseball there is a great deal of standing around doing nothing—
especially for outfielders. The recent success of the men’s and primarily the women’s U.S. National
Soccer teams has led to many American youth idolizing soccer stars.
Among the more popular formal youth soccer associations are the American Youth Soccer
Organization (AYSO), which helps to support and manage youth soccer leagues, and the U.S.
Youth Soccer, association which assists those who wish to organize youth soccer leagues. Approx-
imately 13 million Americans under the age of eighteen play soccer (U.S. Embassy 2008). The
popularity of youth soccer created the “soccer mom” phenomena. A soccer mom is someone who
drives her children to soccer games and watches them compete. Since the parents were probably
never soccer players, the children get to play a sport for which parents are not “armchair quarter-
backs”—constantly suggesting better playing techniques based on their own overstated knowledge
of the game.
Special Olympics
Sports are typically viewed as physical activities performed by individuals who possess the
necessary physical attributes to play. Physically-challenged youth have historically been shunned
from the sporting world. But what if someone who is wheelchair-bound really wants to play bas-
ketball? Shouldn’t they be allowed the opportunity? They will not be able to “run” up and down
the court, but they can wheel themselves up and down the court.
To that end, the Special Olympics was created. In 1968, Chicago played host to the First
International Special Olympics Games. The Special Olympics provides year-round sports training
and athletic competition to people with disabilities in more than 180 countries. There are nearly
4.4 million Special Olympics athletes worldwide and more than 226 programs for persons with
disabilities. These athletes participate in more than 44,000 competitions annually with 805,000
volunteers and 250,000 coaches around the world (Special Olympics 2014). The Special Olympics
has helped to create a global community of inclusion, helping to change stigmatizing attitudes
while fostering acceptance and understanding. At the start of the twenty-first century, there exists
a general acceptance of the idea that youth and adults with disabilities should no longer be auto-
matically excluded, as they once were, from a wide range of activities (Fink 2000). Approximately
67 percent of Special Olympics athletes are of school age (8–21) and over 31 percent are adults
(22+). Market research conducted by the Special Olympics (2014) indicates that it has a 95 percent
brand recognition in the United States clearly indicating the success of this program.
Characteristics of Formal Youth Sports

As our brief review reveals, there are a number of general characteristics of formal youth
sport. Obviously, formal sport involves the realization that such activities of youth are organized
in a highly structured manner. Listed below are the primary attributes of formal sports:
6. Youth Sports 129
• Activity is adult-controlled
• Activity may be repetitious and boring, especially practices
• The best athletes play the most, and the less-talented youths may not play at all
• Players run set plays, often utilizing a playbook; spontaneity is generally discouraged—espe-
cially if “creative” plays initiated by the youth are unsuccessful
• Great emphasis is on specialization and playing a specific position
• Rule enforcement is via referees; the youth do not work out their own differences
• Coaches assess the quality of play of each participant
• Activity is played for a set period of time (a certain number of minutes or innings)
• The impact on family life can be quite high as schedules may need to be adjusted to fit the
sporting requirements of the youth.
There are a number of socio-economic characteristics of formal youth sports as well. Don
Sabo, a longtime youth-sports researcher and professor at D’Youville College in Buffalo, has found
that parents with a household income of $100,000 or more have the highest percentage of youths
who play organized sports (Kelley and Carchia 2013). A large percentage of these households are
found in the suburbs and, consequently, regardless of age category, the largest percentage of youth
who are involved in at least one organized sport, other than one exception, are from the suburbs
(See Table 6.1). In addition, in nearly every age grouping category of urban, suburban, and rural
youths who play at least one sport, a higher percentage of boys than girls are involved in at least
one organized sport (See Table 6.1)
Table 6.1: Percentage of Students Who Are Involved in at Least One

Organized Sport
Urban Suburban Rural
Grades 3 to 5
Girls 59 81 73
Boys 80 89 69
Grades 6 to 8
Girls 78 70 69
Boys 76 81 71
Grades 9 to 12
Girls 59 69 65
Boys 68 71 66
(Source: Kelley and Carchia 2013)
In Table 6.2 the mean age at entry into organized/team sports is examined based on gender,
race/ethnicity, marital status, and household income. We can see from the table that boys start at
an earlier mean age than girls, whites start earlier than blacks and Hispanics, children from married
parents start earlier than single/never married parents, and youths from a household annual income
over $100,000 start earlier than poorer parents (less than $35,000).
Table 6.2: Mean Age at Entry into Organized/Team Sports

Gender Boys: 6.8 Girls: 7.4
Race/Ethnicity Caucasian: 6.6 African American: 7.7 Hispanic: 8.2
Marital Status Married: 6.8 Single/Never Married: 8.8
Household Income Over $100k: 6.3 Under $35k: 8.1
Some scholars, parents, and youth participants believe that formal youth sports, because of
their highly structured design, create more harm than good for participants. As a result, there are
a number of criticisms of formal youth sport.
Criticisms of Formal Youth Sport

Despite the many benefits of formal sport programs, there are a number of detractors of
organized sports and criticisms of formal youth programs. A number of sport sociologists argue
that formal youth sports have taken away the playful character of sport (Nixon and Frey 1996;
Devereaux 1976; Horn 1977). As the focus shifts from play-centered to performance-centered, a
corresponding overemphasis on winning occurs. A “win at all costs” approach is not appropriate
for youth sport. The overemphasis on winning is often encouraged by over-zealous coaches. In his
research of Pop Warner football, Powell (2003) found that coaches at the elite 95-pound division
conduct drills and practices like a “boot camp. “ These practices consisted of sprints, rope-netting
skip drills and agility tests. After an hour of conditioning drills, the team breaks down into groups
to run drills and plays. Powell (2003) quotes one coach barking commands to one of his young
players, “Get mean! Wipe that smile off your face. Get ready to hurt somebody. Get mean! Come
on, get mean!” (3).
In addition, the play aspect is compromised in formal youth sports because of the regimen-
tation of organized sport programs. As sports become increasingly regulated, the spontaneity of
the game is greatly compromised. Many youth turn to informal sport because it is less structured
and offers greater freedom and creativity. Thus, when formal sport stops being fun, youth are
likely to quit playing organized sports and search out other fun activities.
Another criticism of formal sports is that league officials and coaches often forget, or fail to
understand, the physical (motor skills), cognitive, emotional and developmental stage of their
youth athletes (Chalip and Green 1998; Nixon and Frey 1996; Hellison 1995; Hutslar 1985; and
Martens 1988). The case described by Powell (2003) regarding “boot camp” practices may be
applied here as well. In her book Little Girls in Pretty Boxes (2000), sports columnist Joan Ryan
describes the often harrowing experiences which young female gymnasts and figure skaters undergo
in their training. Many of them end up suffering from eating disorders such as bulimia and
anorexia. She writes:
Coaches push because they are paid to produce great gymnasts. They are relentless about weight
because physically round gymnasts and skaters don’t win. Coaches are intolerant of injuries
because in the race against puberty, time off is death. Their job is not to turn out happy, well-
adjusted young women; it is to turn out champions. If they scream, belittle or ignore, if they prod
an injured girl to forget her pain, if they push her to drop out of school, they are only doing what
the parents have paid them to do. So, sorting out the blame when a girl falls apart is a messy
proposition; everyone claims he was just doing his job [Ryan 2000: 11].
Furthermore, many youth find organized, formal sport as not only too restrictive, but filled
with anxiety and angst. They are turned off by adults who bark orders and league officials who
impose standardized rules. Formal youth sport participants may also be turned off by experiences
with their teammates and in other cases they may feel like they were not a good enough player to
continuing playing. As we can see, there are many potential reasons why a youth may turn to infor-
mal sport participation.
Informal Youth Sports

Informal sports are those which are player-controlled, free from governing bodies and adult
supervision and allow the participant an opportunity to have fun in a self-expressing format. Infor-
mal sports include skating boarding, bicycle riding, jogging, and so on. They also include most of
the extreme sports described in Chapter 3. (As noted in Chapter 3, some of these extreme sports
6. Youth Sports 131
have become formalized in some settings.) According to 2001 statistics compiled by the American
Sports Data (SGMA International “Superstudy”), many of the most popular sports for youngsters
are informal sports (See Table 6.3):
Table 6.3: Activity Participation (in Millions)

Activity Participants (in millions)
1. Basketball 11.287
2. Soccer 7.692
3. Inline Skating 7.482
4. Baseball 4.719
5. Scooter riding 4.469
6. Freshwater fishing 3.712
7. Running/jogging 3.340
8. Calisthenics 3.327
9. Stretching 3.169
10. Skateboarding 3.144
(Source: Connors 2002)
Sports such as inline skating and skateboarding continue to gain in popularity due in part
to increased media exposure. Furthermore, for many youth, action sport stars such as Tony Hawk,
Kelly Slater, Travis Pastrana, Shawn White, Rob Dyrdek, and Sarah Burke are their favorite athletes
and sports heroes.
Informal youth sport participation can be done on a solitary basis but usually involves family
members such as siblings and cousins, along with friends and neighborhood peers. These youths
get together, without the help or interference of adults, and ascertain for themselves what sporting
activities to engage in. There must be a general agreement on what to play, and how to play it, in
order for team play to occur. Whether kids are playing stickball on city streets (where they must
determine what serves as “bases”) or football in an open field (where boundaries may be determined
by corn fields or hedgerows) they must work out for themselves how the game will proceed. When
cooperation fails, kids go off to do their own thing.
There are a number of characteristics that distinguish informal sports from formal ones. The
significant characteristics of informal sports include:
• Activity that is player-controlled

• Activity that involves action, especially that which leads to scoring opportunities
• Activity that maximizes personal involvement in the sport
• Spontaneity of play; that is, the plays do not come from a pre-written “playbook”
• No referees, the youth work out disputes for themselves
• A close score and relatively even teams, which lead to a competitive sporting activity
• Activity can end at any time; even if it’s just because the kids are bored of playing or they are
called to dinner
• Opportunities to reaffirm friendships through participation in the sporting activity
• Seldom impacts the total family life; family schedules are not adjusted so that youths can par-
ticipate in informal play.
These are just generalizations of informal play. Nowhere should it be implied that informal
play is problem-free. For example, disputes between participants may be settled by the bigger kids
imposing their will on the smaller ones. As we all know, kids can be very cruel to one another.
Because of the lack of adult supervision, the informal setting allows unrestricted opportunities
for the dominant kids to pick on others.
Health Fitness and Physical Activity

Perhaps the most important aspect of youth sport participation involves the idea that youths
actually engage in some type of sporting or physical play activity. There currently exists an obesity
epidemic among American youth. Many children are playing video games sitting on a comfortable
couch indoors. If the cliché “The youth are our future” is true, and certainly it is, adults of today
need to make sure that the future generation is physically fit to run the world. Health fitness is,
therefore, a critical element of the future of humanity. Health fitness can only be achieved through
regular exercise and a proper diet.
There are three components to health fitness: heart-lung endurance (cardiovascular fitness),
strength and flexibility (musculoskeletal fitness), and a good ratio of body fat to muscle (nutritional
fitness). “All three components are essential for children’s short- and long-term good health. Kids
who exercise regularly have bigger hearts, more muscle mass, less fatty tissue, stronger bones, and
more flexible joints. Being fit in childhood helps people fight off a host of diseases in later life,
including heart disease, back pain, and osteoporosis. Fit children are far less likely to be injured
in sports than youngsters who aren’t in shape” (Micheli and Jenkins 1990: 26). Individuals who
play sports or engage in healthy physical activities when they are young are also more likely to con-
tinue their healthy habits in adulthood.
According to a recent study on sports participation and health-related behaviors among youth
in the United States:
Female sports participants were significantly less likely than female nonparticipants to report not
eating fruits and vegetables on the previous day and were more likely to report 3 or more 20-
minute sessions of vigorous physical activity during the previous week. In addition, female sports
participants were less likely than female nonparticipants to report cigarette smoking, using mari-
juana or cocaine, having sexual intercourse during the past 3 months, and contemplating or
attempting suicide…. Male sports participants were less likely than male nonparticipants to not
report eating fruits and vegetables on the previous day and were more likely to report 3 or more
20-minute sessions of vigorous physical activity during the previous week. In addition, male sports
participants were significantly less likely than male nonparticipants to report cigarette smoking;
using marijuana, cocaine or other illegal drugs; sniffing glue, contemplating suicide; carrying a
weapon, and trying to lose weight [Pate, Stewart, Levine and Dowda 2002: 906].
The study does note, however, that sports participants were equally as likely as nonparticipants
to report eating fatty foods, engaging in one or more binge drinking episodes in the past month,
being involved in a physical fight, and using laxatives to lose or control weight. Clearly, societal
pressures to consume fast foods, drink to excess, solve problems through violent means and adhere
to narrow models of beauty remain problems for everyone, athletes and nonathletes alike. But
regular participation in sports program does seem to correlate to an overall healthier lifestyle.
When it comes to physical activity, many of the traditional sports are still well represented;
however, with the increase participation of girls and the growing popularity of action sports, we
see some non-traditional sporting activities well represented. In Table 6.4 we can see that dancing
is the most frequent physical activity among girls, with 61 percent reporting that they enjoy dancing.
This is followed by swimming/diving, basketball, jogging/running and volleyball which round
out the top five.
Table 6.4: Most Frequent Physical Activities—Girls

Physical Activity Percentage Participation
Dancing 61
Swimming/diving 56
6. Youth Sports 133
Basketball 55
Jogging/running 53
Volleyball 47
Bowling 47
Soccer 40
Baseball/softball 38
In-line skating 33
Camping/hiking 29
Ultimate Frisbee 29
(Source: Woods 2011)
When it comes to boys and their favorite physical activity to engage in, the traditional sports
of basketball and football lead the way and are followed by, soccer, jogging/running, and swim-
ming/diving (See Table 6.5).
Table 6.5: Most Frequent Physical Activities—Boys

Basketball 71
Football 65
Soccer 51
Jogging/running 49
Swimming/diving 48
Baseball/softball 48
Bowling 48
Weight training 42
Cycling/mountain biking 33
Skateboarding 29
Ultimate Frisbee 29
(Source: Woods 2011)
Disturbing Trends in Youth Sports Today

There are some disturbing trends in youth sports today and these include a sports culture
run amok, stressed out youth sport participants, steroid use and a great deal of violence perpetrated
mostly by overzealous parents. Increasingly, the youth sport environment is often one where coaches
scream, sideline parents act out angrily, and children just do not have as much fun as they deserve.
As Bigelow (2000) states, “We have a youth sports system that is wildly out of control or, at a min-
imum, one with badly misplaced priorities” (7).
Stress
Youth sports are supposed to provide pleasurable experiences for children. The sports envi-
ronment should be a place where youth have fun, reaffirm friendships, burn off excess energy and
receive positive reinforcement from their parents and family members. Unfortunately, many youth
experience a great deal of stress during their sports participation. “At all competitive levels, athletes
are subjected to both physical and psychological resources of the competitor, athletic stress is said
to exist. While stress is endemic to the athletic setting, it is ell recognized that extreme levels of
stress can have adverse consequences on performance, enjoyment of the activity, and the physical
and psychological welfare of the athlete” (Smith 1986: 107). Stressful situations are the result of
demands that test or exceed the resources of an individual (Smith 1986). As a result, we define
athletic stress as forces that cause bodily or mental strain. Bodily strain is caused by excessive phys-
ical demands on the body, such as fatigue as a result of a strenuous workout. Mental strain can be
caused by internal pressure that the youth places on self-performance.
An increasing number of young athletes are experiencing stress. The source of this stress is
not sport participation itself; rather, it is often caused by parents of these athletes. Instead offering
encouragement and supportive praise, many parents yell at their children during their youth games.
The authors have attended numerous youth sports events over the years and have heard a number
of parents yelling at their children by calling them “bums” and “useless” when they make a bad
play. The children who are screamed at not only feel bad about themselves, they are embarrassed
by their parent’s behavior, and experience a great deal of stress. The consequences of experiencing
such stress may be both immediate and delayed. Youths who no longer value sport participation
because of stress will most likely quit and find some other activity free from parental involvement.
For other youths, years of stress caused by fanatical parental interference may boil over in early
adulthood when the young athlete becomes free from direct parental supervision. The case of
Todd Marinovich, described at the beginning of this chapter, serves as an exemplar of behavior
of youth who have experienced harmful stress. When Marinovich was old enough to go to college
and live on his own, he finally allowed himself the opportunity to express his newfound freedom.
Some of these youthful transgressions had harmful results. Todd’s brother, Mikhail, appears to be
following in his footsteps.
Marv Marinovich’s extreme efforts to push his son Todd into college and professional
sports were fulfilled, but at a great cost. Although few parents go to the limits of pushing
their children into sports as Marv Marinovich, there are many parents who do push their children
toward the unrealistic goals of college sport scholarships and professional sports contracts.
These slightly-delusional parents hear and read about all the money professional athletes
make and believe that their children can also do it. The odds, of course, are strongly against any
youth making to the professional level. Fewer than 2 percent of high school athletes will receive
a college athletic scholarship and only one in 13,000 high school athletes will ever receive a paycheck
from a professional sports team (Relin 2005). When youth are made to feel that their self-worth
depends on how they play the game, they are likely to experience stress (Martens and Seefeldt
1979).
Most parents find it very important that their children win at the sports they play. Winning
is a high priority to parents. However, when children are asked why they play sports, they over-
whelmingly indicate that winning is a low priority (until around high school age). “Children play
sports for other reasons, the most common being, in order of importance, to have fun, to develop
skills, to get exercise, and to socialize…. But when adults are queried about their priorities relating
to involvement in youth sports, winning places much higher on the list” (Bigelow 2000: 10).
Clearly, youth and adults have different ideas about the important aspects of youth sports. As a
result, “Across the country, millions of children are being chewed up and spit out by a sports
culture run amok. With pro scouts haunting the nation’s playgrounds in search of the next LeBron
[ James] or Freddy [Adu], parents and coaches are conspiring to run youth-sports leagues like incu-
bators for future professional athletes” (Relin 2005: 4).
Performance-Enhancing Drug Use

Steroid use is generating great discussion and concern in the sports world. (See Chapter 8
for a full definition and explanation of how anabolic steroids work.) It is important to note that
the nonmedical use of steroids is illegal and banned by sports organizations. Although much of
the discussion on steroid use centers on professional athletes, many “prepubescent athletes are
experimenting with performance-enhancing drugs” (Relin 2005: 4). Furthermore, the use of ana-
bolic steroids is not limited to athletes, bodybuilders or males. “Studies show that nearly 5% of
12- to 18-year-old boys and up to 2% of girls have tried steroids. And in a 2004 survey, 19% of
6. Youth Sports 135
eighth-graders, 29% of 10th-graders and 42% of 12th-graders said that steroids were ‘fairly easy’
or ‘very easy’ to obtain” (O’Shea 2005: 8).
A 2012 Minnesota study also indicates that nearly 5 percent of middle- and high school-aged
youth have used steroids to bulk up. In addition, these researchers also found that more than one-
third of boys and one-fifth of girls in the study reported that they have used protein powder or
shakes to gain muscle mass, and between five and 10 percent used non-steroid muscle-enhancing
substances, such as creatine (Pittman 2012). The number of youths who use performance-
enhancing drugs increases as they reach high school.
Parents should look for a number of warning signs that their child may be using steroids:
mood swings (which are, unfortunately, common with many teens), obsession with body image,
excessive acne that appears suddenly (generally on the face and back), and rapid gains in muscle
size and strength (O’Shea 2005).
Violence
Children are initially attracted to sports because they want to have fun, develop motor skills
and hang out with their friends. However, the increasing number of violent incidents found in
the youth sport culture over the past few decades is enough to frighten sensible people, let alone
young children. (See Chapter 9 for an in-depth look at violence in sport). Studies have shown that
an alarming 70 percent of the approximately 20 million children who participate in organized
out-of-school athletic programs will quit by age 13 because of unpleasant youth sport experiences
(Lesley 2013). The United States is the most violent society of the Western world and this is
reflected in youth sport. A great deal of violence in youth sports is caused by out-of-control adults.
“The behavior of adults has been at the center of the debate about reforming kids’ sports ever
since 2002, when Thomas Junta of Reading, Mass., was convicted of beating Michael Costin to
death during an argument at their sons’ youth hockey practice” (Relin 2005: 7). The types of vio-
lence found in youth sport includes parents fighting parents, parents attacking youth participants,
parents attacking referees, coaches attacking referees, youths attacking referees, and referees attack-
ing coaches.
Consider these stories as examples of the escalating levels of violence in youth sport:
• A 2000 soccer match involving teams of boys ages 8–9 ended in a fistfight among parents and
coaches in South Brunswick, N.J. Police were summoned to separate the combatants (USA
Today, 9/11/00).
• A youth football (14- and 15-year-olds) game in Port Orange, Florida, ended in a brawl
involving more than 100 parents, coaches and teenagers in 2000. One player was punched and a
number of adults were arrested for assault, including one for assaulting a police officer (Buffalo
News, 9/25/00).
• In a 1993 youth football (13- to 15-year-olds) game in Oakland Park, Florida, a youth quit in
during the game and left the field. A teammate’s mother yelled at him to return to the game.
The youth attacked the woman and punched her in the face and began fighting with her rela-
tives. The attacking youth’s mom pulled out a gun and threatened those who tried to intervene
(Los Angeles Times, 9/9/93).
• The 2005 Little League baseball season in New Bedford, Massachusetts, was suspended after
a series of violent incidents, including two mothers who got into a fistfight in the stands. One
woman’s son jumped the playing field fence and helped his mother attack the other woman
(ABC News, 8/13/05).
• A father, who also served as an assistant coach, ran out on a football field and attacked two 9-
year-old players from the opposing team whom he accused of blocking his son too hard (Ernst
1999).
• Former New York Islander defenseman Gerry Hart was accused of assaulting a 14-year-old
Syracuse boy during post-game handshakes at a youth hockey tournament (Albanese 1997a).
• A brawl erupted during postgame handshakes in a youth hockey league game in Potsdam,
New York, that even involved the Zamboni driver (The Post-Standard 2/26/97).
• A youth hockey association in New York State barred a parent from home games for one year
because he punched a referee (Albanese 1997b).
• In 2000, a 15-year-old boy was banned for life from playing competitive soccer anywhere in
the world after hitting a referee twice in the face at the end of a South Ceredigion Junior Foot-
ball League match in west Wales (The Post-Standard, 8/19/00).
• A Massachusetts father, who was angry about the rough play in a youth hockey game, beat a
hockey coach to death. “In North Carolina, a mother attending her child’s soccer game was
charged with assault for slapping a 14-year-old referee. A 36-year-old coach in Florida attacked
an umpire and broke his jaw during a baseball game, while a police officer who was thrown out
of his son’s baseball game for unruly conduct later retaliated by pulling the ump over at a traffic-
stop for allegedly making an illegal left turn” (Fridman 2004: 1).
• Referees are not always the victims of violence. In Fayetteville, Georgia, a youth basketball
referee, who was apparently angry that his calls were being criticized, slashed an assistant coach
with a knife after a game involving 7- and 8-year-old players as their stunned parents watched
(Stacy 2001).
• The Orlando Sun Sentinel found that during a three-year period (2010–2013) a number of
incidents involving out-of-control behavior occurred at youth sporting events including: a soc-
cer father decked a soccer mom after an 11-and-under game in Plantation; a basketball mom
punched an assistant coach after a middle school game in Riviera Beach; police were called to
control unruly parents at a 6-and-under peewee football game, a 6-and-under soccer game and
an 8-and-under baseball game; a hockey dad, basketball mom and soccer dad were arrested on
child abuse or battery charges; and, six soccer dads and one entire team of parents were banned
from watching their children’s games (Shipley 2013).
• At a soccer match involving a 13-and-under team from Coral Springs in Port St. Lucie in Sep-
tember 2012, a father berated a referee over a call and then threatened to get a gun from his
car—sending children and spectators scurrying in panic (Shipley 2013).
• Enraged parents chased two referees to their cars after a 9-and-under soccer game at Florida
Atlantic University in Boca Raton in 2013 (referees generally make less than $20 an hour and in
some cases they volunteer) (Shipley 2013).
The above are just a few examples of out-of-control and violent behavior occurring in youth
sports and we could write a book on this topic alone. Each of them depict unacceptable forms of
behavior. One merely has to do a search on YouTube to find countless documented examples of
out-of-control behavior at youth sporting events. We have saved this story for last because it is per-
haps the most difficult one to accept in a civil society. T-ball is a game designed to indoctrinate
young children (starting around age 5) into the game of baseball. In June 2005, a North Union
Township, Pennsylvania, T-ball coach (Mark R. Downs) allegedly paid one of his players $25 to
hurt an 8-year-old mentally disabled teammate so he wouldn’t have to put the boy in the game as
the league rules mandate (all players on the team must play). The disabled child was hit in the
head and in the groin with a baseball by his teammate just before the game started. Downs was
arrested on a number of criminal charges. In 2006, Downs was sentenced to consecutive six to
6. Youth Sports 137
36-month sentences for corruption of minors and criminal solicitation to commit simple assault.
Clearly, there is no reason to emphasize winning in T-ball. This ultra-competitive coach who had
a burning desire to win at T-ball should never have been in coaching.
Emphasizing Sportsmanship
The reasons for out-of-control parents and youth sporting events are numerous, including
the idea that parents are living vicariously through their children’s sporting exploits; they suffer
from any number of mental disorders; they view sports as the best means toward a good economic
future and realize the dream begins at the youth sports level; and, an alarming belief that “winning”
and “striving for excellence” should be the overarching goal of youth sports—no matter what the
costs (Lesley 2013). These misguided parents have completely ignored the primary purpose of
youth sports—giving kids a chance to play and have fun.
In response to the misguided attitude of out-of-control parents we strongly believe that youth
sport leagues must emphasize sportsmanship. Sportsmanship, which will be discussed in greater detail
in Chapter 16, involves fair play, decency, and respect—for oneself, the competitor, fellow fans, game
officials, and the sport itself. Sportsmanship involves adhering to proper forms of moral conduct.
With these criteria in mind, the authors define sportsmanship as conduct and attitudes considered
as benefiting participants, especially in regards to a sense of fair play, courtesy toward teammates
and opponents, game officials, and others involved in sporting contests, as well as grace in losing.
A number of communities have taken action to implement, and in some cases, force, sports-
manship ideals onto parents. In 2000, Florida’s Jupiter Tequesta Athletic Association, which spon-
sors basketball, soccer, football, softball and baseball for 6,000 boys and girls in the community,
required parents to take a mandatory lesson in sportsmanship. After completing the sportsmanship
lesson, parents had to sign a code of behavior agreement. If they failed to abide by the rules, they
risked the expulsion of themselves and their children from youth sports (Meadows 2000).
Although most parents think this is a good idea, others protest, claiming they have the right to
yell and scream and say whatever they want while watching their children play sports. Clearly,
these people are lacking in good sportsmanship character. Today, the Jupiter-Tequesta Athletic
Association allows parents to take an online course on how to behave at their children’s athletic
events (Relin 2005).
A girls’ soccer youth league in Northern Ohio instituted a “Silent Sunday” where cheering,
clapping, griping and chattering is forbidden (Mihoces 1999). Most of girls who play soccer in
this suburban Cleveland league agreed with the idea. But many parents expressed that they have
a right to cheer for their daughters if they want to.
Educators, student athletes and others in the state of Maine have launched a “counterrevolution”
called Sports Done Right with a goal of transforming the way Maine, and the rest of the nation, con-
duct youth sport programs. Their first step is de-emphasize competition so that kids stay in sports
for the fun of it, instead of dropping out because of stress and turmoil sometimes associated with
competition. “The program has identified core principles that it insists must be present in a healthy
sports environment for kids, including good sportsmanship, discouragement of early specialization
and the assurance that teams below the varsity level make it their mission to develop the skills of
every child on every team, to promote a lifelong involvement with sports” (Relin 2005: 7).
In some youth sports leagues compliance to a set of rules to discourage unfair competition,
such as the youth basketball rule prohibiting double teaming and pressing through 4th grade
because the offensive skills of younger players have not been reached, is required (Lesley 2013).
At the youth sport level it is important for parents to realize that winning is not everything;
in fact, it is of small consolation. Fun should be the top priority and emphasized as such. No child
should be belittled, in private or public, and all children should be encouraged regardless of their
skill level. Parents should cheer all players, even the opponents—these are children, remember?!
Parents need to stop trying to live their lives vicariously through their children’s sport participation.
Furthermore, parents should talk with each other, and never yell or assault someone. Participation
in multiple sports should be emphasized over specializing in one sport. Parents need to let the
coaches coach and not worry so much about playing time. In addition, parents should compliment
coaches and referees for doing their jobs the best they can.
Parents also need to be realistic about the skill levels of their children and their potential to
play sports at the college or professional level, although, with the economic reality of players’
salaries, it is easy to understand why so many parents (especially those from lower socio-economic
families) encourage their children to pursue a career in sports. It is true that winning is an American
value and virtue. However, there are other American virtues that should be emphasized, especially
at the youth level, including teamwork, loyalty, commitment, and sportsmanship. If parents would
take heed of these issues the youth sports environment would be a much happier and safer place
for children. Furthermore, parents would serve as positive role models for their children and sports-
manship ideals would be passed from one generation to the next.
Evaluating Youth Sports

It would seem that youth sport participation has both positive and negative consequences.
The majority of youth have a positive experience with sports, but clearly, many others do not. One
of the sources of stress for parents of youth athletes and a source of pain and discomfort for youth
athletes is sport injuries.
Sport Injuries
Most parents, coaches and league officials do their best to assure that injuries in youth sport
are minimized. As a result, most children who play sports will not be seriously injured. Nonetheless,
sports injuries are fairly common for young athletes. More than half of all youth sport injuries
occur at practice rather than during competition (National Center for Sport Safety 2006). The
two most common types of sports injury for youth athletes are sprains (in injury to a ligament
such as tearing or stretching) and strains (an injury to a tendon or muscle). Growth plate injuries
(the growth plate is at the end of the long bones in developing children before it is replaced by
solid bone) are also common for youngsters. Immature bones (growth plate), insufficient rest after
an injury, and poor training or conditioning contribute to a large number of sport injuries for
youngsters (National Center for Sport Safety 2006).
It is common to divide injuries into two major categories: acute and chronic. Acute injuries
occur quickly as a result of a traumatic event followed immediately by a pattern of signs and symp-
toms such as pain, swelling, and loss of function (Pfeiffer and Mangus 2002). Cuts, bruises, sprains
and fractures are a common type of acute injury. Chronic injuries are those which linger and
develop over an extended period of time and are not tied to a single traumatic event. A chronic
injury could be the result of knee damage or arthritis. In extreme cases, an athlete may suffer from
a catastrophic injury, which involves damage to the brain or spinal cord and is potentially life
threatening or permanent (Pfeiffer and Mangus 2002). Tackles in football that result in a broken
neck or spinal cord are an example of a catastrophic injury. Interestingly, limiting children to one
sport in hopes of minimizing sports injuries is a fallacy, as specialization in year-round sport at
an early age is often cited by doctors as a source of injury (Relin 2005).
6. Youth Sports 139
According to the National Orthopedics and Neurosurgery (2011), about 30 million children
and teens participate in some form of organized sports, and about 3 million injuries occur each
year with sprains and strains as the most common type of injuries. As mentioned earlier in this
chapter, the biggest concern among parents is the possibility of their children suffering from a
concussion. In essence, what these parents are really concerned about is traumatic brain injury
(TBI). Sports and recreational activities contribute to approximately 21 percent of all TBI among
American children and adolescents (National Orthopedics and Neurosurgery 2011). Reports of
head injuries are on the rise. From 2001 to 2009, emergency room visits for TBI among children
under 19 rose 62 percent and football concussions reported among 10- to 14-year-olds more than
doubled from 2000 to 2010 (Kelley and Carchia 2013). However, as the CDC reports, one of the
primary reasons for the rise in reported TBI is due to the increased awareness of the dangers of
head injuries (Reuters 2011). (This is similar to the idea that the number of reported autistic chil-
dren has dramatically increased during the past decade, because of better diagnosis.) And while
parents have a right to be concerned about the potential for TBI in football, the percentage of
TBI injuries in football is just 7.2 percent, making it lower than many sports including soccer,
baseball, hockey of all types, ice skating, ATV and dirt-bike riding, and horseback riding (Kelley
and Carchia 2013). In fact, the activity most likely to lead to youth TBI is bike riding. The second
and third leading cause of TBI among youths playing sports or involved in recreational activities
is skateboarding and skating (National Orthopedics and Neurosurgery 2011).
Injuries in sports cannot be eliminated completely, just as injuries off the field cannot be
eliminated. Injuries are more likely to occur when youth overtrain. It is important to recognize
the physical signs of overtraining. The American Council on Exercise (2014) warns that if exercise
leaves someone more exhausted than energized, then overtraining may the culprit.
It is important to provide as safe an environment as possible for youth while they participate
in sport as a safe environment will contribute to a positive sporting experience for youths. Youths
who participate in sport are likely to benefit physically and mentally. Sport participation also helps
to keep youth busy and when youths are busy engaging in positive activities they are less likely to
engage in deviant activities such as skipping school, smoking, using illegal drugs, carrying weapons,
and consuming alcohol. The bottom line in evaluating the effectiveness of youth sport participation
has a lot to do with one’s own personal experiences and one’s perception as to the role of sport in
youth development.

Box 6: Blindsided by Homelessness, Saved by Foster Parents:
The Semi-biographical Story of Michael Oher as Depicted
in Blind Side
As described in this chapter, there are over 1 million homeless youths in the United States,
based on the U.S. Department of Education’s (2014) definition. Everyday life experiences are con-
sumed with trying to find a place to sleep from one night to the next, a place to wash, and food to
eat. Schoolchildren try to hide their situation from their classmates in order to avoid stigmatization.
Working on homework presents a challenge, especially when access to a computer and the Internet
is necessary. Without a proper diet and lacking health care coverage, maintaining good physical
and mental health presents additional challenges. Many homeless children feel compelled to quit
school during their teen years in order to help their family or to take care of themselves. If the
homeless youth is living on the street, or even with family members or caregivers, victimization
via sexual and physical abuse is also a possibility. For the homeless youth who possesses sports
skills, a formal sports program may provide structure and a temporary release from the nightmare
of a life they live, but it does not guarantee food to eat. Consequently, many homeless youths who
play sports are distracted by thoughts of where they would sleep that night and where, or if, they
will eat that night. While they are distracted, their sports performance is compromised. Some of
these homeless youths will find success in life; others will disappear into the cracks of a broken
social system.
From time to time, a well-meaning coach or teacher may take in a homeless, abandoned youth
under his or her wing. In some other instances, a member, or family, from the community may
intervene and make sure the homeless youth has a better life. Such is the case with Michael Oher,
a current NFL player with the Tennessee Titans and onetime homeless youth from Memphis, Ten-
nessee. Michael Oher is the subject of Michael Lewis’s book The Blind Side, and the 2009 film of
the same name (Oher 2014; Tennessee Titans 2014).
Oher was born on May 28, 1986, in Memphis as Michael Jerome Williams, Jr.; he came from
a broken home, with his estranged father murdered while Michael was in high school and his
crack-addicted mother seldom to be found (Oher 2014). Michael was one of twelve children born
to Michael Jerome Williams, Sr. and Denise Oher, who provided their children very little support.
Michael Sr. was often in prison, and with a crack-addicted mother, Michael Jr. and his siblings
found themselves in and out of different foster homes and frequently homeless. Michael rarely
saw his siblings, let alone his parents. He was forced to fend for himself. Without love and support,
his school grades suffered tremendously. Michael repeated first and second grade and attended 11
different schools during his first nine years as a student (Oher 2014). Most likely, we never would
have heard of Michael Oher if not for the kindness of Leigh Anne Tuohy and her family.
Michael Oher joined the ranks of popular culture via Lewis’s book and highly-acclaimed
2009 feature film, both of the same title, The Blind Side. The movie grossed over $300 million,
a hefty sum for any film but especially for a sports film. The film was adored by filmgoers and
critics alike and won Sandra Bullock, who played Leigh Anne Tuohy, the Academy Award for Best
Actress, as well as the Golden Globe Award for Best Actress and the Screen Actors Guild Award
for Outstanding Performance by a Female in a Leading Role. The film was also nominated for an
Academy Award for Best Picture. There were a number of cameos from current and past college
coaching legends including Lou Holtz, Nick Saban, Phillip Fulmer, Houston Nutt, Ed Orgeron,
and Tommy Tuberville.
The film does a great job of depicting the life of a homeless, loner student. Michael alternates
washing his one extra shirt at the local laundromat and sometimes sleeps there. He also sometimes
sleeps on the couch of a friend of his. Near the beginning of the film, Michael’s friend’s father is
shown talking to Burt Cotton (Ray McKinnon), the football coach of Briarcrest Christian, to
help enroll his son and Mike. Cotton is immediately impressed by the size of Oher and despite
his poor grades, helps to get Michael admitted into the school. Michael is quickly befriended by
a boy named Sean Jr. (SJ) ( Jae Head), the son of Leigh Anne Tuohy. SJ notices how all the other
kids run away from Michael because they are intimidated by his size and are a little afraid of him
because he is black (nearly all the other kids at the Christian school are white) and suggests to him
that he smile. As a homeless youth, Oher has had little to smile about, but his life is about to
change. Sean Tuohy (Tim McGraw) and Leigh Anne notice Michael and ask SJ who he is and SJ
replies, “He’s big Mike.” Not knowing who he really is, everyone calls Michael “Big Mike” simply
because he is so big.
When Michael is informed by a school staff member that his father has died, he has little
6. Youth Sports 141
reaction. That same night, Michael seeks shelter from the pouring rain at the Laundromat. Later
on, the Tuohy family is watching SJ’s sister Collins (Lily Collins) play volleyball in the school
gym. Sean notices Michael going through all the discarded boxes looking for food. Such is life for
a homeless athlete, scrounging through popcorn boxes and the like, in search of anything to eat.
Sean arranges to have a meal ticket paid for Michael so that he can eat at school. On a rainy night,
the Tuohy family drives by Michael, who is walking on the road shivering in the cold. Leigh makes
Sean pull over and learns that he hasn’t a place to go for the night. She asks him to get in the car
and offers Michael a place to stay on their couch. The next morning, Leigh Anne goes downstairs
and finds that Michael has neatly packed up the blankets and pillow and has left the house. She
asks Michael to join them for Thanksgiving dinner. Leigh Ann invites Michael to live with the
family. She asks about his family and requests that he tell her one thing about himself. Michael
replies that he does not like being called “Big Mike.” Leigh Anne states that he will only be addressed
as Michael from that point on.
Over a period of time, Michael becomes very close to the family and Leigh Anne starts the
procedure to become his legal guardian. The Tuohys are very wealthy, as Sean owns a chain of fast
food restaurants. Leigh Anne learns that although his grades are low, he is actually a pretty smart
kid and that he scored in the 98th percentile (top 2%) in “protective instincts.” Knowing little
about the game of football, Leigh Anne instructs Michael to think of the team as his family and
his job is to protect his players and as an offensive linemen, he is especially to protect the quarter-
back so that no one hits him from the “blind side”—football terminology for the vulnerable point
of attack by defenses from the quarterback’s back, or blind, side. From that point on, Michael
begins to excel at football. The Tuohys hire a private tutor to help Michael raise his grades so that
he can go on to college. Michael receives numerous visits from big-time college football coaches
who are impressed by the films that SJ has put together for recruiting purposes.
The film offers a bit of real-life drama and controversy as both Leigh Ann and Sean are Uni-
versity of Mississippi (Ole Miss) alumni and encourage Michael to accept an offer to attend their
alma mater. The NCAA investigates the situation and accuses the Tuohys of taking Michael into
their home just so that he will play at Ole Miss. The NCAA is more concerned about other families
doing the same thing, a possible recruiting violation, than they are in assuring that Michael has a
home and a decent life. The Tuohys are eventually cleared of any wrongdoing and Michael does
indeed decide to attend Ole Miss, where he will enjoy national acclaim and eventually get drafted
by the Baltimore Ravens before being traded to Tennessee for the start of the 2014 NFL season.
The Blind Side is a heartwarming film and very well made. The story behind the book and
film is even more impressive considering the plight of this former homeless youth who proved, if
given a chance, that he had much to offer society. But there are many other homeless youths like
Michael. What if they do not find their Tuohy family? What’s to become of them?
Summary
Children and play go hand-in-hand. Play should be encouraged, as it develops a child’s imag-
ination, intelligence, perceptual-motor development, and it is a healthy activity. Sport represents
an evolutionary growth of play. Sport may be formalized or performed informally. Organized for-
mal youth sports are viewed by some as a means of social mobility. They believe that if the child
hones his or her skills while young, that he or she may some day find fame and fortune at the pro-
fessional level.
There are those who believe youth sports have become corrupted by the increasing level of
organization and structure. Changes in the family structure (e.g., divorce and children splitting
time with parents) have made organized youth sport programs attractive for those parents who
simply do not have the time to keep an eye on their children or to provide them with sport instruc-
tion and coaching.
An important factor in whether children should participate in sports is their own desires to
do so. There are a wide variety of sport options, both formal and informal, that should be made
available to youths so that they can try them out and decide for themselves which, if any, they
enjoy playing.
There is a good deal of debate over whether sports “builds character,” particularly whether
abiding by societal rules is a sign of good character. Sport participation is tied to the idea of per-
sonal identity. For many youths, being an athlete is a big part of who they are.
Organized youth sports have arisen throughout the Western world since the middle of the
nineteenth century, and have been linked with physical education. Such formal youth sports,
including Little League Baseball, Pop Warner Football, and Youth Soccer Leagues, have become
an integral part of American culture. Despite their many benefits, there are a number of criticisms,
which focus on the overemphasis upon winning at any cost. Informal sports, which are more player-
controlled and less regimented, have arisen partly in response to such criticisms.
Health fitness is a major component of youth sport. Perhaps the most important aspect is
the idea that youths engaging in such activities will be more physically fit. Medical professionals
argue that youth need to exercise to fight off the growing possibility of becoming obese and lower
the risk of heart disease and to help stimulate brain development. Related to this, however, are
the health risks involved, including physical injuries and mental stress. The use of performance-
enhancement drugs and the danger of violence both off and on the playing field is as real for
youths as it is for adult athletes. Still, recent studies have shown that sports participation among
U.S. youths is associated with numerous positive health behaviors.
Key Terms
Acute Injuries Sports injuries which occur quickly as a result of a traumatic event and are fol-
lowed immediately by a pattern of signs and symptoms such as pain, swelling, and loss of func-
tion.
Athletic Stress Forces that cause bodily or mental strain.
Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) A behavior disorder identified by three
characteristics: inattentiveness, impulsiveness, and hyperactivity.
Babe Ruth Baseball/Softball Program Using regulation competitive baseball and softball
rules, this program teaches skills, mental and physical development, a respect for the rules of
the game, and basic ideals of sportsmanship and fair play.
Bodily Strain Physical impairment caused by excessive demands on the body.
Cal Ripken Baseball Division Part of the Babe Ruth Baseball/Softball Program, this division
is for kids 12 and under.
Catastrophic Injury A sports injury which involves damage to the brain or spinal cord, or both,
and is potentially life threatening or permanent.
Character Individual personality and behavioral traits, both good and bad, which define who a
person is.
Character Development Gaining qualities that will make a person better able to deal with life’s
problems; many believe sports enhance character development.
6. Youth Sports 143
Chronic Injuries Sports injuries which linger and develop over an extended period of time and
are not tied to a single traumatic event.
Informal Sports Those which are player-controlled, free from governing bodies and adult
supervision, and allow the participant an opportunity to have fun in a self-expressing format.
Little League Baseball A program for youth, geared to provide a safe and healthy environment
where they can learn the fundamentals of baseball while becoming good and decent citizens.
Little Leaguism A term used to describe youth sports that have become bureaucratic, standard-
ized, efficiency-driven, rationalized, calculated, and predictable.
Mental Strain Distress caused by internal pressure that the youth places on self-performance.
Muscular Christianity A term used to describe the religious philosophy of teaching morals and
values through sport.
Pop Warner Football The most recognized formal and organized youth football program.
Soccer Mom Someone who drives her children to soccer games and watches them compete.
T-ball A game designed to indoctrinate young children (starting around age 5) into the game of
baseball.
Traumatic Brain Injury (TBI) Head injuries (e.g., concussions) brought on by a severe blow to
the head that lead to temporary or permanent brain damage.
• What do you think of the Michael Oher story depicted in Popular Culture Box 6? That is,
do you think the Tuohys helped Michael just because they wanted him to play at Ole Miss, or
were their intentions good? Explain.
• What are some of the reasons why parents encourage their children to participate in sports?
What do you think are positive reasons and what are negative reasons?
• How does participation in youth sports correspond to a child’s mental and physical develop-
ment? What are some steps that can be taken to make sure that these progress in an acceptable
way?
• What are some of the key differences between formal and informal youth sports? Why is
informal youth sport becoming more popular in the Twenty-First Century?
• Do you think that sports “builds character”? What does this phrase mean to you, and how
can it be applied to youth sports in particular?
• Do you think that adults should stop their children from playing contact sports such as foot-
ball and soccer due to the risk of brain concussions? Explain. Consider in your answer the fact
that far more youth suffer traumatic brain injuries from bike riding and skateboarding than they
do playing football.
• Can you think of any former athletes who are identified with charitable activities and who
freely give their time to helping others?
CHAPTER 7
High School and College Sports
“John Doe Scores Six Touchdowns in Final High School Football Game,” reads the local
newspaper article. Doe has the perfect combination of speed and power, two important tools for
a running back. Doe has set state records in career touchdowns scored and rushing yardage. College
recruiters are drooling over the hope that Doe might play for them. Community members from
Doe’s high school assume he will star in football at the college ranks. Unfortunately, Doe does not
possess the perfect combination of athletic and academic skills. He has struggled every year to
remain academically eligible for high school sports and, recently, Doe has learned that he has failed
the SAT. His low high school grade point average does not qualify him for colleges offering football
scholarships. Doe had spent far more time preparing himself for college as a football player than
college as a student. What will he do now? Academic eligibility is just one of many concerns
related to sports in the educational setting.
Interscholastic Athletics and Academics

Nearly all secondary schools offer interscholastic athletics. In the United States, and most
other nations of the West, colleges and universities also routinely field sports teams. Sports and
education would seem to go hand in hand. As discussed in Chapter 6, proponents of sports in
schools often cite the long-held belief that sport teaches positive character traits and values (such
as teamwork, dedication, loyalty and success due to hard work) that will transcend from the playing
field onto the game of life. The schools themselves benefit from the increased commitment of
alumni and local supporters. Others, however, argue that the priority placed on sport programs
often distract the school (administrators, students and parents) from prioritizing educational goals
(e.g., intellectual development through a rigorous curriculum). In addition, they claim that the
costs involved in promoting and recruiting are not offset by ticket sales and contributions, and
that teams are detrimental to the ultimate bottom line.
The Consequences of Interscholastic Sport Participation

High school and college athletes receive fame and accolades from peers, community members,
and the traditional and social media. Males have long enjoyed the benefits of being an athlete in
high school and college and more recently females have also begun to experience the attention.
The data in Table 7.1 measures the high school sports roster positions as a percentage of the total
enrollment. As we can see, a larger percentage of boys play high school sports than girls regardless
of type of school setting (urban, suburban, or rural) and the rural schools have the highest per-
centage of high school students who play sports.
144
Table 7.1: High School Roster Positions

as a Percentage of Enrollment, by School Setting
Urban Suburban Rural
Girls 28 39 50
Boys 39 52 63
High school athletes enjoy positive attention because sports achievements generally receive
more attention than academic ones. One reason for this is the idea that cheering for a sports team
can unite members from the school and the greater community in a more tangible manner than
academic accomplishments. With this in mind, interschool sports competitions provide a means
of unifying the entire school. For example, individuals from diverse racial and social classes as well
as kids from different subcultural groups are afforded a bonding opportunity through cheering
for their high school sports teams and athletes. Teachers that support school sports are generally
more respected by students than those who do not support sports. The school benefits indirectly
by sports because of the social control apparatus that accompanies participation. Athletes must
abide by a number of rules in order to remain eligible. These rules apply to both on the field behav-
ior (team rules, league rules, and so forth) and off the field behavior (grades and personal behavior).
Research has shown that, in general, athletic participation does not lead to poorer academic per-
formance or lower academic aspirations (Nixon and Frey 1996). In many cases, collegiate athletes
have a higher overall GPA than non-athletes, especially walk-on athletes and female athletes. High
school sports often provide local communities with a rallying point of local pride. In addition,
individuals who play sports feel an increased attachment to the school, school values, and com-
munity.
There are, however, a number of potential problems associated with interscholastic and inter-
collegiate sport. Sport specialization has led many athletes to concentrate on just one sport, year-
round, instead of enjoying participating in multiple sports. Proponents of sport specialization,
however, argue that when athletes concentrate on one sport, they increase their chance of becoming
dominant in that sport. Sports are often fields of elitism. The elite interscholastic and intercolle-
giate sports (football and basketball) generally dominate the athletic budgets of schools. Elite ath-
letes often have such inflated egos that they begin to think they are better and more important
than other students. Cheating in its multiple forms (e.g., violating rules of sportsmanship, taking
performance-enhancing drugs) undermines the idealism of sport as an institution of character
building. The excessive pressures to win often “cheat” participants from the fun of playing sports.
Many athletes become disenchanted by the over-emphasis on rules and the pressures to win. They
end up feeling like they are doing work rather than engaging in play. The authoritarian coach may
also ruin the sport experience of participants. We will address these topics in the following pages.
High School Sports

Youth sport participation is mostly about having fun. When athletes reach high school the
pretense of having fun is overtly replaced by an emphasis on winning. The best athletes receive
the most playing time while others are relegated to the bench and supporting roles. The respon-
sibilities of the high school athlete are far more intense than those of the nonathlete, as far as
school-related activities are concerned. The high school athlete must manage educational, athletic,
and social responsibilities that are very time consuming and too demanding for many young people.
High school athletes not only have to study and do classroom assignments, they must also attend
athletic practices. Research has also shown that negative life stresses affect student athletes much
more than non-student athletes (Petrie and Anderson 1996). Thus, high school athletes may face
stress from off the field sources (e.g., homelessness and victimization of abuse), like their nonathlete
peers, but also on the field stress—something nonathletes cannot encounter. Finding the proper
balance between educational, athletic and social time requirements potentially presents challenges
too difficult for young people. On the other hand, athletes that are successful at accomplishing
this balance as teenagers should have an advantage in adulthood. The careers they will be entering,
especially in the fast-paced twenty-first century, will probably involve multi-tasking, and the need
to balance many competing responsibilities will come to the forefront.
Academic Requirements
While students participate in high school sports they are generally required to maintain a
minimum academic requirement for athletic eligibility. Most students today would be surprised
to learn that during the 1970s and early 1980s many high school jurisdictions did not have a
minimal academic requirement for athletic eligibility. It was argued that academic requirements
were unfair to disadvantaged youth. Some people even believed that sport participation was a right
rather than privilege. Predictably, the lack of a minimal academic requirement led to many athletes
concentrating on sports and ignoring academics. Today, it is common for all high schools to main-
tain minimal academic requirements for sports participation. However, such requirements may
vary from state to state, and often from city to city.
The state of Ohio, in its “Eligibility Guide for Participation in High School Athletics: 2014–
15 Edition,” for example, details a number of criteria for high school athletics eligibility, including
a description of the criteria necessary to be a high school student; the number of semesters an
athlete is allowed to participate (only eight semesters of athletic eligibility whether the student
participates in interscholastic athletics or not, although there are some exceptions granted); max-
imum age (students who turn 19 years of age prior to August 1 are ineligible); regulations on ama-
teurism (e.g., eligibility can be lost for such reasons as competing for money or other compensation,
capitalizing on athletic fame by receiving money, merchandise or services, signing a contract or
making a commitment to play professional sports); restrictions on the number of instructional
hours provided by a coach; regulations against taking consuming alcohol, tobacco, drugs and
steroids; abiding by concussion management protocols; commitment to proper sporting behavior
(sportsmanship-related criteria); and, a few other criteria (Ohio High School Athletic Association
2014). However, nowhere in the Eligibility Guide is there mention of maintaining minimum aca-
demic requirements.
School leaders at Rockford, Illinois, have made it easier for students with poor grades to keep
playing sports. Students with less than a C average have been able to compete on the Rockford
teams since 2011, when the district dropped its rule requiring athletes maintain a 2.0 GPA (Lavigne
2012). “The Rockford Public School District is one of at least a dozen examples nationwide—
from big cities such as Boston and Pittsburgh to smaller towns like Clinton, La, and Shelton,
Wash—that have either lowered or dropped GPA requirements to keep kids on athletic fields”
(Lavigne 2012). That some schools are dropping the minimum GPA requirement is a disservice
to the student-athlete while he or she is in high school (for many reasons, including the idea that
the student is not receiving the best education available and a lower GPA will make it harder to
get into college) and especially for the student-athlete who hopes to play sports in college because
of collegiate minimum academic standards. Rockford officials countered that the minimum stan-
dards weren’t working out, as during the 10 years the 2.0 GPA minimum rule was in place, grad-
uation rates and test scores did not increase; and instead, the schools experienced smaller sports
teams, a dwindling morale and students afraid to take hard classes for fear of losing eligibility
(Lavigne 2012).
Regardless of the merits (or lack thereof ) of high schools dropping minimum academic stan-
dards, colleges do have minimum requirements for incoming high school students. At Division I
schools, incoming high school students must have graduated from high school with a minimum
of a 2.3 GPA in core courses (or meet a sliding scale SAT or ACT sum score) as well as having
taken 16 core courses (four years of English; three years of math at Algebra 1 or higher level; two
years of natural or physical science, including one year of lab science if offered; two years of social
science; and four years of additional core courses) (NCAA 2014b). At Division II, students must
have a minimum 2.0 GPA and a combined minimum SAT score or 820 or sum ACT score of 68,
and completed 16 core courses in high school (College Board 2014). While there are no minimum
academic standards for high school students entering Division III sports leagues, students must
be in good academic standing and must be making progress toward graduation (as defined by indi-
vidual schools) and taking a minimum of 12 semester or quarter hours while enrolled (regardless
of individual school rules) once the athlete is competing at the Division III level (NCAA 2014a).
Graduating high school students who want to play at National Association of Intercollegiate Ath-
letics (NAIA) schools must graduate from high school and meet two out of three of the following
requirements: (1) Achieve a minimum of 18 on the ACT or 860 on the SAT; (2) Achieve a min-
imum overall high school GPA of 2.0; and (3) Graduate in the top half of their high school class.
Athletic eligibility for student-athletes is a subject of great scrutiny. Administrative offices
must constantly monitor the academic progress of high school athletes.
Interscholastic Participation and Administration

According to a U.S. News and World Report, the number of students playing high school
sports during the 2010–2011 school year exceeded 7.6 million (Koebler 2011). This marked the
22nd consecutive year that more high school students were playing sports, according to the annual
High School Athletics Participation Survey (Koebler 2011). Football remains far and away the
most popular sport for high school boys with more than one million participants (Koebler 2011;
Jeffrey 2014). As reported by CNS News, and shown in Table 7.2, there were over 1,500 girls playing
football during the 2012–2013 school year ( Jeffrey 2014).
Table 7.2: Top Ten High School Sports by Total Number of Students
Who Participated in Them, 2012–2013
Sport Total Boys Girls
Football 1,088,158 1,086,627 1,531
Outdoor Track and Field 1,053,611 580,672 472,939
Basketball 971,796 538,676 433,120
Soccer 782,514 410,982 371,532
Baseball 476,050 474,791 1,259
Volleyball 479,561 50,353 420,208
Cross Country 463,569 249,200 214,369
Fast-Pitch Softball 363,944 1,456 362,488
Tennis 338,363 157,247 181,116
Swimming and Diving 138,177 138,177 163,992
(Source: Jeffrey 2014)
There is a cliché that “Everything is Bigger in Texas” and this slogan is applicable to high
school football in the Lone Star State. Measured both by the overall number of players and also
by the average number of players per high school, Texas led the nation in football participation,
with 165,359 student athletes playing football ( Jeffrey 2014). The popularity of football in Texas
has been immortalized in the world of popular culture with the adage of Friday night lights. The
notion of “Friday Night Lights” reveals the importance of football in many areas, especially Texas,
as Saturdays have traditionally been reserved for college football and Sundays reserved for profes-
sional football. That leaves Friday nights (after school hours) for high school football. (See “Con-
necting Sports with Popular Culture” Box 7 at the end of this chapter.) The bigger is better attitude
of Texas can also be extended to high school football stadiums. Consider, for example, that in
2014 Houston-area voters approved a bond package that included $58 million to build a 12,000-
seat high school football stadium. While the price tag for this stadium is hefty, to say the least, it
falls short of the most expensive in Texas history, the $60 million stadium built in the Dallas
suburb of Allen. Interestingly, the Allen facility, built in 2012, was closed during the 2014 season
after structural flaws were found (The Post-Standard 11/6/14).
California and Arizona are a near tie for second with the number of student athletes playing
football. The fastest growing high school sport is girls’ lacrosse, where participation rates jumped
9 percent in one year, from 2009–2010 to 2010–2011 (Koebler 2011). Girls made up 41 percent
of all high school student athletes (Koebler 2011).
It should be noted that there are alternatives to interscholastic sports for high school aged
students. We are not referring to the rare case of the high school athlete who turns professional
in sport (e.g., golfer Michelle Wie turned professional at age 15 and promptly signed endorsement
deals with Nike and Sony which will pay her as much as $10 million a year), but rather sports
leagues that exist outside of the high schools. Elite soccer players play on club sport teams, cheerleader
High school football played under the lights on a Friday night.

club teams train just to compete rather than cheer for a team, baseball players play in leagues such
as the American Legion, and hockey has junior hockey leagues. For example, Junior “A” Hockey
represents the pinnacle of the skill development program of USA Hockey and the Canadian Ama-
teur Hockey Association. The program is open to high school students and graduates seeking a
greater challenge than that available at their high school or club team. The purpose of such leagues
is to prepare the athlete for a career at the collegiate or professional level (O’Toole 2005).
With such large participation numbers comes the need for administrative control and over-
sight. Many of today’s administrators were trained in academic administration and not in athletic
administration. As a result, most schools have athletic administrators who oversee the sports pro-
gram and such issues as academic eligibility and handles grievances (challenges to ineligibility).
These athletic administration positions developed slowly and gradually. As secondary schools have
grown in size (especially through the consolidation of school districts) and interscholastic programs
expanded (particularly because of the addition of girls’ programs), the need for sport adminis-
trators became increasingly evident. At many of the larger high schools, the athletic department
has an athletic director (similar to the college ranks).
Athletic directors inevitably exert great influence in the forming of policies and practices at
their respective schools and athletic conferences. Furthermore, a number of high school associa-
tions sponsor athletic directors conferences and meetings that further strengthen their role and
power. Athletic directors typically oversee standards of eligibility for interscholastic athletic com-
petitions, contest regulations and preparation for out-of-town games; meet with tournament man-
agement; establish and define high school athletic policies; oversee athletic awards policies and
banquets; administer the purchase, issuing and general care of equipment; direct athletic budgets;
oversee safety essentials, programs and travel; manage the general layout and maintenance of ath-
letic facilities; oversee intramural activities and the development of junior high school programs;
and administer legal aspects of interscholastic activities.
One of the biggest demands on high school administrators is finding enough money to fund
athletic and academic programs. Most high schools face financial challenges and it becomes almost
a trick to find a way to support athletic programs, especially in light of their importance to student
athletes, their parents, the student body, and the community as a whole.
Clearly, there is a great deal of work involved in interscholastic sports that goes unnoticed
by most fans and participants of high school sports. Another important aspect is dealing with the
media: sending out press releases and notices of games, interacting with sports reporters from
newspapers and television, and monitoring the stories that appear about the teams. In many U.S.
cities high school sporting events are covered as aggressively as college and even national sporting
events.
Athletic Training
Among those providing overt benefits to sport participants are the athletic trainers. The
National Athletic Trainers Association (NATA) is the governing body of athletic training. The
association sponsors certification through the NATA Board of Certification (NATABOC). “His-
torically the practice of athletic training was confined to the collegiate sports setting with an
emphasis on caring for injuries in tackle football. It was not until the 1970s that this situation
changed significantly, as the services of athletic trainers began to be recognized as extremely valu-
able in the high school sport setting” (Pfeiffer and Mangus 2002: 23). Despite the obvious need
for, and the benefits of, athletic trainers, less than half of all high schools in the United States
have access to a NATABOC-certified athletic trainer (Pfeiffer and Mangus 2002). As recent as
2013, NATA estimates that only 40 percent of high schools have a certified athletic trainer (Mihoces
2013). A number of schools have hired a part-time athletic trainer, doctor or emergency medical
staff personnel (NATA 2014a). Nonetheless, millions of high school athletes compete without
access to a certified athletic trainer to assure that their medical needs are being met.
Most school administrations argue that they cannot afford athletic trainers. NATA hopes to
increase the number of athletic trainers at high schools, even if it means training a teacher already
at the school to serve in this capacity. The less-affordable, but NATA preferred option, is for all
schools to hire a full-time athletic trainer. This person would be free from teaching responsibilities
and would work full time implementing a comprehensive sports medicine program. In light of
the attention placed on concussions in sports, NATA (2014b) is more concerned than ever before
that schools have certified athletic trainers. In data collected by the Minnesota Department of
Health and the Institute of Athletic Medicine on 36 metro-area schools last season (2013–2014),
an average of 1 in 100 student-athletes will sustain a concussion during a sport’s season (NATA
2014b).
Economics
When school boards face budget constraints, sports and the arts are usually the first victims
of cuts. Understandably, academics must always be the first priority at all schools (and at every
level); but it is always disappointing when extra-curricular activities are eliminated. (This economic
reality helps to explain, in part, why there are so few athletic trainers.) All across the United States
and Canada school budgets are subject to cuts. When school budget cuts result in the elimination
of the funding for sports teams, many sports booster groups spring into action in an attempt to
save school sports.
Curtis, McTeer and White (2003) examined the role of high school sport participation and
earnings as an adult. They found that “those who participated in organized sport as a youth tended
to have higher annual earned incomes as adults than those who did not participate in this way”
(Curtis, et al. 2003: 60). The researchers also found that this relationship was more prevalent for
males than for females. They indicate that participation in other school activities may also present
economic benefits (capital) in later life, and state, “Of course, each type of early school activity
may involve social capital and cultural capital” (73). Students interested in a career in journalism,
for instance, can benefit by working on the school newspaper and yearbook, and students who vol-
unteer on the library staff gain vital skills that can be useful in information-based careers. Still,
sports participation is usually the best-known and most influential extracurricular activity found
on most high school campuses.
Negative Effects of High School Sports

A number of negative effects surround high school sports. The disproportionate attention
given to athletics over academics (among some students, teachers, administrators, parents, com-
munities and schools) compromises the primary goal of schools—education. The most important
aspect of education must involve the pursuit of knowledge. High school sports provide a great
diversion from the daily grind of homework and attending classes, but they should remain as a
diversion and not a focal point. Due to the importance placed on athletics at most high schools,
athletes enjoy a superior sense of self. Critics claim that such an inflated ego or status leads to elite
deference. Elite deference refers to the special privileges that are afforded athletes (Lipsyte 1985).
The inflated ego or status enjoyed by many high school athletes, as with collegiate and professional
athletes, may lead to a sense of entitlement and this sense of entitlement may lead to a number of
issues (e.g., deviant and violent acts) to be discussed in Chapters 8 and 9.
The over-emphasis placed on winning has led to many of the same problems witnessed in
youth sports (See Chapter 6). Fans have been known to attack other fans, referees and game officials
at high school sporting events. For example, several fans rushed the field in Massillon, Ohio, and
were arrested for trying to attack officials who called back a Massillon Washington touchdown
that would have given the Tigers the lead in the closing seconds. Washington lost the game. When
the game ended fans attempted to reach the game officials but were tackled by police officers (The
Cleveland Plain Dealer 2000).
Feeling the pressure to perform at peak levels has led a number of high school athletes taking
performance-enhancing drugs (PED) (see Chapter 8 for a fuller description of PED). A 2014
national survey conducted by the Partnership for Drug-Free Kids found a sharp increase in the
use of synthetic human growth hormones by teens, with 11 percent of respondents reporting they
took synthetic HGH (up about 5 percent in the four preceding annual surveys) and teen use of
steroids increased from 5 percent to 7 percent (The Citizen 7/23/14). Twelve percent of teen boys
and 9 percent of teen girls reported using HGH (human growth hormone).
Every year, millions of high school athletes stop playing sports before the end of their eligi-
bility (they are, of course, replaced by incoming students). According to data collected by Don
Sabo and colleagues, the number one reason cited for quitting high school sports is similar to the
number one reason youth quit playing formal sports—it stopped being fun (Kelley and Carchia
2013). For high school girls, the number one reason cited for quitting team sports was: “I was not
having fun” (38%) followed by, “I wanted to focus more on studying and grades” (36%); “I had a
health problem, injury” (27%); “I wanted to focus more on other clubs and activities” (22%); “I
did not like or get along with the coach” (18%); “I did not like or get along with my teammates”
(16%); “I was not a good enough player” (15%); and, “My family worried about me getting injured”
(14%) (Kelley and Carchia 2013). For high school boys, the number one reason cited for quitting
team sports was: “I was not having fun” (39%) followed by, “I had a health problem, injury” (29%);
“I wanted to focus more on studying and grades” (26%); “I did not like or get along with the coach”
(22%); “I did not like or get along with teammates” (18%); “I was not a good enough player”
(15%); and, “My family worried about me getting injured” (12%) (Kelley and Carchia 2013).
College Sports
For many sports fans, college sports are more important and entertaining than professional
sports. College football, for example, commands huge legions of followers, and the sheer number
of teams alone guarantees a wider audience for college football than for professional football. The
focus and attention given to collegiate sport in the United States is unparalleled compared to the
rest of the world. Nearly every college and university in the United States has a sports program
and fields multiple teams. Many of these teams play in organized leagues and just as many teams
engage in intramural sports. Furthermore, many college sports (e.g., football and basketball) have
a longer history than professional sports. As Richard Goldstein (1993) notes, “As far back as the
1820s, the meadows at Cambridge and New Haven were scenes of semi-organized mayhem for
college men. On the first Monday of the school term at Harvard and Yale, the sophomores would
battle the freshmen in games that ostensibly involved kicking a round canvas ball, but seemed
mostly directed at kicking the opponent” (3).
All sports and games have rules. “Regulation of college sports began with debates over the
still-being-formulated rules of the game themselves, before moving on to ask who should be allowed
to play and under what conditions” (Shulman and Bowen 2001: 12). Once the rules of the game
were established (allowing for modifications over the years), there grew a concern about the
enforcement of the rules. This concern was fueled by the reality that, if left unsupervised, many
people involved in sports (as with all other social institutions) would violate the rules and the
spirit of the game in order to gain an unfair advantage during competition. Corruption and blatant
cheating in sport forced the creation of supervising bodies.
Today, collegiate sports are governed by a number of large administrative bodies, such as the
National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA); the National Association of Intercollegiate
Athletics (NAIA); and the National Junior College Athletic Association (NJCAA). Membership
in the NCAA is generally considered the most prestigious but the NAIA has great value as well.
The NJCAA may serves as a means to an end (e.g., a sports career after high school) or as a stepping
stone (to transfer to the NCAA or NAIA to continue one’s sports career).
The National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA)

In college sports, the most dominant ruling body is the National Collegiate Athletic Asso-
ciation (NCAA). The purposes of the NCAA are clearly spelled out on page 1 of the 2013–14
NCAA Division I Manual. These purposes are:
(a) To initiate, stimulate and improve intercollegiate athletics programs for student-athletes
and to promote and develop educational leadership, physical fitness, athletics excellence and
athletics participation as a recreational pursuit;
(b) To uphold the principle of institutional control of, and responsibility for, all intercollegiate
sports in conformity with the constitution and bylaws of this Association;
(c) To encourage its members to adopt eligibility rules to comply with satisfactory standards of
scholarship, sportsmanship and amateurism;
(d) To formulate, copyright and publish rules of play governing intercollegiate athletics;
(e) To preserve intercollegiate athletics records;
(f ) To supervise the conduct of, and to establish eligibility standards for, regional and national
athletics events under the auspices of this Association;
(g) To cooperate with other amateur athletics organizations in promoting and conducting
national and international athletics events;
(h) To legislate, through bylaws or by resolutions of a Convention, upon any subject of general
concern to the members related to the administration of intercollegiate athletics; and
(i) To study in general all phases of competitive intercollegiate athletics and establish standards
whereby the college and universities of the United States can maintain their athletics programs
on a high level (NCAA 2013).
The NCAA is an administrative body designed to enforce the rules of college athletics. It is
also an organization of all the colleges and universities that voluntarily belong to it. Thus, the
NCAA could not exist without the mutual agreement of member institutions. “The NCAA has
been described as the fox watching the henhouse of college sports, but the Association’s consoli-
dation of power cannot be attributed only to its own ambitions; schools had demonstrated repeat-
edly that they were unable to protect themselves from themselves and, at the same time, that they
had no desire to disband their programs. In response, the NCAA has organized and managed the
flow of big money” (Shulman and Bowen 2001: 16). Over the years, the NCAA has tweaked the
rules and guidelines of intercollegiate sport in response to growing problem areas (e.g., steroid
use, gambling, fans who want more action that leads to scoring, etc.).
Their ultimate purpose is to assure the smooth running of college sports while maintaining
new ideals of sportsmanship and concepts of fair play. Other people have different evaluations of
the NCAA. Economists, for example, “generally view the NCAA as a cartel. They hold this view
because the NCAA has historically devised rules to restrict output (the number of games played
and televised) and to restrict competition for inputs (student-athletes)” (Fleisher, Goff and Tol-
lison 1992: 5). This narrow economic analysis of the NCAA ignores the fact that member insti-
tutions agree to the rules and procedures of the NCAA. “The NCAA is a relatively ineffective
cartel primarily because of the market structure in which it operates. The most destructive feature
of this market structure, from the NCAA’s standpoint, is the heterogeneity of member interests”
(Koch and Leonard 1981: 253). Although it is questionable whether the NCAA would even want
to act like a cartel (thereby viewing members’ interest as a “destructive feature”), it is true that
member colleges have a great deal of influence on the NCAA. For example, in 2014 the Division I
“Power 5” conferences flexed their collective muscles in order to establish their own autonomy.
Before we explain the power move instituted by the Power 5 conferences, it is important to
first explain the various college divisions that participate under the NCAA umbrella. The NCAA
consists of Division I, the highest level of intercollegiate athletics sanctioned by the NCAA and
generally recognized as “big-time” collegiate sports in the United States; Division II, an
intermediate-level of competition; and Division III, which consists of colleges and universities
that have chosen not to offer athletic scholarships. Division I schools have large operating budgets,
state-of-the-art facilities, offer the most NCAA athletic scholarships, and have legions of fans that
support and cheer athletic teams, especially the major sports such as football and basketball. For
football-only purposes, Division I schools were divided into D-1A and D-IAA in 1978. The D-IA
football schools were considered elite, compared to the D-IAA programs. In 2006, D-IA schools
were renamed “Football Bowl Subdivision” (FBS) and D-IAA schools labeled “Football Champi-
onship Subdivision” (FCS). There are several criteria that schools must meet in order to qualify
for Division I sports, including the requirement that they field at least seven sports for men and
women, or six for men and eight for women, with at least two team sports for each men and women.
Both the FBS and FCS member schools determine how champions for each sport will be crowned.
Division II colleges and universities are often smaller public schools, although many are pri-
vate institutions. Division II schools do give out scholarships but far fewer than Division I schools.
Among the criteria that schools must meet to qualify for Division II is the requirement that they
field at least 10 sports, with at least two sports for both men and women. With around 450 mem-
bers, there are more Division III schools than either D-I or D-2. Division III schools must field
at least 10 sports with at least one sport for each men and women. Single-sex schools, however, are
required to field just five or six sports, depending on total school enrollment.
From time to time schools may move up, or down, the division ladder. Each division has its
own conferences. Decades ago, there were many colleges and universities that played sports as
independents, that is, they did not have a conference affiliation. Over the past few decades there
has been a significant movement among independents to join conferences. Also during this time
it has become common for schools to shift conference allegiance. Conferences that once had
regional-only memberships have altered to the point that many long-time and traditional match-
ups and rivalries have diminished. Some conferences have completely disappeared, including the
Southwest Conference (SWC), a conference (consisting primarily of Texas schools) that existed
for 82 years and was once known as the most tightly knit league in major college sports (Texas
Almanac 2014). By 1994, league members realized a break was inevitable and, coupled with major
football recruiting scandals and NCAA probations, which hit all Texas members except Baylor
and Rice in the 1980s with Southern Methodist University receiving the first, and only (to date),
“death penalty,” the handwriting was on the wall for many members to seek out new conferences
(Texas Almanac 2014). By the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century it was obvious
that there was a movement among the elite Division I (FBS) football schools to form a limited
number of super conferences. Most of the conferences were already in place, the SEC, Big Ten,
Big 12, and PAC-12 were all secured and only last-minute shifts involving a few schools remained.
In the eastern and southeastern parts of the United States it came down to which of the two
remaining power conferences—the Big East or the Atlantic Coast Conference—would remain.
The Big East was the long-time dominant basketball conference; in fact the league was formed to
be a basketball conference by Dave Gavitt in 1979. But it was football that was leading the move-
ment to a Power 5 conference alignment and when Syracuse and Pittsburgh announced that they
would leave the Big East to join the ACC, it was the ACC that became the fifth of the Power 5
conferences.
The Power 5 conferences are recognized as being so powerful that even the NCAA did not
dare to try and impede their ultimate goal of gaining autonomy in decision-making matters that
they deemed important. In August of 2014, the Division I Board of Directors passed a new model
giving the five major conferences authority to create some of their own legislation and voting
rights for athletes (Solomon 2014). Essentially, the Power 5 conferences can create their own rules
in certain areas to benefit college athletes (e.g., greater financial rewards). Other conferences are,
however, allowed to follow the rules established by the Power 5 if they choose to do so. As of this
writing, the exact intent of the Power 5 conferences was yet to be articulated.
The role of the NCAA is to supervise the organization of college sports, the conduct of ath-
letes, coaches and others involved with college sports, and the academic qualification to which
athletes must adhere. However, because the NCAA would cease to exist if colleges and universities
opted not to be a part of the organization, it must also bend to the desires of the membership, or
at the very least, the powerful member schools.
National Association of Intercollegiate Athletics (NAIA)

The National Association of Intercollegiate Athletics, headquartered in Kansas City (Mis-
souri), is the governing body of nearly 300 member colleges and universities. Organized in 1937,
the NAIA has administered sports programs and championships while attempting to balance the
overall college experience with an emphasis on academics. According to the NAIA (2014a), there
are more than 60,000 student-athletes that play sports at NAIA member institutions. The NAIA
embraces the ideal of sportsmanship via its reaffirmation that character building is a fundamental
core of the athletic mission. “Through its ‘Champions of Character,’ the NAIA seeks to create an
environment in which every student-athlete, coach, official and spectator is committed to the true
spirit of competition through five core values” (NAIA 2014a). The five core values are: integrity,
respect, responsibility, sportsmanship and servant leadership (NAIA 2014b).
National Junior College Athletic Association (NJCAA)

There is also an association that oversees junior colleges in the United States, the National
Junior College Athletic Association (NJCAA). NJCAA was founded in Fresno, California, in
1938 and oversees community colleges and institutions accredited by the appropriate state and/or
regional accrediting agency (National Junior College Athletic Association 2014). It is divided into
several divisions and regions. The NJCAA sponsors awards (e.g., All-American, Academic All-
American, All-Regional and All-Tournament, Coach of the Year Awards, Service Awards, and the
Loyalty Cup Award) and national championships. The NJCAA offers college athletes a chance
to participate in structured conferences and tournaments which will provide increased exposure
and publicity and potentially lead to an opportunity to play in the NCAA for their remaining
years of eligibility.
Not all junior colleges belong to the NJCAA. Junior colleges in California, for example,
belong to the California Community College Athletic Association (CCCAA). There are over 100
member schools in the CCCAA. This Association provides the rules and regulations for over
27,000 men and women student athletes in California (California Community College Athletic
Association 2014).
Recruitment, Eligibility, Scholarships

and Academic Requirements
High school athletes, typically, hope to earn athletic scholarships to attend college. This is
not an unusual situation, as many colleges offer academic financial support to numerous students
who do not play sports. Athletic scholarships (some are full and some are partial) provide financial
assistance, usually in the form of “room and board” (paying for admissions, textbooks and school
supplies) as well as per diem (meal allowance). If a graduating high school student-athlete does
not receive a scholarship to a Division I school, he or she may either try out for the team as a walk-
on (a nonscholarship athlete that tries out for a sport), or opt to play for a NCAA Division II or
Division III school, an NAIA school, or a NJCAA school.
Some high school athletes are recruited; that is, colleges seek them out, rather than the athlete
seeking out a college. “Recruitment of college athletes is hardly new…. In the period from 1895
to 1905 … there was widespread recruitment of schoolboy athletes” (Bowen and Levin 2003: 43).
What has changed the most about recruiting over the past 100 years is the aggressive nature of
recruiters today, some of whom do not even provide “lip service” to educational values (Bowen
and Levin 2003). A related trend in sports such as ice hockey is the recruiting of athletes who have
had extensive experience playing on club teams or even national teams, often honing their athletic
skills after graduation from secondary school. “The result is a roster that contains a number of
somewhat older, more experienced players” (Bowen and Levin 2003: 49).
Today, promising athletes will receive letters of invitation from college officials in the athletic
department to visit their campus and may be invited or encouraged to attend sport camps on cam-
pus or those run by college coaches that are off campus. The recruitment process can be stressful
to both the athlete and the sports programs (especially the coach). “Coaches are under enormous
pressure to recruit the most outstanding high school athletes each year, since this has become the
key determinant of competitive success in major college sports. The governing collegiate admin-
istrative bodies have many rules (e.g., the number of phone calls and unofficial and official visits
to a recruit) regarding recruitment, and violations are punishable by such means as a reduction in
the number of scholarships an athletic department many offer. The intensely competitive nature
of the recruiting process is aggravated by the perception, real or imagined, that many coaches and
institutions use negative or illegal recruiting tactics” (Duderstadt 2003: 192). Illegal recruiting
tactics may include rival recruiters spreading misinformation, lies or innuendos to prized athletes
in such ways as suggesting the other school is about to be placed on probation, they are going to
raise admissions requirements, or that the head coach is about to quit or be fired.
The stress that a coach at a high profile school experiences due to recruiting (especially in
basketball) is highlighted by the fact that one or two great players can make a program. The fact
that such a high profile player may only stay at a school for one or two years before being lured
away to the professional ranks adds to the pressure of recruiting from the coaches’ perspective.
The athlete being recruited also experiences stress. This young athlete must make the “right” deci-
sion. Among the athlete’s concerns are playing time, the team’s chances of winning, the amount
of television exposure, the coaches’ ability to “teach,” the social life of the college, the academic
environment, and the support system designed to help the serious academic-minded athlete. When
the athlete decides what college to attend, he or she signs a “letter of intent.” The letter of intent,
which is treated as a legal contract, states that the athlete promises to attend a particular school
for four years. If the athlete changes his or her mind and wants to transfer to a different Division
I school, he or she may forfeit a year’s eligibility and must sit out a year. An athlete who wishes to
turn professional may do so but risks losing any remaining college eligibility.
Once the recruit has signed a letter of intent, he or she must still meet academic admissions
requirements. These requirements vary a great deal depending on the academic standards of par-
ticular colleges and universities. Many recruited athletes do not academically qualify for college.
“All too frequently, the competitive pressure on coaches leads them to recruit athletes who are
clearly unprepared for college work or who have little interest in a college education. While few
universities engaged in big-time sports have truly competitive admissions processes, most do have
certain minimum standards that must be met for admission. In all too many cases, recruited athletes
fail to meet even these minimum standards” (Duderstadt 2003: 193). Ideally, all colleges would
emphasize academics over athletics. In that manner, all those who attend college would make aca-
demics their top priority and the term student-athlete would then be appropriate. Lisa Saxon
(1999) insists that the term “student-athlete” should be used more judiciously. “Reserve it for ath-
letes who are serious students, for those who had the SAT scores and high-school grade-point aver-
ages to qualify under general university admissions standards. Call the others athlete-students.
Then encourage them to earn the title student-athlete. And a degree” (Saxon 1999: 85).
Student-athletes deemed academically eligible may qualify for “athletics grants-in-aid” (gen-
erally referred to as scholarships) on a one-year, renewable basis. At Division I schools, student-
athletes may have their scholarship renewed for a maximum of five years within a six-year period
of continuous college attendance. While financial aid can be renewed, it can also be canceled or
reduced at the end of each year for a variety of reasons. If it is canceled the college or university
must provide the student-athlete a chance to appeal (NCAA 2014c). There are, of course, limits
as to how many scholarships can be offered by each school for each sport. For example, Division
I FBS schools may allot a total of 85 scholarships for football and FCS schools may allow a total
of 63 athletic scholarships. A sampling of other Division sports and the maximum number of
scholarships that can be granted: baseball, 11.7; basketball, 13; cross country, 12.6; fencing, 4.5;
golf, 4.5; gymnastics, 6.3; ice hockey, 18; lacrosse, 12.6; rifle (includes women on co-ed teams),
3.6; skiing, 6.3; soccer, 9.9; swimming & diving, 9.9; tennis, 4.5; track and field (this includes cross
country when schools offer both), 12.6; volleyball, 4.5; water polo, 4.5; and, wrestling, 9.9 (Schol-
arship Stats.com 2013).
College athletes may participate in athletics in non–Division I schools for a number of rea-
sons, including: D-I schools did not show an interest in the athlete; the athlete received a better
scholarship offer at a D-II or NAIA school; a non-D-I school was a better “fit” (e.g., closer to
home) for the athlete; or, an opportunity for increased playing time. NCAA Division II schools,
and there are over 300 of them, offer scholarships in a number of sports (with a maximum number
allowed for each sport), including: baseball, 9; basketball, 10; cross country, 12.6; fencing, 4.5;
football, 36; golf, 3.6; gymnastics, 5.4; ice hockey, 13.5; lacrosse, 10.8; rifle (includes women on
co-d teams), 3.6; skiing, 6.3; soccer, 9; swimming and diving, 8.1; tennis, 4.5; track and field
(NCAA limits include cross country), 12.6; volleyball, 4.5; water polo, 4.5; and wrestling, 9 (Schol-
arship Stats.com 2013).
There are collegiate athletes playing sports at the more than 440 Division III schools located
in 34 different states and none of them are on an athletic scholarship. Thus, many people consider
D-III sports as “pure” sports because these athletes are perceived as playing for the sheer love of
the sport. D-III schools are attractive to student-athletes who were not offered scholarships at D-
I and D-II schools who wanted to keep playing sports and this is an understandable option as less
than 2 percent of high school athletes are offered a partial or full scholarship from a D-I or D-II
school (Clark 2009). In many cases, D-III athletes are playing in front of a handful of spectators,
in other cases, there may be thousands (depending on the sport and its popularity at specific
schools). Although D-III schools cannot offer athletic scholarships to student-athletes, some of
these athletes may receive a scholarship that is open to any and all students at that school. The
NCAA does, however, require each D-III school to report how much money it gives to students
who play sports and how much money it gives to nonathletes. Research has shown that, on average,
student-athletes at D-III schools do not receive more money than nonathletes (D-III athletes
make up 21% of the student body at D-III schools and receive 22% of the total scholarship dollars
handed out by D-III schools) (Clark 2009).
With more than 300 member schools across the United States and Canada, the NAIA is
another option for student-athletes. The NAIA offers scholarships on both the Division I and
Division II level. To be eligible for an NAIA scholarship, students must meet two of the following
three criteria: a minimum ACT score of 18 or minimum SAT score of 860, a minimum 2.0 GPA,
or have graduated from high school in the top half of their graduating class (Scholarships.com
2014a). The total number of scholarships offered by the NAIA is less than the NCAA’s Division
I and II schools, primarily because there are fewer total dollars to be distributed. A sampling of
the NAIA scholarships offered (including the maximum number allowed): baseball, 12; basketball
(D-I), 11; basketball (D-II), 6; cross country, 5; football, 24; golf, 5; soccer, 12; swimming and div-
ing, 8; tennis, 5; track and field, 12; and wrestling, 8 (Scholarship Stats.com 2013).
The National Junior College Athletic Association (NJCAA), also awards scholarships, full
and partial. Eligibility requirements and sports programs offered, like the NCAA and NAIA, vary
from school but generally students must have a high school diploma, received a high school equiv-
alency diploma, or have been certified as having a national test such as General Education Devel-
opment Test (GED). If an applicant does not meet any of these requirements they are still eligible
by completing one term of college work and passing 12 credits with a 1.75 GPA or higher (Schol-
arships.com 2014b). A sampling of the NJCAA scholarships offered (including the maximum
number allowed) include: baseball, 24; basketball, 15; bowling, 8; cross country, 10; football, 85;
golf, 8; ice hockey, 16; lacrosse, 20; soccer, 18; swimming & diving, 15; tennis, 9; track and field
(NCAA limits include cross country), 20; and wrestling, 16 (Scholarship Stats.com 2013).
Athletic scholarships provide student-athletes an opportunity to attend college while they
pursue their sports interests. There are controversies that surround the offering of scholarships to
student-athletes. For example, some sport purists argue that college sports should be pure and
played by amateurs and therefore argue against offering athletic scholarships to student-athletes.
“Awarding athletic scholarships as inducements for playing sports violates long-standing amateur
principles. Still, for the most part, the scholarships that existed before 1967 did not constitute
employment contracts” (Sack and Staurowsky 1998: 79–80). Today, it is generally accepted that
athletic scholarships do not violate the code of amateurism (defined as playing without pay or
monetary prize) despite the fact that athletic scholarships have a great financial value. In fact, we
are witnessing a tide of opinion expressed by many that collegiate athletes that participate in the
major sports at “big-time” schools should receive compensation beyond the current scholarship
allocations. Such a notion is guided by the realization that college football and basketball at many
major Division I schools generate huge sums of money because the athletes (as the workers) are
responsible for the product on the field/court and thus are deserving of additional money. This
idea all but takes away the notion of amateurism. It also fails to address how athletes that play big-
time sports at major schools that do not generate profits are to be paid. And it ignores the other
athletes who play on sports that do not generate money and are dependent upon the sports that
do. Nonetheless, the current rules administered by the NCAA make it nearly impossible for student
athletes to earn outside money and many of them do not possess “walking around” (spending)
money.
When it comes to possessing enough “walking around” money for student-athletes, we would
like to revisit the issue of homeless athletes. In Chapter 6, we discussed the growing number of
homeless youth and the benefits sports may provide. Here we can acknowledge that, according to
a 2012–13 U.S. Department of Education (DOE) study, data reveals that more than 56,000 U.S.
college students reported themselves as homeless; and 10 percent of these students are athletes—
many of whom play at NCAA D-III schools, which do not offer athletic scholarships (Wertheim
and Rodriguez 2014). Perhaps these are the student-athletes that should be considered for a finan-
cial upgrade.
While the authors do not foresee any immediate changes in the financial structure of colle-
giate athletics that will directly benefit homeless student-athletes, we do expect to see some sig-
nificant changes in terms of greater financial stipends for student-athletes in the Power 5
conferences. When this occurs, it will put pressure on non–Power 5 conference schools that have
money-generating sports programs to also increase their stipends to student-athletes. We are still
concerned, however, that paying student-athletes a stipend may lead to a number of problems that
already worry the NCAA (and other governing sports bodies), including the creation of “phantom”
jobs by boosters, cash awards granted to family members as an enticement for an athlete to attend
a particular school, and money-making opportunities offered to recruits to attend a college that
provides “employment” opportunities.
The Student-Athlete
Just as the high school athlete must find the proper balance between time constraints tied to
athletics and academics, so too must the college athlete. The demands on a college student-athlete
are generally far more intense than on high school athletes, and yet, the amount of time spent in
the classroom compared to the athletic arena is dramatically different from high school. A full
time college student (defined as taking a minimum 12 hour course load per semester/quarter)
spends far less time in the classroom than does a high school student. The typical full-time college
student takes 15 credit hours and, therefore, attends class about 13 hours per week. A high school
student generally attends school for close to 35 hours per week. Theoretically, the college student
has far more free time than a high school student—but it is assumed that the college student is
studying significantly longer than a high school student. The college-athlete does not enjoy the
free time of non-full-time-working college students. College athletes (in-season) will typically fol-
low a six-day-a-week practice schedule that includes team workouts, film sessions, conditioning,
and weightlifting. Thus, the student-athlete faces all the challenges experienced by non-athletes
(e.g., social adjustment, career exploration, and school work) along with unique challenges that
include scheduling classes that do not conflict with athletic commitments, visiting the athletic
trainer for injury treatment, traveling for road games, learning an athletic play book, studying
game films, and training. Different sports will emphasize certain aspects of training over others
(e.g., football players will be encouraged to lift weights more than synchronized swimmers). It
should be noted that the NCAA limits the amount of time an athlete may practice. Practice is
defined as:
Any meeting, activity or instruction involving sports-related information and having an athletics
purpose, held for one or more student-athletes at the direction of, or supervised by, any member
or members of an institution’s coaching staff. Practice is considered to have occurred if one or
more coaches and one or more student-athletes engage in any of the following activities: (1) Field,
floor or on-court activity; (2) Setting up offensive or defensive alignment; (3) Chalk talk; (4) Lec-
ture on or discussion of strategy related to the sport; (5) Activities using equipment related to the
sport; or (6) Discussions or review of game films, motion pictures or videotapes related to the
sport, except for the observation of an officiating clinic related to playing rules that is conducted
by video conference and does not require student-athletes to miss any class time to observe the
clinic [NCAA Manual 2004–05: 125].
The loophole that most colleges use to avoid an NCAA infraction on extra practice time for
athletes is to make sure that no coach is present. Weight-lifting is a good example of non-reported
practice time. Many student-athletes experience a time crunch because of travel. In some cases,
college athletes will be on the road for days at a time. Often, when student-athletes return to
campus they have to immediately go back to class and, in some instances, take scheduled exams.
During the off-season, student athletes are still expected to work out and maintain their con-
ditioning program. Some may participate in informal practice sessions with teammates. Student
athletes, as representatives of their school and sports team, are often expected to donate their per-
sonal time for charity events and the promotion of their school and their sport. In addition to
athletic and academic demands are the many personal responsibilities (grocery shopping, house-
cleaning, dating, and family, for example) that every other college student has. Clearly, student-
athletes are very busy.
Sports Administration
Collegiate sports, like all other large business enterprises, are overseen by administrative bod-
ies. As we have already learned, there are a number of large administrative bodies (e.g., NCAA
and NAIA) that oversee the sporting operations of member schools; in turn, each college and uni-
versity hires an administrative staff to oversee its own sports programs. On college and university
campuses, mind you, there are an alarmingly large number of administrators (especially when
compared to the more important position of full-time faculty). And yet, the bigger the sports
presence on a college campus, the greater the need becomes for sports administration. Typically,
this administrative staff is under the direction of the athletic director (AD). The athletic director
has a staff of employees, often consisting of other administrators. The AD must administer pro-
tocol to assure that the actions of his or her staff, coaches, trainers and student-athletes properly
conform to the expectations and demands of the college/university and the governing membership
body as a whole. As administrators, athletic directors do not always have a sports background;
instead, they usually possess general administrative skills that assist them in their goal of running
a smooth and compliant department. It is common for athletic directors to belong to the National
Association of Collegiate Directors of Athletics (NACDA), an association consisting of more
than 11,000 college athletics administrators at more than 1,600 institutions throughout the United
States, Canada and Mexico (National Association of Collegiate Directors of Athletics 2014).
Many institutions also have a Sports Information Director (SID), who in turn, may have a
staff consisting of other administrators. A sports information director has functions similar to
that of a public relations employee and provides statistics, team and player information about the
college or university’s sports team to news media. The SID, depending on the school, can have a
very important role in assuring that the institution looks good to the general public as well as to
the media. The SID office is usually responsible for the production of official publications, game
notes and statistics and game programs. SID generally belong to the College Sports Information
Directors of America (CoSIDA) association. CoSIDA was founded in 1957 and is a 3,000-plus
member national organization comprised of the sports public relations, media relations and com-
munications/information professionals throughout collegiate athletics in the United States and
Canada (National Association of Collegiate Directors of Athletics 2014). In 2014, CoSIDA and
NACDA renewed their partnership through 2022.
The athletic department at nearly every college and university is an entity devoted entirely
to varsity sports, and athletic directors enjoy freedoms that most other college and university
department heads do not. Like most administrators, athletic directors are well compensated for
their position and responsibilities. However, while top administrators are generally paid far more
than faculty, athletic directors at “big-time” schools are generally paid far less than their high
profile coaches. With this in mind, some college and university coaches actually have more power
than athletic directors. Nonetheless, the AD has a number of important responsibilities that may
include any or all of the following: properly assessing the athletic landscape at the college, especially
in relation to scheduled opponents; knowing when to fire or not renew a contract of a member
of the coaching staff; knowing how to pick the “right” coach for the job that needs to be filled;
creating a schedule of opponents that best suits a particular sport; seeking funding and overseeing
development of new facilities, including practice and playing facilities for all sports but especially
the money-generating sports; keeping up with the growing craze of new uniform color and design
schemes, while still balancing the expectations associated with tradition; finding a way to keep the
student body involved; being aware of, and obtaining, any necessary certifications, especially for
trainers; being able to entertain booster and alumni groups; and maintaining a proper support
administrative staff.
Some athletic directors keep a low profile and choose to lead by example, while others attempt
to make themselves well-known via instituting relatively dramatic changes in the sports programs.
On some occasions, the AD will succeed and on other occasions he or she will not. As a case in
point, on October 31, 2014, Dave Brandon, the athletic director at Michigan University resigned
amidst negative reactions from many associated with the university due to a number of unpopular
decisions that he made. Brandon, a university regent and former Wolverines defensive end, left
his position as the CEO of Domino’s Pizza Inc., four years earlier. Brandon’s departure came about
amid another disappointing football season at a school used to winning (Michigan is number one
in all time Division I football victories). Brandon took the heat for the mishandling of quarterback
Shane Morris’ head injury in a game (September 2014) against Minnesota. Morris was allowed to
play briefly after a hard hit and he appeared wobbly but was cleared by Brandon’s sideline train-
ing/medical staff. Morris was later diagnosed with a probable concussion. Michigan’s concussion
protocol was restructured following this incident. Other unpopular decisions made by Brandon
included: trying to add fireworks at Michigan Stadium (while it would seem likely most spectators
would be in favor of this, the Board of Regents was not); moving the student section at football
games to a less favorable location; increasing the prices for student tickets after eliminating priority
seating for upperclassmen; trying to put together a promotion with Coca-Cola and running it
even after Coca-Cola said “no”; raising ticket prices and upsetting fans who had already paid full
price for tickets for the same game; and reportedly responding to emails from angry fans by sug-
gesting they find another school for which to root, a clear indicator he didn’t understand fans’
allegiance to a school’s sports program (CBS This Morning 2014b; The Citizen 11/1/14; Staples
2014). His resignation became official on November 1, 2014, and the university agreed to pay him
a total of $3 million through 2018. The average worker would not get paid this much money over
a four-year period, especially considering all the major mistakes Brandon made.
School Spirit
In high school, sports serve as an important aspect of the social life of students, parents and
the local community. Collegiate sports may also serve as the lifeblood of social life on campus and
this is especially true at schools with elite sports, or schools with great spirit and a willingness and
desire to support sports and sports functions. College sporting events provide students with an
opportunity to demonstrate their school spirit and specific sports teams may give identity to a col-
lege or university.
There is a debate over the effects of a “winning” college sports programs and its ability to
cause a rise in enrollment; in other words, will a high school student choose a college because of
its sports team? The limited research on this topic appears to indicate a positive correlation between
a winning program and enrollment. This correlation has been dubbed the “Flutie Effect”—named
after Doug Flutie, former Heisman Trophy winner at Boston College. College applications jumped
about 30 percent in the two years after Flutie’s exploits on the football field in the mid–1980s—
especially his famous “Hail Mary” pass versus the University of Miami on November 23, 1984. As
a rule, applications increase 8 percent at schools that win an NCAA football or men’s basketball
championship. The Flutie Effect is expected to impact tiny Union College (NY) after it shocked
the Division I hockey establishment when it won the NCAA championship in April 2014. The
Dutchmen made the jump to Division I from Division III for hockey during the 1991–92 season,
and initially served as a doormat for major college powers, going 3–21–1 in that first season. The
student body was greatly energized by the championship and one would have to imagine that
stories of the achievement will be told for years to come when prospective students and their par-
ents attend Open Houses.
Coaching
Coaches, as the old cliché goes, coach. They coach others in the rules of the game and methods
of training, and ideally, help to develop the skills of athletes. One might assume, then, that coaches
are highly trained people. But, this is not always the case. At the youth sports level, for example,
the coach may simply be a parent of one of the kids playing. Generally speaking, as each level of
sport competition increases, so too does the level of training that coaches go through.
High school coaches are usually employed in either a full-time or part-time position at the
school they coach at. High school coaches have a number of job duties, including finding assistant
coaches; holding tryouts for students, evaluating the tryouts’ skills during practice, including per-
haps time trials; holding practice for team members; overseeing the selection of team captains,
even if that means leaving it completely up to the players themselves; developing talent; identifying
the best positions for players; assuring that students attend scholastic classes; and, preparing athletes
for upcoming competitions. Many schools will require a general bachelor’s degree or a coaching
degree and state certification when applicable.
It has become increasingly common for high school coaches to be required to pass a certifi-
cation program or the very least take a number of courses on coaching. The National Federation
of State High School Associations (NFHS), located in Indianapolis, Indiana, is the national lead-
ership organization for high school sports and performing arts. “Through its 50 member state
associations and the District of Columbia, the NFHS reaches more than 19,000 high schools and
11 million participants in high school activity programs, including more than 7.7 million in high
school sports” (National Federation of State High School Associations 2014a). Among other
things, NFHS sponsors coaching courses designed to help in certification of a variety of programs.
Beginning with the 2014–15 school year, the State of South Dakota, for example, requires that
their high school coaches, paid or volunteer, complete three NFHS courses: NFHS Fundamentals
of Coaching; NFHS First Aid, Health and Safety for Coaches; and NFHS Concussion in Sports
(South Dakota High School Activities Association 2014).
The United States Sports Academy (USSA) offers certificate programs designed to help people
become a part of the coaching profession. The USSA claims to be the largest sports university in the
world specializing in sports management, sports medicine, and coaching (USSA 2014a). The Acad-
emy offers three levels of certification designed to help coaches: CEB 572 Coaching Certification
Level I (includes topics on ethics, sports administration, coaching methodology, conditioning and
nutrition, injury prevention, and immediate care and rehabilitation); Coaching Certification Level
II (includes skills development, techniques, drills and playing strategies); and Coaching Level III
(includes coverage in human movement and its relationship to sports activities) (USSA 2014b).
Collegiate coaches are employees of the institution and may, or may not, teach college courses
(it would be more common for D-III coaches to teach classes than coaches at Power 5 conferences in
the elite sports). At smaller colleges, such as D-III schools, the collegiate coach is likely to hold tryouts
to fill positions. At schools that offer scholarships, most players are recruited to play. Major colleges
may hold tryouts for walk-ons (student-athletes that practice but rarely, if ever, play in a game).
Coaches of major sports will have a full coaching staff, while other coaches may have just one assis-
tant. Coaches of major sports will also have a full staff helping to take care of the daily details of
operating a sports program. Collegiate coaches almost always have played the sport that they coach,
many were not star athletes but have the ability to coach. Collegiate colleges have usually either
climbed the ranks starting in high school or served as an assistant coach at a college or university.
The primary role of a collegiate coach is to teach athletes. “Coaching is teaching in its most
perfect and rewarding form. No matter what the sport, coaches are basically giving information,
waiting for a response, and then giving feedback on that response” (Dorfman 2003: xi). Coaches
are perceived by athletes as leaders, teachers, and mentors, and therefore they must think before
speaking, be clear communicators, speak with clarity, be consistent yet flexible, and learn to estab-
lish a connection to all team members.
The idea of the coach as a teacher has roots in the time when athletics was formally incorporated
into higher education as “coaches were usually faculty members who were given coaching assignments”
(Gerdy 1997: 91). The role of the coach as an educator changed dramatically at the collegiate level
when sports became a commercial enterprise and institutions began to employ full-time professional
coaches. “This fundamental change in the coaching profile has not stopped those in the athletic
community from continuing to insist that coaches are, before all else, educators. The playing field
or court, they insist, is a coach’s classroom, and the lessons taught there in discipline, teamwork,
and sportsmanship are just as important as the lessons being taught in the lecture hall or chemistry
lab. The realities of major college athletics, however, suggest otherwise. Coaches are neither hired
nor evaluated based upon their commitment to higher education” (Gerdy 1997: 91). Today, many
coaches are evaluated based on the graduation rates of their players. The NCAA has recently
begun to tie the number of scholarships a college sports program can offer to graduation rates.
At big-time colleges and high schools, the coach is often the most recognized personality on
campus and perhaps in the community. For example, in Syracuse, New York, a city lacking many visible
celebrities, men’s basketball coach Jim Boeheim is a first-tier celebrity. The media plays a major
role in the development of the coach as a celebrity. In the case of Boeheim, it helps that he is a
member of the Hall of Fame, the second winningest coach in Division I history, an assistant coach
for the U.S. national team that has won gold medals, and is very outspoken (sometimes to a fault).
In his 2014 book, Bleeding Orange: Fifty Years of Blind Referees, Screaming Fans, Beasts of the East,
and Syracuse Basketball, Boeheim does not hold back on his personal opinions about others in
basketball and the media. The insights provided in Bleeding Orange impart an excellent look into
the world of coaching and is a must-read for those who are curious about the life of a coach.
Coaches like Boeheim who lead winning teams are often celebrities at their schools and in
their communities, and are often better known (and better compensated) than college presidents
(and especially college professors!).
Authority, Power and Control

When dealing with athletes, the role of the coach, at any level, is to provide leadership, direc-
tion, order, structure and discipline. Coaches, then, are in a position of authority. A person of
authority is in a position of power because he or she can influence the thoughts and behaviors of
others. Some coaches attempt to gain complete control over the actions of athletes while others
take a more democratic approach to coaching. Coaches who have the ability to handle authority
well generally know how to manage people. When coaches attempt to assert their power position,
they place their credibility on the line. “A leader who knows how to manage athletes can direct
their mental and behavioral efforts toward a common goal—a goal established by the leader. This
becomes the organizational/team credo” (Dorfman 2003: 4). The credo becomes the first expres-
sion of a coach’s power position. It is important for coaches to establish their authority on day
one. The coach will explain to his or her athletes what is expected from each of them as individuals
and teammates. A coach can get the message across without being a raving maniac. Dorfman (2003)
cites Bill Walton’s (a basketball star at UCLA and in the NBA) reflection of Coach John Wooden’s
handling of a difficult or resistant player. According to Walton, Wooden would tell that player, “I
admire and respect your position. We’ll miss you here at UCLA. We’ve enjoyed your time. Thanks
for coming” (Dorfman 2003: 5). In this manner, Wooden was polite to his defiant players but
made it clear that it was still his way or the highway.
There is a distinction between power and authority. Coaches who crave absolute power are
like dictators. Coaches who want to establish authority are really concerned with gaining control.
“Coaches don’t want power; at least, the ones who care about the players they coach aren’t power-
hungry. What coaches want is control—control over the many variables that affect their on-the-
job performance” (Warren 1997: xvii). This idea is easy to grasp, as each of us would like to have
some level of control—at least in our own lives. Of course, we all realize, sooner or later, that
there are few variables in life that we can control. The manner in which we deal with adversity is
what sets us apart from one another. This is especially true with coaches. Inevitably things will
not go as planned. The players will look toward the coach to see how he or she is handling adversity
and will generally feed off the coach’s cues.
Full time coaches, such as those found in the college and professional ranks, generally work
long days (e.g., reviewing game films, preparing their athletes for competition, recruiting); especially
during their respective seasons. All coaches have their own coaching styles and philosophies. The
primary goal of all coaches, however, is to be successful. The ability to recruit gifted athletes and
improve the skills of athletes will lead to coaching success. Ultimately, successful coaches have
gained control of their team and individual athletes by getting them to accept the credo of hard
work, dedication and sacrifice.
Elite college coaches are compensated quite handsomely for their time and dedication.
Coaches at elite colleges and universities are often the highest paid employees on their campus.
Here’s a sampling of some of the highest coaches’ salaries in 2014. In college football: Nick Saban
(Alabama), $7.3m; Bob Stoops (Oklahoma), $5.25m; Charlie Strong (Texas), $5m; Kevin Sumlin
(Texas A&M), $5m; and, Urban Meyers (Ohio State), $4.8m (The Sporting News 2014). The top
five paid college men’s basketball coaches in 2014: John Calipari (Kentucky), $4m; Tom Izzo
(Michigan State), $3.5million; Billy Donovan (Florida), $3.5m; Bill Self (Kansas), $3m; and, Rick
Pitino (Louisville), $2.5m (Forbes 2014a). In addition to their salaries, coaches may receive endorse-
ment and sponsorship deals that earn them potentially large sums of money.
One might wonder whether coaches (or any elite athlete, celebrity, or CEO) are worth this
level of compensation. At the elite schools, where the highest paid coaches reside, a number of
sports programs (e.g., football and men’s basketball) generate large sums of money and are focal
points for community members and alumni. Thus, their rate of return on investment is justifiable.
In 2014, Forbes magazine released a ranking of its “Best College Basketball Coaches for the Money ”
list based on the criteria of return on investment. They found that the top 3 “best bargains ” were
Gonzaga University’s Mark Flew, Syracuse University’s Jim Boeheim, and San Diego State Uni-
versity’s Steve Fisher (Forbes 2014b). The formula used by Forbes involves the Rating Percentage
Index (RPI) Win Percentage, which rates the quality of wins over quality opponents; and coaches’
share of basketball expenses.
Hazing
Among the more persistent problems associated with sports is hazing. “Hazing is an all-
encompassing term that covers silly, potentially risky, or degrading tasks required for acceptance
by a group of full-fledged members” (Nuwer 2004: xiv). Crow and Rosner (2004) incorporate
the aspects of humiliation and shaming in their legal interpretation of hazing. They define hazing
as “any activity expected of someone joining a group that humiliates, degrades, abuses, or endangers,
regardless of the person’s willingness to participate” (200). Susan Lipkins (2009) describes hazing
as a process, based on tradition, that is used by groups to discipline members and to reinforce a
hierarchy. Like Crow and Rosner, Lipkins incorporates the idea that hazing activities can be humil-
iating, demeaning, intimidating, and exhausting, all of which results in physical and/or emotional
turmoil. Hazing is fairly common in sports, fraternities and sororities, the military and street gangs.
Incidents of hazing date back to 387 bce with Plato’s account of the savagery of young boys’
hazing behavior. Hazing was common during the age of the rise of European universities (1400s).
Nuwer (2004) states, “Martin Luther endured hazing at Erfurt as a student. Later, in 1539, at Wit-
tenberg, he advocated hazing as a means of strengthening a boy to face and endure life’s challenges”
(p. xxv). At American universities hazing was a method first utilized by upperclassmen against
freshmen to “keep them in line.” According to Ronald Smith (1988), hazing in American sport
can be traced back to Harvard University in the late 1700s.
The sophomore-freshman hazing in sport became institutionalized in the early fall “rush.” Annu-
ally, on the first Monday of the fall term in the late 1700s, Harvard sophomores would challenge
individuals of the freshman class to wrestling matches. If the sophomore should by some chance
be defeated by being thrown down, then the juniors would challenge. If the juniors lost, then the
seniors would take on the freshmen. “It was a kind of initiatory process for newcomers,” a member
of the Harvard class of 1805 stated. The tradition of rushes or class battles, though not necessar-
ily wrestling, was found on most nineteenth-century college campuses [Smith 1988: 19].
Since the early 1800s, and until recently, hazing has endured as a relatively acceptable form
of freshmen indoctrination into the subcultural world of sports by upperclassmen. In this regard,
defenders of hazing practices view hazing as a “rite of passage” which all recruits must endure
before becoming accepted as a member of the team.
Why Does Hazing Still Occur?

While there is no definitive answer to the question, “Why does hazing still occur?,” many
believe it has something to do with ideals of masculinity. Boys have a long history of attempting
to prove their masculinity through the primal means of physically dominating and humiliating
other, generally younger and weaker, boys. While this explanation seems applicable to males, what
about females? Girls and women in sport have become increasingly common and popular for the
past two generations and desire to be taken as “seriously” as boys and men in sport, so it is perhaps
not surprising that females are taking on many of the same character traits of their male counter-
parts. Another plausible contributing explanation as to why hazing still exists is the reality that
nearly all societies in the world are filled with acts of extreme violence including murder and war.
To be shocked that hazing still occurs is to be surprised that violence of any kind exists.
In most cases hazing is a tool utilized by upperclassmen, or higher ranking personnel, as a
means of conveying to freshmen, or newcomers, the privileged status of being a higher ranking
individual. Groups such as fraternities, sport teams, the military, street gangs and other organiza-
tions tend to reward with power and status individuals who are perceived as making the group
better. Hazers are looked upon as providing a group service by teaching newcomers precedence
while toughening them up (Nuwer 1999). New recruits must show the experienced members of
the group that they are “worthy” of admission. The tradition of hazing has long been upheld as
an important ritual by groups and organizations that value extreme loyalty to the “team.” The will-
ingness among new recruits to endure a hazing ritual demonstrates the power and status of the
group or team.
Hazing generally operates under the cloak of secrecy. Perpetrators and participants of hazing
seldom admit to their involvement. The secret nature of hazing serves as a bonding experience
among the participants. Those who perpetrate hazing have already experienced the victimization
of hazing and easily justify victimizing newcomers. Newcomers who successfully survive their haz-
ing experience look forward to the day when they become hazers. It becomes advantageous for all
involved in hazing not to say anything to officials who may view such behavior negatively. Thus,
a perpetual cycle of reinforcement guarantees the continuation of hazing. The adage “What was
good enough for me is good enough for them” applies with hazing.
Proponents of hazing argue that such ritualistic behaviors stimulate team loyalty, bonding
and solidarity—we’re all in this together. The ever-growing legions of people (e.g., school admin-
istrators, faculty, and concerned parents) who are against hazing argue there is no place for degrad-
ing or humiliating activities in team-building (Meagher 2005). Unfortunately, humiliating
newcomers is a big part of hazing. In fraternities and male sports teams, newcomers are often
humiliated in a sadomasochistic manner. Nuwer (1999) argues that sadomasochistic sexual assaults
or threats of such assaults in fraternal hazing may be performed by older members to demonstrate
their male dominance over newcomer males. (This is also the case in prison, where dominant males
will rape weaker males. Such acts are not viewed as homosexual but rather as a sign of power and
dominance.) Male dominance sometimes manifests itself in a sexual manner against women (e.g.,
gang rapes) (Nuwer 1999). Former National Hockey League player Moe Mantha was banned for
one year as general manager and 25 games as coach of the Windsor Spitfires for his role in a 2005
hazing incident where players were made to strip on the team bus.
Milder versions of male dominance over rookies are common in professional sports. In Major
League Baseball, for example, rookies endure annual initiation rites. Rookies are generally made
to dress like women (or in some degrading costume) in a public place, such as the airport for the
last road trip of the regular season. Although this is meant to be “fun,” many high school and
college officials believe that the professional ranks are sending a negative message to young athletes
for tolerating any type of humiliating hazing behavior. Beyond humiliation, there are times when
people are physically injured and sometimes killed during hazing activities.
Presently, high schools, colleges and universities have taking a hard stand against hazing in
sports and in fraternities and sororities. The National Federation of State High School Associations
(NFHS), for example, via its website, provides extensive materials on hazing prevention; instructions
to school staff on how to deal with hazing; instructions to parents of student-athletes who may
be at risk of hazing, or who were victimized by hazing; and instructions to student-athletes who
were victimized by hazing (NFHS 2014b). Schools have taken a hard stand because of the increasing
number of reports of injuries that continue to occur during secretive hazing ceremonies. “Hazing
in sports has received a significant amount of media attention in the last several years, especially
on high school and college campuses nationwide. More student-athletes are being prosecuted
under state anti-hazing laws and more institutions are being held responsible for their care. This
liability may soon be extended to professional athletes and sports organizations due to the frequent
hazing of rookie players” (Crow and Rosner 2004: 200).
Another reason high schools and colleges are taking a hard stand against hazing is the result
of its perception as a type of bullying. Bullying itself is viewed as an intentional act of aggression
that is meant to harm a victim either physically or psychologically (Lipkins 2009). While many
bullies operate alone and target individuals perceived as vulnerable, hazers target members from
their own social group.
Despite the active attempts of many school administrators, concerned parents and a number
of coaches and athletes to end hazing, it persists today. In the following pages, we will take a look
at high school and collegiate sports hazing.
High School Hazing

Anyone who has played high school sports has likely been hazed. “The Alfred
University/NCAA survey released in 1999 revealed that nearly half of all collegian athletes say
they were first hazed in high school or even middle school. Thus, hazing—a ritual that gives hazers
a sense of power, entitlement, and occasionally sadistic pleasure—must also be addressed by edu-
cators who work with teens and preteens” (Nuwer 2004: xv). Hazing has a long history with high
school sports but many administrators want to see an end to such behavior, often which is very
violent. “High school hazing of freshmen and rookies can be particularly vicious when directed
toward nonconformists struggling to find an identity. In fact, hazing is part of a larger culture of
violence and destruction” (Nuwer 2004: xvi). High school hazers may not view themselves as bul-
lies, but in essence, that is what they are. High school administrators are increasingly coming to
view hazers as bullies and want to stop hazing altogether in their schools.
Anti-hazing proponents are often discouraged when they learn of stories that involve pro-
fessional athletes who continue hazing traditions. Stoneham (Massachusetts) High School principal
Tom Ryan was upset with the wide-ranging media coverage of the New England Patriots’ (NFL)
annual hazing tradition of veterans giving rookies atrocious haircuts and hosing them down (Borges
2005). Hazing has been illegal in Massachusetts high schools and colleges since the late 1980s
(Massachusetts General Law 269, Sections 17–19). Massachusetts defines hazing as “any conduct
or method of initiation into any student organization, whether on public or private property,
which willfully or recklessly endangers the physical or mental health of any student or other
person” (Borges 2005: C12). The hazing law was established in Massachusetts after a number of
incidents with football and hockey teams and with college fraternities where newcomers were sub-
jected to degrading acts of initiation. The Massachusetts anti-hazing law also mandates that high
school and college administrators are to inform all students about the law. Massachusetts is not
alone in its stand against hazing. As of 2014, 44 states have anti-hazing laws (StopHazing.org
2014; Mandelaro 2014).
Despite all legal, moral and ethical attempts to combat hazing, the practice remains very
common at high school campuses across the United States. Consider some of these statistics as
evidence of the prevalence of high school hazing: 1.5 million high school students are hazed each
year; 91 percent of all high school students belong to at least one group, and nearly half of them
(48%) report being subjected to hazing activities; 43 percent were subjected to humiliating activities
and 30 percent performed potentially illegal acts as part of their initiation; both males and females
report high levels of hazing; 24 percent of students involved in church groups are reportedly
hazed; 70 percent of NCAA athletes report being hazed initially in high school; and, 25 percent
were first hazed before the age of 13 (Inside Hazing 2014).
General statistics provide a worthy overview of the prevalence of hazing, but specific stories
detail some of the horrific acts that constitute hazing. We will share just a few short stories here,
beginning with a 2014 incident at the Highlands School District near Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.
The Highlands District suspended (for five days) its soccer coach and two of the team’s players
following a Sunday hazing incident that involved an autistic teenager, 16-year-old Austin Babinsack.
An off-duty police officer found Babinsack duct-taped to a goal post following a hazing ritual.
The victim was left duct-taped to the goal post for 15–20 minutes and was terrified, reported the
police officer (Singer 2014). The Highlands School District released this statement, “The High-
lands School District does not take matters such as hazing and bullying lightly. The district issues
strict disciplinary action on students who think these actions are appropriate and harmless” (Singer
2014). Babinsack attended his soccer game the next day, despite the hazing incident. However, his
teammates chided him for being a snitch. Babinsack’s mother then called for the district to fire
the coach and expel the two 17-year-old boys involved in the incident (Singer 2014).
A highly publicized 2014 hazing incident occurred at Sayreville High School (New Jersey)
involving its state power football team (it had won three of the previous four state titles). An
initial investigation into hazing allegations found that there were pervasive incidents of harassment,
intimidation and bullying that occurred on a wide-scale level (Good 2014). Much to the chagrin
and anger of parents of the high school football players, the school district took the extreme meas-
ure of canceling the rest of its football season because of the hazing incident (Good 2014). Other
schools, such as Central Bucks West (Pennsylvania), have also canceled the remainder of their
football season following the revelation of a hazing incident (Morrow 2014). At Sayreville, one of
the hazing victims described how players were subjected to “brown zoning”—those targeted would
get pinned to the floor in the locker room and have their face pressed in the buttocks of teammates
(Sherman 2014). In addition to the hazing scandal at Sayreville, an assistant football coach, Charlie
Garcia, was arrested in a separate incident with authorities claiming that they had seized two sealed
boxes of steroids and 14 syringes from Garcia’s car; he has since resigned (Kelley 2014).
While hazing remains relatively common on high school sports teams, a rather unusual inci-
dent of hazing occurred at Inglemoor High School in Snohomish County, Washington, involving
an unofficial football fan group called the “Naked Viks.” A group of high school juniors were bru-
tally beaten and humiliated in what authorities said they believed was a hazing ritual for an exclusive
sports fan club, the “Naked Viks,” in a park near the high school (Stebner 2013). The high school
juniors were selected by a group of seniors for initiation into the exclusive booster club and then
beaten by golf clubs and PVC pipes. The recruits were also coated with flour and maple syrup and
urinated on during the hazing. Neighbors heard the screams of the hazing ritual and called police.
Photographs showed the students covered in bruises and red welts across their backs, mixed with
dirt and other grime (Stebner 2013).
For anyone wondering why hazing still exists, the comments of one of the Inglemoor “victims”
sums up the difficulty in trying to eliminate hazing: James Walvatne, one of the juniors involved in
the incident, told a local news station (KIRO) reporter that he, along with six other juniors, was chosen
by graduating seniors to be initiated and to him and others, it was a high honor. “It’s just tradition. I
don’t think [the senior students] should be in trouble that could just ruin their lives” (Stebner 2013).
College and University Hazing

Since 1970, at least one college student has died nationwide each year because of an initiation
gone wrong (Mandelaro 2014). An oft-cited 1999 study of hazing found that 80 percent of college
athletes have been victims of hazing—making the behavior as common in the NCAA as it is in
fraternities and sororities (with incidents involving the Greek system far too numerous to list).
The Alfred University/NCAA survey of 1999 came about after an incident at Alfred University.
“In 1998, Edward Coll, Jr., president of Alfred University, an NCAA Division III school, forfeited
one of the school’s football games after five players were arrested for hazing freshmen players,
including minors, by restraining them with rope and requesting them to drink alcohol” (Crow
and Rosner 2004: 201). The findings of this survey revealed that a great deal of hazing still occurs
in collegian sport. Interestingly, what sport participants view as hazing and what administrators
view as hazing differs a great deal. For example, 80 percent of respondents reported being subjected
to one or more of the listed (from the survey) hazing behaviors, yet only 12 percent characterized
or labeled those activities as hazing (Crow and Rosner 2004).
Hank Nuwer, an author of multiple books on hazing (four to date), has detailed a number
of sports hazing incidents involving college sports teams between the periods of 1980–1999 that
received public attention. The incidents generally involved participants that were being hazed to
consume large amounts of alcohol and engaging in embarrassing (often sexual in nature) behaviors
(ESPN.com 2002).
Examples of hazing, especially sadomasochistic hazing, abounds in collegian sports. The
University of Vermont’s hockey scandal is among the most infamous. The heinous hazing acts and
the subsequent attempted cover-up of the incident led the president of the university to cancel
the remainder of the 1999–2000 hockey season. Among the hazing activities that freshmen were
forced to endure were a pie-eating contest (the pie consisted of seafood quiche with ketchup and
barbeque sauce), naked push-ups with their genitals dipped into warm beer beneath them, and
parading around naked performing the “elephant walk” (players held each other’s genitals) (Crow
and Rosner 2004). The state of Vermont enacted anti-hazing legislation as a result of the incident.
Females are also involved in extreme forms of hazing. A former University of Oklahoma
female soccer player charged her former coach with “physical and mental abuse” in a federal lawsuit
against the coach, her two assistants, and the university’s board of regents because of a hazing
incident that occurred in 1997. “The victim, then a freshman, was forced to perform simulated
oral sex with a banana while blindfolded and wearing an adult diaper. The humiliated victim, out
of fear of losing her scholarship, did not report the incident for a year” (Crow and Rosner 2004:
202–203). The victim came forward after some of her teammates showed the university’s athletic
director photos of the incident. The coach resigned immediately. The original federal lawsuit was
eventually dismissed.
In 2012, freshmen members of the SUNY Geneseo women’s volleyball team were lured via
text message to an off-campus house party in the Livingston County village of Geneseo. The hosts
were upperclassmen players and unbeknownst to the freshmen, a hazing initiation was about to
occur. Before the night was over, one freshman was near death with a blood-alcohol content of
0.266, more than three times the legal limit in New York State. The young woman lay unconscious
outside the house and was saved by passers-by. Within days, 11 young women were charged with
hazing and the volleyball season was shut down for the year (Mandelaro 2014). Mandelaro (2014)
cites insidehazing.com to reveal that more than 250,000 college students experienced hazing to
join a college athletic team and that 40 percent say a coach was aware of the hazing and 22 percent
say the coach was involved.
Just as we learned with the discussion on high school hazing that such incidents are not
limited to athletes and may include a sports booster group, we shall point out here that collegiate
hazing is not limited to athletes and may include the marching bands. One famous case involves
the Florida A&M University (FAMU) band and an incident that took place in 2011. The hazing
of band members was similar to gang initiations witnessed by author Tim Delaney during his gang
research, wherein a recruit had to run a gauntlet of existing members who threw punches and
kicked the recruit as he tried to navigate the line. FAMU members had to endure a hazing known
as “Crossing Bus C” in which they had to run from the front of the bus to the back through a
gauntlet of band members. Drum major Robert Champion “crossed bus C” in 2011 and died as a
result of the blows he endured (Hudak 2014). Although the hazing procedure is voluntary, pros-
ecutors contend that Champion’s bandmates were guilty of manslaughter. Eventually, Champion’s
death led to charges against Dante Martin, a former FAMU percussionist, who was accused of
organizing the ritual. During investigations it was found many members of the Marching 100
(FAMU’s band) were not enrolled in school or should have been ineligible to perform because of
poor grades (Hudak 2014). Champion’s parents sued FAMU, alleging the university allowed a haz-
ing tradition to fester in the band (Hudak 2014). On October 31, 2014, Dante Martin was convicted
of manslaughter in the hazing death of Champion (WESH.com 2014). The state medical examiner
testified that Champion was hit at least 8–10 times and could have been hit as many as 40–50
times on the band’s bus. Champion had a massive hemorrhage in his soft tissue and lost over half
of his blood supply (WESH.com 2014). Martin faces up to 15 years in prison, for hazing, a hazing
that went deadly wrong.
Many colleges include hazing guidelines in their student conduct policies and address incom-
ing freshmen at orientation on the topic; schools with fraternities and sororities are especially
likely to address hazing. Hazing is an outdated ritual that often causes mental and physical harm
to those who are forced to bear the hazing ritual. A number of athletes are deterred from joining
high school and college sports because of threat of hazing. Those involved in hazing risk being
suspended and held criminally responsible for such behaviors. Hazing shames and humiliates ath-
letes at least as much as it builds team camaraderie as proponents claim. For the good of high
school and college sports, hazing should not be tolerated any longer.

Box 7: Friday Nights in the Fall Are Reserved
for High School Football
As described in this chapter, there are over one million youths in the United States that play
football, and, arguably, no state takes high school football as seriously as Texas. While a number
of high schools across the country do not have lights on their football field and therefore must
play their games on Saturday afternoons, Friday nights in the fall are reserved for high school foot-
ball. This is especially true at many high schools in Texas.
The popularity of football on Friday nights was immortalized in the world of popular culture
by H.G. “Buzz” Bissinger’s best-selling book appropriately titled Friday Night Lights: A Town, a
Team, and a Dream (1990 original publication date). The non-fiction book follows the exploits
of the 1988 Permian High School Panthers football team from Odessa, Texas, as they drive towards
the Texas state championship. The Panthers had already established themselves as 4A and 5A pow-
ers, having won state championships in 1965, 1972, 1980 and 1984. Friday Night Lights is a sport
sociology gold mine of sociological relevance because Bissinger not only chronicles the play of
the Permian Panthers football team but reflects on its importance to the community. Odessa, a
city in decline in the desert of West Texas, is described as socially and racially divided with a fragile
economy connected to the fortunes of the oil business. When times are tough, the unemployment
rate skyrockets and when times are good, its murder rate climbs. The townspeople pin their dreams
to the fortunes of the Panthers.
Bissinger, a Pulitzer Prize-winning author and writer for The Philadelphia Inquirer, moved
his family to Odessa to write Friday Night Lights. He spent the 1988 football season with the Per-
mian players, their families, and their coaches and spoke with many of the locals of Odessa in
order to gain insights about the importance of Panthers football. Among the main characters is
James “Boobie” Miles, a star running back for Permian who had rushed for 1,385 yards the prior
season. This was supposed to be his year to shine and he already had major college football programs
such as Nebraska, Arkansas, Texas A&M, USC and Oklahoma looking at him. Miles had dreams
of reaching the NFL but those dreams were shattered when he suffered a knee injury in the pre-
season. Having never fully recovered, Miles would quit the team filled with anger. Mike Winchell
is the star quarterback who is portrayed by Bissinger as effective but not great. Brian Chavez, the
valedictorian of his class, is intelligent and an excellent tight end. He would go on to Harvard
University after graduating from Permian and is symbolic of all that is good with Panthers football.
As corrupt as the Permian team is detailed to be, the Panthers rival Dallas Carter High School, a
mostly black team, is described as even more dishonest. Carter beats the Panthers in the 1988
season in a rainy game. Carter would go on to win the state championship but had its title stripped
the next year because of a number of violations including grade tampering. The book ends with
Coach Gary Gaines (who is a hothead trying to balance the demands from the community and
his need to succeed with the players’ desire to win) erasing the names of the seniors from his play-
book and replacing them with the names of the juniors. The following year, Permian, led by future
NFL player Stoney Case as quarterback, would go undefeated and win the 1989 Texas champi-
onship.
The appeal of the Permian Panthers football team could not be limited to the pages of
Bissinger’s book and as a result in 2004 the feature film Friday Night Lights was released. Directed
by Peter Berg, this film brings to life all the drama written by Bissinger. Following the storyline
articulated in the book, Friday Night Lights the film follows the exploits of the 1988 Permian Pan-
thers football season. Following their early season loss to Dallas Carter HS, Coach Gary Gaines
(played by Billy Bob Thornton) inspires his team to make a huge season comeback. The Panthers
reach the state playoffs and know that they must play perfect ball. They would not win the title
that year. The movie pays as much attention to off-the-field drama of young people with compli-
cated relationships with family and girlfriends, as well as displaying realistic football action on-
the-field. The film was a hit with moviegoers (grossing over $60 million is box office receipts) and
critics alike.
The success of Friday Night Lights the movie would lead to a TV show with the same title.
While the book and film covered one football season, the TV show lasted 5 seasons (76 episodes).
The TV version of Friday Night Lights did not take place in Odessa with the Permian Panthers
but, instead, in the fictional community of Dillon, Texas. The TV high school kept the team nick-
name of the Panthers. The concept of the show remained the same as the book and movie, with
the focus on the football team’s exploits and the town’s relationship to it. Because the show lasted
five seasons, there was far greater coverage of the personal lives of the main characters (e.g., the
coach’s wife is the high school principal and the show describes her attempts to manage a shrinking
budget, lack of school supplies, staffing issues, and so on) and there were more than one football
squads’ exploits involved. Friday Night Lights the TV show was critically acclaimed and was nom-
inated for and won many awards (e.g., 3 Primetime Emmys).
Across the United States, Friday night lights shine brightly on the football fields of many
high schools, small to large. At many schools, the fortunes of the team’s success, or lack thereof,
are connected to the collective psyches of the community. Friday Night Lights, as a book, movie,
or TV show, reflects the attitude of many passionate football fans. The Friday Night Lights trilogy
of popular culture entertainment also provides us with a glimpse of the cultural importance that
football has in American society.
Summary
Most young athletes have positive experiences with high school and college sport participa-
tion. Nearly all secondary schools offer some sort of interscholastic athletics. In addition, most
colleges and universities have sports teams, and encourage both intra and intramural competition.
Proponents of sports in school argue that it teaches positive character traits and values. Opponents
claim that it distracts from the educational experience, and encourages negative behaviors such as
violence and cheating.
While most student-athletes participate in interscholastic sports, there are many alternatives
unconnected with school systems. However, the fact that there is such large participation in organ-
ized school sports means that the need for administrative control and oversight continues to grow.
Athletic directors exert great influence in the forming of policies and practices at their respective
schools and athletic conferences.
Coaches are central to the high school and college sports world. As each level of sport com-
petition increases, so does the level of training that coaches go through. At one time, many coaches
were also teachers, but this has changed dramatically at the collegiate level when sports became a
commercial enterprise.
Athletic trainers, whose job it is to help athletes prevent and recover from injuries, play an
important role in youth sports. But due to budget constraints, many schools do not have such
trainers, and coaches—who are often unprepared or unsuited for such roles—are looked upon to
fulfill this position.
Sport participation can allow a student to bond with others, as well as stand out above the
rest. School sporting events can provide an opportunity for school spirit activities, which can rally
the entire academic community. However, the inflated ego or status enjoyed by many high school
athletes, as with collegiate and professional athletes, may lead to a sense of entitlement and this
sense of entitlement may lead to a number of issues.
The National Collegiate Athletic Association attempts to regulate and watch over collegiate
sports. Important functions of the NCAA include monitoring the following: how student-athletes
are recruited, whether they are eligible to attend college, the manner in which athletic scholarships
are administered, and the number of hours athletes can participate in sports, practice and working
at on-campus jobs.
The proliferation of college games on television, the movement toward larger stadiums, and
the occurrence of recruiting infractions have placed new demands upon the NCAA to regulate
college sports. The amateur ideal—athletes playing for pure love of the game—is now in constant
conflict with student-athletes who expect compensation for their abilities.
Today, it is generally accepted that athletic scholarships do not violate the code of amateurism
despite the fact that athletic scholarships have a great financial value. There is a growing tide of
opinion expressed by many that collegiate athletes that participate in the major sports at “big-
time” schools should receive compensation beyond the current scholarship allocations.
A major problem in high school and college sports is the prevalence of hazing. The growing
number of injuries, as well as negative media attention, has made this ritual no longer an acceptable
practice.
Key Terms
Academic Admissions Requirements Certain minimum standards that must be met for admis-
sion to a college or university.
Athletic Director A person who has full control over all aspects of college athletics, including
the department’s employees (staff, coaches, and student-athletes).
Athletic Scholarships Either full or partial, these provide financial assistance, usually in the
form of room and board (paying for admissions, textbooks and school supplies) as well as per
diem (meal allowance).
Athletic Trainers Professionals who specialize in proper health care for athletes and in preven-
tion, evaluation, management and rehabilitation of injuries.
Authoritarian Coach An overbearing coach obsessed with winning who may ruin the sport
experience of participants.
Authority A person in a position of power who influence the thoughts and behaviors of others.
Bullying An intentional act of aggression that is meant to harm a victim either physically or
psychologically.
Cheating In school sports it can take multiple forms (e.g., violating rules of sportsmanship, tak-
ing performance-enhancing drugs), all of which undermine the idealism of sport as an institu-
tion of character building.
Coaches Individuals who guide athletes on the rules of the game, methods of training, and ide-
ally, help to develop the athletes’ skills.
College Conferences Collective units which serve for instilling standards in college sports.
Elite Athletes Those considered the best in their sport; they are often shown special favor by
coaches and schools.
Elite Deference Refers to the special privileges that are afforded athletes.
Hazing An all-encompassing term that covers silly, potentially risky, or degrading tasks required
for acceptance by a group of full-fledged members.
Illegal Recruiting Tactics These may include rival recruiters spreading misinformation, lies or
innuendoes to prized athletes in such ways as suggesting the other school is about to be placed
on probation, they are going to raise admissions requirements, or that the head coach is about
to quit or be fired.
Letter of Intent Treated as a legal contract, this states that the athlete promises to attend a par-
ticular school for four years.
National Collegiate Athletic Association The NCAA supervises the organization of college
sports, the conduct of athletes, coaches and others involved with college sports, and the aca-
demic qualification to which athletes must adhere. It attempts to act in the best interests of col-
lege athletics.
Practice Any meeting, activity or instruction involving sports-related information and having
an athletics purpose, held for one or more student-athletes at the direction of, or supervised by,
any member or members of an institution’s coaching staff.
Recruitment Where colleges seek out an athlete, rather than the athlete seeking out a college.
Sport Specialization Concentrating on just one sport, year-around, instead of enjoying partici-
pating in multiple sports.
Walk-on A nonscholarship athlete who tries out for a sport.
• Should academic achievement be considered an important part of a student-athlete’s role?
Suppose he or she is outstanding in a given sport but unable to perform well academically. Why
would this be an issue?
• What are some of the pluses and minuses of participating in interscholastic sporting events?
• Did you ever stop playing a formal sport because it “ceased to be fun” and, if so, what exactly
were the reasons it stopped being enjoyable?
• Who are “athletic trainers” and what arguments can be given to show why they play an
important role in school sports?
• What is the NCAA and how did it come into existence? What are its chief functions today?
• What are some possible recruitment violations of student-athletes, and how can these be
avoided?
• Should student-athletes be paid for their services? Give your reasons pro or con.
• Are you aware of any hazing incidents? Why is hazing a concern in youth sports, and what
can be done to prevent it?
CHAPTER 8
Deviance in Sport
All sports are guided by numerous rules and regulations. Some of these rules seem rather
silly and relatively meaningless. Golf, for example, has a few trivial rules that are strictly enforced.
One such rule was cleverly articulated in a Seinfeld episode (“The Big Salad”) where Kramer
describes his golf outing to Jerry and Elaine. Kramer was playing with his friend, Steve Gendason,
who on the fifteenth hole picked up his ball and cleaned it. Elaine wondered what the big deal
was. Kramer responded, “Umph, sorry! But the rules clearly state that you cannot clean the ball
unless it’s on the green. The rules are very clear about that.” Jerry concurred; the rules are very
clear about that. Consequently, Kramer penalized Gendason a stroke. Gendason became extremely
angry with Kramer and almost came to blows with him. Elaine still did not understand the seri-
ousness of the rule. Kramer, once again explains to her, “A rule is a rule. And let’s face it. Without
rules there’s chaos.”
The Seinfeld episode illustrates the prevailing theme of deviance—if you break the rules you
are subject to sanctions or punishments. As we have already learned from the earlier chapters, the
social institution of sport is not immune from deviant or criminal behavior. Among the types of
deviance in sport to be discussed in this chapter are on-the-field forms; off-the-field acts;
performance-enhancing drug use among athletes; and illegal and pathological gambling.
Deviance
Ideally, sport promotes many of society’s desirable character traits, including fair play, sports-
manship, compliance to authority, hard work and dedication toward a desired goal, and a com-
mitment to excellence. Unfortunately, this is not always the case. We begin our discussion with a
definition of deviance.
Although most people tend to believe that they understand what the word “deviance” means,
the sociological study of deviant behavior reveals that a number of circumstances influence how
some behaviors come to be defined as deviant while others are defined as acceptable. Bear in mind
that no behavior is inherently deviant; it must be labeled as deviant in order to be deviant. Most
definitions include the basic idea that deviance entails any behavior that violates cultural norms
and that such violations may lead to punishment. For the purposes of this text, the authors define
deviance as any act or behavior that is likely to be defined, by some members of society, or specific
subcultural groups, as an unacceptable violation of a social norm and elicits negative reactions
from others. By definition, people who commit such deeds are deviants. For example, it is widely
understood among athletes that what happens in the locker room stays in locker room. In other
words, do not air “dirty laundry” to the public.
174
Explaining Social Deviance

There are a number of theoretical explanations of social deviance. Sociological theories are
grounded by the belief that deviance is caused by environmental factors (e.g., family, community,
and other social factors). They incorporate a diverse, multi-causal framework in their explanation
of deviant behavior. In an attempt to support their theories about deviance and crime, sociologists
utilize empirical data. Our discussion begins with functional and anomie/strain theory.
Functionalist and Anomie/Strain Theory

Anomie theory, sometimes called strain theory, was articulated by Robert Merton, who bor-
rowed Emile Durkheim’s term anomie. Many of Durkheim’s ideas were used in the formation of
functionalist theory. Intrigued by Durkheim’s focus on morality and his notion of anomie, Robert
Merton examined the role of strain on individuals. Whereas Durkheim believed that anomie was
the result of rapid social change, Merton believed that anomie, or strain, was a condition that
existed permanently in certain societies, such as the United States. Merton introduced the concept
of “dysfunction” to describe American society. Dysfunctions have a negative effect on society.
Merton viewed the U.S. as a dysfunctional society because it places an over-emphasis on the cultural
goal of economic success. Merton stated that American society provided many appropriate, legit-
imate, or institutionalized means for attaining the success goal for a majority of the people of
society. However, Merton argued that not everyone is equally endowed with desire or opportunity
to reach the success goal. Merton believed that when certain members of society become frustrated
and feel a strain because they cannot attain the cultural desired goals legitimately, they turn to ille-
gitimate means. Thus, Merton believed that deviance was a result of the social strain that anomie
created.
Merton’s anomie theory (first published as “Social Structure and Anomie” in 1938) is based
on the premise that society encourages all persons to attain culturally desirable goals, but the
opportunity to reach these goals are not equal for all members of society. Furthermore, when
people have difficulty reaching their desired goals they will feel strain. Some people become so
frustrated that they resort to illegitimate (deviant) means of getting ahead. Thus, a MLB player
who has a goal of hitting 50 home runs in one season but fails to do so may decide to take
performance-enhancing drugs in order to reach that success goal.
Subculture/Cultural Deviance Theory

By the 1950s and early 1960s, sociologists were studying deviant behavior in the context of
the new sociological term “subculture.” A subculture refers to a group of people who possess dis-
tinctive cultural values, ethnicity, or some other trait that distinguishes it from other groups in
the greater society. There are many subcultural groups within any society, including athletes.
Subcultures are formed with group members identify common goals, values, and traits that
unite them. In this regard, the subculture becomes a reference group for individual members. One
trait that may unite members of subculture is common activity, such as playing sports. As we
learned in Chapter 4, athletes share a common lingo, or language, that has symbolic meaning to
them. Reinforcing particular mannerisms and language are examples of reference points that unite
subculture members. In many cases, the subculture’s values and norms supersede that of the greater
society. Consequently, members engage in behaviors that are acceptable within the subculture,
but may be considered deviant by the greater society. For example, skateboarders—in need of
paved areas to skate—might choose to skate in front of a government building (e.g., City Hall)
because of its ramps, rails (stairway rails), and adjacent parking lots. To the skaters, this is a logical
place to skate. Chances are, however, local ordinances will forbid skateboarding on government
property, and thus, these skaters will be labeled as “deviants” by the greater society (especially the
police and government workers). In short, subcultural theorists believe that deviants who violate
certain rules adhere more closely to the norms of their subculture group than that of the larger
society. In sports, individual athletes will feel the pressure to conform to team rules and expectations
(e.g., hazing) and may do so in order to solidify their attachment to the group.
Social Learning and Differential Theory

As the name social learning theory implies, individuals learn how to become deviant within
a social context. An individual learns behavior through interaction with others, whether directly
(being taught) or indirectly (through observation, imitation, and modeling). Through interaction
with others, individuals learn of the norms, beliefs, attitudes and values treasured by the interac-
tants. That is to say, people learn by observing the behavior of others. A young aspiring ball player
will closely watch the behavior of other ballplayers, especially professional athletes. The young
athlete will model his or her behavior to that of the observed by mimicking (e.g., chewing on
sunflower seeds, wearing a ball cap backwards in the dugout, using a fist bump instead of a “high
five” for a greeting). Most people model their behavior after influential others. Generally, this is
acceptable. However, if the model engages in deviant acts, the observer is likely to see this behavior
as acceptable and engage in the same type of activity.
Social learning takes place through a three-step process: acquisition, instigation and main-
tenance of an observed behavior. Acquisition involves the initial introduction to a behavior; insti-
gation occurs when the individual actually participates in a given behavior; and maintenance refers
the persistent engagement of the acquired behavior. If we apply this perspective to performance-
enhancing drug use, we would see a scenario such as: an individual observing a teammate taking
a performance-enhancing drug, such as anabolic steroids, and learning about the perceived benefits
of drug use; followed by the individual deciding to try anabolic steroids and learning how con-
sumption is to occur (e.g., via a needle injection); and then, continued usage of anabolic steroids.
(Note: We will discuss performance-enhancing drugs later in this chapter.)
Edwin Sutherland, a leading social learning theorist, emphasized the idea that it takes more
than an occasional observation of deviant behavior on the part of the observer before it becomes
an acquired behavior. Sutherland argued, in his differential association theory, that it takes con-
tinued association and reinforcement in order for a behavior to be indoctrinated. Thus, the more
an individual associates with deviants (and criminals) the more likely he or she will learn and
accept these behaviors, values, attitudes and beliefs (Sutherland and Cressey 1978). Based on this
theoretical explanation of deviance, if athletes associate with deviant significant others rather
than conforming significant others, they are more likely to become deviants. Further, if athletes
are taught various methods of cheating by significant others, they are more likely to accept these
behaviors.
Labeling Theory
At one time, labeling theory was the most prominent symbolic interactionist approach to the
study and explanation of deviant behavior (the lack of consistent empirical verification has led to
its decline in popularity). Labeling theory examines the effects of a “label” being placed on a person
and his or her subsequent behavior. For example, what effect does the negative label of “choker”
being assigned to an athlete have on the subsequent behavior of that person? That is, will the
athlete continue to perform poorly (“choke”) in pressure situations or will the athlete rise to the
occasion and perform well in pressure situations in an attempt to prove that he is not a “choker?”
Labeling theorists believe that no one wants to acquire a label that they themselves consider
to be an inaccurate assessment of their character (e.g., that he or she “chokes” at critical points of
a game or competition). Everyone attempts to negotiate their role-identity. However, the allocation
of labels is often determined by “outside” others, such as media personnel, fans, and coaches. As
a result, we cannot control the labels that others bestow upon us. Labeling theory also states that
when an individual continually receives negative feedback from significant others and then begins
to accept the negative label, a self-fulfilling prophecy has been created. The self-fulfilling prophecy
occurs when people take to heart the labels bestowed upon them, come to see themselves in regard
to those labels, and then act correspondingly to those labels. In short, they come to see themselves
as others have labeled them. Thus, labeling is an important factor in the creation of a deviant
identity. For instance, athletes who are constantly referred to as “chokers” or “losers” might inter-
nalize such a label, lose self-confidence and thereby perform unsuccessfully.
Conflict Theory
While functionalists argue that there exists a consensus on values, norms and beliefs regarding
such issues as morality and expectations of proper behavior, conflict theorists highlight the imbal-
ance of power found in society, especially in light of economic and social inequalities, and therefore
claim expectations of proper behavior are forced on all participants. Conflict theorists argue that
those who control the means of production are in a social position to dictate to others what is
“right” and “wrong” behavior. Class distinctions play an important role in complex societies. In
sport, coaches, athletic directors, and owners possess power and make the rules that players must
follow. These power elites are in a position of control and can impose their will and ideas of what
constitutes deviance.
From a conflict perspective, the most important variable in determining behaviors that are
proper and those that are deviant is the possession of power. If we consider ideals of proper dress
attire, for example, athletes at all levels of competition are subject to rules dictating how they
should dress, especially on game day (e.g., high school football players generally wear their team
jersey on game day); when they travel (e.g., collegiate athletes are expected to dress a certain way
as to “look good” coming off the team bus); during the game (e.g., jersey tucked in, consistent
color in shoes and socks); and during post-game interviews.
In 2005, NBA Commissioner David Stern instituted a mandatory dress code for all players.
Stern required players to wear business casual attire whenever they are engaged in team or league busi-
ness. (Note: In 2014, Stern, one of the most powerful men in sports, retired after 30 years as NBA
commissioner.) Business attire is defined as: long or short-sleeved dress shirt (collared or turtleneck),
and/or a sweater; dress slacks, khaki pants, or dress pants; appropriate shoes and socks, including dress
shoes, dress boots, or other presentable shoes, but not including sneakers, sandals, flip-flops, or work
boots (NBA.com 2005). The NBA players are mostly members of the subcultural hip-hop gener-
ation and they prefer to wear gold chains and maintain their individual dress styles. Visible chains,
pendants or medallions are not allowed over their clothes. Some players claim the dress code is
racist (See Chapter 11 for a further discussion of racism in sport). Especially in light of the fact
that athletes often set fashion trends, requiring them to wear clothing they consider unfashionable
or “square” presents a dilemma between the need for conformity and the desire for self-expression.
On the Field Deviance

The most likely culprits for on-the-field deviance are the athletes themselves. Normative
forms of deviance are abundant and especially manifest themselves in the form of denial of wrongdoing
or the failure to admit to deviant behavior. For example, soccer players may occasionally be guilty
of a “hand ball”—the illegal touching of the ball—but they will not report such violations to the
referee; nor would their competitors expect them to do so. Perhaps the most famous case of a
hand ball occurred in the 1986 World Cup quarterfinal game between Argentina and England. In
this game, Argentine star Diego Maradona credited God for his goal against England. (The goal
is known as the “Hand of God” goal in soccer lore.) Maradona appeared to punch the ball into
the goal but officials allowed it despite the complaints by the English team. In 2005, Maradona
admitted that he struck the ball with his hand (Bechtel 2005).
In the spirit of respect for the game, baseball players are expected not to attempt to “steal”
signs between the opposing pitcher and catcher. A batter might look behind his shoulder to see
what signs a catcher flashes to the pitcher and runners on base (especially second base) may try to
steal signs and relay them to his teammate who is at bat. On other rare occasions, one team accuses
another of using cameras in the outfield and then relaying the information to a coach in the dugout
who must then relay signs to the batter.
An example of deviant cheating is point shaving. Point shaving involves a player(s) “throwing”
a game or performance (e.g., taking a “dive” in boxing; dropping a touchdown pass; deliberately
missing free-throws in basketball) for money (usually from gamblers) or other goods ands services.
Various point shaving scandals have surfaced over the years and it would be impossible to know
how many times an individual or group of teammates have agreed to comprise the integrity of the
game. Bookmakers in Nevada and the NCAA monitor unusual fluctuations in point spreads that
might suggest a fix. Occasionally select games are “taken off the board” (no one is allowed to bet
on the game) in Nevada because officials may believe a fix is in. One of sports history’s most mem-
orable point shaving scandals occurred in 1950 and involved college basketball players from Bradley,
Kentucky, Long Island University and City College New York (CCNY). That year, CCNY won
both the men’s National Invitation Tournament (NIT) and the National Collegiate Athletic Asso-
ciation tournament (NCAA), becoming the only team to win both tournaments in the same year.
As it turned out, 30 players from the four teams were implicated to have taken money from gamblers
to “shave” points from the total score (Goldstein 2005). In 1951, City College player Norman
Mager was arrested and pleaded guilty to a misdemeanor offense. He later received a suspended
sentence. Although CCNY won the championships, it was alleged that Mager made sure his team
did win by a margin higher than the established betting lines (Goldstein 2005). Many fans today
still fear that some games are “fixed.”
A contemporary example of player on-the-field deviance involves the 2013 Miami Dolphins
and the “pattern of harassment” perpetrated by offensive linemen Richie Incognito, John Jerry
and Mike Pouncey against teammate Jonathan Martin. This pattern of harassment included racial
slurs and vicious sexual taunts about Martin’s mother and sister (ESPN.com 2014a). NFL inves-
tigator Ted Wells filed a 144-page report in early 2014 that portrayed Incognito as the ringleader
of an ongoing series of incidents that were akin to workplace bullying. Martin left the team during
the 2013 season (in October) claiming he could no longer take the abuse. Incognito and his offen-
sive linemen said they were simply engaged in behavior common among football players that were
designed to “toughen” up teammates, especially Martin, who did not appear to have the level of
toughness necessary to play in the NFL. That Martin quit the team led Incognito to believe his
actions were vindicated. The Dolphins and others outside of sport did not agree and argued his
actions crossed the lines of acceptable behavior. Wells’ report detailed many instances of behavior
that would never be tolerated in most professions, but yet were routine in football (ESPN.com
2014a). On November 3, 2013, Incognito was suspended by the Dolphins for his misconduct
directed toward Martin. The Dolphins traded Martin to the San Francisco 49ers, and he was on
the 2014 roster. Despite his talents as an offensive lineman, Incognito had difficulty finding a roster
position; in 2015 he was signed by the Buffalo Bills.
There are athletes, just like non-athletes, who take drugs. Athletes who take performance-
enhancing drugs will be discussed later in this chapter. Additionally, we will provide a few examples
of athletes who have taken recreational drugs and were punished when it was later discovered.
Conversely, it stands within reason that many athletes have taken drugs and were high while playing
sports. One case in particular stands out and bears mention here, and that instance involves Dock
Ellis, who threw a no-hitter on June 12, 1970, for the Pittsburgh Pirates while high on LSD. As
reported by Larry Getlen (2014) in the New York Post, Scipio Spinks (Houston Astros) and Dock
Ellis were young MLB pitchers who “had taken the era’s free-love-and-free-drugs ethos to heart.”
Ellis reports that he pitched every game (138–119, career win-lost record) in the major leagues
under the influence of drugs. As for the night he pitched a no-hitter while on acid, Ellis states, “I
didn’t know if I was facing Hank Aaron, Willie Mays or Mickey Mantle. I was just out there throw-
ing a baseball and having a great time” (Getlen 2014).
These are just a few examples of on-the-field deviance committed by players. Coaches, referees
and spectators are also capable of on-the-field deviance and they are the next topic of discussion.
Coaches and Deviance

Coaches may engage in a number of deviant behaviors, starting with lying on their resumes
(e.g., George O’Leary lost his dream job at Notre Dame when it was revealed that he lied on his
resume; he is currently serving as head coach at the University of Central Florida); belittling their
players in practice and sometimes in public; running practice in an intimidating manner (like a
“drill sergeant”); teaching players how to get away with certain deviant behaviors; deliberate
attempts to intimidate officials and influence calls; encouraging players to take pain medication
in order to play in pain; and violent outbursts. Violent outbursts range from Bobby Knight’s infa-
mous chair throwing incident during a basketball game, to baseball managers throwing temper
tantrums, coaches ripping the ball away from an official, to Miami of Ohio defensive coordinator
Jon Wauford being arrested for allegedly shoving a fan who was celebrating Marshall’s last-second
win over Miami in a 2002 game. A seemingly, or at least relatively, minor form of deviance involves
coaches who swear or make obscene gestures on the field of play, or in mandatory postgame inter-
views. New York Jets then-coach Rex Ryan, for example, was fined $100,000 for a postgame use
of profanity while walking onto the field to meet Steelers coach Mike Tomlin at the end of the
game, a game won by the Jets but marred by a breach of sportsmanship etiquette when Steelers
safety Michael Mitchell leaped over the offensive line while the Jets were doing a kneel-down (“vic-
tory formation”) at the end of the play. Ryan was very upset by that play and video picked up his
audio use of profanity. The sanction against Ryan was so severe because he was a repeat offender
(it was his third violation of league rules that censor language and gestures). Ryan’s other two vio-
lations were directed at fans; one at a Mixed Martial Arts fight, the other for cursing at a fan at
halftime of a game (The Citizen 11/15/14).
In individualist sports such as track and field, a coach may be tempted to encourage an athlete
to take illegal drugs in an attempt to improve performance. Trevor Graham, a hugely successful
sprint coach in track and field, has helped many athletes reach their goal of earning a gold medal
in the Olympics. His athletes also have received drug suspensions (Patrick 2005). Graham, among
other things, portrays himself as a whistle-blower. It was Graham who provided “the U.S. Anti-
Doping Agency a syringe containing the designer steroid THG in June 2003, which helped unravel
the BALCO case, the biggest performance-enhancing drug scandal in U.S. sports history” (Patrick
2005: 6C).
In 2007, Bill Belichick, the head coach of the New England Patriots (NFL), was labeled a
“cheater” as a result of his unauthorized videotaping of opposing teams’ coaches in order to pick
up their play signals—a tactic that would provide the Patriots with an unfair advantage. NFL
Commissioner Roger Goodell punished Belichick and the Patriots with $750,000 in fines and the
forfeiture of a first-round draft pick. According to the NFL’s office, Belichick had been conducting
unauthorized videotaping for the past decade, thus casting doubts on the legitimacy of their Super
Bowl (as well as other) victories during that span. The controversy surrounding the cheating scandal
led to the term “Spygate.” In 2015, cheating allegations once again surrounded Coach Belichick,
the New England Patriots and their long-time quarterback, Tom Brady, in the form of “Deflate-
Gate.” Deflate-Gate is a reference to the NFL’s discovery that 11 of the 12 footballs used by the
Patriots during their January 16, 2015, AFC Championship Game victory over the Indianapolis
Colts were deflated up to 2 pounds below NFL standards. A deflated football is easier to grip and
throw and easier for running backs to hold onto while opponents try to rip it from their possession.
The New England Patriots have been involved in two other highly controversial games as well:
“The Snowplow Game” and the “Tuck Rule Game.” The Snowplow Game refers to an incident
that occurred at Schaefer Stadium, the old home of the Patriots, on December 12, 1982, when the
Pats played the Miami Dolphins. The game was played under horrible weather conditions and
with 4:45 remaining in the game and the scored tied at 0–0, the Patriots had the ball on the Miami
16-yard-line and were preparing to kick a go-ahead field goal. “Patriots Coach Ron Meyer sent
stadium snowplow driver Mark Henderson in to clear a spot on the field. Henderson, who was
working at the stadium as part of a work-release program at a prison, drove the John Deere machine
to the line of scrimmage, which was considered acceptable, because officials were calling for a
snowplow to locate the line of scrimmage—but he turned and also cleared the spot where Smith
would be kicking. Smith converted the field goal and the Patriots won, 3–0” (Doyle 2015). Leg-
endary Miami coach Don Shula called the incident the most “unfair act” ever in NFL history
(Doyle 2015). Still holding a grudge against the Patriots, and following the Deflate-Gate incident,
Shula referred to Coach Belichick as “Beli-cheat” (Doyle 2105). The Belichick-Brady era, one of
the most successful coach-quarterback eras ever, began with the infamous “Tuck Rule Game” on
another bad weather game night in New England on January 19, 2002. The opponent for that
playoff game was the Oakland Raiders. With less than two minutes remaining in the game and
with Oakland in the lead, cornerback Charles Woodson blitzed Brady and appeared to knock the
ball out of the quarterback’s hand. Raiders’ linebacker Greg Biekert recovered the ball at the Oak-
land 47-yard-line, thus all but guaranteeing an Oakland victory. The game officials, however, ruled
that Brady had not fumbled the ball but instead had “tucked” the ball in his possession while trying
to throw a pass, leading to a ruling on the field that it was an incomplete pass (which would allow
the Patriots to maintain possession of the ball) and was not a fumble (which would have given
the Raiders the ball). The “Tuck Rule,” which was created just three years earlier, was eliminated
from the rulebook a decade later (Doyle 2015).
While the NFL, more or less, labeled Belichick a cheater as a result of Spygate and the sus-
picious nature of his potential role in Deflate-Gate, there are a countless number of coaches
engaged in a wide variety of behaviors that might just as easily lead to a similar label. In many
cases, people involved in sport may “know” that others are cheating but lack the official label of
cheater because they were not found guilty by a governing body of any particular deviant act. To
this point, CBS Sports.com (2012) described college basketball as “the sketchiest sport with the
sketchiest characters” thanks to a number of contemporary coaches. “Where fact trumps fiction,
where a rumor ends and the truth begins, is sometimes hard to determine. But perception is usually
treated as reality regardless—even if the overwhelming majority of coaches are never actually
charged with violating major recruiting rules” (CBS Sports.com 2012). CBS Sports.com (2012) asked
nearly 100 college basketball coaches this question, “Who is perceived by college coaches to be
the biggest cheater in the sport?” John Calipari (Kentucky) received the most votes (36% of respon-
dents) followed by Scott Drew (Baylor), 34%; Ben Holland (UCLA), 12 percent; Jim Calhoun
(Connecticut; retired in 2012), 7 percent; Tom Cream (Indiana), 3 percent; and Dave Rice
(UNLV), 3 percent.
The American Psychological Association (2014) conducted survey research on nearly 20,000
collegiate student athletes and found that the behaviors of coaches had an influential impact on
the behaviors of athletes. For example, college athletes who have abusive coaches are more willing
to cheat in order to win than players with more ethical coaches. Men’s teams were much more will-
ing to cheat than women’s teams, according to the study, and men’s football, basketball and baseball
teams reported the highest willingness to cheat at large Division I universities where players are
often under intense pressure to win (APA 2014). Athletes from both men’s and women’s basketball
teams were much more likely to report that they had abusive coaches than any other sport. Meas-
uring abuse comes in a variety of forms, including coaches who put down athletes in front of
others, screaming insults, and shoving or kicking athletes. The APA (2014) reported that abusive
behavior by college coaches has been a growing concern following several high-profile incidents
of coaches being fired or sued by players for alleged abusive behavior. “The study did not determine
whether abusive coaches actively encouraged or permitted cheating by their teams, but there was
a correlation between abusive coaches and an increased willingness by players to cheat in order to
win” (APA 2014).
Referees and Deviance

Referees and officials are only human. They sometimes make mistakes. Honest mistakes are
forgivable. Dishonest mistakes and improper behavior are examples of deviance. Officials have
been known to make mistakes on the number of downs in a football game leading, to a team
having a fifth down. Sometimes they put extra time on the clock that gives one team another chance
to win; perhaps, undeservingly so. Other times, officials misinterpret rules, giving one team an
unfair advantage. And in one odd case (2007), veteran NBA referee Joey Crawford challenged
San Antonio Spurs star player Tim Duncan to fight! The NBA suspended Crawford indefinitely.
In 2008, umpire Brian Runge was suspended for one game for bumping into New York Mets man-
ager Jerry Manuel before ejecting him from a game.
Crawford’s and Runge’s embarrassing behavior paled in comparison to the shameful behavior
of Tim Donaghy, who so soiled the reputation of the NBA that its very integrity is in jeopardy.
In 2007, the FBI began its investigation into the allegations that veteran NBA referee Donaghy
influenced the outcome of professional basketball games on which he or associates of his had
gambled on the outcome during (at least) the 2004–05 and 2005–06 seasons. The disgraced Don-
aghy resigned from the NBA and NBA Commissioner Stern attempted to ease the concern of fans
and related parties by saying the actions of Donaghy were an isolated incident. During the 2007–
08 NBA championships finals, Donaghy stated in court that NBA officials tampered with games
to assure certain teams advanced through the playoffs. Kobe Bryant (Los Angeles Lakers) was
asked about Donaghy’s possible tampering with NBA games during the 2008 finals. According to
Sports Illustrated, 6/23/08, Bryant’s answer was elusive and he apologized for his nonanswer by
saying, “I’m sorry to be Belichicky”—a reference to Bill Belichick’s vague responses to the media
when he was asked about Spygate (28). Donaghy claimed that the NBA routinely encouraged ref-
erees to call bogus fouls to manipulate games (in order to extend playoff series as long as possi-
ble—because longer series equates to higher revenue) and ignore calls against star players (Goldman
2008). Long-time NBA fans have long heard of about the reality of the “Jordan Rules”—meaning,
fouls that would be called against other players would not be called against Michael Jordan—and
the double standard that he enjoyed while playing in the NBA.
In light of the Donaghy case, NBA fans, in particular, and fans of all sports renewed their
paranoia that “the game was fixed” mentality any time their favorite team appeared to fall victim
of a perceived bad call from a referee or other game officials.
Spectator Deviance
Much of spectator deviance is violent and occurs off the field (this topic will be discussed
in further detail in Chapter 9). Some forms of spectator deviance are normalized. For example,
many fans still try to sit in seats better than their own and then act surprised when they confronted
by the proper seat-holders. Some spectators sneak alcohol and other forbidden products into
sporting events. They may attempt to use cameras at events where they are forbidden. Some
spectators neglect to stand during the playing of the national anthem, including some males
who ignore the etiquette of removing their hats, and still others neglect to put their right hand
over their heart. The breach of standing for the national anthem may be the result of ignorance,
laziness, or a sign of political protest. A minority of people question whether or not the anthem
should be a part of sporting events at all; after all, we seldom stand to attention and sing
the anthem at the start of other events such as the beginning of a movie at the theatre or at places
of business before one’s work shift begins. The origins of singing the anthem before sporting
events is debated but it became institutionalized at baseball games during World War II (Carlson
2011).
Other forms of spectator deviance are not normative and involve a direct confrontation
between spectators and athletes. For example, in 1993 a crazed Steffi Graf fan stabbed her primary
rival, Monica Seles, during a break in a tennis match in Germany. Houston Astros right fielder Bill
Spiers was attacked on the field in the bottom of the sixth inning during a game at Milwaukee in
1999. Kansas City Royals first base coach Tom Gamboa was attacked during a 2002 game in
Chicago by a father and son who ran onto the field. William Ligue, Jr., was sentenced to 30 months
of probation for two counts of aggravated battery in the September 2002 attack on Gamboa. In
April 2004, Ligue violated his parole when he was charged with breaking into a car in suburban
Harvey and led police on a brief chase. If Ligue had been incarcerated for his unprovoked attack
on Gamboa he would not have been free to commit his other crimes.
Spectators have increasingly been interfering with baseball players attempting to make plays
near the edge of the stands. In many sports, spectators throw objects at players. It seems that many
spectators interpret the price of admission as an opportunity to act in any manner they see fit.
This is not true, of course. There are many possible explanations for the general lack of civility
displayed by some spectators. Many are upset with players who act arrogant and are far-removed
(especially financially) from the typical fan. Some spectators believe they need to “protect” their
home turf and team’s honor and direct their deviance toward opposing fans and players. In this
regard, spectators are known to taunt, verbally or physically abuse and fight one another in the
stands. Generally, it is only a handful of spectators at any given game that engage in violence, but
on other occasions, such as with European soccer hooligans, entire groups or clubs of spectators
may fight one another (see Chapter 9 for a further discussion of hooliganism).
Ideally, spectators should realize that the rules of fair play and sportsmanship apply to them
as well as the athletes themselves. However, as we learned in Chapter 6 (Youth Sports), a large
number of people on the sidelines of sporting events seem to feel that it is their right to interfere
with the game.
As predicated by a long tradition, fans of the SUNY Oswego men’s hockey team used to throw bagels
onto the ice following the first goal against arch-rival SUNY Plattsburgh. The Administration now for-
bids this tradition.
Off the Field or Court Deviance

Athletes, referees, coaches, and even marching bands may be involved with a wide variety of
off-the-field deviant behaviors, including deviant sex scandals, criminal activities, and recreational
drug use. The off-the-field deviance topics of taking performance-enhancing drugs and gambling
will be discussed later in this chapter.
Deviant Sex Scandals

Deviant sex scandals come in a variety of forms. Some are far more serious than others. We
already discussed the horrific sex scandal involving Jerry Sandusky and Penn State (see Chapter
2) but it is worth reiterating that this scandal took place over a long period of time while persons
of power turned a blind eye. If you recall, Sandusky was arrested and charged with sexual abuse
of 10 boys over more than a decade, before and after his 1999 retirement. “The arrests of two uni-
versity officials—then vice-president for finance and business Gary Schultz and then-athletic direc-
tor Tim Curley—raised flags of an internal cover-up; the two were charged with lying about
whether then-graduate assistant Mike McQueary told them that he saw Sandusky raping a boy in
a Penn State locker room shower and for not reporting the rape to the police” (Proffitt and Corrigan
2012). The institutionalized cover-up of this sex scandal will keep this story in print regarding
sexual deviance in sports for years to come.
While the sexual activities of people are generally private matters, there are occasions when
public figures, including star athletes, find their sexual transgressions a matter of public consump-
tion. Such is the case with Tiger Woods who was on the receiving end of a great deal of negative
publicity following revelations in 2009 that he had numerous mistresses while married to then-
wife, Elin Nordegren. On November 27, 2009, just two days after news broke (from The National
Inquirer, which leaked a story it had planned for a December 7 issue that Woods might have been
cheating on his wife), Woods crashed his Cadillac Escalade into a fire hydrant just outside his
home at 2:30 a.m. (Bacon and Busbee 2010). In the days following Tiger’s accident, this “once
squeaky-clean golf star’s reputation and marriage to Elin Nordegren imploded in a sex scandal
that featured escorts, salacious text messages and no fewer than 12 women claiming to have slept
with Woods” (Leonard, Helling and Marx 2013). Woods admitted to adultery and spent 45 days
in a rehab facility for sex addiction (Bacon and Busbee 2010). Disgraced, Woods has worked to
rebuild his relationship with his young son and daughter. By 2012, he had started dating Lindsey
Vonn, an American skiing star and Olympic gold medalist, but they broke up in 2015.
An athlete who has an extramarital affair is fairly common and not surprising, considering
how many nonathletes also have such affairs. But when this extramarital affair is initially linked
with accusations of rape, sexual deviance takes on a far more serious connotation. Such is the case
with Kobe Bryant, an NBA player who forever had his reputation tarnished by many sports fans
as well as non-sports fans following a Colorado woman’s public accusation that he raped her. The
Bryant sex scandal is especially complicated for fans who still revere him as a sports hero (as men-
tioned in Chapter 4) and must therefore take him at his word that the extramarital affair he had
in Colorado was consensual and not rape. The incident in question occurred on June 30, 2003,
when Bryant flew to Eagle, Colorado, to undergo arthroscopic surgery. The next afternoon, a 19-
year-old woman working at Bryant’s hotel filed criminal charges against him, claiming he had sex-
ually assaulted her the night before. Bryant initially denied that he raped her or even touched her
but later admitted to having consensual sex with her (Markovitz 2006). The charges were eventually
dropped because the woman was unwilling to testify. When the woman filed a civil suit against
Bryant the prosecutors received a blow to their case because it helped the defense to claim that
her charges were driven by greed, not justice. Bryant made a statement claiming that he truly
believed the sex was consensual. So, while Bryant’s on-the-court exploits have led him to be included
in conversations about his place among the NBA greatest players, his off-the-court behavior has
led to a legion of sports fans (and non-sport fans) who view him in a negatively in light of his sex
scandal.
Parents of youth athletes may also be involved in sex scandals. For example, in 2003, a parent
took members of the Massapequa High School (NY) varsity baseball team on a late-night visit to
a Florida strip club. Coaches were dismissed and players disciplined for violating the school and
athletic department’s code of conduct (Eltman 2003). Taking under-aged youths to a strip club
reinforces the objectification of women that many teenage boys have already developed. If high
school athletes are allowed to get away with deviant sexual behavior, they will expect to get away
with other deviant behaviors in college. In turn, professional athletes often possess an even higher
elevated sense of entitlement. In fact, some professional athletes have “groupies” in every city
where they play, which reinforces their sense of entitlement with women.
Deviant sex parties, where women are objectified, occur throughout sports. For example,
during the 2005 NFL season, some members of the Minnesota Vikings were “accused of partic-
ipating in a floating orgy so debauched, Caligula would have blushed” (Rushin 2005: 19). On
October 6, 17 Vikings and their guests arrived in coach limousines to the shore of Lake Minnetonka
where they then boarded two yachts. The outing was part of the team’s annual rookie party (Silver
and Dohrmann 2005). Among the alleged activities reported to police were possible acts of pros-
titution, drugs and live sex acts (Rushin 2005). Minnesota Governor Tim Pawlenty told the Min-
neapolis Star Tribune that he doesn’t expect the Vikings to be role models but he does expect them
to abide by the basic laws of the state (Rushin 2005). In December 2005, four Vikings players
were charged with misdemeanors alleging lewd or indecent conduct. Among the allegations were
players receiving lap dances from naked women (Chanen and Shaffer 2005). Young athletes learn
about this behavior of professional athletes and the cycle of objectification of women continues
on to the next generation of athletes.
Cheerleaders are also capable of deviant behavior. On November 6, 2005, two Carolina Pan-
thers cheerleaders (Top Cats) were arrested after a nightclub incident. The two cheerleaders
(Angela Keathley and Victoria Renee Thomas) were having sex with each other in a bathroom
stall at the Banana Joe’s nightclub in Tampa, Florida. Other patrons became angry waiting to use
the restroom and complained to the two women when they finally exited the stall. Keathley got
into an argument with one of the other patrons and then punched her in the face, according to
police reports (Poltilove 2005). In January 2006, Keathley pleaded guilty to disorderly conduct
and obstructing a police officer. Thomas denies the sex allegations. The incident occurred 11 hours
before the kickoff of the Panthers’ NFL game against the Tampa Bay Buccaneers. The two cheer-
leaders were in Tampa on their own, as the Top Cats perform only at home games. This incident
is further evidence that anyone involved in sport is capable of committing acts of deviance.
There are times where the athlete is the victim. There are some “groupies” who hope to land
a young successful athlete before he turns professional (or while he is a professional athlete) in an
attempt to live the “good life.” In 1999, a football player at Arizona State University was confronted
with a rather bizarre form of marriage “entrapment.” J. R. Redmond was suspended by the NCAA
for one game for violating its “extra-benefits” rules. He used a cell phone from a part-time athletic
department employee who later pointed out to Redmond that he had just violated NCAA rules.
She promised to keep the infraction quiet if Redmond agreed to marry her. Redmond married
her but then filed for divorce when she claimed half his future earnings in the NFL (USA Today
11/2/99).
These are just a few examples of sexual deviance in sport. Perhaps more alarming is criminal
activity committed by athletes and others in the sport profession.
Athletes and Deviance and Crime

Just as athletes may engage in deviant acts on-the-field, they may also be involved in deviant
behaviors off-the-field. Athletes may also engage in criminal activities off-the-field. By definition,
a deviant behavior that violates a law constitutes a crime. The sports media report criminal activity
committed by athletes as if they are publishing a “police blotter.”
People in the sports industry have been involved in deviant and criminal activities off-the-
field for as long as there have been sports. However, in recent decades the number of athletes,
sports agents, coaches and owners involved in criminal activity has seemingly skyrocketed. One
merely has to listen to a SportsCenter broadcast, read a daily newspaper’s sport section, or go online
to find examples of crime in sports. The crimes range from misdemeanor offenses to felonies and
include racketeering, fraud, extortion, murder, murder-for-hire, disorderly conduct, drug sale and
distribution, spousal abuse, threatening people with weapons, running prostitution rings and so
on. Some sport commentators argue that athletes committing crimes was as common in the past
as it is presently, but that there were control mechanisms designed to protect the special privilege
of athletes in the past that do not exist today. Thus, there only appear to be more crimes committed
by athletes today than in the past.
It would be pointless to try to provide a complete list of deviant and criminal activities that
involves athletes’ off-the-field; however, we will provide a brief description of a number of exam-
ples below:
• In 2009, Plaxico Burress, a wide receiver for the New York Giants, was indicted on two
counts of criminal possession of a weapon and one count of reckless endangerment after he
accidentally shot himself in the leg at a New York nightclub (Eligon 2009). He pleaded guilty
to a weapons violation charge and was sentenced to two years in prison (he would have faced
3.5 years on the original charges).
• In August 2014, San Francisco 49ers linebacker Aldon Smith was suspended by the NFL for
nine games following a series of incidents: he pleaded “no contest” to drunken driving and
weapons charges; after being randomly selected at Los Angeles International Airport, Smith
became uncooperative with TSA agents and claimed he had a bomb (surprisingly no charges
were filed for what could have been federal offenses); and having pled guilty to three felony
counts of illegal possession of an assault weapon stemming from a June 2012 party at his home
(The Citizen 8/30/14).
• Tennessee Titans running back Shonn Greene was arrested (October 2014) in a suburban
Nashville community for allegedly parking in a handicapped space and speeding away in his lux-
ury car as an officer was issuing a citation (The Citizen 10/26/14).
• As referenced in Chapter 4, swimming sensation Michael Phelps was suspended for six
months by USA Swimming because of his second DUI arrest in September 2014 (The Citizen
10/7/14). In December 2014, Phelps avoided jail time by admitting his guilt in a court of law;
he was placed on probation for 18 months.
• In December 2014, Washington Nationals outfielder Jayson Werth was sentenced to 10 days
in jail for driving 105 mph on the Beltway (Sports Illustrated 12/15/14).
• At the start of the 2014 NFL season, 29 players were sidelined for violations ranging from
recreational drug use, consuming fertility drugs, possession of unregistered firearms, strip club
shootings, DUI manslaughter to domestic violence (The Post-Standard 9/4/14; Sports Illus-
trated 8/4/14).
• There are a number of collegiate athletes who care more about sports participation and
maintaining eligiblility than they care about academics. To this end, a number of colleges are
facing major blows to their reputation. At Notre Dame, four football players were barred from
practice and games following an investigation into “suspected academic dishonesty” after allega-
tions surfaced that someone had done course work for them (The Citizen 8/16/14). The biggest
current academic scandal has taken place at the University of North Carolina (UNC). Follow-
ing an investigation, the school found widespread academic fraud, primarily in the African
American Studies department, that ran unchecked for nearly two decades and involved more
than 3,100 students—about half of whom were athletes—taking sham classes and earning arti-
ficially high grades, while poor oversight allowed the problem to worsen (The Post-Standard
10/26/14).
• At Indiana University six players had reportedly failed a drug test or had been arrested, cited
or mentioned in police reports involving alcohol between February and November 2014
(Rosenberg 2014). A college football recruiting excursion at Army resulted in 20 cadets being
disciplined following the academy’s investigation that found several violations of the cadet dis-
ciplinary code and NCAA rules. The violations included underage drinking, inappropriate use
of a police escort and misuse of NCAA recruiting host funds (The Citizen 10/29/14).
• Sometimes, it appears as though crime pays. Such was the case for Dallas Cowboys running
back Joseph Randle, who was arrested in mid–October 2014 for shoplifting cologne and under-
wear. A week later, he signed an endorsement deal with a competing brand of skivvies (Sports
Illustrated 10/27/14).
• In November 2014, former MLB player Jose Canseco, a former steroid user and a primary ex-
athlete to shine the light on the rampant PED use in sport, announced that he was selling his
detached finger on eBay. A month earlier, Canseco had accidentally shot a finger off his hand.
He said he wanted to sell his finger and the .45-caliber Remington gun that shot it off. He had
not listed the items at the time of the announcement and eBay has a policy that forbids selling
both firearms and body parts.
• Minnesota Vikings star running back Adrian Peterson created quite a social debate among
people from many circles of life after he was indicted in September 2014 on a felony charge of
injury to a child after an incident that involved corporal punishment. Peterson used a tree
branch from his yard to whip his child for misbehaving. Peterson claimed he never intended to
harm his son but was simply disciplining him the way he had been as a child growing up in East
Texas. His son suffered cuts, marks and bruising to his thighs, back and one of his testicles,
according to court reports (The Citizen 11/5/14). While corporal punishment is on the decline
in much of the United States, it is still widely practiced by a number of people. Peterson was
ultimately sentenced to a form of probation after pleading no contest to a misdemeanor charge
of reckless assault (The Citizen 11/15/14). Once the court proceedings were finished, NFL
Commissioner Roger Goodell suspended Peterson, without pay, for (at least) the remainder of
the 2014 season. Peterson appealed the suspension but in December 2014 he was denied by a
league-appointed arbitrator’s ruling. Peterson has lost $4.1 million as part of the punishment
from the NFL even though he was not found guilty of any crimes. The NFLPA is expected to
appeal the arbitrator’s decision.
Unfortunately, this is merely a brief look at the deviant off-the-field transgressions of some
athletes. And while deviant and criminal acts may mar the reputation of athletes, schools, teams
and leagues, such incidents may also lead to important social discourse, as was the case with Peterson
and his use of corporal punishment. Athletes being suspended for recreational pot use is another
example of an “act of deviance” leading to social discourse; after all, the NFL has cities (currently
Denver and Seattle) located in states where residents can legally consume pot for recreational pur-
poses. In 2014, Alaska, Oregon, and the District of Columbia also legalized pot for recreational
purposes and 23 states now allow marijuana use for medical purposes. It should not come as a sur-
prise then that the NFL eased its pot rules (a threshold of 15 nanograms of carboxy THC per
milliliter of urine to 35 nanograms) during the mid–2014 season and reduced game suspensions
of some of its athletes (e.g., Josh Gordon of the Cleveland Browns). Gordon, who led the NFL
in receiving yards in 2013, had been suspended for the entire 2014 season but had his suspension
reduced to 10 games because he was a repeat offender of league rules. Apparently, Gordon is able
to catch a football even if he is a pot smoker.
Blood-Doping and Performance-Enhancing Drugs in Sport

Thus far in this chapter we have learned, among other things, that athletes consume recre-
ational drugs and can, at least in some cases, still perform at peak levels (e.g., Dock Ellis pitched
a no-hitter on acid and Josh Gordon led the NFL in receiving yards in 2013 as a regular pot smoker).
However, the purpose of recreational drugs is tied primarily toward relaxation (recreation) and
they are not perceived as substances that can improve athletic performance. Thus, while a number
of athletes are willing to turn to means other than athletic training in order to increase their per-
formance levels they generally do not turn to recreational drugs; instead, they may turn to blood-
doping and performance-enhancing drugs.
Blood-Doping
Blood-doping involves introducing an additional substance into an athlete’s body in the hopes
of improving performance. Unlike medical or recreational drugs, the substance introduced is the
athlete’s own blood. Blood doping is cheating and is a violation of fair play. Blood doping was
rampant during the Olympics of the 1970s. Many athletes were suspected and ultimately shown
to be guilty of this practice (Houlihan 1999). Although blood-doping was not officially considered
cheating by the IOC before 1986, it was considered cheating and dishonorable within the athletic
community (Voy 1991). The development of rEPO (recombinant erythropoietin), a synthetic
drug, has provided blood dopers with an alternative in drug form (Houlihan 1991).
Blood-doping is a process that involves taking two or more pints of an athlete’s own blood
(or that of a donor) about eight to twelve weeks before competition. Over this 8–12 week period,
the athlete’s body will gradually return to a normal level of red blood cells. However, the athlete
must increase his or her intake of food, vitamins, and iron (Voy 1991). The red blood cells from
the transfused blood are (usually) separated from the plasma and freeze-preserved, carefully stored,
and reinfused (injected) into the athlete about 24 hours before competition. This results in a sig-
nificant increase in the number of red blood cells in the body and the overall oxygen-carrying
capacity of the blood supply. Houlihan (1999) explains that the purpose of blood doping “is to
increase the capacity of the blood to transport oxygen to the muscles and it is based on the principle
that the amount of oxygen available to the muscles is determined by the quantity of red blood
cells in the body. Therefore, if the number of red blood cells can be increased, so too can the
volume of oxygen transported to the muscles during competition” (41). The increased level of
oxygen also increases endurance and therefore benefits athletes who participate in endurance-
related sports such as the 5000 and 10,000 meters swimming events.
The sudden increase in the units of blood or red blood cells can cause dangerously high
blood pressure, put the doper’s heart at risk for failure, and increase the risk for other types of
infections (Ramachandra et al. 2012). In some rare cases, total heart failure is possible. The
increased amount of blood may also cause clotting, which may also lead to serious and fatal health
problems (Voy 1991). Blood doping also involves the athlete being dependent upon a lot of persons
handling the transfused blood. With all the potential risks associated with blood transfusions
(e.g., AIDS infection), blood doping is a dangerous way to cheat in an attempt to gain an edge
over the competition. By 2004, the World Anti-Doping Agency had turned its attention to a far
more sophisticated form of doping—gene alteration. There are researchers developing plans to
genetically alter an athlete’s body for peak performance. Although it has not been accomplished
as of this writing, the Anti-Doping Agency is aware of the research being done in this area and is
prepared to stop genetically-altered athletes from competing in international sporting events
(Ruibal 2004).
And yet, many athletes are willing to risk almost anything, including their health and life, in
an attempt to gain an advantage over the competition. Taking performance-enhancing drugs is
among the most dangerous options.
Performance-Enhancing Drugs
As with most advanced societies, it is a part of American culture to strive and be the best.
Competition is very evident in sport. At any level, but especially the professional, success is always
measured in terms of winning. Winning is the ultimate goal. Society rewards winners with celebrity,
status, admiration and, of course, wealth. Success in sport, as with any social institution, is achieved
when someone gains an “edge” over the competition. In the pursuit of success, however, some
people are tempted to gain an unfair advantage, or edge, through illegal or unethical manners.
Athletes, because they want to achieve peak levels of performance, sometimes turn to techniques
other than training in order to achieve the success goal. Performance-enhancing drugs (PED),
such as anabolic steroids, have an aura of success and therefore pose as a temptation to competi-
tors.
The Aura of Success That Encompasses

Anabolic Steroids
Anabolic steroids are drugs that resemble androgenic hormones such as testosterone. “The
effects of anabolic steroids mimic those of testosterone. Naturally synthesized hormones, such as
testosterone, are types of lipids. They have a four-ring carbon skeleton and are synthesized in the
adrenal cortex, ovaries or testes. Production of testosterone takes place in the male testes and the
female ovaries; it is present in the male at significantly higher levels than in females, two of the
main effects being androgenic and anabolic” (Lenehan 2003: 2). An excessive amount of testos-
terone provides an athlete with an advantage over the competition. When this testosterone is
introduced to the body in an unnatural manner, it becomes a form of cheating. Floyd Landis, win-
ner of the 2006 Tour de France, was stripped of his championship when an international sports
court upheld doping charges against the cyclist. It was determined that Landis had taken an illicit
dose of testosterone to win the bicycle race that has been routinely subject to doping scandals.
Landis, however, was the first tour winner to be stripped of his title for a doping violation.
Testosterone’s main effects are androgenic, which controls the secondary sexual characteristics
in the male (e.g., deep voice and hair in the “growth areas”) and anabolic, which controls the
growth and development of many body tissues, the most obvious being muscles (Lenehan 2003).
Any anabolic steroid that builds up muscle tissue will also cause secondary sexual changes, and
therefore, as Lenehan (2003) suggests, steroids should really be referred to as anabolic-androgenic
steroids. Despite this reality, most people use the term “anabolic steroid.”
Anabolic steroids are synthetic versions of naturally occurring hormones. Athletes consume
steroids in hopes of gaining weight, strength, power, endurance and aggressiveness. The anabolic
effects help to accelerate the growth of muscle, bone and red blood cells. When combined with a
strenuous conditioning program, steroids do in fact aid the athlete in reaching the goal of added
strength, quickness, and bulk muscle.
Here is a theoretical model of how steroids work: the steroid hormone enters the cell and binds
to a receptor molecule; the bound hormone enters the nucleus and activates specific genes to produce
proteins; and these proteins, in turn, bring about the cellular changes triggered by the hormone.
The introduction of anabolic steroids into the body can have numerous unintended conse-
quences, such as upsetting one’s nitrogen balance, which can lead to a state of “catabolism” (the
negative nitrogen balance leads to muscle consumption). Protein is an essential element for building
muscle tissue. Muscle growth will occur under two conditions: (1) With heavy training and weight-
lifting, the testosterone binding capacity increases—aiding the athlete in reaching the goal of
added strength, quickness, and bulk muscle and (2) the body must retain more nitrogen (from
protein) than it loses through the ongoing process of nitrogen excretion. In short, taking anabolic
steroids represents an unnatural approach to muscle gain. Furthermore, steroids actually accomplish
what they advertise. The “typical” steroid user is a white male, 18 to 45 years old (but most likely
is between 25 and 30) who may have a part-time, minimum wage job and a minor criminal record
(Yesalis 1998). The obsession of young males with muscle gain and physical appearance has been
referred to as “reverse anorexia”—when one believes he is not muscular (enough), when a rational
person sees him as very muscular (Yesalis 1998).
It is against federal law to possess and distribute steroids in the United States unless it is
under direct medical supervision and for rehabilitative purposes. And yet, there are many athletes
who have fallen prey to the temptation of the aura of success that surrounds anabolic steroids.
Again, this should not come as a surprise to anyone as from the time of the ancient Aztec warriors
and Greek and Roman athletes, to the contemporary era, athletes have searched for a way to gain
an edge over their competition.
In the contemporary era, it is anabolic steroids that have the greatest lure. The prevalence of
steroids holds a dark cloud over a number of specific sports, including international cycling, track
and field, and American baseball. Steroid use and accusations of steroid use have been a part of
cycling since the 1960s. The Tour de France, the most prestigious of all international cycling
events, first started testing for steroids in 1966. A countless number of cyclists have been caught,
suspended and/or banned from international cycling since steroid and other PED testing first
began. The most notable violator of the Tour de France PED testing is American Lance Armstrong,
the winningest (seven straight titles) cyclist in Tour de France history. In an interview with Oprah
Winfrey in 2013, Armstrong finally admitted to taking steroids but still pointed out that he never
actually failed a drug test (National Public Radio 2013). When asked why he took steroids, Arm-
strong told Oprah that it was his “ruthless desire to win” that made him cheat. He also said that
he had to take steroids because his competitors were taking them (NPR 2013).
Many athletes in track and field have also been punished for their PED use. Marion Jones,
for example, an American track star, won five medals (three gold, two bronze) in the 2000 Olympic
Games in Sydney. Although Jones was an established international star at the time of the Sydney
Games (having won many medals, including gold at the 1997 World Championships in Athens
and the 1999 Championships in Seville; and gold medals at the 1998 Goodwill Games and Con-
tinental Cup), there were immediate accusations and claims by others in the world of track and
field that Jones had used steroids during Olympic play. Like Lance Armstrong years later, Jones
adamantly and defiantly argued that she was clean. Jones was also linked to the growing steroid
controversy surrounding BALCO (Bay Area Laboratory Co-Operative), marketer of THG—a
substance known as “the clear” by athletes who took steroids and needed a way to beat drug test-
ing—that was also linked to the growing MLB steroid scandal (CNN.com 2008). (BALCO
founder Victor Conte pleaded guilty to conspiracy and money laundering.) Jones was also involved
in a multi-million dollar check fraud scheme with Olympic gold medalist Timothy Montgomery
(the father of her first child) and Steve Riddick and more than a dozen other participants. Even-
tually, all these variables converged in 2003, when Jones pleaded guilty to charges of lying to a
federal agent about her steroid use and involvement with BALCO and attempts to defraud numer-
ous banks (CNN.com 2008). She was sentenced to six months in prison, then given two years of
probation and community service. She also had her Olympic medals stripped. Jones claimed that
her then-coach, Trevor Graham, first gave her steroids in 1999, telling her it was flaxseed oil. She
used “the clear” until 2001 to pass drug tests. Following the announcement of her sentencing,
Jones said, “People live with their choices and the choice not to play by the rules has been com-
pounded by the choice to break the law” (CNN.com 2008).
The pervasiveness of steroid use in Major League Baseball during the 1990s through the
contemporary era was so commonplace that this period has been dubbed the “Steroid Era.” Then
baseball commissioner Fay Vincent was aware of the growing use of steroids as early as 1991 when
he issued a memo stating that the possession, sale or use of any illegal drug or controlled substance
including steroids was strictly prohibited. The excitement of the Sammy Sosa (66) and Mark
McGwire (70) homerun chase in 1998 increased the popularity of the game. In 2001, a very buffed
Barry Bonds clobbered 73 homeruns. A posse of other power hitters followed and suddenly it was
obvious to all that something was going on. In 2003, Barry Bonds testified in the BALCO case
and claimed he had no idea that the substances he was taking were steroids (Quinn 2014). In
essence, Victor Conte helped to make Bonds the greatest hitter in the game and he turned Marion
Jones and Tim Montgomery into the fastest woman and man on the planet. In 2007, Bonds was
indicted on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice for allegedly lying (that he didn’t know
he was taking steroids) during his grand jury testimony. Three charges have been dropped due to
a hung jury, but his appeal of charges of perjury was still pending at this time. Bonds retired in
2007, but he, like all other perceived steroid users of their era, is likely to have difficulty gaining
entry into the Hall of Fame. Bonds was denied in his first year of eligibility.
At the time of this writing the 2015 MLB season loomed. Many fans of baseball and baseball
officials themselves would like to believe that the steroid era is over. But it may be premature to
call it dead, as the 2007 MVP, Alex Rodriguez (A-Rod), was set to return to baseball following a
year’s suspension because of his steroid and other PED use. A-Rod has admitted to PED use in
the past, denied PED use in later years, and finally admitted in a federal court that he had indeed
used PED during his 2007 season and subsequent years. Rodriguez also admitted to making pay-
ments totaling $900,000 to his cousin to keep quiet about his connection to Anthony Bosch and
his Biogenesis clinic, a South Florida clinic that supplied PED to many athletes (Elfrink and Garcia-
Roberts 2014; The Post-Standard 11/6/14). Numerous baseball players have been punished by
MLB because of their connection to Biogenesis, including Ryan Braun, Everth Cabrera, Nelson
Cruz, Fernando Martinez, Jesus Montero, Cesar Puello, and others.
The aura of success that surrounds anabolic steroid use has made stars out of athletes that
might never have achieved such levels of performance without cheating, but eventually, nearly all
big-name steroid users are punished one way or another.
Human Growth Hormone (HGH)

HGH is a synthetic human growth hormone that has generally been used as a therapy tech-
nique for nonathletes. Parents of short children have increasingly turned to HGH for their children
in an attempt to stimulate growth. If parents believe HGH will assist growth development in chil-
dren, it is just a matter of time before HGH is applied for other purposes. As Hoberman (2001)
suggests, “Inevitably, some parents will want HGH to boost the athletic potential of their children”
(115). HGH has become increasingly popular with athletes because it has the same aura of success
as steroids but is much harder to detect via drug testing. “HGH is an endogenous peptide hormone
involved in the regulation of a diverse of physiological processes including linear growth; protein,
carbohydrate, and lipid metabolism (which includes effects on body composition such as anabolic
and lipolytic actions); cardiovascular health; physical performance; and well being” (Evans-Brown
and McVeigh 2009: 268).
One of our first introductions to HGH in the sports world occurred in June 2005, when
Tim Montgomery, the world’s fastest man, told a federal grand jury that he used HGH and a
steroid-like “magic potion” provided by the alleged ringleader of the BALCO (Bay Area Laboratory
Cooperative) steroids scandal. The San Francisco Chronicle reported that Montgomery admitted
to a grand jury that Victor Conte gave him weekly doses of growth hormone and a steroid-like
drug known as “the clear” (because it is undetectable in drug tests) over an eight-month span
ending in the summer of 2001. Since this time, athletes have spent thousands of dollars to regularly
inject this drug in the hopes of increasing athletic performance.
Athletes who take any type of PED must also find a way to cheat the drug testing system
implemented by governing agencies. Minnesota Vikings player Onterrio Smith, who has a history
of violating the NFL’s substance-abuse policy, has a unique way to beat the system. He was briefly
detained by police at the Minneapolis–St. Paul International Airport on April 21, 2005, after a
search of his travel bag revealed suspicious vials of white powder. Smith explained to officers that
it was dried urine used in conjunction with a device called “The Original Whizzinator.” The dried
urine is used for making a “clean” urine (The Post-Standard, 5/12/05). The Whizzinator is a device
sold on a web site by a company called Puck Technologies in Signal Hill, California. It is worn
like a jock strap with a prosthetic penis attached to it (Hamilton 2005). The device comes in dif-
ferent sizes and “skin” colors. It is believed that the Whizzinator is used extensively in baseball as
well. Based on data collected analysis on the effectiveness of HGH testing, one does not need a
Whizzinator. HGH tests in sports around the globe analyzed at labs accredited by the World Anti-
Doping Agency in 2013 found zero positive test results; that’s right, not a single positive test (The
Citizen 11/7/14). In 2014, the NFL created a new HGH test for its players as part of its mandatory,
random HGH blood test. Time will tell if they catch anyone. If the tests continue to fail in
catching HGH users, expect the incidence of HGH use to increase.
Negative Aspects of Taking

Performance-enhancing Drugs
There’s a fundamental question to ask with regard to athletes who take performance-
enhancing drugs and that is, “Why shouldn’t athletes be allowed to take PED?” After all, humans
are always striving to be the best they can possibly be. We saw the moon and went there. We are
sending space probes into outer space and submarines to the deepest depths of the oceans, all
because our species has a desire to explore and conquer challenges. We put up with digital music
that modifies the true sound of instruments and voices and we enjoy movies and TV shows that
are also artificially-enhanced for our entertainment. We enjoy smartphones that can do things
most people couldn’t even have imagined a generation or two ago. In other words, we are always
trying to improve upon our seemingly natural limitations, so why shouldn’t we support willing
athletes who want to take PED to improve their performance? Currently, regardless of athletes’
willingness to take PED, sports governing bodies have a strict list of approved and unapproved
substances. As educators, we have to look at the big picture; however, when it comes to PED con-
sumption there are indeed a number of variables to consider.
First, because governing sports bodies regulate the use of PED it gives the user an unfair
advantage over the athletes who remain “clean.” Thus, we are not getting a true measurement of
competitive performance if one competitor is using PED and the other is not. This reality ties
directly to the second issue concerning the consumption of PED, namely, that athletes who are
on the “juice” are not having their natural (or “true”) athletic ability measured. Third, because it
is illegal to take banned PED, such as anabolic steroids, it is a form of cheating. Fourth, athletes
who cheat are violating ethical codes of proper behavior. Fifth, athletes who take PED and become
successful will have the ultimate effect of encouraging others to take PED, putting them at risk
for many of the medical problems associated with various PED. Sixth, while it is one thing for
other adults to take the assumed risk of taking PED, because athletes serve as role models to youth,
they may also be indirectly encouraging under-aged athletes. Seventh, that there are athletes who
are willing to cheat to get ahead is a reflection of a greater moral crisis in society, wherein people
from all walks of life are willing to cheat and harm others so long as they succeed. And finally, and
arguably the most important reason we should be concerned about athletes who take PED, is the
potential for medical harm to the users.
Anabolic steroids such as testosterone, progesterone, estradiol, zeranol and other growth
hormones do promote muscle growth and strength. However, prolonged use has been implicated
in breast, prostate and testicular cancer, heart disease, sexual and reproductive disorders, immun-
odeficiencies and liver damage, as well as abnormal growth and premature sexual development
in young girls. The Mayo Clinic (2014) provides an extensive list of the medical risks associated
with PED use. For example, anabolic steroid use may have the following serious side effects: for
men, prominent breasts, baldness, shrunken testicles, prostate gland enlargement, infertility, and
impotence; for women, a deeper voice, enlarged clitoris, increased body hair, baldness, and infre-
quent or absent periods; both men and women risk severe acne, increased risk of tendinitis and
tendon rupture, liver abnormalities and tumors, increased low-density of lipoprotein (LDL), cho-
lesterol (the “bad” cholesterol), high blood pressure, heart and circulatory problems, aggressive
behaviors (’roid rage or violence), psychiatric disorders such as depression, drug dependence, infec-
tions or diseases such as HIV or hepatitis if the user injects the drugs, and in teenagers, inhibited
growth and development, and risk of future health problems (Mayo Clinic 2014). (Note: To learn
more about the health risks of other PED visit the Mayo Clinic website listed in the Bibliogra-
phy.)
In addition to the fair play, moral, ethical, and health-related issues connected to PED use,
another fundamental question remains—can steroids actually affect a player’s ability to hit a home-
run? There has been no evidence to suggest that steroid use increases the hand-eye coordination
so critical in one’s ability to hit a ball. However, logic would dictate that a steroid-enhanced athlete,
because he or she is stronger, will be able to hit the ball farther because of increased strength and
power. In sports like football and rugby, where brute strength is often critical, it is easy to see how
steroids can affect play. In track, where victories are often measured in tenths or hundreds of sec-
onds, any little advantage is enormous.
Proponents of PED use suggest that the sport governing bodies that drug test their athletes
are actually violating the Fourth Amendment, which, among other things, protects persons against
unreasonable searches and seizures. Sport governing bodies, however, have taken the perspective
that, if athletes are unwilling to protect themselves and the integrity of the game, they will step
in and make rules; violators of these rules will be treated as deviants and punished.
The authors believe that athletes will continue to take performance-enhancing drugs in the
future (for as long as the “winning is everything” doctrine remains dominant) despite the negative
message they send youngsters, the unethical nature of taking steroids, the possible negative con-
sequences of poor health (including possible death), suspension and expulsion from the sport,
and possible jail time. Furthermore, we believe that the next wave of performance-enhancing tech-
niques is just beginning to emerge. What is this next wave? Genomics. Genomics involves the
genetic manipulation of one’s DNA (Deoxyribonucleic acid), the chemical compound that con-
tains the instructions needed to develop and direct the activities of nearly all living organisms
(National Human Genome Research Institute 2014). Each DNA strand consists of four chemical
units, called nucleotide bases, which make up the genetic “alphabet.” An organism’s complete set
of DNA is called a genome. “Virtually every single cell in the body contains a complete copy of
the approximately 3 billion DNA base pairs, or letters, that make up the human genome” (National
Human Genome Research Institute 2014). Genomics has great implications for medical science
(and eventually, for athletic competition) as virtually every human ailment has some basis in our
genes. The medical profession has been conducting research, especially via the Human Genome
Project, in order to treat birth defects and a limited number of diseases. It may only be a matter
time before medical scientists can manipulate our chemical make-up in order to fight disease and
prolong life expectancy. If the medical profession can do all that, it seems reasonable to consider
that this technology will find its way in the sports world. And if sports governing bodies find it
hard to test for HGH, testing for genomics-enhancement may be all but impossible.
Gambling
Nearly all of us have participated in some form of gambling, whether it involves purchasing
a lottery ticket, playing church bingo, placing a bet at the track (or at an off-track location), casino
gambling, playing cards for money, or making bets with friends, coworkers, or family members.
Gambling among friends and co-workers is often called recreational gambling. A good example
of recreational gambling involves a group of friends playing poker for minimum stakes or placing
a small wager on a game.
The idea of recreational gambling, however, has taken on a far more serious tone as major
casinos and governments, both local and state, are figuratively pushing gambling in our faces.
Everywhere we turn, there seems to be an opportunity to gamble. This all began relatively simply
enough with casinos in Nevada and then Atlantic City. The Indian Gaming Regulatory Act of
1988 triggered the spread of casinos on Indian reservations. Most state governments promote gam-
bling via legalized lotteries; they justify their actions by claiming that lotteries help to generate
increased revenues. (This seems to be a flawed sense of logic as people would have spent the money
on something more tangible such as consumer goods or services.) As of 2008, only two states had
no legalized gambling whatsoever—that includes no lotteries, horse-racing, dog-racing, jai-alai or
casinos—Utah and Hawaii. Just two decades before, only two states had legal gambling. At present,
both Utah and Hawaii are considering legal forms of gambling as a means to generate state revenue.
Many states have allowed the installation of a new generation of high-tech slot machines at race
tracks and off-track betting (OTB) parlors creating “racinos”—slots at raceways. There is a growing
trend of these racinos to include table games such as blackjack, poker and roulette.
Indian casinos continue to pop up throughout the United States and Canada. Many Indian
tribes believe that legalized gambling on their reservations will help to eliminate the extreme
poverty that many of their people face. There are 470 Indian gaming operations in the United
States operated by 242 tribes (there are 565 federally-recognized tribes in the United States) in
28 of the 50 states and they pulled in nearly $30 billion (500 Nations.com 2014; National Indian
Gaming Commission 2013). When controlling for casino gaming only, which generated $27.4 bil-
lion in 2011, Indian casinos accounted for 43 percent of U.S. total casino gambling wagering; rev-
enue at commercial casinos account for 45 percent; and, racinos, the remaining 12 percent (Singer
2013). U.S. lottery sales totaled an additional $78 billion in 2012, with New Yorkers leading the
way at $6.2 billion, followed by Massachusetts with sales of $4.5 billion (North American Asso-
ciation of States and Provincial Lotteries 2014).
Gambling in Sports
At major casinos, especially those found in Nevada and Atlantic City, gambling is not limited
to card games, roulette wheels, slots, and dice; there are also sport books, where gamblers can
legally place bets on a wide variety of sporting events. In 1992, Congress made almost all sports
gambling illegal, believing that the substantial sums wagered on sporting events are potential
threats to the integrity of the competition. Sport books in Nevada and Atlantic City were “grand-
fathered” (meaning they were exempted from the legislation) (Will 2000). Sport gamblers can bet
on individual ball games or a combination of games (parleys), car races, tennis matches, and so
on. During the Super Bowl there are so many gambling options that people can even bet on the
coin toss (heads or tails).
The method that one uses to place a sports bet depends on whether the gambler is betting
legally or illegally. Legal sport gambling options include off track betting outlets and the wide
variety of casinos that exist throughout the United States. If a gambler bets illegally, as most sports
gamblers do, the wagering behaviors are altered radically, as the gambler must find a bookie in
order to place a bet. As Best and Luckenbill (1994) explain, whenever a good or service is forbidden
but the demand for it continues, an illicit market will emerge. Placing a bet with a bookie is risky,
primarily because of the criminal nature of such betting and the fact that the gambler has to trust
the bookie to pay off a winning bet. Losing a bet to a bookie and being unable to pay off the debt
is also risky and may result in physical harm.
Many people like to gamble on sports. In the U.S. people especially enjoy betting on profes-
sional football. A significant amount of the NFL’s popularity is connected to gambling. Football
is practically designed for gamblers, as the once-a-week format of football heightens the significance
of each game to players (and fans). Gamblers watch the point spreads, track injury reports (which
the NFL is requited to provide to the media), and keep an eye on the weather to see if it may inter-
fere with playing condition (e.g., heavy rainfall may lead to more turnovers). The media (television,
radio, and newspaper) promote gambling by discussing betting lines and point spreads and hosting
gambling shows designed to give the gambler an “edge.” It comes as no surprise to sports fans that
gambling is a big part of sports; surely league officials are also aware of this reality.
Obviously, gambling involves risk-taking behavior on the part of the gamblers. The risks
involve the understandable—you may lose your bet—to the not so apparent (e.g., when an athlete
takes a “dive”). Gamblers have no idea when athletes may be on the take or willing to compromise
their behavior. For example, it was recently revealed that former professional tennis player Andrea
Jaeger (who is now a nun) purposely lost the 1983 Wimbledon women’s final. Jaeger admits to
feeling guilty for interrupting her Wimbledon finals opponent Martina Navratilova’s prematch
ritual the night before the match. To make amends, Jaeger (who was then ranked 3rd in the world)
claims that she missed several shots on purpose and often hit the ball right at Martina (Sports Illus-
trated, July 14–21, 2008). This story merely serves as an introduction to the many risks involved
with gambling.
Historically, sport leagues have forbidden athletes from gambling and there are many rules
and regulations athletes must abide by with regard to gambling. The NCAA, for example, has a
very strict policy against all forms of gambling—legal and illegal—on college sports. The NCAA
(2014d) “specifically prohibits coaches, administrators and student-athletes from gambling on any
sports even or providing information to anyone gambling on sports.” The NCCA justifies this
policy by claiming that “sports gambling threatens the well-being of student-athletes and the
integrity of the game. The NCCA works to preserve sportsmanship and to provide every student-
athletes with the opportunity to win fairly” (NCAA 2014d).
The major sports leagues all fine and suspend players who gamble and their punishments
increase if they are repeat offenders. Professional sports leagues do not take violating the gambling
rules lightly, as evidenced by MLB’s stand against Pete Rose. Rose is considered one of the best
baseball players ever, having retired with a record 4,256 hits. However, he received a lifetime ban
from the sport when it was revealed that he was betting on his own team. While managing the
Cincinnati Reds, Rose was accused of betting on a large number of games. Former Baseball Com-
missioner Peter Ueberroth and his successor, A. Bartlett Giamatti, initiated a formal investigation,
which was run by attorney John Dowd. In 1989 the Dowd Report claimed that in 1987 Rose had
bet on no fewer than 52 Reds games, at a minimum of $10,000 a game. To bet on a single game
would have been enough to cause his expulsion from baseball. While vigorously denying this, Rose
voluntarily accepted a permanent place on baseball’s ineligible list (Delaney 2007). In his 2004
autobiography, melodramatically entitled My Prison Without Bars, he finally admitted that he did
indeed bet on Reds games, but stated he had never bet against the Reds (which would have made
him liable for criminal prosecution). Rose is the all-time MLB leader in hits but was placed on the
“ineligible list” for Hall of Fame induction due to his alleged gambling on sports—something he
has continued to deny. The commissioner’s office feels that it has ample evidence of Rose’s gambling
involvement and has (basically) been waiting for Rose to admit his guilt and apologize publicly.
This impasse has been going on since 1986, Rose’s final season as a player. The rules for entry into
MLB’s Hall of Fame state that a player must have been retired for at least five years but no more
than 20 to be eligible for election. He has yet to be reinstated into MLB or become eligible for
the MLB Hall of Fame.
Rose is certainly not the only athlete to be punished by a sport governing body but he remains
one of highest profile cases. As of 2015, Rose had been in baseball exile for over 25 years with no
sign of his being reinstated into MLB or declared eligible for the MLB Hall of Fame. There are
many people in the public and the media who believe it is time to reinstate Rose, and yet MLB
has remained steadfast on its lifetime ban decision.
With cries for Rose’s reinstatement and in light of the growing popularity of online gambling
(E-gambling), e-sport (organized video gaming competitions), and sanctioned fantasy sports
leagues, one might wonder if the sports leagues will change their respective positions on gambling.
(Note: online gambling, e-sport and fantasy sports will be discussed in Chapter 16.) We have, after
all witnessed a growing acceptance of gambling, on sports and otherwise, for decades now. MLB
Hall of Famers Mickey Mantle and Willie Mays were once banned from baseball for associating
with gamblers—no, they did not bet or aid betters—they simply shook hands with gamblers as
Atlantic City casino greeters (The Citizen 11/15/14). Professional sports are now considering
removing the zero tolerance policy for gambling and are steadily moving toward accepting betting
on their games in part, because of the futility in fighting it and partly because they want to cash
in on it (The Citizen 11/15/14).
As evidence of this shifting perspective, Adam Silver, the commissioner of the NBA, wrote
an op-ed piece in The New York Times, November 13, 2014, detailing why sports gambling should
be allowed and concluding with this statement, “I believe that sports betting should be brought
out of the underground and into the sunlight where it can be appropriately monitored and regu-
lated” (Silver 2014). In his opinion piece, Silver describes how, despite legal restrictions, sports
betting is widespread and is a thriving underground business that operates free from regulation or
oversight. Silver points out that there is no solid data on the volume of illegal sports betting activity
in the United States, but estimates put the figure at $400 billion wagered annually. Silver further
cites domestic and global trends on sports betting that should lead to legalized sports gambling
with strict regulatory requirements and technological safeguards. He also pushes the point that
he wants to ensure the integrity of the game, but leans toward legalizing gambling on sports, espe-
cially within the NBA (Silver 2014).
Problems Associated with Gambling

Adam Silver makes some good points, as it does seem futile to fight the tidal wave of sports
gambling conducted illegally and perhaps it is logical to bring gambling out of the underground
and into the open arena where safeguards can be put into place to maintain the integrity of the
game. However, critics of expanded legalized gambling worry that the United States is on its way
to becoming “one large chapter of Gamblers Anonymous” (The Post-Standard, 5/26/04: A-12).
There are many issues to consider when considering further legalization of gambling, particularly
sports gambling. On the one hand, most people gamble low stakes and can absorb the defeat if
their bet loses. On the other hand, people who make large bets and cannot really afford to lose are
bound to face harsh economic realities as it becomes easier to gamble away one’s small, or large,
fortune. As billionaire CEO of Las Vegas Sands Corp. Sheldon Adelson states, “Click your mouse,
lose your house” (Forbes 2013). And therein lies the heart of gambling problem—the deck is always
stacked in favor of the “house,” the gambling house, that is. (Note: The odds of winning a Powerball
jackpot are 140 million to 1.) In other words, most people lose when they gamble and few of them
can afford to lose significant amounts of money.
Adelson also warns of a “societal train wreck waiting to happen,” referring to the predicted
wave of new gambling participants that will spur an increase in the number of gambling addicts
(Forbes 2013). Adelson is justified in his concern over an increased number of gambling addicts,
as there are already a large number of people who have a gambling problem. The National Council
on Problem Gambling (2014) provides the following risk factors for problem gamblers: male, ath-
lete, 18–24 years, substance use/abuse, easy access to gambling and money, family history of addic-
tion, belief in own skill, belief in luck/superstition, racial/ethnic minority, gamble illegally, early
onset, early big win, and highly competitive.
Some problem gamblers become compulsive or pathological gamblers. Lesieur (1998) explains
that a “problem gambler” is someone who has less serious problems than a pathological gambler.
Whereas not all problem gamblers are pathological gamblers, all pathological gamblers are problem
gamblers. Normally, the term “compulsive gambler” is used by the general public while the term
“pathological gambler” is used by treatment professionals. “Pathological gambling” is classified as
an “impulse control disorder” rather than a compulsion (Shafer 2003). Research has shown that
the prevalence of problem and pathological gambling has grown in states where the availability
of gambling has increased and that pathological gambling is more common among males, youths,
and minority populations (Volberg 1994, 1996).
Pathological gamblers face several social and economic costs. Many may declare bankruptcy,
and for others their gambling-related debts are often extreme. The pathological gambler’s financial
burden is extended to the family. The mortgage, the rent, gas, electric and other bills may be paid
late or not at all. The pathological gambler’s employment can also be hampered, either by missing
work or arriving late, leaving early or sneaking out to place a bet. Between 69 and 76 percent of
pathological gamblers report having missed time from work due to gambling (Ladouceur, Boisuert,
Pepin, Loranger and Sylvain 1994). Pathological gambling may lead to a number of illegal activities
such as embezzling at work, forging checks, bouncing checks to cover gambling debts, lying on
tax returns, committing fraud, and initiating a host of other illegal activities. Furthermore, the
stress from gambling may lead to depression and anxiety, and impulsivity (Shafer 2003). In extreme
cases the pathological gambler may commit suicide when debts reach an extreme level. There is
some hope for pathological gamblers—“Gamblers Anonymous,” for instance, is an organization
specifically designed to help them break their gambling habits. Patterned after the Alcoholics
Anonymous program, Gamblers Anonymous is designed to help identify pathological gamblers
and then to help them combat their deviant obsession.
Many other social problems are associated with gambling. The large number of youth par-
ticipating in gambling is alarming. According to Unity Point Health (Illinois Institute for Addic-
tion Recovery) (2014), 80 percent of adolescents between ages 12 and 17 say that they have gambled
in the last 12 months; and more than 35 percent say they gamble at least once a week. Youth gam-
blers generally begin gambling by making simple bets, such as afternoon poker games, a sports bet,
or a 50–50 drawing. Once the youth begins to gamble, it is important to observe for the problem
gambling risk factors described above. Another concern with youth gambling is their unrestricted
access to the Internet, which provides ample opportunities for online gambling.
E-gambling itself is of concern to the U.S. government because much of online gambling is
done by setting up bank accounts in foreign banks and gambling with that money. As a result, the U.S.
government becomes increasingly concerned because of lost tax revenue. “Although all types of gam-
bling are controversial in some circles, Internet gambling may be more so because, though illegal in
many states, operators can circumvent the law and state regulators by going ‘off-shore.’ Some experts
also contend that Internet games encourage compulsive, addictive behavior that wreaks havoc on
family finances” (Kuehn 2005: 15). Most people pay off an offshore gambling debt (e-gambling)
with a credit card. However, in 2006, President George W. Bush signed into law a bill that makes
it illegal for banks and credit-card companies to settle payments for online gambling sites.
Among the many fallacies upheld by those who promote gambling is the idea that economic
windfalls are so abundant that everyone benefits. However, most casino jobs are low-wage, high
turnover positions. Crime, once synonymous with Las Vegas and Atlantic City gambling, is still a
feature of gambling. Con games and rigged card games and gambling devices (e.g., slot machines) also
exist. Gambling winners may be victimized by robbery from street criminals. On many Indian reser-
vations that host casinos, there is actually an increase in social problems (e.g., alcohol abuse, crime,
neglect and abuse of children and spouses, and missed work days). Indian casino gambling has
not led to an improvement in the quality of life for most members of participating gaming tribes.
An even bigger economic concern is the fact that gambling does not produce any tangible prod-
ucts for society. It merely provides a means for people to spend money gambling instead of buying
consumer products. After all, most people have a limited amount of “disposable income” and if they
lose it gambling, they cannot support other legitimate businesses like restaurants and retail stores.
As we have learned in this chapter, the institution of sport is not immune to unethical, illegal,
or deviant forms of behavior. Most people involved with sport recognize this and either live with
it, or are trying to change it for the better. It is important to note, however, that for all the focus
upon deviancy in sport, sportsmanship is not dead. It remains very much an ideal by which athletes,
coaches, referees, owners and fans are judged by society as a whole.

Box 8: The Golden Eagle’s Crash Landing
When it comes to the topic of deviancy it would be hard to find a more appropriate popular
culture reference than the 2014 film Foxcatcher, directed by Bennett Miller. Based on the true story
of John E. du Pont (an heir to the multi-million dollar du Pont fortune) and his obsession with
coaching an Olympic wrestling team, Foxcatcher (named after Foxcatcher Farm, the Du Pont family
home in a wealthy suburb of Philadelphia) was one of the most successful and award-winning
films of 2014, especially for the unsettling depiction of du Pont by Steve Carell, previously known
for his comedic turns on such television programs as The Daily Show and The Office, and films
such as The-Forty-Year-Old Virgin, Evan Almighty, and Despicable Me. Almost unrecognizable in
heavy makeup (including a preposterously large nose which in fact was very similar in size and
shape to the actual du Pont’s proboscis), Carell gives a tour de force performance as a man whose
deviant behavior becomes progressively more pronounced. However, given his vast wealth, this is
ignored or excused until it is too late.
John Eleuthère du Pont (1938–2010) was a gawky, ungainly, and disturbing man with, apparently,
few friends who lived most of his life with his divorced mother in a huge mansion. Fascinated by
birds and mollusks, he was also a noted stamp collector and was respected as a scholar in the areas
of ornithology, conchology, and philately. His areas of study in these cases did not involve human
subjects. Unfortunately, this was not the case with his other great interest—namely sports, partic-
ularly wrestling. He fancied himself to be an expert in the field, even though he never played the
game himself. However, like many people of great wealth, he made a name for himself as a phi-
lanthropist and supporter of the sport, giving huge amounts of money over the years to the USA
Wrestling organization. In addition, he was an enthusiast for the pentathlon, a sporting activity
consisting of five events going back to Ancient Greek times and featured in the original Olympic
games, although du Pont’s interest was in the version invented by Pierre de Coubertin (who as
mentioned in Chapter 3 revived the Olympics in modern times) involving shooting, swimming,
fencing, equestrianism, and cross country running. It was the first of these, shooting, that partic-
ularly fascinated du Pont and he had a shooting ring installed on Foxcatcher Farms, where it was
not unusual to see him walking around armed.
The tragic events detailed in Foxcatcher have to do with du Pont’s desire to fund and coach
a wrestling team that would qualify for the Olympic Games. He contacted, out of the blue, Mark
Schultz, a young man who had won an Olympic gold medal in 1984. Schultz, although a great ath-
lete, was having financial troubles, and was unable to capitalize on his success. Upon seeing the
lavish facilities that du Pont had erected to train his private wrestling team (known as “Team Fox-
catcher”) Schultz is glad to sign on board, and becomes one of du Pont’s favorites. But it soon
transpires that du Pont’s real motive is to have Mark entice his older and more successful brother
Dave (also a gold medalist) to join the team. Dave, however, unlike Mark, is settled down with a
wife and kids, and has no desire to pull up stakes and move to Philadelphia, let alone live at the
beck and call of du Pont, whom he finds creepy and unpleasant to be around. In particular, du
Pont’s grandiose vision of himself (he demands to be called “the Golden Eagle” and keeps talking
about wanting to restore America to its proper glory) definitely rub Dave the wrong way.
Even though Mark is well compensated financially by du Pont for being a member of the
team, the relationship between the two becomes decidedly unhealthy. Du Pont, who has access to
many illegal drugs, encourages Mark to join him in taking cocaine, and the wrestler is soon addicted.
He also begins to reveal unsavory details about his private tormented life to Mark, including the
fact that du Pont’s mother (icily played by Vanessa Redgrave), when John was a child, paid other
children to be his friend. But when Mark starts rebuffing du Pont’s overtures and makes it clear to
him that he is unwilling and unable to enlist Dave to join the team, du Pont is enraged. Gradually
Mark’s already shaky sense of self-worth is deeply damaged by this bizarre treatment.
As du Pont had predicted, money has a way of overcoming qualms, and eventually Dave does
move his family to the vast du Pont estate. At first he hopes that he is mistaken in his initial opinion,
and he is grateful to du Pont for helping out his younger brother, who was adrift and needing of
guidance. However, it soon becomes clear that Mark—who turns away from his brother and slides
further into a lifestyle of addiction—is unlikely to qualify for the 1988 Summer Olympics in Seoul.
Dave, being a true leader and a loyal brother, steps in and helps Mark get back into shape and out
of the downward spiral that was leading him into despair. Most importantly, Dave makes sure that
du Pont stays far away from his brother, as he recognizes the unhealthy influence that he has had
on the young man. Mark makes the Olympic team after all (although he loses his match in Seoul)
and decides to leave Foxcatcher Farms upon his return—a wise decision, it soon turns out.
Sadly, Dave (who is now financially dependent upon du Pont) does not listen to Mark’s pleas
that he should leave as well. Du Pont (the death of whose mother has caused him to become even
more unhinged) agrees to support Dave’s preparation for future Olympic gold.
On January 26, 1996, John du Pont, with his bodyguard next to him, drove up to Dave’s
home on his property. When Dave approached the car, du Pont pointed his gun at him and fired
three shots with his .44 caliber handgun, before driving off and heading back to his mansion.
Dave’s wife witnessed the shooting, and cradled her dying husband in her arms. For two days du
Pont holed up in his home with his private arsenal of weapons (including machine guns) around
him, as a SWAT team surrounded the place. He finally surrendered and was arrested for first degree
murder. At his trial he pleaded “not guilty by reason of insanity” and his defense attorneys argued
that he was mentally incompetent and a paranoid schizophrenic. He was eventually found guilty
of third degree murder and sentenced to 13 to 30 years in prison. He died in jail in 2010, after
numerous attempts to be paroled.
Foxcatcher is a sad story of man whose deviant behavior causes untold suffering for many
people, including himself. In many ways his great wealth shields him from the help that he might
otherwise have gotten, since those financially dependent upon him—including the members of
“Team Foxcatcher”—put up with his erratic behavior for fear that they would lose his financial
support if they questioned him. According to court testimony, “du Pont had held a loaded machine
gun to the chest of another wrestler, removed treadmills and bicycles from his estate because he
thought their clocks were sending him backward in time and shot a group of nesting geese because
he believed they were casting spells on him” (Cormier 2015). And yet most of the members of the
team, including Dave Schultz, remained in his employ even though they were aware of this.
But most of all, Foxcatcher is a story of great athlete, mentor, coach and family member,
Dave Schultz, whose life is inexplicably ended by a man who more than anything craved to play
exactly those same roles but demonstrated in fact their polar opposites.
Summary
All sports are guided by numerous rules and regulations. How these are enforced, and whether
they are good or bad, remain topics of debate, but if rules and regulations are broken, there will
be sanctions and punishments. Social learning takes place through a three-step process: acquisition,
instigation and maintenance of an observed behavior.
There are a number of sociological and psychological explanations for deviant behavior.
Sociological theories are grounded by the belief that deviance is caused by environmental factors.
These include the functionalist and anomie/strain theory, subculture/cultural deviance theory,
social learning and differential association theory, labeling theory, and conflict theory.
Types of deviant behavior associated with sport include on-the-field infractions, off-the-field
acts committed by athletes, owners, referees and fans, the use of performance-enhancing drugs, and
illegal gambling. And while deviant and criminal acts may mar the reputation of athletes, schools,
teams and leagues, such incidents may also lead to important social discourse and social changes.
Illegal drug usage is one of the most serious types of deviant sport behavior. Restorative and
recreational drugs have been used to make players feel better and to enhance their performances.
While knowing that they are breaking the rules, many athletes are willing to risk almost anything,
including their health and life, to gain an advantage over the competition.
The use of performance enhancing drugs raises a host of ethical issues. In addition, the
United States government has taken an active interventionist role in recent years due to the growing
demand that something be done to end the perceived rampant use of steroids among players. A
recent trend raising new concerns involves genomics, the genetic manipulation to enhance athletic
performance.
There are many forms of gambling in sports, both legal and illegal. Pathological gambling
causes tremendous suffering. Some noted individuals argue that sports gambling should no longer
be banned completely, but this remains a controversial topic. There are many social problems asso-
ciated with all forms of gambling. In addition, one can make a distinction between “real” sports
fans, which root for and identify with a team, and gamblers, who are only concerned with winning
money.
Key Terms
Anomie Theory Developed by Robert Merton, the premise that society encourages all persons
to attain culturally desirable goals, but the opportunity to reach these goals is not equal for all
members of society.
Blood-doping Introducing a surplus of an athlete’s own blood into his or her body in the hopes
of improving performance.
Bookies People who take illegal bets.
Commitment Involves an emotional attachment to the object of loyalty.
Conflict Theory Highlights the imbalance of power found in society, especially in light of eco-
nomic and social inequalities found in all societies
Deviance Any act or behavior that is likely to be defined, by some members of society, or spe-
cific subcultural groups, as an unacceptable violation of a social norm and elicits negative reac-
tions from others.
Deviants Those who stray from the norm by committing acts of deviance.
Differential Association Theory The view that it takes continued association and reinforce-
ment in order for a behavior to be indoctrinated.
E-gambling Gambling on the Internet.
External Social Control (Sometimes called direct social control) Regulation of behavior comes
from “outside” social control agents, such as coaches, trainers, administrators and referees and
umpires.
Genomics The use of genetic engineering to enhance athletic performance.
Labeling Theory The theory which examines the effects of a “label” being placed on a person
and his or her subsequent behavior.
Performance-enhancing Drugs Substances used to improve performance; this term often refers
to anabolic steroid use in sports by professional and amateur athletes. Other substances include
human growth hormone (hGH), stimulants, and diuretics.
Recreational Gambling Gambling among friends and co-workers.
Self-fulfilling Prophecy Occurs when people take to heart the labels bestowed upon them,
come to see themselves in regard to those labels, and then act correspondingly to those labels.
Social Learning Theories An individual learns behavior through interaction with others;
whether directly (being taught) or indirectly (through observation).
Sport Books Legally placed bets on a wide variety of sporting events, allowed in some casinos.
Subculture A group of people who possess distinctive cultural values, ethnicity, or some other
trait that distinguishes it from other groups in the greater society.
• Why is it difficult to define the term “deviance”?
• What is the difference between “normative” cheating and “deviant” cheating? Can you think
of some examples of each?
• How can coaches encourage deviancy among players?

• Many entertainers (e.g., musicians and actors) have their performances enhanced via artificial
means (e.g., digital editing software and artificial/electronic music) and consumers and produc-
ers have accepted such productions; and yet, there is an outcry against athletes who use artificial
means (e.g., performance-enhancing drugs) to reach peak performance. Why does such a double
standard exist and why is this fair, or not fair?
• What are some of the ethical issues raised by using performance enhancing drugs?
• Is there a moral distinction between legal and illegal gambling on sport?
• Why might being “specially privileged” create problems for athletes that can lead to deviant
behavior?
• Do you think the banning of gambling by athletes should be ended or lessened? Why or why
not?
CHAPTER 9
Violence in Sport
In his classic 1945 article “The Sporting Spirit,” George Orwell proclaimed, “Serious sport
has nothing to do with fair play. It is bound up with hatred, jealousy, boastfulness, disregard for
all rules, and sadistic pleasure in witnessing violence. In other words, it is war minus the shooting.”
Orwell wrote this article for London’s Tribune after attending a “friendly” football (soccer) match
that took place in England between Chelsea FC and FC Dynamo Moscow. Due to the war, soccer
had been put on hold since 1939 and fans and athletes alike were excited by the resumption of
their favorite sport. The match was played before a crowd officially listed at 74,496 (but with wit-
nesses, including Orwell, claiming there were well over 100,000 spectators) and Orwell was not
impressed by what he witnessed on- and off-the-field (Dangerous Minds 2014). Instead, he criticized
the idea that international sporting events foster such ideals as brotherhood and understanding
among diverse people, claiming that sports promote nationalism and that spectators and players
alike thrive more on the ideals of ultra-competitiveness and the win-at-any-costs mentality. He
commented on how easily the players chose to ignore the rules and used means of violence in
order to gain a competitive edge. The spectators too were, according to Orwell, willing to suspend
the concept of civility in preference of a favorable outcome. Orwell’s disdain toward sports in
general, and soccer in particular, was reinforced a few years later in his classic novel, Nineteen
Eighty-four (typically referenced as 1984 ). In a classic quote from this novel, Orwell not only puts
down football (and the general populace), he also makes reference to what sport sociologists have
been saying for decades—that sports are the opiate of the masses. Orwell (1949) states, “Heavy
physical work, the care of home and children, petty quarrels with neighbors, films, football, beer and
above all, gambling filled the horizon of their minds. To keep them in control was not difficult” (154).
When it comes to violence in sport, little has changed since Orwell expressed his concerns.
Then again, many of the most popular sports of any generation are characterized by acts of vio-
lence, intimidation and aggression; and, when we consider that sports are a microcosm of society,
is anyone really surprised by this reality? That athletes often use the analogy of “going to war”
with their opponents when preparing for a sporting event is further testament to Orwell’s obser-
vations about the violent nature of sports. It would also seem to be true that acts of violence on
the playing field are what draws so many fans to sports. It has been shown in hockey, for example,
that increased violence exhibited by a hockey team leads to increased attendance at games ( Jewell,
Moti and Coates 2012).
What Is Violence?
Broken bones, torn ligaments, missing teeth, fist fights, blood, scars, concussions, and occa-
sional deaths are just a few of the risks confronting athletes when they play sports. The fields and
203
courts that athletes play on are often environments filled with hazards and violence. “Not even the
risky and labor-intensive settings of mining, oil drilling, and construction sites can compare with
the routine injuries of team sports such as football, ice hockey, soccer, and rugby” (Delaney 2002:
1560). Competitors in all spheres of social life attempt to gain an edge over the competition. As
we learned in Chapter 8, there are times when some people will use deviant means (e.g., taking
performance-enhancing drugs) to gain an edge. In this chapter, we shall discover that many people
associated with sport utilize violence as well.
Defining Intimidation, Aggression and Violence

Intimidation, aggression and violence are aspects of sports, just as they are a part of society
in general. As with most of human history, we live in violent times. Governments, rebels and ter-
rorists have longed used violence (e.g., war) as a means of reaching a desired end and individuals
and groups of people have widely used violence as a way to solve or create disputes. Violence in
sport occurs at all levels: youth, high school, college, professional and amateur. Certain sports,
such as football, rugby and hockey, are designed for assertive, physical contact between competitors.
Auto racing contains an element of violence in the very fact that at any time during a race a crash
may occur that leads to the destruction of an automobile and serious injury and potential death
to drivers and in some instances, to spectators. Participants, spectators, and fans of such sports
seem to enjoy the element of risk involved. For example, it has often been said that die-hard hockey
fans love to watch the fights between players as much as they enjoy the actual hockey skills displayed
by the players. Player fights are an example of violence in sport. Despite attempts by hockey leagues
such as the NHL to place a focus (e.g., by imposing penalties against overly-violent plays) on the
wonderful skills necessary to play hockey, the fans still like to see fights. Athletes that play in
violent sports view such risks as “part of the game.”
Volumes of literature exist in an attempt to explain why violence is so prevalent in society
and these explanations are applicable to sports as well. (Note: The same theories described in
Chapter 8 to explain deviance in sport are applicable in explaining violence in sport as well.) Some
people, like Sigmund Freud, take a biological perspective to explain violence, claiming that it is a
part of human nature to be aggressive, or violent. In this regard, humans are violent because they
have needed to be in order to survive as a species. Freud used the concept of an “id” to refer to the
part of human personality that is governed by innate, aggressive desires; the “superego” to refer
to society that tries to reign in the whims and basic desires of humans so that they can live in a
civil society; and the “ego ” which is the part of the personality that seeks a balance between the
id and superego. In sports, especially the aggressive-by-design sports, those involved react in a
primal way to competition and perceived threat. The superego would be the league’s governing
body and corresponding rules, and the ego would be the way in which sports attempts to maintain
an “acceptable” level of aggression and violence. Sociologists would look at the influence of ref-
erence groups and the manner in which each of were raised; that is to say, were acts of aggression
positively or negatively reinforced by agents of socialization. Pappas (2004) and associates state
that in sport, reinforcement for acts of violence come from a variety of sources which can be
grouped under three categories: (1) the immediate reference group of the athlete, especially
coaches, teammates, and family; (2) the structure of the sport and the implementation of rules
by governing bodies and referees; and (3) the attitude of the fans, media, courts of law, and society
in general (293). If such focal concerns as toughness, courage and a willingness to be aggressive
and violent are positively reinforced, they are more likely to occur and continue.
Intimidation and aggression are linked to violence. Intimidation is a common method of
trying to gain an advantage over a competitor. Intimidation involves words, gestures and actions
that sometimes may threaten violence or aggression in an attempt to pressure and put fear in the
opponent. A tennis player may use loud grunting sounds while playing and flash intimidating gri-
maces toward an opponent. In a pre-fight promo, former heavy-weight champion Mike Tyson once
threatened to punch his opponent’s nose to the back of his skull. An athlete attempts to intimidate
his or her opponents in an attempt to demonstrate power and dominance. Intimidation is often
a vital tactic in battle and competition. However, intimidation is only successful if the intimidator
is capable of backing up such words, gestures and actions or if the opponent is weaker and easily
intimidated. Acts of intimidation can also backfire. Intimidation in sport is of lesser consequence
than aggression and violence.
The authors define aggression in sport as verbal and physical behavior grounded in the intent
to successfully accomplish a task even if it means to frighten, dominate, control, or harm, physically
or psychologically, an opponent. Aggression is often linked with violence. Aggression is an impor-
tant feature of performance success in many sports. Coaches teach and encourage aggressive behav-
ior and teammates reinforce it; after all, it is better to be aggressive than passive in contact sports.
In several sports (e.g., football, wrestling, hockey) aggressive behavior is required. And yet, even
in contact sports where aggressive behavior is expected, there are boundaries of acceptability, and
athletes who exceed these boundaries face penalties by game officials for exhibiting behaviors that
can be labeled hostile or physically abusive. For example, in football, a defensive end that is rushing
the quarterback is expected to be aggressive in his pursuit of the quarterback. However, he may
not hit the quarterback above the shoulders or after the ball has been thrown. A passive approach
to rushing the quarterback will generally not produce a positive outcome for the defensive team.
Thus, the defensive end who is attempting to tackle the quarterback needs to be aggressive to be
successful; he does not have to harm the opponent, he just has to tackle him.
There are two forms of sport aggression: instrumental aggression and reactive aggression.
Instrumental aggression refers to behavior that is non-emotional, task oriented and driven by the
quest for achieving a goal without necessarily intending to cause physical harm to another (Delaney
2002). Thus, instrumental aggression may involve the physical form (e.g., direct contact and body
blows) or the nonphysical form (e.g., athletes that try to “psyche” out the opponent; verbal taunts;
“talking trash”; or jokes about one’s sexuality and family members). While instrumental aggression
is primary concerned with “getting the job done,” the second type of aggression in sport, reactive,
is spurred by the heat of the moment type scenarios. Thus, reactive aggression possesses an under-
lying emotional component in behavior with the primary goal of inflicting bodily injury or physical
harm to an opponent (Delaney 2002). Because of the emotional aspect of reactive aggression, the
term “expressive violence” is sometimes used interchangeably. An example of reactive aggression
is baseball’s “brush-back” pitch. A brush-back pitch involves the pitcher throwing the ball at or
near the opposing batter in an attempt to send a message. Sometimes the pitcher will deliberately
hit the batter in an attempt to intimidate the opponent and opposing team. Brush-back pitches
are a relatively common way that a pitcher attempts to “take control” of the home plate area. They
are most likely to occur after a pitcher has given up a homerun and he feels that he has been shown
up; when the batter takes too long to “get in the box” (ready to bat); when the batter tries to intim-
idate the pitcher (e.g., glares at him, “digs into the box”); and especially after the pitcher’s teammate
had been hit by a pitch in the preceding inning. Brush-back pitches definitely increase the adren-
aline in players and create a more aggressive feel to the game. Not surprisingly, reactive aggression
often leads to violence.
Violence involves the use of physical force designed to injure, harm or abuse another person,
or property. Sport violence can be defined as intentional aggressive physical behavior that causes
harm to an opponent. While many sports are aggressive and violent by design there are instances
(as we shall see later in this chapter) when certain acts of violence exceed the acceptability threshold
level. Contextually, violence in sport is evaluated differently from the general violence found in
society. Simon (1985) argues that violence generally involves the use of force, but reminds us that
every use of force is not violent. The tennis player, for example, uses force in serving, but few
people would characterize a serve in tennis as an act of violence. It is possible, however, that a
serve in tennis could be used in an aggressive, intimidating, and ultimately violent manner when
the player serves at the opponent rather than at a place on a court where the opponent cannot
return the serve.
Some sports, especially American football, have elements similar to the military and war.
The language of football is filled with military references, for example, throwing a “bomb”; “blitz-
ing” the quarterback; linemen working in the “trenches”; the quarterback as a “field general”; enter-
ing “enemy territory”; and so on. Rank is important in the military and in sports. The military
designates personnel by titles (ranks) and expected duties. In the U.S. Army, for example, the
private is subordinate to a sergeant, who reports to a platoon sergeant, and all of these people
must submit to the authority of officers that range from lieutenants to generals. On the battlefield,
a squad is composed of privates who are directly under the supervision of a squad leader, who is
under the supervision of a platoon leader, usually a lieutenant. The chain of command goes all
the way to the generals, and ultimately the commander-in-chief (the president).
In football, a team (squad) performing on the playing field (battlefield) is under the command
of the quarterback (on offense) or the middle linebacker (usually) on defense. The offensive
and defensive leaders receive their “orders” from their respective coordinators (assistant coaches),
who are under the command of the head coach. The coach must report to a general manager,
team owner, and ultimately, the league’s commissioner. Furthermore, athletes and military per-
sonnel are subject to external and internal sanctions for committing deviant acts, and rewards for
following orders and executing directives successfully. It should be noted, however, that among
the glaring differences between sport and the military is the realization that literally killing the
opponent is not an objective of sport. Also, in sport, many efforts are made to assure fair play
and balance in available “weapons” (e.g., protective equipment, a ban on performance-enhancing
drugs), whereas in the military, gaining an unfair advantage over the opponent is a goal consciously
sought.
Many coaches, fans and even teammates expect athletes to perform at peak levels and to win
by any costs, including inflicting injury onto an opponent. Players themselves often describe the
game as a “battle” and have stated that they “are at war” with the other team. Immediately following
the September 11, 2001, attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon and the subsequent start
of the war on terrorism, many players consciously attempted to stop using war-analogous terms
when describing their sporting exploits. However, by the mid–2000s, it became common once
again for athletes to use the “going to battle” mantra.
Violent Sports and Post-Career Health Problems

In order to achieve success, athletes in many sports have found value in being aggressive. In
violent sports, it is often important for athletes to step up their level of aggressiveness to the point
where certain forms of violent acts are encouraged and expected. While most athletes recognize
that they are likely to get injured while playing sports, few are prepared for a post-career marred
by chronic pain and brain dysfunction due to head injuries and concussions. In the following pages,
the authors will provide a sampling of violent sports, briefly describe some of the violent aspects
of each sport, and then describe the growing problem of post-concussion health ailments.
Football
The most popular sport in American society is football, and by its very design and purpose, foot-
ball is a violent sport. Because of the violent nature of football a number of prominent people have
said publicly that they would not let their sons play the game. LeBron James, who once played high
school football, said that he would not allow his sons to play football. James’s former Miami Heat
teammate Dwayne Wade has expressed relief that his boys have not yet shown an interest in playing
football (Winderman 2014). President Barack Obama has said that he would have to think twice
about letting his son play football if he had one. What are James, Wade, Obama and so many other
parents concerned about when addressing the issue of their sons (or daughters) playing football? The
answer centers on the violence of the sport in general and the possibility of a head injury specifically.
Football is certainly a violent sport at times. It involves controlled collisions, sometimes at
high speeds, highlighted by near hand-to-hand combat among linemen, hard hitting blocks that
knock opponents down, and gang-style tackles are among the violent elements of football. Players
are taught to be aggressive; they readily accept this expectation. Fans love the aggressiveness and
violence of football and scream encouragement for their brave “gladiators” to destroy the opponent.
The aura of football is controlled aggression and violence. Players of the past assumed certain risks,
such as bone and muscle injuries, but football players are now concerned about long-term brain
damage, generally as a result of one big blow or repetitive blows to the head.
NFL Commissioner Roger Goodell has made player safety among his top priorities and has
taken a hard stand against players who violate the NFL’s rulebook that addresses unnecessary
roughness. Rule 12, Section 2, Article 8 of the Official NFL Playing Rules (2014) states that “there
shall be no unnecessary roughness” which includes, among other specific behavioral limitations,
the rules that no player shall use any part of his helmet to spear an opponent and that no illegal
launching into a defenseless opponent is allowed.
Football players understand that they must find a way to be aggressive and limit themselves
to acceptable forms of violent acts, but there are occasions when they are coached to breach the
acceptable parameters of the rules. Gregg Williams, a former defensive coordinator of the New
Orleans Saints (2009–2011), was recorded offering bounties to his defensive players to injure quar-
terbacks, including Brett Favre, Kurt Warner and Aaron Rogers. In January 2010, reports indicated
that Saints defensive players were offering a bounty of $10,000 to anyone who could knock out
Vikings QB Brett Favre in the NFC Championship game. Reports of other bounties also surfaced
(Terrell 2012). Shortly after, the NFL began an investigation. Fuel was added to the growing
“Bounty-Gate” scandal following the release of footage from documentary filmmaker Sean Pam-
philon, who was recording footage for a story about former Saints player Steve Gleason. The
recorded footage captures a pregame speech by Williams who was pumping up his players prior
to a playoff game versus San Francisco. Among his audio comments were, “kill the head and the
body will die” and “every single one of you, before you get off the pile, affect the head.… Early,
affect the head. Continue, touch and hit the head” (Darlington 2012). In March 2012, Williams
was suspended by the NFL as a result of his admitted involvement in the bounty scandal in which
players were paid for causing injuries of targeted players. Less than a year later, Williams was reinstated
by the NFL and in the 2014 season Williams was a member of the St. Louis Rams coaching staff.
Hockey
Hockey is an aggressive sport known for its rough play and tough athletes. It is not uncommon
for a single professional hockey player to receive hundreds of stitches and incur numerous broken
bones over the course of his career. The stereotype is that almost every player will have lost his
Defensive players gang tackle a running back in a display of acceptable sport violence (courtesy Cardinal
Sports Imaging).
teeth by the end of his career, either from getting hit with a puck or a stick or from fighting with
other players. Sports commentators often remark after a hockey player has been injured and quickly
returns to action, “What did you expect, he’s a hockey player?!” The implication is that hockey
players are so tough that they always play through pain and injury. The sport of hockey is conducive
to fighting and overly aggressive play by its very design. For example, the slippery surface that
hockey is played on may lead to inadvertent contact that opponents may take exception to. The
enclosed rink with sideboards to slam into also encourages violent physical contact. Hockey players
are “armed” with “clubs” (hockey sticks) and skate with blades; both are dangerous items used for
violence under other conditions.
Hockey players, as with athletes in most sports (especially American football), are getting
larger and faster and are in better shape than ever before. When these elements are added to a cul-
ture that encourages physical, aggressive play, acts of violence are almost certain to follow. In fact,
a certain number of violent collisions are expected and demanded by coaches and teammates. Fans
especially love to watch hockey fights. Certain players, known as “goons,” are famous for their
aggressive behavior. Hockey proponents warn that if fighting in hockey were eliminated (through
regulations) the core hockey audience would stop being fans of the sport.
In a sport that requires even its weakest players to be aggressive, fighting is an integral part
of the game. During hockey fights players may gouge at an opponent’s eyes, rub their gloves across
the face of an opponent, and engage in any other number of violent acts. Beyond these infractions,
there are other times when excessive aggressive behaviors turn into fistfights. NHL clubs employ
“enforcers” or “goons” specifically to fight. Coaches send goons on the ice for a number of reasons,
including when they want to “send a message” to their opponents, when the opponent has a big
lead, or when a star player on their own team was hit too hard (the goon is there to defend the star
teammates). Enforcers have generally been well respected by teammates and adored by fans. The
great Philadelphia Flyers teams of the 1970s—that won a pair of Stanley Cup championships—
were known as the “Broad Street Bullies” because of their rugged style of play led by Dave “The
Hammer” Schultz. Enforcers have enjoyed a great deal of leeway since the inception of the NHL
because the league’s rule on fighting allows for great latitude in the referees’ decisions to exercise
punishment (e.g., the penalty box or ejection). Rule 46 of the NHL’s “Official Rules” states, in
part, that “the Referees are provided very wide latitude in the penalties with which they may impose
under this rule. This is done intentionally to enable them to differentiate between the obvious
degrees of responsibility of the participants either for starting the fighting or persisting in con-
tinuing the fighting. The discretion provided should be exercised realistically” (NHL.com 2014).
We are, however, currently witnessing a change in the NHL culture as the league has
attempted to reduce the role of the enforcer while cutting down on the number of fights. In the
1990s, the NHL toughened instigation penalties (it added a two-minute minor for the player who
started the fight) that had been in place since the 1930s. In the past few years the league has levied
longer suspensions for cheap shots and illegal hits, essentially dismantling the unwritten code of
justice traditionally employed by the players. According to data released by the NHL, there were
734 fights during the 2008–09 season; 714 during 2009–10; some 500+ fights in 2011–12; and an
early projected 431 fights for the 2014–15 entire season (The Post-Standard 12/11/14).
Among the more extreme examples of violence in the National Hockey League (NHL)
involves Chris Simon’s (New York Islanders) attack on Ryan Hollweg (N.Y. Rangers) during a
March 2007 game. Hollweg had driven Simon hard into the boards and did not receive a penalty.
Simon collected himself and skated after Hollweg and delivered a vicious two-handed stick swing
to his face. Hollweg laid motionless on the ice for some time. Simon was suspended for 25 games
by the NHL. In December 2007, Simon was suspended for 30 games for a brutal attack on Pittsburgh
Penguins player Jarkko Ruutu. Simon’s acts of goon behavior followed other high profile cases
involving Marty McSorley and Todd Bertuzzi. McSorley (then with the Boston Bruins) attacked
Donald Brashear (Vancouver Canucks) on the ice during a game in February 2000. He slashed
the side of Brashear’s head with his stick. Brashear fell backwards and slammed his head on the
ice, suffering a concussion and loss of memory of the incident. McSorley was suspended for the
remainder of the season (23 games). The 17-year NHL enforcer never played another NHL game.
Todd Bertuzzi (Vancouver Canucks) ambushed Steve Moore (Colorado Avalanche) during a
hockey game on March 8, 2004. Bertuzzi dragged Moore down from behind as Moore was skating
toward the other end of the rink. Moore hit the ice hard as Bertuzzi landed a sucker-punch on
the defenseless player. Bertuzzi was suspended for the rest of the 2003–2004 season. He remained
suspended throughout the 310-day lockout and was prohibited from playing in the 2004 World
Cup of Hockey. After a four-month investigation, Bertuzzi was charged with assault in June 2005.
He was reinstated by the NHL on August 8, 2005.
Soccer
Soccer is known more for its violence off the field than it is for player violence on the field.
However, as Christopher Merrill (1993) explains, soccer was once a brutal sport characterized by
players who often took cheap shots against opponents. Merrill writes:
Soccer may be a brutally simple sport, but for much of its history it was simply brutal. From the
beginning, it seems, humans have loved to kick things—balls, doors, skulls; in the records of every
civilization there is evidence of kicking games like soccer. Chinese court games, Japanese kemari,
Pueblo kickball, the ball games of the ancient Egyptians, the calcio storico still played in Italy, vil-
lage football—“the mob game for ruffians” the English invented or imported from the Continent,
codified into the modern game of soccer in 1863, then exported around the world—in almost
every culture humans have relaxed from the tedium of daily life by kicking something round over
plains and fields, through streets and cities, in courts and stadiums [15].
Soccer has moments of physical and violent collisions among players, and often there are
heated exchanges between players (Vogler and Schwartz 1993). Deviant and violent acts in soccer
are punishable by yellow or red cards with each color designated to address the level of the violation.
The less serious of the two, yellow cards are issued when there is unsporting behavior or dissent
by word or action on the part of a participant (on-pitch players or off-pitch players, coaches, med-
ical staff, etc.) that infringes the rules of the game. The red card is more serious and results in ejec-
tion from the game. Two yellow cards results in a red card and ejection. Red cards are generally
issued when a player spits, becomes violent or overly aggressive, or uses offensive or threatening
language. When an act is deemed more serious than a red card ejection, a player might be subject
to suspension. In 2014, Ricardo Ferreira, a defender in a fourth-division soccer league in Switzer-
land, was suspended for 50 years after a post-match incident in which he kicked a ball in a referee’s
face and sprayed him with water (Sports Illustrated 11/10/14). Now that is a serious penalty.
Slide tackles are the most common behavior that results in the designation of an act of vio-
lence. There is a growing awareness that continuous blows to the head (e.g., via headers designed
to “pass” the ball or an attempt to score a goal) may cause concussions and brain trauma in a soccer
player’s post-career.
Boxing
Boxing is a carryover sport from ancient times. No sport has more inherent physical risk
involved within its rules of acceptability than boxing. Every boxer who puts on a pair of gloves
and enters the ring risks substantial harm, including possible death, to both the opponent and
himself or herself. (It should be noted that many sports, including horse racing and skydiving,
have a far higher fatality rate than boxing.) The primary goal of contemporary boxing is pretty
much the same as in the past—knock out the opponent. It is the repeated blows to the head that
are of special concern in boxing as they may lead to post-career problems.
Many people in contemporary society believe that boxing should be outlawed because of its
primitive brutality. Despite the historic and continued corruption that surrounds boxing it is the
threat presented by mixed martial arts (MMA) that is leading the way to the slow death of boxing.
This is not to say that boxing does not have a place in the sports world; after all, there is the growing
number of women boxers (the 2004 Academy Award Winner for Best Film, Million Dollar Baby,
dealt with this phenomenon) in contemporary society which further leads to the chagrin of boxing
detractors.
The violence that surrounds boxing is not limited to the ring and the two designated fighters.
There are occasional brawls during the pre-fight weigh-ins (boxers must get their weight measured)
that may include the boxers themselves or their team representatives (e.g., managers, trainers, body
guards). Post-fight brawls may involve the boxers and their representatives and even fans; in some
rare cases, a fan may enter the ring (e.g., the “Fan Man” who entered the ring during a fight via a
flight suit powered by a motorized fan). However, the greatest level of violence still occurs inside
the ropes. Some fighters are beaten to death, others sustain serious injuries, and some are knocked
unconscious. A rather bizarre form of violence occurred during a heavy-weight fight between
Evander Holyfield and Mike Tyson in 1997. Tyson took a bite out of Holyfield’s ear during the
match. Such an act of violence is deemed unacceptable even in a sport where participants are
allowed to literally beat each other.
Mixed Martial Arts (MMA)

Mixed martial arts is an extreme combat sport in which contestants are allowed an amalga-
mation of fighting techniques including bare-handed boxing and a variety of martial arts such as
kickboxing, judo and karate. MMA involves a combination of standing striking techniques such
as boxing, karate, Thai-boxing, along with grappling techniques like judo, Greco-Roman wrestling
and jiu-jitsu (Sanchez and Malcolm 2010). With roots dating back to the ancient Egyptian sport
of pankration (see Chapter 3) MMA fighting has gained a considerable amount of popularity in
recent years, mostly at the expense of boxing. Fans enjoy watching the violently brutal battles
between competitors and cheer for landed punches and take downs. A few of the more common
MMA leagues include Ultimate Fighting Contest (UFC), Pride Martial Arts and K-1 Martial Arts.
Competitors fight inside a cage or ring for a number of rounds until submission of one com-
petitor, a knockout, or an official’s decision. The goal of the sport is similar to boxing, to take
down your opponent, with more options than simply hitting someone. By its very design, this
sport is very violent and can lead to any number of short- and long-term injuries.
Each of the sports discussed here—football, hockey, soccer, boxing and MMA—have at least
one thing in common; namely, that the level of violence and the opportunities for blows to the
head in these sports have led to a growing concern over chronic ailments, including post-concussion
issues, suffered by athletes following their post-career lives. (Note: This is not meant to be an
exhaustive list of sports that could lead to athletes suffering concussions and other brain injuries;
rather, they represent a sampling of some of the more popular, or violent, sports.)
Concussions and Post-Career Health Problems

Although all athletes understand that the possibility of getting injured on the playing
field/court is a reality, most of them do not consider the long-term post-career health problems
that confront them. Athletes who play collision and violent sports are especially susceptible to
post-career health issues which may include Chronic Traumatic Encephalopathy (CTE).
CTE is a progressive degenerative disease of the brain found in athletes (and nonathletes)
with a history of repetitive brain trauma, including symptomatic concussions as well as asympto-
matic subconcussive hits to the head (Boston University Alzheimer’s Disease Center 2014). It has
been known since the 1920s that repetitive brain trauma associated with boxing may produce a
progressive neurological deterioration, originally termed “dementia pugilistica” and more recently
described as CTE (McKee et al. 2009). The term “punch drunk” was often used by non-
professionals to describe aging former boxers with CTE. Recent reports have also confirmed CTE
in retired professional football players and other athletes who have a history of repetitive brain
trauma. “This trauma triggers progressive degeneration of the brain tissue, including the build-
up of an abnormal protein called tau. These changes in the brain can begin months, years, or even
decades after the last brain trauma or end of active athletic involvement. The brain degeneration
is associated with memory loss, confusion, impaired judgment, impulse control problems, aggres-
sion, depression, and eventually progressive dementia” (BUADC 2014).
One of the most common sources of CTE is a concussion. Concussions are a frequent occur-
rence in contact sports, with between two million and four million sports-related concussions
annually in the United States (McKee et al. 2009). Those athletes who incur several concussions
during the course of their career have a 17 percent likelihood of developing CTE (McKee et al.
2009). CTE is most common with boxers, football players but other contact sports such as hockey,
wrestling, rugby, soccer, and skiing may also experience the negative effects of CTE (McKee et al.
2009; Omalu et al. 2010). Some high school and college athletes play a combination of these
sports, potentially increasing the risk of concussion-related problems. Such was the case with
Kosta Karageorge, an Ohio State wrestler and senior walk-on football player who went missing
on November 26, 2014. Just prior to his disappearance, Karageorge texted his mother about his
prior concussions and said, “I am sorry if I am an embarrassment but these concussions have my
head all f***ed up.” He told his roommates that same day that he was going for a walk, but he was
never seen again. That is, until the evening of November 30, 2014, when his body was found in a
dumpster. He had died from a self-inflicted gunshot wound. Karageorge’s mother said that he had
several concussions (mostly as a wrestler) and had spells of being confused. An Ohio State team
physician commented, “We are confident in our medical procedures and policies to return athletes
to participation following injury or illness” (Miller and Cornwell 2014). Karageorge’s death is just
one example of a growing number of athletes who have concussion-related problems so severe
that it may lead to suicide.
Research has shown that former NFL players face a great number of post-career health issues
including Alzheimer’s, amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS), severe depression and chronic traumatic
encephalopathy (King 2010); significant decreases in regional cerebral blood flow across the entire
brain, abnormally high instances of dementia, cognitive impairment and depression and a higher
risk for permanent brain damage (Amen et al. 2011); and premature death (generally by middle
age), mood disorder (mainly depression), memory loss, paranoia, poor cognitive insight or judg-
ment, outbursts of anger or aggression, irritability, apathy, reduced concentration, agitation, hyper-
religiosity, and tragic death (e.g., suicide, police chase, self-inflicted wounds) (McKee et al. 2009).
In 2014, former Buffalo Bills star linebacker Darryl Talley reported that he suffers from depression
and has contemplated suicide from what he considers side effects from his hard-hitting NFL playing
days. Talley reports bouts of memory loss and trouble sleeping. He is unsure how many concussions
he suffered during his 12 seasons in the NFL but notes there were at least 75 times he saw flashes
of lights after being hit. He is also in constant pain as a result of 14 operations he had during his
playing days (ESPN.com 2014c). There have been a number of documented suicides committed
by former NFL players, including Dave Duerson (2011) and Junior Seau (2012). Duerson, who
died of a self-inflicted gunshot wound to the chest, had texted his family members stating that he
wanted his brain sent to Boston University (the research center cited above) so that they could
study his brain as part of their research on CTE. Neurologists at BU confirmed he suffered from
CTE and linked it to the concussions he endured while playing football. Seau committed suicide
via a gunshot wound to his chest in 2012 and research conducted on his brain by the National
Institutes of Health (NIH) confirmed that he too suffered from CTE. As a result of Seau’s suicide
and the research conducted by the NIH, the NFL donated $30 million to assist in CTE research.
While $30 million is a nice gesture by a multi-billion dollar industry, the NFL will provide
a much larger payout to former players who filed a class action lawsuit because of the collective
problems former players have endured as a result of brain injuries. In July 2014, the NFL was one
step closer to closing the books on a landmark concussion lawsuit when U.S. District Judge Anita
B. Brody granted preliminary approval of a settlement that would compensate retired NFL players
suffering from the long-term effects of head injuries (Farmer 2014a). The nearly $700 million
compensatory payout would cover the 5,000 plaintiffs (and 20,000 retirees) (Farmer 2014a).
The potential danger from brain injury and playing football begins early on. There are nearly
70,000 concussions reported each year as a result of athletes playing high school football and it
is estimated that there are just as many unreported cases (Bledsoe et al. 2006). The longer an
athlete plays a violent sport, such as football, the greater the likelihood of a post-career health
problems. College athletes may suffer from a number of health problems, including the same types
of mental health concerns of regular college students including anxiety, depression, eating disorders
and substance abuse (Cooper 2014). However, athletes are far more likely to suffer from concussions
than non-athletes. Collegiate athletes who suffer from a head injury may experience changes in
mood, depression, anxiety and other disorders associated with concussions. The NCAA sports
that are most likely to involve athletes who will face concussions are: football, men’s and women’s
soccer, men’s and women’s lacrosse, and men’s and women’s ice hockey (Cooper 2014). The NCAA
is trying to respond to the growing concern over concussions. In football, for example, new pro-
cedures were put into action in 2014 that limit live-contact in football practices; stipulated that a
medical director or primary athletic health care provider be allowed autonomy to determine
whether an injured player can return to play; and athletes that sustain concussions should not be
allowed to return to play for the remainder of the day (Helfand 2014).
Hockey players are certainly subject to head injuries. And like their football playing coun-
terparts, hockey players who suffer from concussions are displaying the same symptoms suffered
by football players. Hockey players who sustained concussions during a recent season will experi-
ence acute microstructural changes in their brains, according to a series of studies published in
the Journal of Neurosurgery, and they are likely to suffer chronic injuries later in life from head
trauma (Klein 2014). In 2009, Reggie Fleming became the first ice hockey player known to be
tested for CTE. While Fleming died at the age of 73, test results revealed that he had suffered
from dementia and CTE for thirty years as a result of playing hockey without a helmet throughout
his career. Hockey players wear helmets today but the threat of CTE is just as real today as when
Fleming played, as a number of players, including long-time enforcer Bob Probert and Derek
Boogaard (his brain was tested at Boston University) and the suicides of Rick Typien and Wade
Belak were all tied to CTE symptoms.
There is a growing concern over the relationship between playing soccer and suffering a head
injury, with players suffering the same CTE symptoms as football and hockey players. There are
also expressions of concern that FIFA, the governing body of international soccer, is not taking
the CTE warnings seriously. The 2014 Brazil World Cup coincided with news that the NFL was
about to settle its landmark concussion lawsuit filed by former players and the growing public
acknowledgement of the seriousness of concussions on the post-career health of athletes. The
world players’ union accused World Cup organizer FIFA of failing to protect Uruguay midfielder
Alvaro Pereira after he was allowed to continue playing following a hard blow to the head and he
lay motionless on the pitch. Pereira later said of the hit that he felt “like the lights went out” (The
Citizen 6/22/14). The union claims that FIFA’s protocol for assessing concussions “failed to pro-
tect” Pereira even though he admitted to the field physician that he was briefly knocked unconscious
and felt dizzy. FIFA spokesperson Delia Fischer countered with this response, “The neurological
examination by the team’s physician clearly showed that it’s [Pereira’s brain] normal and that
allowed him to return” (The Citizen 6/22/14). The international players union said that it plans
on appointing its own independent doctors for all future FIFA competitions. Rob Hughes (2014),
a contributing writer for The New York Times, also expressed concern over FIFA’s seemingly callous
approach to protecting players from concussion, or concussion-like symptoms, claiming that a
number of players (i.e., Argentina’s Javier Mascherano; Germany’s Christoph Kramer; and
Uruguay’s Alvaro Pereira) appeared to be knocked senseless during the 2014 World Cup and yet
were allowed to continue playing. Hughes (2014) also stated that research conducted in the early
1970s connected 44 deaths in English soccer that were related to trauma from heading the ball or
from collisions between heads and the feet, knees and elbows of opponents.
Before football starting receiving such attention for concussions, boxing was the sport most
commonly associated with head injuries and post-career health problems. CTE and disease duration
is the longest in boxers, with many former boxers living for decades past their boxing days with
smoldering and yet symptomatic conditions (McKee et al. 2009). Boxers with CTE are likely to
suffer from forgetfulness, confusion, falls, alcohol abuse, depression, anxiety and characteristics
of a “punch drunk” (McKee et al. 2009). One of the world’s best known athletes is former boxer
Muhammad Ali. Ali has long suffered from Parkinson’s disease, a degenerative brain condition
that many doctors say can be brought about by punches to the head. Ali’s own neurologist told
the Associated Press that he doesn’t think Ali’s condition is the result of head blows, and yet the
symptoms are consistent (Dahlberg 2012). “The list of boxers who suffered from brain damage is
a long one, and goes back a long ways. [ Joe] Louis had dementia symptoms late in life, while Sugar
Ray Robinson developed Alzheimer’s disease in his later years. Jerry Quarry, a heavyweight con-
tender who fought Ali twice, died at age 53 from dementia pugilistica, while his brother Mike, a
light heavyweight, died from the same thing at age of 55” (Dahlberg 2012). With the intent of
boxing to deliver blows to the body, including the head, there is no wonder boxing is associated
with CTE and other health problems.
MMA fighting represents a far greater risk of CTE and other post-career health concerns
for its athletes than does boxing. MMA fighters are subject to a number of injuries, including sub-
dural hematoma, fractures, tears, muscle and ligament sprains along with electroencephalographic
abnormalities as a result of neck holding maneuvers (White 2007) and a number of facial injuries,
including lacerations, along with a number of overall injuries (Bledsoe et al. 2006). Furthermore,
about one-third of professional MMA matches end in knockout or technical knockout and these
knockouts are generally the result of a severe blow or blows to the head, indicating a higher inci-
dence of brain trauma than boxing or other martial arts (ESPN.com 2014b). Researchers at the
University of Toronto studied records and videos from 844 Ultimate Fight Championship bouts
from 2006 to 2012 and found that with technical knockouts, or TKOs, the loser received an
increasing number of repetitive strikes to the head during the last 30 seconds of a match
(ESPN.com 2014b). Further, the losers generally received blows to the head 2.6 more times often
than winners. The researchers of the Toronto study suggest banning the growing sport among
young people and instituting rules at the professional level that limit action after a competitor is
downed, much like the 10-second count in boxing (Blackwell 2014).
As this review of violence in sport indicates, a great number of athletes face post-career
health problems, with the most serious issues connected to head injuries and resulting CTE. Head
injury lawsuits against the NFL and NCAA have led to settlements and respective governing bodies
coming to grips with the growing concern over concussion-related injuries and the prolonged
health problems faced by athletes. Addressing this issue at the high school level is a little more
complicated, in part because high school athletics are not “governed by one national body but
instead by a combination of state laws, school boards and 50 separate associations” (The Citizen
12/6/14). “The nation’s first high school sports governing body to face a class-action concussions
lawsuit warned that the legal action could result in wealthier schools keeping their football pro-
grams and cash-strapped ones eliminating them” (The Citizen 12/6/14). According to Illinois
High School Association (IHSA) director Marty Hickman, court-imposed policies, such as man-
dating physicians be present at all practices and games could be prohibitively costly to cash-strapped
schools, especially Chicago’s public schools. A lawsuit put forth by former star high school quar-
terback Daniel Bukal against the IHSA alleges that the association failed to protect him from con-
cussions when he played at Notre Dame College Prep in Niles. The Bukal suit calls for a
neurological test in the preseason to establish a baseline of normal cognitive function for individual
players and referred to during the season to determine when athletes have suffered and recovered
from a concussion (The Citizen 12/6/14). This is a fine idea, but a costly one.
The future of sports such as football may be in the balance because of concussion-related
injuries.
Sport Violence and the Law

Sport participants realize there is always a chance of injury when playing sports. This concept
is based on the English common law notion of volenti fit injuria, or voluntary assumption of risk.
Assumption of risk assumes that both management and labor understand the medical hazards
inherent within sport (as with many other employment occupations). Injury, or harm, may occur
as a result of actions that are within the realm of acceptable assumption of risk, or outside the
realm of acceptability. In his 1859 publication On Liberty, British philosopher John Stuart Mill
distinguished between self-regarding acts and other-regarding acts. Self-regarding acts refer to
behaviors that may cause harm only to the individual performing them; and therefore, fall within
the realm of acceptable violence. Other-regarding acts, however, are those which may cause harm
to others; and therefore, fall outside the dominion of acceptable forms of violence. Mill (1859)
argued that individuals should have the right to engage in risky behaviors (without interference)
if they want because it is no one else’s business what one does with one’s own life. On the other
hand, individual behaviors that cause harm to others are not acceptable and are subject to inter-
ference (e.g., government legislation or oversight by some regulatory agency). Robert Simon (1985)
refers to Mill’s concept as “The Harm Principle.” In brief, The Harm Principle states that the only
justification for interference with personal behavior is to prevent harm to others (Simon 1985).
Athletes often risk personal harm. For example, a wide receiver who runs a pattern across the
middle of the field and stretches himself to reach for a ball while surrounded by defenders realizes
that he is vulnerable and will be hit hard. The wide receiver understands that his actions run a risk
for harm (a self-regarding act) but runs such a pattern anyway. However, the wide receiver does
not agree to be hit early, late, or illegally (other-regarding acts) by defenders. Although athletes
have historically understood the risks involved in playing sports, an increasing number take excep-
tion to other-regarding acts. For example, in the past, it was uncommon for batters to charge the
mound after a pitcher sent a “warning” pitch near the batter. Today, it has become commonplace
for batters to charge the mound. These batters, as with many other athletes, are less tolerant of
others whose behaviors may cause them harm. As Delaney (2002) explains, “While the concern
with violence in sport is nothing new, what is new is the degree of legal intolerance to forms of
player violence and player resistance to blind acceptance of risk of bodily harm. Legal forms of
resistance by professional athletes are evidenced by the many cases in sports law and the growth
of civil and criminal litigation” (1561).
Over the years, efforts have been made to differentiate between acceptable forms of sport
violence and those which are not. The most frequently used typology of on-the-field violence
among athletes originated with Michael D. Smith (1983, 1996). His typology involves four cate-
gories: brutal body contact, borderline violence, quasi-criminal violence, and criminal violence.
1. Brutal Body Contact. This category of sports violence includes physical acts that conform to
the official rules of the game and are accepted as part of the action and, therefore, are legal
under the law. Examples include delivering extreme punches to an opponent in boxing, hard
tackles in football, certain variations of elbowing an opponent in basketball, checking in
hockey, and stick whacks in lacrosse. As Smith (1996) explains, “It is taken for granted that
when one participates in these activities one automatically accepts the inevitability of contact,
also the probability of minor bodily injury, and the possibility of serious injury. In legal terms
players are said to ‘consent’ to receive such blows (volenti non fit injuria—to one who consents
to injury no injury is done)” (162–163). With “brutal body contact” athletes are suspending the
usual moral standards of acceptability found in civil society. A pedestrian on a sidewalk does
not consent to a blind-sided tackle from another pedestrian. A football player does give such
consent. Thus, athletes on the playing field are working with a type of sports morality or ethics
that is acceptable during game time, but a different type of ethical and moral behavior when
they interact in the everyday world. In essence, morality and ethics are modified in the sports.
But, as we will see, such modifications do have their limits.
2. Borderline Violence. This category of sports violence involves behaviors that violate the offi-
cial rules of the sport and the law of the land but are widely accepted by all concerned as con-
forming to the norm of sport ethics when used as part of competitive strategy (Smith 1983;
Delaney 2002). Examples include the “brush back” pitch in baseball, fist fights in hockey, late
hits in football, high tackles in soccer, bumping cars in auto racing and talking smack in basket-
ball. During the course of the game, such acts may be subject to sanctions (penalties). In auto
racing, there is a difference of opinion as to how “aggressive” a driver can be in an attempt to
pass another car. Some drivers believe that if you make contact causing the other driver to spin
out, that is unacceptable; conversely, there are some drivers who believe any tactic (other than
purposely putting a driver at risk of serious harm) used to pass an opponent is acceptable.
When “questionable” contact is made, there are often flare-ups between drivers and their teams
at the immediate conclusion of a race. As Smith (1996) explains, “Borderline violence is essen-
tially the province of referees, umpires, and other immediate game officials, higher league offi-
cials and law enforcement authorities seldom becoming involved. Sanctions never exceed
suspension from the game being played, and perhaps a fine” (165). These behaviors are often
“expected,” encouraged and positively reinforced within the sports world. “Borderline violence
is tolerated and justified on a number of grounds, most of which boil down to some version of
the ‘part of the game’ argument” (Smith 1996: 165).
3. Quasi-Criminal Violence. Involves assaultive physical acts that violate the formal rules of a
given sport, the law of the land, and the informal norms of player conduct (Smith 1996).
Examples of quasi-criminal violence include swinging a bat at a player in baseball, kicking a
player in the head in rugby or soccer, and sucker punches in any sport. Quasi-criminal violent
acts usually result, or could have resulted, in serious injury, which brings it to the attention of
top league officials (Smith 1996). Athletes usually condemn this form of violence and fines or
suspensions are often imposed. Quasi-criminal behaviors may generate outrage from the public
but they are generally viewed as a sport problem to be handled internally and not involving
courts of law (Nixon and Frey 1996). Smith (1996), however, states that some episodes of
quasi-criminal violence in professional sports have resulted in litigation. In 2014, NASCAR
driver Tony Stewart was involved in an auto incident while driving a sprint car during a lower-
level auto race at Canandaigua Motorsports Park (NY). Stewart hit driver Kevin Ward, Jr. after
Ward had exited his car immediately following his crash (that he, apparently, blamed on Stew-
art) and then walked onto the track to express his anger. Other drivers had to make last second
maneuvers to avoid hitting Ward but Stewart could not avoid hitting him, killing him in the
process. Stewart faced a variety of criminal charges but was found not guilty of any sort of neg-
ligence. NASCAR did not take any action against Stewart, a former three-time champion.
NASCAR did institute a drivers’ ban from exiting their car onto the track, especially in an
effort to “confront” another driver.
4. Criminal Violence. This category consists of behaviors that are obviously outside the bound-
aries of official rules of the sport, the law of the land and players’ informal norms, and are han-
dled by the law. It should be made clear that if something is illegal outside of sport, it is also
illegal in sport and this notion dates back to the case R v. Bradshaw (1878) 14 Cox C.C.83 which
states, “No rules or practices of any game can make lawful that which is unlawful by the laws of
the land.” Consequently, athletes that commit criminal violence on-the-field are subject to
arrest and criminal prosecution. Deliberate or premeditated attempts to injure or seriously dis-
able another athlete are examples of criminal violence.
Athletes and Domestic Violence

Most athletes display the positive character traits promoted by proponents of sport. That is,
they are disciplined, hard-working, and rule-abiding; they show respect for authority and maintain
a positive work ethic. However, as we learned in Chapter 8, some athletes and other members of
the sporting world engage in deviant behaviors. In this chapter, we have learned about the some-
times violent nature of sports. Athletes are taught to be aggressive and to use a proper amount of
violence when their sport dictates such behaviors. As former NFL player Tim Green points out,
NFL players have to tap into their dark sides in order to play effectively: “The difference between
an NFL player and the average guy on the street is not that the player is more likely to break some-
one’s nose. The NFL player has simply learned how to tap into the dark side of the human psyche.
We all have it, that dark side. Most football players can turn that on and off like a blender. You
need to be bad on the playing field, vicious and mean, that’s part of the game. That is the game”
(Green 1996: 65). However, once athletes leave the playing arena, they are expected to disengage
from their dark side and “turn it down.” Most athletes are successful at this disengagement; others
however, have a harder time and may find themselves in off-the-field forms of violence, specifically
domestic violence.
Pappas et al. (2011) found a correlation between athletes who participate in violent sports
with sexual aggression. Their research indicates that 60 percent of athletes at a major university
had used verbal coercion to obtain sexual favors, and 15 percent had used physical force to obtain
said favors. They also found a higher rate of physical battering cases and sexual assaults than non-
violent sport athletes. But we have to wonder, does playing violent sports contribute to off-the-
field violence or were such athletes drawn to playing violent sports because they already used vio-
lence as a coping mechanism (before playing violent sports)? Grange and Kerr (2011) suggest that
players experience a protective frame when they are within the boundaries of their sport. Within
these boundaries, players can count on their teammates and coaches to help them play within the
rules of the acceptable levels of violence so that they are free to enjoy the physicality of the sport.
When the athlete is removed from this protective frame, they become vulnerable to exceeding the
limits of acceptable levels of violent behaviors.
Grange and Kerr (2011) propose a theory that articulates four kinds of motivation for aggres-
sion: play (e.g., sports which allow for approved aggression); power (e.g., exhibiting dominance
over others); anger (e.g., engaging in violent behavior in response to something another person
has done to upset the athlete); and thrill (e.g., engaging in dangerous activities simply to see what
results will follow). Athletes that have trouble with violent behaviors off-the-field are likely having
trouble controlling the final three types of motivation for aggressive behavior. There is also research
that suggests when athletes who play violent sports drink alcohol off-the-field they are more likely
to engage in violent acts ( Jewell et al. 2012; Pappas et al. 2004; Grange et al. 2011). The idea behind
such research rests with the idea that since alcohol tends to reduce inhibitions, the athlete’s primal
need to act aggressively has lost its filter. Alcohol use has also been linked to spectator violence.
The most talked about NFL player in 2014 was Ray Rice and, yet, he never played a down.
Instead, he was suspended by the NFL for two games, then suspended indefinitely by the NFL and
cut by his team, the Baltimore Ravens. His offense? He punched his then-fiancée (and now wife),
Janay Palmer, in an elevator of the Revel Hotel and Casino in Atlantic City in February 2014,
knocking her out cold. The incident was recorded by the hotel’s elevator camera with the film later
leaked by TMZ. The video shows the couple arguing with one another and Rice lunging at Palmer
as he tries to intimidate her. Palmer angrily responds with a backslap across Rice’s face as they
make their way to the opening elevator doors. Palmer keeps her head down and Rice lunges a few
more times in an attempt to intimidate her. When Palmer attempts to stand up to him, Rice delivers
a devastating blow, knocking her out. He drags her limp body out of the elevator and we see an
approaching parking lot guard (Perez 2014).
The NFL was slow to react and finally suspended Rice in July, but just for two games. (Note:
At that time the video had yet to be released by TMZ but some claimed that Goodell’s office knew
about the severity of the domestic assault.) There was a public outcry that the punishment did
not fit the crime. Complicating matters just a bit was Ray Rice’s now wife, Janay Rice, telling the
media to lay off Ray and stating that the only family problems they were having as a couple was
the media attention given to her being beaten by her husband. “To make us relive a moment in
our lives that we regret every day is a horrible thing,” Janay Rice said (Gorman 2014). Adding fur-
ther to the oddity of the defense of a man who was recorded beating his wife, Ravens fans cheered
wildly when Rice appeared (in street clothes) at a Ravens preseason game. The media showed
many female Ravens fans proudly wearing his jersey in support.
The video of Rice assaulting Janay and dragging her limp body out of the elevator was indeed
played over and over in the social media and the traditional media. NFL commissioner Roger
Goodell admitted he bungled the Rice punishment ( Jeltsen 2014). Shortly after the video was
released, the Ravens cut Rice from the team and Goodell suspended him from the league indefi-
nitely (Taylor 2014). In light of the Rice domestic violence incident, the NFL also created a new
personal conduct policy that would include specific measures to address domestic violence, sexual
assault and child abuse. With 77 players having been involved in 85 domestic violence incidents,
six being cut by their teams, the NFL was long overdue in addressing its violent off-the-field inci-
dents (Taylor 2014). It should be noted that Rice appealed the NFL’s decision and on November
28, 2014, an arbitrator threw out Ray Rice’s indefinite suspension, citing that he was essentially
punished twice for the same infraction. The arbitrator’s decision meant that any team could sign
Rice.
Roger Goodell has been criticized by many people and media outlets because of his handling
of the Ray Rice case, the subsequent Adrian Peterson case, and the inconsistency in punishment
for essentially the same violation. But, as Nina Mandell of USA Today articulates, sports leagues
such as the NFL, MLB, NBA, and NHL are not guided by the same rules as the criminal justice
system (that generally designates specific punishments for specific crimes). In addition, there is
indeed a lack of consistency among the major North American sports leagues when levying sanc-
tions against domestic violence perpetrators. Mandell (2014) states that of the 10 NFL players
arrested for domestic violence since Kansas City Chiefs linebacker Jovan Belcher killed Kasandra
Perkins (the mother of his child) by shooting her nine times and then killed himself in front of
his coach and general manager at the team’s Arrowhead facilities (ESPN.com 2013), just four were
cut by their teams (like Ray Rice). (Note: Belcher had a blood-alcohol level more than twice the
legal limit when he shot Perkins.) In addition, of the 84 arrests between 2000 and 2013 for domestic
violence, no player received more than a one-game suspension (Mandell 2014). And yet, the NFL’s
2013 leading receiver, Josh Gordon, was suspended for the first 10 games of a 16-game season
because he smoked pot. There are states that have legalized recreational marijuana use and such
an offense in the other states certainly does not compare to domestic violence. In addition, stadiums
that play popular music after key plays on the field might want to reassess their song choices too.
In 2014, it was common for many NFL and college stadiums to play a familiar pounding beat of
a version of “Jump Around,” a 22-year-old hip-hop tune originally released by a band called House
of Pain. While spectators enjoy jumping up and down to the simplistic and repeated lyric, “Jump,”
“Jump,” “Jump,” in this day and age, they should be more concerned about another lyric in the
song—“If your girl steps up, I’m smacking the ho” (Kirst 2014). In light of the growing awareness
of domestic violence in the sports world, someone might want to take a closer listen to the music
being played at stadiums across the country.
By mid–December 2014, the NFL announced a new personal conduct policy to address issues
of violence and gave the commissioner full authority to rule on appeals. The owners also empowered
the commissioner with the right to appoint a panel of independent experts to participate in appeals.
The league’s policy includes: “A suspension of six games without pay for violations involving assault,
sexual assault, battery, domestic violence, child abuse and other forms of family violence will be
in effect, but with consideration given to mitigating or aggravating circumstances” (Dixon 2014).
The NHL is inconsistent when it comes to disciplining its players. In 2008, Sean Avery (then
with the Dallas Stars) was suspended indefinitely for calling his former girlfriend a pejorative term
in an interview (he reacted to a question during the interview that referenced two of his former
girlfriends that were dating other players and he said if they want to date “sloppy seconds” that
was okay with him). The league cited a clause in its collective-bargaining agreement and alleged
Avery’s behavior was “detrimental” or “against the welfare” of the league. However, in 2013, when
Colorado Avalanche goaltender Semyon Varlamov was charged with assault after allegedly bruising
his girlfriend, Colorado gave the player their full support. Varlamov’s girlfriend described how he
grabbed her hands and twisted them and then kicked her in the chest. The charges were later
dropped (Mandell 2014).
The NBA also lacks a specific domestic violence policy but does have policies regarding
violent misconduct and unlawful behavior; however, they seldom levy suspensions. Multiple players
(i.e., Matt Barnes and DeAndre Liggins) in the past few years have been charged with domestic
violence (only to have the charges dropped later) but the league never disciplined them. In 2013,
Jared Sullinger was suspended for a game by the Celtics after being charged in a domestic violence
incident (the charges were later dropped) (Mandell 2014). In 2014, a case similar to Ray Rice’s
occurred in the world of the NBA when Jeff Taylor of the Hornets was seen shoving his girlfriend
into a wall, and hitting her on the arm, according to police reports (Strickland and Leslie 2014).
The report also stated that Taylor was upset with his girlfriend because she talked to her ex-
boyfriend when they were at a bar; both Taylor and his girlfriend were drinking the night of the
incident (Strickland and Leslie 2014). The NBA acted quickly with this case and suspended Taylor
for 24 games for domestic violence. NBA commissioner Adam Silver issued a lengthy statement
that essentially said domestic violence is a serious societal matter and that it will not be tolerated
in the NBA (Herbert 2014).
Major League Baseball is also inconsistent in how it handles domestic violence cases. A mem-
orable case of domestic violence involved then–Mets closer Francisco Rodriguez who struck his
girlfriend’s father during an argument near the team’s clubhouse in August 2010; he was suspended
by the Mets for two games and put on the disqualified list due to a season-ending thumb injury
that resulted from the fight (Mandell 2014). Rodriguez pleaded guilty and returned to the Mets
in 2011. He was traded to Milwaukee in 2011 and in September 2012 he was arrested by deputies
responding to a 911 call from his girlfriend. The charges were dropped when his girlfriend and a
witness (the housekeeper) fled to their (and Rodriguez’s) native Venezuela. Rodriguez faced no
disciplinary action from MLB (Mandell 2014).
The four major sports leagues of North America are hardly alone when it comes to the
manner in which they handle domestic violence cases. For example, Paralympian Oscar Pistorius
(known as the “Blade Runner” because of his carbon-fiber running blades that serve as his feet)
was accused of killing his girlfriend Reeva Steenkamp. As a hero to many South Africans, Pistorius’s
case drew huge attention in that country and around the world. He was eventually sentenced to
five years in prison (The Citizen 10/22/14).
Adam Silver echoed the opinion of sport sociologists, mental health professionals, domestic
violence victims’ advocacy groups and others when he acknowledged that domestic violence is a
societal issue and needs to be addressed as such. As a microcosm of society, we are not surprised
that there are some athletes involved in domestic violence as this violent and unethical behavior
exists throughout society. Sports leagues are not the only organizations that need to address the
serious nature of domestic violence, as any civil society that tolerates or turns a blind eye to domestic
violence should be ashamed of itself.
Spectator Violence
Understandably, the focus of this chapter has been on athletes, from the time they played
sports as youth and first encounter violent situations through the life-cycle that includes post-
career health injuries. We also looked at sport violence and the law. But, we would be remiss not
to mention another critical element of sport violence, spectator violence. Assuredly, athletes are
more likely to be victims of violence at a sporting event, but there are number of occasions when
violence occurs in the stands between rival fans. Among the variations of spectator violence are
verbal assaults, disrupting play, throwing objects (at opposing fans, athletes, coaches and referees),
physical assaults (e.g., fighting, stabbings), and vandalism.
Verbal assaults refer to the use of obscenities, vulgarities, and threatening words directed by
sports spectators at the targets of their scorn (e.g., other spectators, players, coaches, and game
officials) (Wann, et al. 2001). As nearly anyone who has attended a sporting event in the United
States can attest, numerous spectators use curse words, often with complete disregard for those
seated nearby. It is very common at football and hockey games for fans to shout threatening words.
Disrupting play generally takes place in the form of a spectator(s) running onto the field or
court. These deviants want to become “a part of the game” and usually mean no harm. They may
want to shake hands with a player or kiss a player or even attempt to steal the ball. In fact, there
is a subgroup of spectators, both male and female, who get attention by running onto the playing
field nude. Most of these interferences are in good fun, and accepted as such. Yet ever since a fan
ran onto the court and stabbed tennis player Monica Seles in 1993, there is an increasing level of
fear that some fan disrupting play may actually cause physical harm and commit acts of violence
aimed at players, coaches, or referees.
Spectators do not have to enter the field of play to cause possible physical harm to sport par-
ticipants; they can simply throw objects. Any object can become a possible missile of harm, includ-
ing batteries, coins, plastic beer bottles empty or full of some sort of liquid (e.g., beer or urine),
electronic devices, belts and other clothing items, food items, snowballs, and so on. The throwing
of objects may also be directed toward opposing fans. Particularly vocal visiting football fans can
expect to have objects thrown at them by the home fans at most professional football games.
Physical assaults may occur either in the stands or outside a stadium. The most common type
of physical assault involves fighting among spectators. People who fight at sporting events typically
have been drinking alcohol. Generally, the fans that fight each other are cheering for opposite
teams. There are other occasions when a fight may ensue for reasons that are unrelated to the sport-
ing event (e.g., a chance meeting of rival gang members, alcohol-induced confrontations). Fights
outside the stadium may, once again, be related to the sports event just attended or some other
non-sports-related reason. Beyond fighting, stabbings and gunfire would be considered examples
of physical assault. There have been incidents of spectators shooting other fans outside a stadium
and of stabbings both inside and outside a sporting arena. For example, in September 2003, a Los
Angeles Dodgers fan was shot and killed in a Dodger Stadium parking lot during a dispute following
a game between the Dodgers and Giants. The murderer was a Giants fan and the victim a Dodgers
fan. In 2011, a far more discussed incident occurred outside Dodger Stadium between Giants and
Dodgers fans. Giants fan Bryan Stow was beaten unconscious by two men after opening day. Stow
suffered a head injury and will have disabling brain damage that necessitates he have the assistance
of caretakers for the rest of his life. After the attack, Stow sued the two men who attacked him
(they were found guilty of the charges and ordered to pay part of the settlement), the Los Angeles
Dodgers organization (who were found guilty of negligence and ordered to pay part of the set-
tlement) and then-owner Frank McCourt (who was cleared of legal wrongdoing charges and finan-
cial responsibility). The Dodgers and McCourt argued that they should bear no responsibility for
the attack and pointed out that Stow’s blood-alcohol level was .18 percent—more than twice the
legal limit for driving (he was on his way to his car to drive)—and witnesses gave accounts of Stow
yelling at Dodgers fans in the parking lot prior to the attack. Stow was awarded an $18 million
dollar settlement (Fowler 2014).
The very threat of violence in the stands or parking lots may affect the scheduling of sporting
events. Venues may be moved to neutral sites, night games may be moved up to day games, and in
some rare instances, spectators may actually be banned from the game. For example, on October
21, 2005, two rival high school football teams from New York State, Mount Vernon and New
Rochelle, played on a Friday morning in an otherwise empty stadium. Students were in school and
not allowed to attend the game. No spectators were allowed to watch. The reason? The Mount
Vernon superintendent feared violence as a result of an off-the-field incident wherein a Mount
Vernon resident was killed in New Rochelle weeks earlier (7Online.com 2005).
As with fighting, vandalism—the willful or malicious destruction or defacing of public or
private property—may occur in the stands (e.g., ripping apart seats in the stands or toilets and
sinks in the bathroom) or outside the arena (e.g., damaging vehicles, breaking neighboring store
windows). Sports-related vandalism is usually caused by disgruntled fans, although a disturbing
trend of victorious fans destroying property after winning a big game or championship developed
in the 1990s.
There are a wide variety of examples of sports-related violence in both the United States
and other parts of the world. In the following pages we will examine a few of these incidents of
violence and describe a number of situational factors that lead to spectator violence.
Spectator Violence in the United States

The trend of sports celebrations turning violent and destructive takes place at both the college
and professional levels (they occur at high school celebrations far less frequently). Rowdy sport
celebrations are most likely to occur after a big game, like a national championship, or a league
championship. A victory celebration in Detroit after the Pistons won the 1990 NBA championship
degenerated into a riot that left 7 dead. Three people died in rioting in Chicago following the
Bulls’ 1993 NBA championship. In 2002, sport celebrations turned ugly at College Park, Maryland,
and Minneapolis. University of Maryland fans celebrated the school’s first national championship
in basketball by destroying property. Riot police were called in to restore order. University of Min-
nesota fans were celebrating their school’s national championship in men’s ice hockey (O’Toole
2002). Beyond the physical mayhem, a number of acts of vandalism occurred. In the College Park
incident, six police cars were damaged and fire-fighters fought at least 16 separate fires. In Min-
nesota, street lights were damaged, furniture was torched, and rocks and bottles were thrown at
police. While Maryland fans were causing havoc near their campus, fans of the losing team—Indi-
ana—also took to rioting. Upset by their team’s loss, fans torched couches, toppled street signs
and threw objects at police.
Fans are allowed to cheer for their team and root against the opposing team. They are not
allowed onto the field or court. Conversely, athletes should not run into the stands to confront
fans. An infamous example of player-in-the-stands violence occurred on November 19, 2004, in
an NBA game between the Pistons and Pacers when players went into the stands and fought fans
and then the fans came onto the court and fought players. Another example of fans fighting players
on the court occurred during a February 24, 1947, NBA game between the Syracuse Nationals and
the Moline Blackhawks. The hometown Nationals fans became increasingly upset with the offici-
ating and the perceived “bad calls” by the officials that went against Syracuse. After a particularly
hard foul against a Syracuse player, home-grown John “Chick” Meehan, by Blackhawks player
William “Pop” Gates, a Hall of Famer and one of the first African Americans to play in the NBA,
hundreds of Syracuse fans stormed the court to get at Gates. One fan pulled a knife and tried
unsuccessfully to get at Gates. Fistfights broke out across the court (Kirst 2004). The NBA and
The Post-Standard of Syracuse referred to the incident as a “race riot.” The NBA responded by
returning to an all-white sport the following year (Kirst 2004). The similarity between the two
incidents (Syracuse and Detroit) is the fact that officials lost control of the game and players and
fans reacted by responding inappropriately.
As an example of the sign of the times, a riot broke out between rival soccer fans from Serbia
and Albania and spilled onto the field involving rival players fighting each other and fighting with
the fans following an incident involving a drone. Officials were already concerned with Serbia and
Albania playing each other in an October 2014 European qualifying match, but tensions escalated
in the 42nd minute when a drone carrying an Albanian nationalist banner (depicting Albania,
Kosovo and parts of other countries considered to be culturally Albanian) flew over the soccer
stadium in Belgrade, Serbia. Serbian player Aleksandar Mitrovic ripped the flag down as it flew
over his head, upsetting the Albanian players who jumped him and starting a melee on the field.
The violence quickly spread among the Serbian and Albanian spectators. The soccer match had
to be suspended because of the brawl. For the unacquainted, Serbia and Albania have been at odds
with one another for decades as Serbia refuses to recognize Kosovo’s autonomy even while the
international world does. Several members of the Albanian national team were born in Kosovo,
so they have a special connection to the idea of an Albanian nationalist flag. Serbians are equally
passionate against their unification (McCauley 2014). This incident has been dubbed the “Drone
Brawl” and it is likely to be the first of many incidents involving drones at sporting events and
non-sporting events alike.
One of the most extreme forms of violence found in society is terrorism (war would be the
most extreme example of violence). Attending sporting events in the 2000s—especially after
9/11/2001—has been characterized by perceived threats of terrorism. Because of the threat of
terrorism, spectators today are routinely subject to security checks outside every major sporting
event. While we all hope that the reality of a terrorist attack at an American sporting event is
unlikely to occur, there have been cases of terror attacks at sporting events in the past. The most
infamous attack occurred during the 1972 Olympics, when 11 Israeli athletes were brutally mur-
dered by Palestinian terrorists while the world watched in horror (see Chapter 13 for a further
description).
Fans enter the playing fields and courts for reasons other than attempting violence. Even
so, they risk disrupting play. “Rushing” the field or court after the game concludes has been rela-
tively common in collegiate sports but has come under increasing disfavor. As a rule, fans simply
want to bask in the glory of their team’s victory, especially if it was an unexpected victory or
a monumental one. Although players and officials are seldom injured, the risk factor is very
high. Consequently, most schools are trying numerous measures to stop fans from storming the
court.
With most sports, when fans storm the court or field, they have no real direction; that is,
there is no central place to converge. Football is different. When fans storm the field at the con-
clusion of a football game most of them head directly toward the goalposts. Their purpose is to
knock down the goalposts and parade around the stadium with them. The goalposts are similar
to a hunter’s trophy—proof of victory. Tearing down goalposts has a long tradition in football. It
is considered good clean fun. Most spectators and fans of the victorious team look upon fans
tearing down the goalposts with joy and happiness. Tearing down goalposts reached it peak in
2002 with 17 reported cases. However, tearing down goalposts can have dire and even deadly con-
sequences. For example, on homecoming weekend at the University of Minnesota-Morris, October
22, 2005, the goalpost became a symbol of tragedy. Spectators stormed the field to knock down
the goalposts. As is the typical fashion, fans stand on the crossbar and jump up and down until
the parts of the goalposts snap off. These “parts” are made of strong metal. At Morris, as the dis-
lodged goalpost tumbled down, it hit a student and caused his immediate death due to severe head
trauma. In 2003, a spectator at Toledo became a quadriplegic after being hit by a goalpost being
carried out of the stadium. At Ball State, in 2001, a fan became paralyzed as he was hit by a falling
goalpost. As a result of these and other tragedies, college administrators are trying to find ways
to stop it. Collapsible goalposts are used at some stadiums. The posts are made of aluminum. If
the goalposts are already down it more or less defeats the purpose of storming the field. Some
schools have goalposts on hydraulics so that they can collapse the goalposts quickly. Other schools
grease the goalposts so that spectators cannot climb them. None of these measures would be nec-
essary if officials could find a way to keep fans off the field.
Some spectators find it acceptable to throw objects at others during the game. Generally,
these are isolated behaviors. There are times, however, when the “mob mentality” takes over and
throwing objects becomes a collective endeavor. Mob mentality will be discussed later in this chap-
ter as a possible explanation of collective violent behavior. In brief, a mob mentality develops when
a group reacts nearly simultaneously to a stimulus. In sports, a bad call or act of violence on the
field serves as the most common stimulus to collective behavior. A clear example of a mob mentality
in action occurred during a December 16, 2001, NFL game between the Jacksonville Jaguars and
Cleveland Browns. In this game, at Cleveland, fans reacted violently when game officials violated
NFL rules. The Browns had the ball at the Jaguars’ 9-yard line and appeared to be on their way to
a last minute victory. The victory would keep the Browns’ playoff hopes alive and therefore the
game took on added importance. The Browns had already run a play when officials stated that
they were reviewing a previous play. The rules state, once a play has been run, previous plays are
not subject to review. The officials over-ruled a call that was made two plays earlier and awarded
Jacksonville the ball. The Cleveland Browns bench erupted in anger. The ball was spotted in front
of the end zone with the famous “Dawg Pound” (home to arguably the most loyal and ferocious
fans in the NFL), which instantaneously responded by throwing beer bottles and other debris onto
the field in an attempt to hit the game officials. Similar to the “wave” in sports, fans around the
stadium immediately followed suit and threw objects onto the field. They were also aiming at the
Jaguars but managed to hit the hometown Browns players as well. Many players and officials feared
for their lives as the field became a sea of rubbish. The officials called an end to the game and
cleared the field of players. Fans were ordered to leave the stadium. A phone call from the NFL
commissioner told the game officials that all games must be completed, which led to the game
being resumed 30 minutes later in a nearly empty stadium. One of the authors (Tim Delaney)
was at the game and witnessed this wild scene.
Throwing objects onto the field certainly did not begin with Cleveland Browns fans in 2001,
nor did it end there. The day following Thanksgiving 2005 the entire student section of Colorado
was removed from their seats as numerous students threw objects onto the field during the
Colorado-Nebraska football game. Security rushed to the area to maintain order after the referee
halted play in the game.
There are times when spectators get hit by flying objects that originate from the playing field.
Foul balls and homeruns are common in baseball and sometimes come at spectators like missiles.
Many spectators have been injured as a result of being hit by a baseball. Hockey is another
dangerous sport for spectators, as the puck periodically becomes deflected into the stands. People
who get hit by errant hockey pucks risk great pain and potential death. In 2002, a 13-year-old
girl was hit by a puck as a spectator at a NHL game in Columbus, Ohio. She was struck in the
head. “Two days later she was dead, and the first such fatality and one of the few at an American
sports event, other than auto racing, directly related to action on the field” (Buffalo News, 3/20/02:
C6).
Soccer Hooligans
Perhaps the most infamous of all violent spectators are soccer hooligans. Hooliganism itself
refers to violent and malicious behavior. When applied to sport, soccer hooliganism occurs when
fans of soccer teams go on violent sprees of destruction that may involve verbal and physical violence,
vandalism, physical altercations (often involving the use of weapons), rioting, burning objects,
and causing general chaos. Soccer hooligans display behavior similar to street gangs. Their violence
may occur before, during, or after soccer matches. Although many nations are home to hooligans,
England’s soccer hooligans are the most notorious. The English hooligans are so well-known that
hooliganism has been referred to as the “English Disease.” Other nations dread the arrival of
England’s teams because of the infamous acts of hooliganism that often accompanies them (Snyder
2001).
There are two general categories of soccer hooliganism: spontaneous and deliberate. “Spon-
taneous hooliganism” is unplanned and a relatively low-level form of disorder caused by fans at,
or around, soccer matches. Spontaneous hooliganism occurs at the arena between rival fans who
are seated (or standing) next to each other or during chance meetings (e.g., at bars or train stations).
“Deliberate hooliganism” refers to planned, organized violence caused by gangs of hooligans who
have attached themselves to Futbol clubs and fight “firms” from other clubs at soccer matches or
in areas far removed from the pitch.
As mentioned above, soccer hooligans have similarities with street gangs, including core
members who interact at a high frequency rate, possession of a group name, identity by specific
types of clothing and color, claims of a specific territory, and participation in violent and criminal
behavior. As with gang members, soccer hooligans justify their behavior, usually by insisting that
they are simply protecting their neighborhoods or teams from outside rivals. In this regard, soccer
hooligans, like street gangs, find it their duty to fight rival groups. As a result, there are a large
number of incidents (too many to list here) of hooligan violence.
The seriousness of soccer hooliganism cannot be overstated. Firms (gangs) of soccer hooli-
gans not only target other firms willing to fight, they also victimize innocent soccer fans who
simply wish to cheer their team on to victory, free from violence. This helps to explain why Sports
Illustrated (9/11/06) demonized an English toy company for creating a line of soccer-fan action
figures called “Little Hooliganz” in its weekly “Sign of the Apocalypse” feature.
Situational Factors That Lead to Spectator Violence

Spectators that participate in violence range from the soccer hooligan who uses sport as an
excuse to fight to a normally mild-mannered fan who finds him- or herself caught up in some sort
of collective behavior. Consequently, there are a number of situational factors that lead to spectator
violence:
1. Hypermasculinity. Hypermasculinity refers to a belief among young males that honor and
respect are the result of one’s ability to physically dominate another. Hypermasculinity is espe-
cially important to lower socio-economic class males. This idea is similar to Miller’s (1958)
explanation of gang behavior and his use of focal concerns (trouble, toughness, smartness,
excitement, fate and autonomy). These focal concerns become the basic feature of lower-class
values and a way of life (Delaney 2006). Hypermasculine males tend to be attracted to sports
that encourage physical play. When males who value trouble, toughness and other masculine
traits come into contact with one another, the possible for violence exists.
2. A Strong Sense of Identity. Many spectators have such a strong connection to the sports team
that their very identity is shaped by the team. Soccer hooligans, for example, view the soccer
team as an extension of the community in which they are based and consequently an important
source of identification and pride (Semyonov and Farbstein 1989). A strong sense of identifica-
tion to the team coupled with hypermasculinity become two powerful situational factors that
lead to soccer hooliganism. The soccer hooligan views the arena as a “battlefield” wherein turf
must be protected. The soccer hooligan also views fans of an opposing team as the “enemy.”
Not only do the majority of soccer hooligans come from the lower social classes, most spectators
who act violently tend to be young males (16–25 years old) from lower socio-economic group.
It should also be noted that spectator violence is more likely to occur in team sports than it is
with individual sports because it is easier for fans to identify with a group, which represents
community, than with an individual.
3. Alcohol Consumption. Most spectators that engage in sports violence have consumed exces-
sive amounts of alcohol. This is especially true with fan disturbances at college and professional
sporting events (especially during football games).
4. Frustration. Fans realize that despite their passion and dedication, they have no direct effect
on the outcome of the game. Thus, their role as spectator has a built-in component of stress
and frustration. Some people react violently when frustrated; the hypermasculine male is the
most likely candidate. Logic would seem to dictate that fans of the losing team would be the
most frustrated and therefore most likely to engage in violent behavior. However, as we have
already shown, many sports riots occur when fans celebrate a championship.
5. A Dense Crowd. A packed stadium creates a certain anxiety among spectators. It is also a
source of frustration because spectators feel as though their personal space has been violated.
Standing room crowds, which are extremely rare in the United States but common in other
parts of the world, also contribute to violence because people on their feet are more active than
those who sit throughout the game.
6. A Large Crowd. A large crowd increases the probability of violent spectators. A large crowd
also creates a sense of anonymity by individuals (Mann 1979). Members of large crowds feel a
sense of power because they realize they greatly outnumber the security forces. A large crowd
may also lead to a “mob mentality.”
7. Mob Mentality. Individuals tend to lose their inhibitions and sense of “right” versus “wrong”
when they become a part of a large crowd. They take on a group, or mob, mentality. As Gustave
Le Bon (1952) explained in his “contagion theory,” a “collective mind” forms within a large
group and individuals abandon rational reasoning and become submerged into the groups’ acts
and mood (Vogler and Schwartz 1993). Individuals experience a heightened sense of sug-
gestibility when they are a part of a “mob.” At many sporting events, alcohol fuels a mob men-
tality. A good example of the mob mentality in sports is the storming of the football field by
spectators in an attempt to tear down the goalposts. As some fans jump on the crossbars, others
join in. They revel at being a part of a group and simply follow the cues of others. Destroying
property is a behavior that most of these people would never engage in if not for the “mob
mentality.”
8. Important Games. As a general rule, the more important the game, the more passionate fans
become. Important events include playoff games, championship games and games against long-
time rivals. If these rival teams are also from neighboring schools or cities, the importance of
the game increases.
9. In-Game Player Violence. Spectators respond to stimuli on the field. If an athlete(s) on the
field reacts in an aggressive manner such behavior is likely to stimulate the fans of the athlete(s).
For example, Smith (1974) found that nearly 75 percent of the incidents of hockey spectator
violence in the stands were preceded by player aggression on the ice.
These are among the typical situational factors that influence the likelihood of spectator
violence. Spectator violence in sport is an all too familiar occurrence. Civil societies frown upon
spectator sports violence and attempt to control it via the civilizing process.

Box 9: “‘Hit Somebody”
Perhaps nothing epitomizes violence in sports more than a hockey fight. In particular, the
so-called “enforcer” or “goon” in hockey is always controversial. These are the players whose role—
whether they admit it or not—is to aggressively taunt, retaliate, and often brutalize members of
the opposite team. They are usually intimidating and frightening figures on and off the ice. Yet
three of the most beloved figures in sports film history fall into this category: the Hanson Brothers,
who appear in the 1977 film Slap Shot, directed by George Roy Hill, and starring Paul Newman
as Reggie Dunlop, the over-the-hill player-coach of the fictional Charlestown Chiefs.
Dunlop realizes that the Chiefs are going nowhere. Their cheapskate owner (who Dunlop
doesn’t even know the identity of ) refuses to do anything to get better players, and most of the
team members are, to put it mildly, eccentric. But none of them are as bizarre as the three Hanson
brothers, who are acquired for next to nothing and who seem wildly out of place in the locker
room: they are innocent-looking, childlike men with long hair, coke-bottle eyeglasses, and a
predilection for playing with toy racing cars. Dunlop is appalled by them, but when most of his
other players are hurt he’s forced to send them in. “Okay, guys,” he says without any enthusiasm,
“let’s see what you got.”
Much to his astonishment, the Hansons on ice are maniacs. In a few short minutes they wreak
havoc on their opponents, much to the delight of the home crowd. Dunlop and the other Chiefs
watch in disbelief as the Hansons trip up, double check, and punch out the players on the other
team. Dunlop, realizing that this display of brutality has revitalized the dispirited Chiefs and their
fans, skates onto the ice to argue with the refs who have, quite rightly, ordered the Hansons out
of the game. He senses that things are about to change for the Chiefs.
When it becomes clear to him that the Chiefs’ owner has no interest in maintaining the team,
meaning that they are going to fold and this will be their final season, Dunlop decides to unleash
the Hansons. He encourages them and the other members of the Chiefs to fight dirty all the time.
Amazingly, attendance increases and the Hansons become superstars.
In an iconic scene from a later game, the Hansons get into a pre-game brawl during the
warmup, when no officials are yet on the ice. As the National Anthem plays the three of them are
shown with broken glasses, multiple cuts, and blood dripping from their faces. An irate referee
skates up to one of them and sternly says that he runs a clean game and will be keeping a sharp
eye out for any mayhem, to which he receives the immortal line: “I’m listening to the f*ckin’ song.”
Chastised, the ref can only turn around and do the same.
When it comes to their final game, though, Dunlop wants a clean win. However, the Chiefs’
main opponents, the feared (and equally fictitious) Syracuse Bulldogs, decide to fight fire with fire
and fill their team with enforcers. When Dunlop realizes this, he gives the word to his teammates
that they will go out in a blaze of glory. The Hansons are unplugged and the ice soon looks like
a battle scene. But another Chiefs player, sickened and angered by the horrors he sees, decides to
end the mayhem. He strips naked, except for his jockstrap, which shocks and silences the maddened
crowd. It also offends the Bulldogs’ goons, who feel that that’s going too far. When one of the
Bulldogs demands that a referee stop this at once he is refused, and angrily sucker-punches the
official. This causes the game to be forfeited to the Chiefs, who end the season—and their last
ever game—as champions.
Watching Slap Shot is a guilty pleasure for many hockey fans. The Hanson brothers are so
over the top that it’s impossible not to root for them. In fact, the three actors who played the roles
(all of whom were professional hockey players themselves) still make appearances throughout the
U.S. and Canada as the Hansons. They even made it to the cover of Sports Illustrated in July of
2007—not bad for fictitious athletes.
While the Hansons may be heroes (or anti-heroes, depending on how one looks at it), there
is another fictional goon who deserves mention—Buddy from Big Beaver, the subject of Warren
Zevon’s 2002 “Hit Somebody (The Hockey Song).” Zevon (1947–2003) was an unconventional
singer-songwriter, best known for such strange hit songs as “Werewolves of London,” “I’ll Sleep
When I’m Dead,” and “Roland the Headless Thompson Gunner.” But he had a sentimental streak
as well, and wrote such plaintive love songs as “Searching for a Heart,” “Reconsider Me,” and “Poor
Poor Pitiful Me.” In “The Hockey Song” he manages to combine violence and sentiment. He co-
wrote the song with the popular sports writer and columnist Mitch Albom, who notes on his blog,
“This song came about when my friend Warren Zevon and I were talking one day. He said, ‘You
know, I’d like to do a sports song that nobody has done before.’ And I said, ‘Hockey.’ And he said,
‘What?’ And I said ‘I can’t think of a single hockey song.’ And he said, ‘Great! You should write
me one!’” (Albom 2015).
They sat down and co-wrote a plaintive song about Buddy, a Canadian farm boy who loves
to play hockey but, unfortunately, isn’t any good at it. All he wants to do is score goals like his hero
Rocket Richard, but he’s too inept and gawky to do so. However, like the Hansons, he has a talent
for beating people up, and quickly makes it into the big time as an enforcer. “There’s always room
on our team for a goon,” he’s told over and over. And so, as he makes his name as a brawler, Buddy
keeps hearing the refrain “Hit Somebody!” (which is gleefully yelled throughout the song by
Zevon’s real-life pal David Letterman). But Buddy’s only desire is to score a goal.
Finally, he gets the opportunity when a puck unexpectedly rolls near him right before he’s
going to fight it out with a goon from Finland on the other team. Buddy commits and, after twenty
years of wanting to do so, takes a shot. Right after he does so he’s coldcocked by the Finn and falls
to the ice. As Albom relates, “Buddy spends his entire lengthy professional career as hockey’s great-
est goon (with a penalty box throne) … He only wishes to score just one goal. Then on his final
night he finally gets his chance and narrowly succeeds, but gets hit in the head by a Finnish player
in the process. Buddy doesn’t care though since he sees the flashing red goal light before he loses
consciousness and, it is implied dies on the ice” (Albom 2015).
A song about a hockey goon who goes to heaven—even the Hanson brothers might shed a
tear for that.
Summary
There seems to be an increasing level of sports rage in society today. The civilizing process
seems to be making strides and losing ground at the same time. Since violence seems to be a part
of society in general, it is not surprising that it exists in sports as well.
Some sports, such as football, rugby and hockey, are designed for assertive, physical contact
between competitors. Violence is often seen as “part of the game.” Intimidation is often used to
gain a competitive edge. Aggressive behavior can be encouraged by coaches and teammates, and
is sometimes required. It can be either nonphysical (such as using verbal taunts) or physical (such
as deliberately throwing a ball at an opposing batter).
There are differing definitions of “violence.” Not all acts involving deliberate force are nec-
essarily violent in intent. In addition, violence in sport is evaluated differently than violence in the
general public. There are several different theories given to explain the prevalence of violence in
society. Some have a biological basis, attributing violence to innate drives or instincts, whereas
others use a social learning approach.
Most sport participants and observers are nonaggressive; however, violent subcultures exist
among players and fans. Violence has been a part of most sports since their inception.
One reason for the continuing problem of violence in sport is the fact that many sports are
inherently aggressive by design. Football, for instance, involves controlled collisions, hard hitting
blocks and gang-style tackles. Boxing, although it has been “civilized” through the imposition of
the Marquis of Queensbury rules, still involves two people trying to knock one another uncon-
scious. Hockey, while a game of intricate skill, is noted for its rough play and tough athletes (some-
times known as “goons”). Basketball, once labeled a “non-contact” sport, has changed dramatically,
through the adoption of “street mentality” plays. Soccer is known more for its violence off the
field than for player violence on the field.
While all athletes understand that the possibility of getting injured on the playing field/court
is a reality, most of them do not consider the long-term post-career health problems that confront
them. There is a growing concern over Chronic Traumatic Encephalopathy (CTE), a progressive
degenerative disease of the brain and its possible connection to various aggressive sporting activ-
ities.
In recent years athletes accused of domestic violence—including spousal abuse, corporal
punishment of children, and other types of violence—have received a great deal of attention, due
to social media and a growing public concern over such actions. Professional sports organizations
are devoting much more attention to this issue than in the past.
Of special concern is spectator violence, including verbal assaults, disrupting play, throwing
objects, and physical assaults on opposing players and fans. Such violence can occur both when
fans’ home team loses and when the home team wins; rowdy sport celebrations are more likely to
occur after a big game, like a national championship. In the 2000s, fear of terrorism has added a
new element to extreme forms of violence. Also, the ever-present danger of mob mentality can
make attending sporting events a fearful experience.
There are a number of situational factors that lead to spectator violence, including hyper-
masculinity, a strong personal connection with a sports team, alcohol consumption, frustration,
a packed or large crowd, and the importance of the game. Spectators also respond to stimuli on
the field and can emulate violent athletes.
The law plays an important role in regulating violence in sport. Athletes often risk personal
harm; over the years, efforts have been made to differentiate among acceptable forms of sports
violence and those which are not.
Key Terms
Aggression Behavior which leads to personal injury, or the intent to harm others.
Aggression in Sport Verbal and physical behavior grounded in the intent to successfully accom-
plish a task even if it means to dominate, control, or harm, physically or psychologically, an
opponent.
Chronic Traumatic Encephalopathy (CTE) A progressive degenerative disease of the brain
found in athletes (and nonathletes) with a history of repetitive brain trauma, including sympto-
matic concussions as well as asymptomatic subconcussive hits to the head.
Disrupting Play Generally takes place in the form of a spectator(s) running onto the field or
court.
Harm Principle Philosopher John Stuart Mill’s view that the only justification for interference
with personal behavior is to prevent harm to others.
Hypermasculinity The belief that ideal manhood lies in the exercise of force to dominate oth-
ers.
Instrumental Aggression Behavior that is non-emotional and task oriented and driven by the
quest for achieving some nonaggressive goal.
Intimidation Behavior that involves words, gestures and actions that sometimes may threaten
violence or aggression in an attempt to pressure and put fear in the opponent.
Mixed Martial Arts An extreme combat sport in which contestants are allowed an amalgama-
tion of fighting techniques including bare-handed boxing and a variety of martial arts such as
kickboxing, judo and karate.
Mob Mentality Collective thinking and action that develops when a group reacts nearly simul-
taneously to a stimulus.
Other-regarding Acts Behaviors which may cause harm to others and, therefore, fall outside
the dominion of acceptable forms of violence.
Reactive Aggression Where one’s primary goal is inflicting bodily injury or physical harm to an
opponent.
Self-regarding Acts Behaviors that may cause harm only to the individual performing them
and, therefore, fall within the realm of acceptable violence.
Sport Violence Intentional aggressive physical behavior that causes harm, occurs outside the
rules of the game, is unrelated to ideals of sportsmanship, or which destroys the property of
another sportsperson.
Terrorism The unlawful use of—or threatened use of—force or violence against individuals or
property to coerce or intimidate governments or societies, often to achieve political, religious,
or ideological objectives.
Vandalism The willful or malicious destruction or defacing of public or private property.
Verbal Assaults The use of obscenities, vulgarities, and threatening words directed by sports
spectators at the targets of their scorn.
Violence Entails great physical force used intentionally by one person(s) to cause another per-
son(s) harm or aggressive behavior which destroys the property of another.
• What are the differences between “intimidation,” “aggression” and “violence” in sports? Give
examples based upon your own knowledge or experience.
• What are examples of actions that might seem to be violent but actually are not? Can you
think of some that relate specifically to sporting events?
• How might nonphysical forms of instrumental aggression be used by athletes to gain a com-
petitive edge? Do you think this is acceptable behavior?
• Why might violence in sport be evaluated differently from general violence found in society?
• Do you think that professional athletes are becoming more or less aggressive in their actions?
Give some specific examples of athletes you are familiar with.
• Of the sports discussed in this chapter that may lead to post-career concussions, which sport
in particular do you think is most likely to lead to athletes with post-career brain-related prob-
lems? Which other sports run a risk for post-career concussions? Explain your answer.
• Have you ever experienced spectator violence at a game? What might be the causes for this
deviant behavior?
• How should sports leagues frame their domestic violence code of conduct? What type of
punishments would you designate for the varying degrees of domestic violence?
• Do you feel that civility in sport is still of major importance? Give examples to show why or
why not.
CHAPTER 10
Gender and Sport
A character on the long-lasting and popular TV series The Simpsons, Lisa Simpson is known
for taking a stand on a variety of issues, including feminist concerns. In the “Bart Star” episode
(November 9, 1997), Lisa appears at a youth football tryout prepared for one of her trademark
confrontations by asking head coach Ned Flanders, “What position have you got for me?” She
continues, “That’s right, a girl wants to play football. How about that?” Lisa is left speechless when
Flanders replies, “Well, that’s super-duper, Lisa. We’ve already got four girls on the team.” As it
turns out, Lisa is decades too late in her quest to become a trailblazer for women’s rights in sport
participation. Had she made such a proclamation in the early 1970s, she might have been the first
girl to play organized youth sport.
Unlike Lisa Simpson, Katherine Switzer, then a Syracuse University student, was a true trail-
blazer in the women’s rights movement as it pertains to sports. Switzer entered the 1967 Boston
Marathon even though women were barred from long-distance running. She registered for the
race as K.V. Switzer to avoid possible gender identification by race officials. At about the four-mile
mark, Boston Marathon official Jock Semple charged after her in an attempt to tear off her bib.
Semple yelled, “Get the hell out of my race, and give me those numbers!” (Siu 2014). Switzer ran
with a male companion, Thomas Miller of Syracuse, who threw a block that tossed aside Semple.
Switzer, with her friend Miller, kept running even as press trucks followed her, finishing the race
at 4 hours and 20 minutes (Siu 2014). Switzer dispelled a long-held myth that women could not
run 26-mile races, thus helping to pave the way for future female marathoners specifically, and
women sport participants in general. The Boston Marathon, the world’s largest such race, officially
accepted female runners in 1972, a very important year in women’s sports. Switzer continues to
run marathons today and in 2011 she was inducted into the National Women’s Hall of Fame for
empowering women through running (Siu 2014).
As we shall see in this chapter, outdated and irrational myths of female sport participation
along with traditional views of gender in the sports world have all but disappeared. Furthermore,
whereas girls and women were once discouraged from playing sports or flat-out denied opportu-
nities, today female participation in sport is a given.
Patriarchy’s Influence on Female Sport Participation

Historically, women have been denied equal access to sport participation. Much of this had
to do with the patriarchal (male dominated) design of most nations around the world throughout
history. A patriarchy refers to a social system in which males serve as the primary authority figures.
This generally extends to the father as the head of the household who has control over property
and finances, men holding the top power positions in business and major corporations, and men
232
holding the top political positions; in short, they control the decision-making positions in society.
Because men hold the power positions in a patriarchal system, women were held to subordinate
roles. Conflict theorists and feminists alike would remind us that those who hold positions of
power will use any means necessary in order to maintain their advantageous position. In sport,
this meant keeping females on the sidelines while males participated in, and benefited from, sport
participation.
The patriarchal system is based upon a sexual distinction between males and females and the
corresponding gender role expectations established by those in power (males). Sociologists point
out that the terms “sex” and “gender” are a matter of social construction; that is to say, they are
human creations. The term “sex” refers to one’s biological classification (male or female). As we
are aware, males and females differ biologically in regards to their internal and external reproductive
organs and genitalia, types and levels of hormones and chromosomal structure (females have an
XX and males an XY design). (Note: There are people who do not fit neatly into either category
and may be referred to as intersex persons—those born with both male and female physiological
characteristics.) As social scientists, sociologists are more interested in gender classifications than
they are with sexual classification schemes. “Gender ” refers to socially determined expectations
placed on individuals because of their sexual category. Males and females are taught societal ideals
of gender roles through the agents of socialization. Traditionally, males have been expected to act
masculine, while females were expected to act feminine. Society dictates what it means to be mas-
culine or feminine. Because sport has traditionally been viewed as a masculine endeavor, females
born into a patriarchal system were discouraged from playing sports. However, as Morgan, Meier
and Schneider (2001) explain, there is no sport that requires the possession of male genitalia in
order to perform. Thus, if females are physiologically capable, why haven’t they participated in
sport in significant numbers before the 1970s? The answer must lie with culture, and in this case,
a patriarchal culture. Needing some sort of justification to keep females out of sport, patriarchies
created a number of myths associated with female sport participation.
Myths Associated with Female Participation in Sport

Myths associated with female sport participation reflect both medical ignorance and negative
stereotypes of women. As Patricia Vertinsky (1994) points out, during the late nineteenth century,
“medical practitioners, many of whom were men, utilized pseudo-scientific theories about the
effects of the reproductive life cycle upon women’s physical capabilities in order to rationalize the
life choices of middle-class women and define limits for their activities” (39). Other researchers
agree with Vertinsky’s analysis. For example, Stanley (1996) argued that in the 1870s, the medical
profession described the uterus as “a perilous possession” and the most dominant organ in the
female body (29). Dr. Edward Clark of the Harvard Medical School wrote an immensely popular
book, Sex in Education: Or a Fair Chance for the Girls (1873), where he claimed that educating
girls after the onset of puberty was a fundamental mistake because nature “had reserved that time
for the process of ovulation and the development and perfection of the reproductive system. Edu-
cation interfered with this critical process because the body never did two things well at the same
time” (Stanley 1996: 30). Education was considered unimportant for women because it might
spoil women for family duties, thus “rendering them manly, indelicate, and unsexed” (Sack and
Staurowsky 1998: 52).
Combining primitive medical knowledge with negative stereotypes of women would lead
to the creation of myths. Among the myths we found were: A woman’s uterus will fall out if she
plays sports; if a woman is pushed too much physically, she will lose her emotional stability;
muscles are masculine, therefore, female athletes who work out are un-feminine; and, the notion
that women are too weak physically to play sport. If these sound like far-fetched ideas, which the
authors would agree that they are, consider that present-day Saudi Arabia does not allow women
to drive because, in part, many clerics believe that if women drive an automobile it will cause harm
to their reproductive organs (CBS This Morning 2014c).
One of the oldest myths of women and sports centers on the idea that women are not strong
enough to play sports. Research will confirm that the average male is physically bigger, faster and
stronger than the average female. Consider, for example, data from the Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention (CDC) (2012) which reveal that the average height and weight for adult men (ages
20 years and over) is 69.3 inches (height) and 195.5 pounds (weight); and for adult women, 63.8
inches and 166.2 pounds. But that does not mean that all men are stronger than all women, nor
does it mean that an athlete must be large in order to succeed in sport. In many cases, women have
more flexibility than men, which can be a big asset in many sports. The notion that women cannot
compete in endurance sports such as running marathons has long been discounted. Furthermore,
the one-time large gap in the performance of the top male long distance runner compared to the
performance of the top female runner has been steadily decreasing for years. As described in this
chapter’s introductory story, Katherine Switzer proved that women could run marathons even if
her time of 4:20 is rather pedestrian today. In the 2014 Boston Marathon, the finish time for the
top female runner, Rita Jeptoo, was 2:18:57, a time just a little more than 10 minutes slower than
the top male finisher, Meb Keflezighi at 2:08:37 (Runners World 2014).
There are other physiologically-based myths regarding female participation in sport. “Some
critics believe that sport participation defeminizes women (meaning that it makes some women
less attractive, either physically or mentally, in some men’s eyes), or that women (or sometimes
their not-yet-conceived children) might suffer some physiological damage” (Morgan, et al. 2001:
208). Any assertion that women are harmed as a result of strenuous physical exertion while men
are not is inaccurate. Further, if men are allowed to engage in “risky” behavior, then women should
be allowed the same bodily and mental risks (Morgan, et al. 2001). The concept of a “macho
female athlete” is a derogatory term used by those who argue female athletes become too masculine
through sport participation (Sabo 1996). Another myth related to the physiology of women is
tied to the supposed delicacy of the female body. This myth is centered on the idea that women
are easily injured; in particular, the breasts and reproductive organs are especially vulnerable.
Female fragility is a big concern in patriarchal societies that view women primarily as care-givers
to children.
Myths designed to keep women from playing sports are not limited to the physicality of the
female body. They also extend to the psychological realm as well. “The ‘myth of psychic damage’
contends that women do not have the necessary psychological assets for athletic competition and,
in contrast to men, women do not reap psychological benefit from sport. These notions are partly
rooted in psychological theory…. Within the framework of psychoanalytic theory, for example,
nonconformity to traditional roles and stereotypes was considered pathological. Hence, women’s
interest and involvement in business, engineering, athletics, or other ‘masculine’ activities were
clinically suspect” (Sabo 1996: 334–335).
Women can, however, benefit from sport participation. Just as males supposedly learn how
to become better leaders and team players, females who play sports often grow up to become
leaders. Research conducted in 2001 on 401 senior women business executives by Oppenheimer-
Funds and its parent company, MassMutual Financial Group, revealed that 82 percent of the exec-
utives played organized sports after grammar school, including school teams, intramurals or recre-
ational leagues ( Johnson 2002). Eighty-six percent of the women executives said that sports helped
them to be more disciplined; 81 percent said sports helped them function better as part of a team;
69 percent said sports helped them develop leadership skills that contributed to their professional
success; 68 percent said sports helped them deal with failure; and 59 percent said sports gave them
a competitive edge over others ( Johnson 2002).
Patriarchal myths in sports designed to discourage female participation have nearly disap-
peared. There are still some lingering effects of these myths but most people in Western societies
accept the idea that women should be allowed to play sports and realize that females do not face
physiological or psychological damage for doing so.
The Early History of Women’s Participation in Sport

As our discussion on the patriarchal nature of most societies and the negative myths associated
with women’s participation in sport implies, it is not surprising to realize that, until recent years,
women have played a minor role in the history of sport. This is not to suggest that women did
not participate at all in ancient sports but their role was very limited, even to the point of being
barred from the ancient Olympics (as described in Chapter 3, women did form their own Games).
Through the Middle Ages and into the mid–1800s, most societies limited female sport participa-
tion to non-competitive, informal recreational activities. As recently as the 1800s, there was a dom-
inant belief that each human had a fixed amount of energy (Bell 2008) and women were expected
to exert their energy with child rearing and home making and to be supportive of men who par-
ticipated in sports.
Pre–Civil War
Discrimination against women participating in sports can be traced back to the ancient
Olympics when women were forbidden from participating. Anshel (1994) states that women could
be sentenced to death for simply watching men compete. However, as we pointed out in Chapter
3, women of ancient Greece established their own games in honor of Hera, the wife of Zeus.
Spartan women were actually encouraged to keep healthy (through physical activity) in order to
be good “breeders” (Leonard 1988). During America’s colonial period, wealthy women participated
in a number of leisure activities, including horseback riding and foot racing. They were also spec-
tators to men’s sports. Women played cricket during the 1700s.
Prior to the Civil War, women as well as men participated in sports and leisure activities that
were popular in their respective countries and social classes. Upper class women’s sport participation
was limited but generally included horseback riding and dancing. Middle- and lower-class women
led lives that were more physical by necessity. Their recreational activities included dancing, horse-
back riding, skating, foot racing, and early versions of bowling and baseball (Howell 1982; Figler
and Whitaker 1995). Men, on the other hand, were allowed much greater latitude in their physical
pursuits. As a rule, men participated in more physical and aggressive sports than women and their
everyday life events often presented physical challenges.
The Victorian Era

During the Victorian Era (mid- to late-nineteenth century), upper-class women were treated
as frail beings ruled by their hormones. It is important to note that hard physical labor was per-
formed by lower-class and slave women on a daily basis prior to, and during, this era; a fact that
seemed to escape the “educated” doctors of the wealthy class. Wealthy women were exposed to
calisthenics in schools and private clubs, but most of the Victorian women participated in passive
sports such as croquet, bowling, tennis, golf and archery. However, participation in these sports
were for social purposes rather than competitive ones (Leonard 1988). Well into the 1870s, aristocratic
women considered it vulgar to strengthen the body. But this would slowly change with the advent
of women’s colleges.
By the 1870s a number of women’s colleges had opened their doors. Calisthenics became
increasingly popular. The Wellesley College catalog of 1876, for example, “proclaimed that good
health was absolutely essential to good scholarship” (Stanley 1996: 49). A number of colleges cre-
ated remedial programs to prepare young women who could not successfully perform calisthenics.
“Many students who previously had been excused from gymnasium work (mostly because of spinal
curvatures or weak arches) received corrective therapy” (Stanley 1996: 49). Women’s colleges of
the late 1800s were helping to reverse the popular cultural belief that sport participation was
harmful to women. Many physical educators believed that sports would stimulate an interest in
all forms of physical exercise for women. Gymnastics classes would determine those women (and
men) that were capable of more strenuous forms of exercise that sports required. While progress
was being made on some fronts, women’s sports were mostly restricted to intramurals (teams from
the same college) even though men were beginning to play extramural sports (between different
colleges). By the end of the century, however, things were beginning to change. The first recorded
women’s intercollegiate sporting event took place on January 1, 1896; it was a basketball game
between Stanford University and UC Berkeley. In front of crowd of 700 women, Stanford won
2–1 (Bell 2008; Time Toast 2014). A tennis match between Bryn Mawr and Vassar had been sched-
uled prior to this basketball game but it was cancelled because the Vassar faculty forbade intercol-
legiate sporting events for women (Bell 2008).
The patriarchal society imposed ideals of proper dress for men and women. Full-length
dresses and unrevealing clothes were the standard for women. Such clothing was not conducive
to sporting activities. However, in the late 1800s a sports breakthrough for women occurred. As
Leonard (1988) explains, “Although the pale and fragile woman remained a cultural ideal until
the 1930s, the rosy-cheeked girl on her bicycle was providing evidence that exercise made a woman
healthier for housework and childbearing. Amelia Bloomer’s bloomers allowed women to move,
but modesty in appearance was still an important consideration in sports participation” (265).
Middle-class women took to the bicycling rage of the 1890s as a means of testing the limits of
female physical expression. Women dared to wear more comfortable and shorter dresses so that
they could more easily ride a bicycle. Elizabeth Cady Stanton argued that bike riding “was the
means, she said, by which health would be restored to an ever increasing number of nervous, over-
wrought women” (Vertinsky 1994: 79). Physicians may have embraced the idea of women riding
bicycles for the mild exercise benefits it produces, but many during the Victorian era feared that
the freedom the “wheel” brought to women would lure them away from the home (and housework)
to remote spots alone with men where they might succumb to seduction (Rader 2004). Many
members of society who embraced patriarchal notions also worried that women might ride bicycles
to stimulate sexual organs (apparently through the vibration). Oddly, this same “logic” (genital
stimulation as a result of vibrations) was not applied to horseback riding (as it is today). Feminists
often view women cyclists as a symbol of emancipation from Victorian inhibitions, but the most
enduring legacy of cycling appears to be tied to women who enjoyed riding because of the freer
forms of clothing (Rader 2004).
The sport of tennis evolved during this era thanks in part to the less restrictive clothes worn
by both men and women. Stanley (1996) states, “Gentlemen began to abandon their formal attire
in search of the freedom of movement required by the new game. Some women could be found
playing the faster-paced game and wearing less restrictive clothing. Women playing tennis strictly
for its own sake were apparently novel. In fact, in 1893 when socialite Ava Willing Astor played a
vigorous tennis match (wearing bloomers) it created quite a stir. So arresting was the sight that
Vogue devoted special coverage to the spectacle” (76). Lawn tennis became increasingly popular
with the women and men of the elite classes. Tournaments were designed so that only those of
the “assured social position” were permitted to participate (Stanley 1996). By the turn of the twen-
tieth century, “Sports had become a necessary activity for anyone wishing to gain entry to polite
and refined society” (Stanley 1996: 77). Thus, anyone who was “someone” played sports. The
masses, for the most part, were relegated to pursuits that assured basic survival.
The Early 1900s

It should come as no surprise that women were still being discriminated against in the early
1900s as they would not be granted the right to vote until 1920. During the beginning of the
twentieth century, more women became involved in various athletic activities. A group of wealthy
sportswomen founded the Chicago Women’s Athletic Club in 1903. Soon after that, other lavish
women’s athletic clubs opened in New York and other major cities around the country (Cahn
2003). Women’s participation rates in sports received a positive boost in the early 1900s when
they were allowed to participate in the 1912 Olympic Games in Stockholm, Sweden. (It should be
noted that Olympic founder Pierre de Coubertin and the American Olympic Committee were
against women participating). Their participation in these Olympic Games was limited to swim-
ming and diving. However, it was becoming evident that the cultural mores and gender expectations
regarding women’s sport participation were beginning to change in the early 1900s. For example,
in 1923, a Women’s Division of the National Amateur Athletic Federation was formed to stress
“sports opportunities for all girls, protection from exploitation, enjoyment of sports, female lead-
ership [and] medical examinations” (Simon 1991: 123). The idea of this sports “creed” was to
encourage girls and women to play sports while at the same time reassuring these female athletes
that they were not unfeminine just because they played sports.
Another milestone in women’s sports during the early 1900s occurred in England when
Gertrude Ederle swam the English Channel. “When Gertrude Ederle swam the English Channel
in 1926, two hours faster than any of the men who had preceded her, people began to think that
women might not be so weak” (Heywood 1998: 213). The athletic achievements of Babe Didriksen
were likewise widely reported during the 1920s, but Heywood and Dworkin point out (2003) that
“Babe was muscular and androgynous in the 1920s, but became increasingly ‘feminine’—in the
sense of growing her hair and wearing dresses—in the ’30s and ’40s in response to constant media
criticism of her ‘masculinity,’ criticism that was a mask for fears about her sexuality” (p. xviii).
During the 1930s and 1940s several women’s sports organizations were in place. They gen-
erally adopted position statements supporting educational-based sports programs for all girls and
women. Track and field became popular sports for girls and women during the 1930s, ’40s, and
’50s. Beginning in 1924, the AAU (Amateur Athletic Union) sponsored annual national track and
field events for women. The 1924 Olympics scheduled track and field events for women. Stanley
(1996) recounted many stories by sports writers who covered the women’s track and field events
in a less than flattering manner (e.g., women could not handle the undue stress that competition
placed upon their nerves); thus revealing that old cultural norms were prevalent among males in
the sports world. Interestingly, the Great Depression drove most white women away from track
and field (Rader 2004). The economic turmoil caused by the Great Depression led to most sports
and recreation programs for women being canceled or scaled down due to budget cuts. Black
women filled the void. Nearly all segregated southern black high schools offered varsity competition
in basketball and track and field to their students (Rader 2004). In 1943, with the help of a group
of Midwestern businessmen and the financial support of William Wrigley, Jr. (the owner of the
Chicago Cubs), the All-American Girls Softball League was founded to help fill the void of the
cancellation of Major League Baseball during World War II (AAGPBL 2014). (Note: Midway
through the 1943 season the league’s name changed and then it changed again at the end of the
season to the All-American Girls Professional Ball League.) Although they faced a great deal of
discrimination and were subject to jeers by many, the AAGPBL showed that women could play
baseball and if given an equal chance could develop the skills necessary to master the sport. (See
“Connecting Sports and Popular Culture” Box 10 at the end of the chapter for a closer look at the
AAGPBL and the movie A League of Their Own.)
The Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union that began in the late 1940s
helped to stimulate renewed attention to women track athletes. The U.S. men had competed rel-
atively evenly with the Soviet men, but the Soviet women easily beat the U.S. women in the 1952
Olympics. Attracting white women to a sport that was now dominated by black women was viewed
both as essential in the quest to compete with the Soviets and difficult due to the massive recruit-
ment efforts that would be necessary to attract larger numbers of women to the sport. Campaigns
actively touted that women could be track athletes and feminine at the same time.
Enthusiasts for women’s track enjoyed some mild successes at the 1960 Rome Olympics when
Wilma Rudolph won praise for both her track performances (a triple gold medal winner) and her
femininity (Rader 2004). The astute reader may notice that this approach to female sports—that
the athlete be both accomplished on the field while also being feminine—has continued to the
present era.
Post World War II

During the 1960s, many American women (e.g., Wilma Rudolph, Wyomia Tyus in track,
Donna de Varona in swimming, and Peggy Fleming in figure skating) achieved Olympic fame and
commercial success. Tennis stars Billie Jean King and Margaret Court were gaining much public
acclaim, as well as relative wealth, for their sports achievements. However, these women were the
exception to the rule, as there were few opportunities for women at all levels of sports (high school,
college and professional). The women’s movement of the 1960s that fought so hard for the equality
of women in many spheres of social life all but ignored the sports world. But the women’s move-
ment did advocate a sexual revolution and launched an all-out attack on the traditional mores and
norms that placed restraints on physical freedom and the enjoyment of bodily pleasures (Rader
2004). In the 1970s, the women’s movement would find a “playing field”—sports—to test gender
equality judicially. “With women’s rapid postwar movement into the labor force and revived fem-
inist movement, what had been an easily ignorable undercurrent of female athleticism from the
1930s through the 1960s suddenly swelled into a torrent of female sport participation—and
demands for equity” (Messner 2001: 274). In short, women were becoming organized and were
fighting the system via the system.
A large number of collegian women’s sports organizations that existed prior to the 1970s
became unified in 1971 under the direction of the Association for Intercollegiate Athletics for
Women (AIAW). “The AIAW hoped to bring about more intense and higher level competition
while avoiding the abuses threatening men’s college athletics. The AIAW placed strong restrictions
on recruiting and took other steps to avoid cheating on transcripts and recruiting, exploitation of
students and too much emphasis on commercialism. The AIAW’s hope [was] for a separate but
equal and purer existence than the governing body of male college athletics” (Beezley and Hobbs
1989: 339). Among other things, the AIAW attempted to provide women with an opportunity to
strive for excellence in sport; create new programs for women; and create local, state, regional, and
national competitions. It emphasized educational achievement as well as academic and worked to
secure the rights of female athletes who leave school to still be qualified for an Olympic bid (Morrison
1993). The AIAW stressed the importance of being a student first and athlete second. They instilled
a set of rules and regulations to assure that female athletes maintained their grades for eligibility.
The AIAW also fought for the rights of female athletes. With the passage of Title IX in 1972, it
promoted the idea that women’s intercollegiate sports were to be viewed as the same as men’s inter-
collegiate sports. In this regard, the AIAW represents one of the early major social institutions
fighting for gender equity in sport and education. After spearheading a new ideal of women ath-
letics that encouraged millions of young woman to participate in sports, the AIAW dissolved in
1982. The direction and supervision of women’s athletics then came under the jurisdiction of the
NCAA. “The AIAW left a heritage and a legacy of women leaders who examined, created, con-
trolled, and supported a critical decade of intercollegiate athletics. That decade was a period of
great accomplishment for women and for women’s athletics” (Morrison 1993: 65).
The number of women in sports grew slowly throughout the 1970s. Women met a general
resistance from the masses who still thought that sports were for boys and men; from male athletes
who wanted to dominate a domain they considered their own; and the NCAA, which fought the
inevitable growth of women’s participation in sport. Women won this battle, of course, as they
participate in sports at greater rates today than ever before in history.
The most momentous single event to affect women’s participation in sport occurred with
the passage of Title IX of the Educational Amendments Act of 1972. (This topic will be discussed
in detail later in this chapter.) Women did not experience immediate benefits from Title IX; they
would come later. There would be other factors that contributed to the growth of female partic-
ipation in sports beyond Title IX.
Factors That Led to Increased Women’s Participation

in Sport
Female sport participants today owe a great deal to the general women’s rights movement of
the 1960s, and the women’s right to play sports movement that began in earnest in the 1970s.
Every social movement needs trailblazers. We already discussed the role that Katherine Switzer
had in opening the Boston Marathon to women, but long distance running only seldom reaches
the consciousness of most people, let alone sports enthusiasts. In the 1970s, baseball was still
“America’s sport” and yet the highly popular Little League Baseball was limited to boys. It was
important then, for a trailblazer in baseball, and this pioneer would be Maria Pepe of Hoboken,
New Jersey. In the summer of 1972, Pepe, then 12 years old, shattered the gender barrier in Little
League Baseball. Pepe, who had a deep passion and desire to play baseball coupled with a mean
fastball, tried out for the local Little League Baseball team. She made the team and played in three
games. The governing body of Little League ruled her ineligible—because girls were not allowed
to play—and threatened to strip the Hoboken Young Democrats team’s status as a member of the
Little League Association because it had allowed a girl on the team. After her coach informed
Pepe of the news, with a heavy heart she turned in her uniform. Her plight made national attention.
The National Organization for Women (NOW) worked with Pepe’s family in an attempt to get
her reinstated. Two years later, the New Jersey Superior Court ruled that girls must be allowed to
play Little League Baseball. For Pepe, it was too late, as she no longer made the age requirement.
Today, nearly 50,000 girls play Little League Baseball every year and no one involved with the
league would consider not allowing a girl to try out. Pepe’s brief participation in Little League
was enough to make ESPN’s Top 10 list of the “Greatest U.S. Women’s Sports Moments,” coming
in at number 5 (ESPN 2002).
Billie Jean King was a major trailblazer in the fight for gender equity in sport. King was a
brilliant tennis player who fought to end sexism in sport; especially the gender inequalities in pay
(until the 1970s, women generally received about 10 percent of the amount of prize money avail-
able to men). King was able to convince other leading female tennis players to start their own
women’s circuit and formed the Women’s Tennis Association. The feminist movement joined
forces with King and helped to secure financial backing from the Philip Morris Tobacco Company,
which promoted its Virginia Slims brand of cigarettes by sponsoring the WTA Tour (Rader 2004).
A television contract further increased the prize money for women. Today’s female athletes owe a
great deal of gratitude to Billie Jean King’s vision of financial gender equity.
King was a feminist and an ostentatious tennis player who drew a great deal of attention on
and off court during the changing cultural era of the 1970s. King made quite a stir when she told
reporters that she did not want to have children and instead wanted to pursue her tennis profes-
sional career full time. Her attitude challenged the dying patriarchal order of American society.
A far more flamboyant Bobby Riggs (a former triple-crown winner at Wimbledon in 1939) rep-
resented the voice of the “old school” patriarchal regime. In 1973, Riggs, who was 55 years old,
challenged King, who was 29 years old and at the peak of her career, to a tennis match. Riggs (a
famous braggart known as “the Mouth that Roared”) was confident that because he was a man,
not even a player as great as King could beat him. King refused to play Riggs, citing that she had
nothing to gain by it.
Margaret Court, another leading women’s tennis player, however, agreed to play Riggs on
Mother’s Day 1973. Riggs won in straight sets. King changed her mind and decided to play Riggs
in a tennis match to be broadcast on live television from the Houston Astrodome in September
1973. Millions of viewers, including both of these authors, remember viewing this spectacle when
it first aired. Riggs entered the arena in typical chauvinist flair accompanied by scantily dressed
women and teased and taunted King before the match. It was King, however, who had the last
laugh, as she easily defeated the outmatched Riggs. This “Battle of the Sexes” (as it was billed)
was mostly show, but it generated huge interest and debate among Americans, Canadians, and
sports enthusiasts around the globe. A great number of women began to believe that girls and
women should have the same rights as males to play sports. They were also ready to challenge any
male who stood in their way.
Jay (2004) explains that the “Battle of the Sexes” showed that tennis could attract a mass
audience. Furthermore, it “brought tennis out of the country club and into the mainstream. Com-
bined with a new crop of dominant American players, the much-publicized match helped to make
tennis one of the most watched sports of the 1970s and early 1980s” (171). Many stars emerged
during this era, including Chris Evert and Martina Navratilova on the women’s circuit and Arthur
Ashe, Jimmy Connors, and Bjorn Borg on the men’s circuit.
Throughout the 1970s a number of new opportunities presented themselves as many girls
and women’s sports programs were created in high schools and colleges. The desire of many girls
to play sports coupled with an increasingly powerful feminist movement was responsible for a
great deal of the growth in women’s participation in sports. The numbers of girls participating in
high school sports, funding, visibility, acceptance and popularity increased dramatically in the
1980s (35 percent of high school athletes were female) compared to the 1970s (7 percent) (Leonard
1988). The average number of sports programs offered per college for women grew from 5.61 in
1978 to 7.31 in 1988 (Chronicle of Higher Education 1988). The 1984 Los Angeles Olympics wit-
nessed twice as many female athletes—about 2500—than any other previous Games (Leonard
1988). However, this number still represented just 23 percent of the total Olympic athletes in
1984 (Figler and Whitaker 1995).
Women’s participation in sports would continue to grow throughout the 1990s; by this time
there was a general consensus in Western societies that females should have equal opportunity to
pursue sporting activities. The growth in sport participation was fueled by a health and fitness
movement that encouraged women to work out. The development of physical strength and sports
competence was now encouraged, rather than discouraged, for women. Many people believe that
the greatest sports moment in U.S. women’s sports history was the 1999 World Cup victory. The
U.S. team played before sold-out stadiums every match and was viewed by millions across the globe
on television. More than 90,000 fans packed the Rose Bowl to witness the championship match.
The World Cup victory made celebrities of many team members, including Mia Hamm and Brandi
Chastain, and turned the athletes into heroes for a countless number of young girls.
The emergence of Venus and Serena Williams in the mid–1990s represents another marker
of social change ( Jay 2004). Fans, sportswriters and critics commented on their every move. The
Williams sisters served as a “commentary on race relations and gender norms, and the symbolism
of being powerful black women in a nearly all white game” ( Jay 2004: 238). Today, the sisters are
world renowned tennis superstars who possess a combination of speed, strength, and charisma,
along with a fashion sense designed to be marketed. As L. Jon Wertheim notes in his book Venus
Envy: “In the year 2000, Venus wouldn’t just surpass her little sister; she would establish herself
as the dominant player in women’s tennis. In addition to claiming the U.S. Open and Wimbledon
titles, she would run off a thirty-five-match winning streak and win gold medals in both singles
and doubles at the 2000 Summer Olympics. To top off what had already been a pretty good year,
she signed a $40 million endorsement deal with Reebok that made her the richest female athlete
in history” (Wertheim 2002: 3). By 2014, the Williams sisters, and in particular Serena, were still
among the elite women’s tennis players in the world.
Women have come a long way since their humble sport participation beginnings. Girls playing
youth sports are now routine; millions of girls are playing high school sports just as there are mil-
lions of women playing collegiate sports; and, there are many professional women’s sports leagues.
Females today, like their male counterparts, take for granted that there will be plenty of opportu-
nities to play sports and that they will meet little, if any at all, resistance in their desire to play
sports.
Obstacles to Continued Growth in Women’s Sports

While females do not face resistance in their quest to play sports, there are a number of
potential obstacles that may interfere with the continued growth of women’s sports participation.
Schools at all levels (elementary, high school and college) are experiencing budget cutbacks that
affect both men’s and women’s sports. The reality of limited finances in recent years has hampered
the development and continuation of many sports programs. Beyond the general financial funding
concerns, there are a number of specific obstacles that concern those striving for continued gender
equity in sports.
Lack of Women in Power Positions

It has been more than 40 years since the passage of Title IX (to be discussed later in this
chapter), the legislation that helped to change the gender landscape of sports forever, and while
there are large numbers of females playing high school and college sports, the power positions are
still mostly held by men. In 2013, the University of Minnesota’s Tucker Center for Research on
Girls and Women In Sport conducted a survey on who is coaching women’s teams in the ACC,
Big East, Big 12, Big 10, Pac 12 and SEC schools and they found that just 40.2 percent of the head
coaches at the 76 schools were women (Brennan 2013). In 1972, the year Title IX became law, over
90 percent of women’s teams and programs were coached by women (Van Keuren 1992; Brennan
2013). There wasn’t a single school in the Tucker Report that reported having a female head coach
for every women’s team; Cincinnati ranked best with 80 percent of its women’s teams being led
by women, while Oklahoma State came in last at just 12.5 percent (Brennan 2013). Conversely,
nearly every school in the survey had a male coaching 100 percent of the men’s teams.
There are two primary explanations for the influx of men coaching women’s sports. First, as
the popularity of women’s sports began to increase and the salaries also began to escalate more
men became interested in jobs coaching women. Assistant coaches of men’s teams saw an oppor-
tunity to be promoted faster by applying to head-coach jobs on women’s teams and male athletes
who weren’t turning pro but wanted to stay in the game also viewed women’s sports as an oppor-
tunity for a career in sports (Greenwell 2012). The second reason is tied to who makes the hiring
decisions on vacant coaching positions, the athletic director. According to the National Association
of Collegiate Women Athletics Administrators (NACWAA), just 4 percent (5 of 120) of Division
I-A sports programs have a female athletic director (Sander 2010).
Most observers agree that women must be provided more opportunities in the power positions
of women’s sports in order to increase gender equity. Bailey (2000) makes a number of suggestions
to help in that process:
1. Aggressive Identification, Recruiting, and Retention Efforts. Through such methods as an
expansion of graduate assistantships, internships, and administrative fellowships and scholar-
ship opportunities.
2. Creating a More Supportive Work Environment. Including such things as a flexible work
schedule, liberal family leave policies and comparable salaries for men and women in coaching
and administrative positions.
3. Increased Professional Development Opportunities. Developmental workshops and programs
and encouraging women to take advantage of such opportunities when they are made available.
4. More Access to Decision-Making Processes. Especially in leadership positions with the NCAA
and other appropriate ruling bodies of sports leagues.
Unfortunately, most of these suggestions as well as others are directly tied to financial support,
and as we mentioned earlier, many athletic budgets are facing shortfalls, not excesses.
Male Resistance
As the conflict perspective articulates, those in power will attempt to keep it—it is in their
best interest to do so—while those without power will attempt to change the status quo. It should
come as no surprise that there are many men and some women who are still resistant to the trend
of an increasing number of women in sports (including athletes, coaches and administrators, as
well as people in peripheral positions in the sports world). There is resistance to government poli-
cies and legislation that have led to the funding of female sports at the cost of men’s programs (to
be discussed in further detail with our review of Title IX). This resistance is centered on the fact
that sport, before the 1970s, was primarily a male preserve, and many males want to keep it that
way.
Aesthetic Fitness
Women have proven that they can compete in sports. But one myth in particular still lingers—
that sport masculinizes females (e.g., the muscle-bound Serena Williams). The long-held, traditional
conservative perspective found in most societies, including the United States, that women who
play sports will be viewed, or become, “manly” scared away many females from playing sports
(Knoppers and McDonald 2010). The notion of a masculinized female athlete was further stig-
matized by the homophobic notion that females who play sports, especially those sports designated
as masculine, would become androgynous, or gay. As a result, most females who play sports try to
be viewed as both athletic and attractive (feminine). They want to be taken seriously as athletes,
and yet because of increased public exposure and an increasing number of marketing opportunities,
female athletes also attempt to be femininely attractive. The advantage to being sexually attractive
is directly connected to the long-held marking notion but forth by advertisers that “sex sells.” Thus,
if women want to achieve financial riches, they have to promote themselves outside of sport in a
sexual manner. And, if the adage that “sex sells” is correct, these women will have to possess aesthetic
fitness—looking attractive and feminine. The aesthetic fitness notion that predominates marketing
leads to female athletes being known more for their bodies and sex appeal rather than their athletic
skills. “By portraying sports women either as sex objects or as ‘pretty girls,’ the message sent to
society is that sports women are not strong, powerful and highly skilled individuals” (Rawjee et
al. 2011).
The aesthetic fitness notion helps to explain why some highly successful female athletes do
not receive rich endorsement deals while other female athletes who have had mildly successful
sporting achievements reap the benefits associated with “looking pretty.” This reality helps to
explain why tennis star Anna Kournikova, who never won a Women’s Tennis Association (WTA)
singles title (she did win major doubles titles) was among the highest paid female athletes during
the first decade of the 2000s (e.g., she earned more than $30 million in endorsements in 2007).
Often described as a “sex symbol,” Hello! Magazine once reserved an eight-page spread featuring
Kournikova and used such descriptions as, “The waist-length flaxen hair, endless legs, smooth tan
and metallic silver-blue eyes have undoubtedly helped her into the celebrity stratosphere” (Rawjee
et al. 2011).
Golfer Paula Creamer, known as the “Pink Panther” (because she always wears something
pink while competing in an attempt to highlight her femininity), is an accomplished golfer who
has won many LPGA tournaments; but it is her aesthetic fitness that has contributed to earning
nearly as much off the golf course as on it. Race car driver Danica Patrick, first with the Indy Car
Series and currently with the NASCAR circuit, has never won a race and has (to date) just four
top ten finishes. And yet, because of her commercialized sex appeal—primarily through her Go
Daddy and Coca Cola endorsements—she is among the most popular and highly paid female ath-
letes. As a successful female athlete of the 2000s, Danica Patrick views the notion of aesthetic fit-
ness differently than did the feminists of the 1960s and 1970s. In a 2005 interview, Patrick was
asked if she was the Gloria Steinem of racing. Her response: “The what? I don’t even know who
that is. Is that bad?” To be fair to Patrick, few, if any, of today’s young female athletes know of
Steinem and her role in the feminist movement. When asked if she thinks she has “gotten extra
attention because [she’s] cute,” Patrick responded, “Probably a little bit. It’s just like when you
watch a reality show and there’s a cute girl on and she is kicking butt, you’re like, ‘Go girl!’ I think
it appeals to people. It shows that you’re not just using your looks to do simple, mindless things”
(The Post-Standard 6/12/05).
Many female athletes diet excessively in an effort to attain aesthetic beauty and fitness as well
as for more “practical” athletic purposes. Long distance runners, for example, have relied on strict
dieting to lose weight and be as thin as possible for running (Clark, Nelson, and Evans 1988).
However, a number of female athletes are dieting excessively in a variety of sports and are risking
a number of health problems as a result of over training, inadequate diet and striving for thinness.
Among the problems that can occur to a female athlete (at any level of competition) are disordered
eating, body image issues, anorexia, bulimia, amenorrhea (no menstrual periods), osteoporosis,
depression, attempts of suicide, career ending injuries and even death. This high price of success
represents the darker side of sports’ demands and athletes’ desires, especially in women.
All athletes need energy. Our food intake provides the calories we need for conversion to
energy. The average daily caloric intake for girls between the ages of twelve and fifteen is 2,200
(Berg 1997). Otis and Goldengay (2000) state that the resting metabolic rate for young women is
between 1,200 and 1,800 calories, depending on a number of factors. Athletes burn hundreds of
additional calories during each practice. For example, on average, 450 calories are burned per one
hour of aerobic activity, and jogging at 5.5 mph burns 660 calories per one hour (Ravage 2001).
As we can see, athletes need to eat more food than non-athletes in order to maintain a healthy
body weight. Burning off more calories than one consumes can lead to such things as amenorrhea,
osteoporosis, and long term health problems.
A number of athletes, especially females, may suffer from anorexia and bulimia. Anorexia
may be defined as “an eating disorder characterized by a purposeful weight loss far beyond the
normal range. Fear of being fat is almost always an overriding factor” (Kinoy, Holman, and Lem-
berg 1999: 2). People with this disease have a distorted body image. When they look in the mirror,
no matter how thin they are, they see themselves as fat. This can lead to even greater problems, as
the individual may be in denial that there is a problem and therefore not seek the medical attention
they need. Anorexics may ingest diet pills, laxatives or water pills, causing some very serious medical
problems and addiction later on. Anorexics suffer from feelings of inadequacy, self-doubt and low
self-esteem. Coaches who belittle athletes repeatedly, making them feel fat, ugly and worthless,
are one contributor to female athletes becoming anorexic (Ryan 2000). Anorexics often feel the
need to please everyone else before they try to please themselves. Athletes often feel that they must
perform to please others. Gymnasts and figure skaters, for example, feel the need to please coaches,
judges, parents and peers. Anorexics crave control in a seemingly chaotic world. Food intake is one
thing they can control. Anorexics may feel constant anxiety and hyperactivity; that is, until their
bodies begin to lose fuel (energy) and breakdown. The break down experienced by anorexics may
be both physical and psychological. Providing a healthy, positive environment for athletes (as well
as non-athletes) is the best source of prevention and treatment for the anorexic. Coaches need to
identify warning signs in their athletes (e.g., when the athlete is acting sluggish when they have
not been pushed). Coaches should document significant changes in athletes, especially weight loss
and mood changes (Hornak and Hornak 1997). Coaches, of course, are not the sole people respon-
sible for keeping an eye on young athletes. Parents, family members, and friends need to provide
assistance in identifying unhealthy behaviors in athletes as well.
Bulimia is another eating disorder that may affect female athletes. “Bulimia nervosa, from
the Greek word for Ox hunger, is a complicated disorder characterized by repetitive cycles of diet-
ing, then overeating—binging—followed by behaviors that get rid of, or purge, the food eaten”
(Otis and Goldengay 2000: 87). Bulimic behavior triggers an individual’s body into a state of semi-
starvation that in turn releases hormones that stimulate the person to eat uncontrollably. This dis-
ease feels like a “roller coaster” to its victims, filled with emotions of guilt and frustration followed
by pleasure and happiness, only to be repeated over and over. The bulimic eats a huge amount of
food in one sitting (binges) and then throws up the food (purges) so as not to put on weight. Not
all bulimics are thin; they may even be slightly overweight. This is a secretive disorder that is often
difficult to detect. As with anorexia, support from the family, friends, and coaches is extremely
important.
Female athletes may also suffer from amenorrhea, the complete loss of menstruation. It can
be termed as three or fewer menstrual cycles in a year or no cycle for six consecutive months
(Wilson 1995). A combination of poor diet and excessive exercise may set up a female athlete for
amenorrhea. If a female is not menstruating, there is no release of estrogen and progesterone (nec-
essary for bone cell maintenance), resulting in weaker bones and fragility, which in turn triggers
the early onset of osteoporosis. Osteoporosis does not affect just older women. It can affect younger
women who do not take care of themselves at an early age. The body needs a number of nutrients
to keep the bones strong. Without these nutrients, bones can literally shatter. One of the most
avoided nutrients is fat. Fat is an essential part of a healthy diet and yet many dieters steer free of
it. Fats are needed for absorption of vitamins and for digestion. The U.S. Department of Agri-
culture recommends that no more than 30 percent of the total caloric intake should be from fats.
When people try to restrict fats they also deprive themselves of very important nutrients. Calcium
in the diet is extremely important for female athletes. Calcium strengthens bones, and therefore
has a correlation between intake and stress fractures. The less calcium a person takes in, the more
likely stress fractures will occur. Important sources of calcium are dairy products such as yogurt,
milk, and cheese. It is important that coaches and parents make sure that young athletes eat properly
by consuming foods that are filled with nutrients and that are from all food groups.
The emphasis on aesthetically pleasing female athletes may compromise a great deal of the
growth that women have attained and continue to seek in being treated equally with men as athletes.
In an attempt to reach “ideal” weight, many female athletes engage in unhealthy eating behaviors
and suffer from such health problems as anorexia, bulimia and amenorrhea. Younger girls need
positive role models to admire. Athletes who suffer from eating disorders do not make good role
models, and this in turn may stunt the continuing growth of female participation in sport.
Sexism
Sexism is another obstacle confronting women in their attempt to reach equity in sport. Sex-
ism is defined as behavior, conditions, or attitudes that foster stereotypical social roles based on
sex and lead to discrimination against members of one sex due to preferential treatment aimed to
assist members of the other sex. Sexism leads to inequality. Historically, women have been victims
of sexism far more often than men, but both men and women may be victimized by sexism. There
are two primary forms of sexism, ideological and institutional. Ideological sexism is the belief that
one sex is inferior to another and stresses gender-appropriateness based on gender roles. Ideological
sexism in sport has long prevailed and is exemplified by men who consider women too weak to
play sports. An example of ideological sexism is provided by the remarks of Formula One head
Bernie Ecclestone, who told reporters before the 2005 U.S. Grand Prix that “women should be all
dressed in white like all the other domestic appliances” (Sports Illustrated 2005: 20). The 74-year-
old Englishman’s comments were directed toward race car driver Danica Patrick. A year earlier
Ecclestone told a female writer that not only were women like appliances, but also “they shouldn’t
be allowed out. You don’t take the washing machine out of the house, do you?” (Sports Illustrated
2005: 20). Institutional sexism, on the other hand, refers to systematic practices and patterns
within social institutions that lead to inequality between men and women. The lack of women in
power positions in sport could be seen as a form of institutional sexism. Equal opportunity in
sport for women and men will occur only when discrimination and sexism is removed from that
social institution and society in general.
In 2014, PGA of America president Ted Bishop was relieved of his duties for a series of sexist
comments. His October 2014 social media comments sealed his fate. Bishop tweeted (on Twitter)
that European Tour pro Ian Poulter was acting like a “Lil Girl” (in reference to some of Poulter’s
A surfer stretches before heading out to tackle waves at the North Shore in Oahu, Hawaii.
comments he made in his recently released book). In a Facebook post, Bishop (reacting to what
he considered wimpish comments made by Poulter, again, in his book) wrote, “Really? Sounds
like a little girl squealing during recess. C’MON MAN!” (Ferguson 2014). Bucking the tradition
of keeping men in charge, especially of men’s sports (see the previous discussion, “Lack of Women
in Power Positions”), the PGA of America elected Suzy Whaley as their next president. Whaley,
who in 2003 became the first woman to qualify for a men’s event (the Greater Hartford Open)
since Babe Zaharias in 1945, will serve the next two years as PGA secretary, then two years as vice
president before starting a two-year term as president (2019–20) and another two-year term as
honorary president (Marot 2014). The PGA decision to elect Whaley as president sends an impor-
tant anti-sexism statement to others in sports and society in general.
Sexual Harassment
Sexual harassment is a byproduct of sexist attitudes. Sexual harassment is a violation of U.S.
law. Sexual harassment is defined as the making of unwanted and offensive sexual advances, sexually
offensive remarks or acts, unsolicited verbal comments, gestures, or physical contact of a sexual
nature, especially by a superior or a person in a supervisory position. As a once all-male domain,
the world of sport is often an environment wherein sexual harassment may be found. In some
instances, sexual harassment occurs between coaches and athletes. The coach has an advantageous
position of power over the athlete. At times, the coach may use his or her position to force an
athlete to have sex in return for favors such as increased playing time, or a starting position (at the
expense of another athlete). Sexual relationships between coaches and athletes are generally dis-
couraged and in many cases may be explicitly forbidden in athletic handbooks. Sexual harassment
may also occur when a woman plays sports on a men’s team.
Female Quest for Equality in the Male Preserve

Many males view sports opportunities as a “rite of passage.” Since the 1970s, many males in
the sports world have become increasingly fearful of the growing number of women in sports and
the shrinking financial budgets for male sports as a result of this shift in the sporting landscape.
Messner (2001) states, “Increasing female athleticism represents a genuine quest by women for
equality, control of their own bodies, and self-definition, and as such represents a challenge to the
ideological basis of male domination” (267).
In order for gender equity in sport to become a reality, two key things must occur. First, men
will have to change their perception of sport as a male domain and their ideas that masculinity is
tied to excelling in sports. Second, more females will have to hold positions of power (e.g., coaching
and administration). There is a conscious effort in the sports world to address the latter and there
has been some progress in changing the former even if many males still connect their identities
and ideas of masculinity to the ideal character traits of most sports, competition, domination,
toughness, and aggression. Women have entered the domain of many traditional male sports; for
example, there are women who play rugby, football and hockey or participate in mixed martial
arts, boxing and snowboarding. As more women enter the sports world, the male preserve is altered.
Furthermore, female athletes are no strangers to pain and injury resulting from playing sports.
They have learned to suck it up, play in pain, and be aggressive and tough such as males have
learned. This demonstrates, yet again, that regardless of any possible genetic predispositions a
person may have as a result of their sex, this can be modified through the socialization and trial
and error processes. The authors join many other scholars who argue that the sports world serves
as a site of empowerment for females.
Homosexuality and Homophobia

Homosexuality refers to sexual desire or behavior directed toward a person or persons of one’s
own sex. Homophobia encompasses a wide range of negative beliefs, attitudes and behaviors
directed towards lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgendered persons (LGBT). Many LGBT persons
face prejudice and discrimination in society. Although it is a crime to discriminate against any
person, U.S. law has designated a special crime status of “hate crime” (also known as a bias crime)
whenever the victim identifies as LGBT and the offense committed was done because of the victim’s
sexual identity. LGBT persons often run the risk of being targeted by intolerant people in society
in general and in sports in particular. As we have described in this chapter (as well as others), sports
have historically been the exclusive domain for males who express socially-accepted masculine
characteristics. Furthermore, while the numbers of females playing sports have swelled over the
past few decades, they too are (generally) expected to conform to socially-approved gender roles
that center on feminine ideals. In order words, it is often challenging enough for heterosexual ath-
letes to conform to sex role expectations, let alone a LGBT person. Consequently, it is not surprising
that most homosexual athletes want to keep their sexual lives private—especially gay men (Anshel
1994).
It has long been taboo for male athletes to “come out of the closet” due to the threat of loss
potential corporate sponsorships, the desire of sports clubs to retain their masculine image, and
the likelihood that teammates will not accept them as peers. Although there is a growing acceptance
of gay men in most Western societies, male athletes work in an environment that is still dominated
by machismo. Billy Bean, a former Major League Baseball player who announced he was gay after
his playing days ended, claims that male sports are society’s last bastion for denial. According to
a Denver Post report, Bean was one of only three male team-sport athletes to acknowledge at the
time that he is gay (Honolulu Star-Bulletin 1/8/06). The other two male athletes to “come out”
are Glenn Burke (MLB) and Esera Tuaolo (NFL). Male athletes live in a testosterone world, and
it is unlikely that a player who acknowledges being gay will be accepted by his teammates, as Mike
Anderson (running back for the Denver Broncos) indicated in an interview (Honolulu Star-Bulletin
1/8/06). Gay athletes may be unwilling to “come out” not only because of the fear of being rejected
by teammates and fans, but also the potential loss in endorsement deals. In 2007, former NBA
player John Amaechi came out and publicly announced that he was gay. His admission occurred
three years after his playing career ended. The general public was not overly concerned. But NBA
player Tim Hardaway said “I hate gay people” when asked about Amaechi during a radio interview
(Murphy 2007). Hardaway was blasted by the media and the Gay and Lesbian Alliance Against
Defamation. NBA commissioner David Stern suspended Hardaway from playing in the 2007 All-
Star Weekend festivities. Hardaway later apologized.
Sports marketers have indicated that coming out would have a negative impact in endorsement
deals (Wertheim 2005). However, as people become more accepting of gay athletes, it becomes
increasingly likely that more athletes will “come out.” A 2005 Sports Illustrated (SI ) poll reveals
that nearly 80 percent of respondents agreed that Americans are more accepting of gays in sports
today than they were twenty years ago (Wertheim 2005). Less than 10 years after this SI poll results
were released, NBA player Jason Collins disclosed publicly (in an April 2013 SI article) that he
was gay. Collins, then, became the first active and openly gay man to play in one of the four major
North American professional leagues. Eighteen months later, the New Jersey Nets Collins retired.
His then-coach, Jason Kidd, praised Collins for his courage and proclaimed, “It had been argued
that no team would want to take on a player who was likely to attract a media circus from the
outset and show sexuality would be a distraction. I’m happy to have helped put those canards to
rest” (The Citizen 11/20/14).
As a quick recap, we’ve have a couple of pro male athletes come out and say they were gay
after their playing careers were over and one male athlete come out while he was an athlete (albeit
at the end of his career). In 2014, Michael Sam, before he played a major professional team sport,
announced that he was gay, becoming the first openly gay male athlete (of a major team sport).
Sam was drafted by the NFL’s St. Louis Rams. Prior to the draft, Sam was a college star player at
the University of Missouri. He also won the Arthur Ashe Courage award at the 2014 annual ESPYs.
Sam was cut by the Rams and then picked up by the Dallas Cowboys. In October 2014, Sam was
released from the Cowboys practice squad, never having played a down in the NFL. At the time
of this writing, he was still hoping to be picked up by another NFL team. Prior to the start of the
2014–15 college basketball season, University of Massachusetts guard Derrick Gordon announced
he was gay, thus becoming the first active men’s basketball player in Division I history to come out
as gay and play the game. As these couple of cases would seem to indicate, “The times are a chang-
ing” as far as the growing acceptance of gays in men’s major team sports. However, the gay com-
munity still has some hurdles to overcome as homophobic attitudes still preside with many athletes.
For example, former NY Giants football player and Super Bowl winner David Tyree, who was
quoted saying that he would “give up his Super Bowl ring to stop gay marriages,” was hired as the
Giants’ director of player development in July 2014 (Carlson 2014).
Issues of sexuality are found in female athletics as well. In the 1800s, women were considered
too frail to play sports. After women proved they could play sports, there were concerns that female
athletes would become too masculine or engage in lesbianism. During the mid–1900s leaders of
women’s sports became aware of criticisms that female athletes were labeled as lesbians and “failed
heterosexuals” (Cahn 1994). This was based on assumed associations between mannishness and
lesbians and between masculinity and sport. Based on these assumptions, critics of women’s sport
now claimed that women athletes were “mannish lesbians who were unattractive to men” (Griffin
1998: 35). During the 1970s, the feminist movement had become quite strong. Lesbians no longer
felt the need to hide their sexual preference. “The emerging gay and lesbian rights movement
changed coming out from a personal declaration to a political statement and sparked the prolif-
eration of a more visible and proud lesbian and gay subculture” (Griffin 1998: 41).
During the Regan era (1980s) the U.S. became more conservative and lesbian athletes espe-
cially felt more compelled to keep their sexuality secret. In 1981, Billie Jean King held a press con-
ference to reveal that a former lesbian lover was suing her for palimony. Most women on the
professional tour knew King was a lesbian but kept it a secret, fearing loss of sponsorships. This
reality affirms the perspective of that era that female athletes were accepted by society as long as
they were heterosexual and that it was financially ruinous for lesbian professional athletes to pub-
licly identify themselves (Griffin 1998). Martina Navratilova, another dominant female tennis
player, was “outed” in an article in the New York Post. The public was not too surprised by this.
The Women’s Tennis Association, fearing loss of sponsorships, warned other players they would
not tolerate another player coming out (Zwerman 1995). A general acceptance of lesbian athletes
in sports like tennis and golf existed throughout the 1990s. This period of liberalism has been
replaced by a focus on aesthetic beauty and athleticism in the 2000s. A new generation of profes-
sional tennis players and golfers has embraced femininity and has reaped the financial awards for
doing so.
This is not to suggest that there are no lesbians in sports today. It is a commonly held belief
that many women in basketball, professional and collegiate, are lesbians. And although society in
general seems accepting of lesbians, there are still many individuals in power positions that are
not. On December 11, 2005, ESPN’s Outside the Lines aired a special on Penn State’s women’s bas-
ketball and coach Maureen “Rene” Portland. A long-time coach at Penn State (26 years as of 2005),
she earned two “National Coach of Year” awards and had more than 650 victories, including seven
conference titles. Portland had a strict “no lesbians” policy and throughout her career approached
her players that she suspected of being gay. She forced them to admit to being gay and then threat-
ened to “out” them (to the media and their family members) if they complained about her anti-
gay attitudes. Portland kicked lesbians off the team. Throughout this Outside the Lines broadcast
former Penn State players discussed their shock and dismay of Portland’s outward hostility toward
lesbians. One player recounted how Portland took players to a WNBA game in Seattle and later
complained to her players about the audience members—many of whom consisted of lesbian cou-
ples and groups of lesbian women. After a lawsuit by one former player and an internal university
review of Portland’s practices, she resigned in 2007.
In 2005, Sheryl Swoopes of the Houston Comets (WNBA) announced that she was a lesbian.
She was once married to a man and has an 8-year-old son. Swoopes claims not to have been gay
while she was married but instead became a lesbian in recent years. Swoopes, the only player to be
named league MVP three times, said that she never had feelings for a woman before she met Alisa
Scott, a former Comets assistant coach. Swoopes hopes that she can remain a role model to young
aspiring female athletes (Rieken 2005). Interesting enough, in 1993 Swoopes’ mother, Louise, had
caused a national controversy by claiming that Sheryl, then trying out with the University of Texas
Lady Longhorns, had been subjected to sexual advances by two members of the team. “To her
credit,” writes Perry Deane Young (1995), “Jody Conradt, the coach of the Lady Longhorns, refused
to be intimidated by the accusations. Conradt said she knew nothing of the incidents Swoopes’s
mother described, but she said it was no problem for her or the team if there were active lesbian
members. The winningest coach in women’s basketball … Conradt said the university had a policy
not to discriminate against anyone because of sexual orientation. ‘The best team I ever had had
diversity,’ Conradt said. ‘When our society learns to embrace diversity, we’ll be a lot better society’”
(37).
In addition to King, Navratilova and Swoopes, there are a number of other famous lesbians
in professional sports including: Violet Palmer, the first referee of a men’s professional sports
league (NBA); Patty Sheehan, winner of 35 LPGA tournaments, including 6 majors; Megan Rapi-
noe, member of the U.S. Women’s 2011 Silver World Cup soccer team; and Brittany Griner, WNBA
(Acosta 2014). Abby Wambach, a two-time gold medalist on the U.S. Women’s soccer team, and
all-time leading goal scorer in U.S. and international soccer history, married her partner, Sarah
Huffman, in Hawaii in 2013. Taking on a rather contemporary, progressive view of LBGT issues,
Wambach was a bit surprised by all the media attention her wedding drew and proclaimed that
her wedding was not a political or coming out statement because she was never “closeted” in the
first place (Fox Sports 2013).
Title IX
As we mentioned earlier in this chapter, the most significant single event to occur for women
in sport was the passage of Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 (20 U.S.C., Sect.
1681). Congress enacted Title IX on June 23, 1972. Title IX legislation was the first comprehensive
federal statue created to prohibit sex discrimination in education programs that receive federal
financial assistance. This includes public elementary, secondary and post-secondary schools and
public and private universities. Since nearly every educational institution is a recipient of some
type of federal funding, nearly all educational institutions are required to comply with Title IX.
Title IX is enforced by the Office for Civil Rights (OCR) of the U.S. Department of Education.
This legislation requires educational institutions to maintain policies, practices and programs that
do not discriminate against anyone based on sex. Under this law, males and females are to receive
equal funding and treatment in all areas of education including athletics. The OCR has the author-
ity to develop policy on the regulations it enforces.
Before Title IX, athletic budgets were overwhelmingly slanted toward male sports. Title IX
was designed to eliminate such widespread examples of discrimination in educational settings.
The implementation of Title IX meant that men would have to share the better facilities (gym-
nasium, weight rooms, swimming pool, etc.), the better practice times (women were usually given
late night or early morning practice times), and most importantly, financial resources. “The impact
of Title IX has been clear and dramatic. In 1972 only one girl in twenty-seven played a sport spon-
sored by her high school, and colleges spent a total of $100,000 on athletic scholarships for women.
By 1996, one girl in three played a sport sponsored by her high school, and colleges spent a total
of $180 million on athletic scholarships for women. The participation of women in college sports
increased fourfold between 1970 and 1999, from 31,000 to 110,000” (Porto 2003: 13–14). Through
the first decade of the 2000s, women’s participation rates in college sports continued to increase.
According to the NCAA (2011), there were 191,131 women competing in Division I, D-II and D-
III overall in the 2010–11 year. This figure represents a fivefold increase since 1972 (Brown 2009).
Title IX and Compliance

Any school in violation of Title IX can be penalized for non-compliance; such penalties usu-
ally result in the loss of federal funds. Although most schools are not in compliance with Title IX,
no institution has lost money for violating Title IX. Many schools have, however, paid substantial
damages and attorney fees because of lawsuits brought to court. There are three basic aspects of
Title IX that apply to athletics: participation and accommodation (offering sports programs), ath-
letic financial assistance (scholarships), and “other” athletic program areas.
1. Participation and Accommodation. Title IX is sometimes viewed as a quota system; but this is
not accurate. To comply with Title IX institutions must show one of three things: proportion-
ate (to the enrollment of the institution) athletic opportunities for male and females athletes;
or demonstrate a history and continuing practice of expanding opportunities for the under-
represented sex; or the provision of sports of interest to the under-representative sex.
2. Athletic Financial Assistance. The total amount of athletic aid (scholarships) must be pro-
portionate between female and male athletes. This is calculated by simple mathematics. If 53
percent of the participants are men and 47 percent are women, then 53 percent of the scholar-
ship dollars must be awarded to men and 47 percent to women. Title IX does not impose schol-
arship limits by sport—the NCAA determines this.
3. Other Athletic Program Areas. Title IX mandates equal treatment in a number of other ath-
letic program areas, including coaching, game and practice times, medical and training facili-
ties, publicity, travel per diem, equipment and supplies (especially in regard to equal quality of
equipment), locker rooms, recruitment of student athletes, tutoring opportunities, laundry
service, and practice and competitive facilities.
Title IX does not require that men’s programs be cut to accommodate women’s programs. It
is each school’s choice whether to cut men’s programs in an effort to comply with Title IX or to
add women’s programs. Due to the decreasing amount of money available to an increasing number
of schools, cutting men’s sports programs is often viewed as the best fiscal decision. It is also impor-
tant to note that the law protects men as well as women; consequently, men may charge an insti-
tution with violating Title IX.
Reactions to Title IX
The implications of Title IX were clear to all those involved in sports. Many males felt threat-
ened by the passage of Title IX. As Francis (2001) explains, “Despite the phase-in, Title IX was
met with resistance from coaches of men’s teams, from university athletics directors, and from the
National Collegiate Athletic Association…. The NCAA lobbied Congress to exempt athletics
from Title IX, and, when this effort failed, brought suit challenging the regulations issues by the
Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW) to implement Title IX” (252). The NCAA
merely postponed the inevitable enforcement of Title IX. University athletic directors worried
that equal funding for women’s sports teams would financially cripple the men’s programs, espe-
cially the revenue producing football and basketball programs, but started the phase-in of women’s
sports by the end of the decade. By the late 1970s, the typical pattern was for a university to offer
roughly equal numbers of men’s and women’s teams in nonrevenue sports.
In 1982, the AIAW was swallowed by the NCAA. The NCAA started offering national
championship games in women’s sports—a symbolic victory of equality. National championship
games had previously been reserved for men’s sports. Since 1988 and the clarification on the
program-specific interpretation of Title IX, numerous lawsuits have been brought against univer-
sity athletics programs, by both male and female athletes. Most of these lawsuits were initiated by
athletes who sought to block their schools from dropping specific sport programs. “Female mem-
bers of varsity teams objected to cutbacks that eliminated the teams in equal numbers for both
sexes. Male members protested cutbacks that were imposed unilaterally on men’s teams. In several
cases, women members of club teams sought to compel their university to upgrade their teams to
varsity status, a step that the university was unwilling to take for financial reasons” (Francis 2001:
253).
During the Bill Clinton presidential administration, Title IX took on a new momentum as
the Office of Civil Rights laid down a new set of compliance guidelines (Rader 2004). Among
the new rules was a stricter interpretation of proportionality—that the total number of varsity
male and female athletes be in proportion to the general student body. Since women outnumber
men in college (overall), women would now be required to receive a greater number of total schol-
arships than men. Colleges with football programs were in real potential trouble, as the football
team was once allowed to offer 85 scholarships. This number would have to be reduced, but even
then, other men’s programs were in jeopardy if football continued. When football is taken out of
the equation, women receive more athletic scholarships than men. Critics argued that women may
not have the same interest level in participating in sport and therefore questioned the legitimacy
of proportionality as the criteria for athletic funding. Defenders of proportionality argue that if
given a chance, women may wish to participate in sports as much as men presently do.
During the 1980s and 1990s at least 170 men’s college wrestling programs were eliminated
(Rader 2004). A large number of men’s swimming and diving, tennis and gymnastics teams have
also been eliminated during this period. Roughly 400 men’s college sports teams were dropped in
the first 30 years since Title IX was passed (Brady 2002b). Men’s programs continue to be elimi-
nated in the 2000s. In 2011, the University of Delaware announced that it was demoting its men’s
track and cross-country teams to club status; and Delaware was just one of dozens of universities
that had recently eliminated “low-profile” men’s teams like wrestling, gymnastics and swimming
in an effort, the universities say, to comply with Title IX (Thomas 2011). Delaware also announced
that it was adding a women’s golf team for the Fall 2011 season.
Title IX Is Unfair to Men’s Sports

Large numbers of men’s college sports programs have been cut in the past four decades. Title
IX compliance is usually cited as the reason for all these cuts to men’s programs. Critics of Title
IX believe this is unfair to men. The unfair treatment of athletes is not limited to the college
ranks. Indeed, the Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights reports that only 25 percent
of complaints involve colleges (Brady 2002b).
Proportionality requirements are deemed as unfair to male athletes by critics of Title IX.
Elizabeth Arens (1999) believes that “more men than women are interested in taking part in college
sports and that universities fail to take this into account when applying Title IX” (127). Arens
argues that interest in sport is more important than enrollment numbers of males and females.
Arens argues that men’s sports teams have been victims of misguided egalitarianism. “Thanks to
pressure from the Clinton administration and the federal courts, schools are destroying men’s ath-
letics programs across the country. They are capping the sizes of teams, terminating long-standing
programs, and driving thousands of male students off the playing fields. And they are doing so
without regard to the level of interest in sports demonstrated by female students or to the resources
of the schools they attend” (Arens 1999: 128). The Commission on Opportunity in Athletics rec-
ommends that schools use surveys to determine the level of interest men and women on campus
have in varsity athletics. Those findings would then be used to determine compliance (Fletcher
and Sandoval 2003).
Critics of Title IX argue that this legislation is unfair to male athletes and therefore it should
be drastically altered. As Welch Suggs (2005) points out:
The essence of the debate over Title IX comes down to the fact that Americans have not decided
what “fair” means when it comes to opening up opportunities to people previously excluded. Con-
servatives hold that fairness has nothing to do with numbers of people involved in a certain activ-
ity, and that if colleges (or any other organization) try to fix the proportion of female participants
to match the proportion of the overall female population, they are imposing a quota system….
The larger point, though, is Title IX does not require schools and colleges to make everything fair
for everybody. Instead, it requires schools and colleges not to discriminate on the basis of sex.
Because the schools and colleges have chosen to offer sports opportunities, and to do so in a way
that male and female students are separated, then they need to find a way to prove that they are
offering equitable opportunities. And nobody has come up with a better means of allowing col-
leges to define “equitable” for themselves than the three-part test [190–191].
When the representatives of men’s sports teams that were cut in order to meet Title IX com-
pliance go to court in an attempt to save their sports, they are seldom successful. In 2005, for
example, the Supreme Court rejected the National Wrestling Coaches Association’s (NWCA)
claim that Title IX was a form of discrimination against male athletes because of the large number
of cuts in wrestling programs across the United States. The High Court argued that the NWCA
failed to show that the law was directly responsible for the reduction in men’s sports. Proponents
of the Delaware men’s teams that were cut in 2011 went to court claiming that the university was
discriminating against its male athletes. A visit to the University of Delaware’s website will show
that the men lost. In fact, there are eight men’s sports teams (including football) at Delaware and
13 women’s sports (University of Delaware 2014). Presumably, because of the larger number of
scholarships and participants on a football team, the university has sought to meet Title IX com-
pliance by increasing the number of women’s sports programs—the very thing proponents of men’s
nonrevenue sports complain about.
Title IX Is Fair and Necessary

Proponents of Title IX argue that the legislation is still necessary and not unfair to men.
They remind critics that proportionality is just one way for a school to prove it is complying with
Title IX (Labinger 1999). Athletic financial assistance (scholarships) and “Other” athletic program
areas are the other two ways for schools to comply with Title IX. Furthermore, proponents of
Title IX point out that individual schools could add women’s programs instead of dropping men’s
programs; thus, revealing that the problem of decreasing numbers of men’s sports programs is not
the result of Title IX but instead each school.
In addition, proponents of Title IX point out that while the legislation is working, it has
not accomplished its goal—equity. Labinger (1999) explains, “While women athletes on college
campuses haven’t yet achieved equity with their male counterparts, they’ve come a long way since
Title IX’s enactment. Title IX is working. It shouldn’t be weakened because some universities
would rather make excuses than give women their fair share” (139). Porto (2003) concurs and
adds that relatively few colleges are actually in compliance with Title IX, thus showing the need
to continue it. Currently, approximately 42 percent of student athletes in college are female. In
high school, the compliance gap is much smaller. According to the National Federal of High
Schools (2003–04), girls comprise 42 percent of all athletes and while comprising 47 percent of
the high school population (Women’s Sports Foundation 2005). Further, while some men’s sports
programs, such as wrestling, gymnastics and swimming and diving, have witnessed dramatic cuts,
the number of overall NCAA male athletes still significantly exceeds women, 252,946 men to
191,131 women in the 2010–11 school year (NCAA 2011).
As for the claims that girls and women are not as interested in sports as males, proponents
of Title IX point out that there has been an 847 percent increase in girls’ participation in high
school varsity sports since the passage of Title IX (Harrison and Lynch 2005). Put another way,
in 1972 there were less than 300,000 girls playing high school sports and now there are nearly 3
million girls who participate in high school athletics (Brown 2009). At the collegiate level, there
are five times as many women playing sports today than in 1972 (Brown 2009). In an interview
with ESPN in 2012, former 1999 U.S. Women’s Gold World Cup team member Julie Foudy referred
to herself and her teammates as “Title IX Babies” and stated that not only did they benefit directly
from the passage of Title IX, team USA would not have won the Cup in 1999 without the legis-
lation (ESPN.go.com 2012). There are countless other females who have also benefited from Title
IX and it seems very plausible that women will continue to benefit from it in the years to come.

Box 10: Gender Role Expectations:
“There’s no crying in baseball”
There was a time when the United States tried to avoid war and such was the case before
World War II. As Germany began its quest to conqueror Europe (in 1938, first claiming parts of
Czechoslovakia and in 1939, attacking Poland), the majority of Americans favored neutrality,
believing the war to be a “European problem” (Bedingfield 2014). Nonetheless, President Roosevelt
instituted the Selective Training and Service Act (the “draft”) on September 16, 1940. Every Amer-
ican male between the ages of 21 and 36 was required to register for 12 months of military service
“to ensure the independence and freedom of the United States” (Bedingfield 2014). The draft
resulted in putting nearly two million men in uniform by the end of 1941; just in time to respond
to the bombing of Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, and the growing German threat in Europe.
The draft affected every profession, including baseball. MLB was enjoying a momentous 1941 sea-
son (e.g., Ted Williams batted .406; Joe DiMaggio hit safely in 56 consecutive games; and Lefty
Grove got his 300th career win) (Bedingfield 2014). More than MLB 500 players, including Ted
Williams, Joe DiMaggio and Stan Musial fought in the war.
With the ranks of Major League Baseball and minor league baseball diminished, league offi-
cials had to fill the void. A group of Midwestern businessmen, with the financial support of
William Wrigley, Jr. (the owner of the Chicago Cubs), formed the All-American Girls Professional
Ball League (AAGPBL). The league emerged in the spring of 1943 and was formed as a non-profit
organization. Because the league retained the softball rules of shorter infield distances and under-
hand pitching to make it distinctive from the existing softball leagues, the word “ball” was used
in the league’s name (AAGPBL 2014). The league continued to exist even after the end of war.
At the end of the 1950 season independent team owners purchased the league and changed the
name to the American Girls Baseball League (AGBL). In 1988, the league once again came to be
recognized as the AAGPBL.
When it first formed, the AAGPBL used modified softball and baseball rules in an attempt
to liven the game up and make it distinctive from softball. Finding talented players was a challenge
as there was a lack of quality professional athletes from which to choose. Women from the elite
softball leagues were hand-picked and scouts searched the countryside looking for raw female tal-
ent. Wrigley assumed that MLB owners would eagerly join him in his venture and he envisioned
using existing MLB parks; after all, this was a money-generating proposition he was offering them.
However, most owners rebuffed his idea. Eventually teams were formed and a league schedule
established. And because of the influence of the patriarchal society of the time, the issue of fem-
ininity was also important; as a result, the players wore skirted uniforms.
Directed by Penny Marshall, the very popular 1992 movie, A League of Their Own was
released and provided a fictionalized account of the AAGPBL in the early 1940s. The film centered
on the Rockford Peaches who were coached by Jimmy Dugan (Tom Hanks) and consisted of such
players as catcher Dorothy “Dottie” Hinson (Geena Davis); centerfielder “All the Way” Mae Mord-
abito (Madonna); 3rd baseman Doris Murphy (Rosie O’Donnell); and pitcher Kit Keller (Lori
Petty). The film provided an accurate look how the league was formed; the role of talent scouts
(i.e., Jon Lovitz as Ernie Capadino); the reaction from supportive and nonsupportive spectators;
publicity stunts in an attempt to promote the game and draw fans to the stands; and the role of
women chaperones who were assigned the task of assuring the players acted like “proper” feminine
women.
A League of Their Own also contains one of the all-time classic film quotes—“There’s no
crying in baseball!” The American Film Institute (2014) listed it at #54 on its Top 100 all-time
movie quotes list. This classic line was uttered by Coach Jimmy Dugan in reaction to one of his
players crying after he yelled at her. Because this is a fictional tale of the AAGPBL we don’t know
if any player ever actually cried after being lambasted by a coach but it does serve as interesting
fodder when discussing gender role expectations. Dugan, who was used to working with male
ballplayers, knew that male players would not cry when being yelled at because most males have
been taught since they were little boys to be tough. (“Big boys don’t cry.”) As males grow older
this message is hammered over and over; be tough, play with pain, suck it up, don’t let the opponent
intimidate you, fight back. These same messages are common in sports, including baseball. Whether
males are biologically wired to be aggressive because of thousands of years of evolutionary growth
and the need to be the “hunter,” or whether males learn that toughness is a valuable and desired
trait, aggressiveness, working hard and toughness remain valued attributes among males. Girls, on
the other hand, have generally been encouraged to embrace their emotions and to be good nur-
turers; they are more likely to allow themselves to cry in public than their male counterparts.
Gender role stereotypes are in full bloom when Dugan yells at right fielder Evelyn Gardner (Bitty
Schram) and repeatedly shouts, “There’s no crying in baseball!” and she reacts by crying even harder.
Women, who are generally encouraged to be open with their emotions, are conversely also
expected to abide by the no-crying adage of sports. “There’s no crying in baseball!” reflects this
anti-crying creed in sports, even by women. This “be tough” attitude of sports also extends to per-
sons who are actually in pain, even if they have been injured. For example, in January 1994, figure
skater Nancy Kerrigan was physically attacked (she was clubbed on the knee with a police baton
by a “hit man” hired by rival Tonya Harding) and the media and public mocked her “selfish” cry
of “Why? Why me?” as she sat on the floor in pain immediately following the assault.
Interestingly, crying does seem to have its place in sport. Male and female athletes are “allowed”
to cry under certain emotional conditions, such as during a retirement speech, or an induction
speech into the Hall of Fame. It seems that the rules of sport, even when it comes to crying, are
often in the gray area. The “rules” of proper behavior in sport, whether we are discussing gender
role expectations or not, are often as clouded as the rules of general society sometimes tend to be.
Once again, sports mirror society.
Summary
Young boys and girls are traditionally raised differently, and this can have an effect upon
whether or not they play sports. Gender stereotypes are learned in early childhood. Role expecta-
tions in sports often begin at this stage. The perceived differences between the two sexes can help
one understand the historically low participation of women in sports. Changes in cultural attitudes
toward women have led to dramatic increases in the number of girls and women playing sports today.
The patriarchal design of most nations throughout history has supported a system of gender
stratification that left most women in subservient roles. While the average male has always been
physically stronger and faster than the average female, this perceived “weakness” has been used to
further reinforce patriarchal societies. Sports, which require and emphasize physical strength and
size, came to be viewed as more “natural” for males than for females.
Historically, women have been denied equal access to sport participation. The fact that men
are bigger, on average, than women has no bearing on whether or not females can play sports.
Anatomy is not athletic destiny. Cultural attitudes about the inappropriateness of women playing
sports prevailed up until the twentieth century. Myths designed to keep women from playing sports
were not limited to the physicality of the female body, but also extended into the psychological
realm. These myths still linger in Western societies.
The single most momentous event to affect women’s participation in sport occurred with
the passage of Title IX of the Educational Amendments Act of 1972. Both the Civil Rights Move-
ment of the 1950s and 1960s and the Feminist Movement of the early 1970s played a large role
in encouraging equal opportunity for all, and an end to discriminatory practices throughout the
United States. Many people believe that the greatest sports moment in U.S. women’s sports history
was the 1999 World Cup victory.
There are still a number of obstacles interfering with the continued growth of women’s sports
participation, including budgetary cutbacks, lack of women in power positions, and male resist-
ance. While women have come a long way since the early 1970s, one myth lingers—that sports
masculinizes females. As a result, most female athletes want to be viewed as both athletic and fem-
inine. “Aesthetic fitness”—highlighting of femininity and beauty—is another pressure many female
athletes face. As a result, a number of them suffer from eating disorders and other physical ailments
brought about by trying to attain unrealistic physical ideals.
Sexism, both ideological and institutional, presents a challenge to female equality in sports,
as does sexual harassment. In some instances, sexual harassment occurs between coaches and ath-
letes. In order for gender equality in sport to become a reality, two key things must occur. First,
men will have to change their perception of sport as a male domain, and second, more females
will have to hold positions of power (including coaching and administrative roles).
Homophobia is another issue which complicates the topic of women in sport. It is a commonly
held belief that many women in sport, particularly basketball, are lesbians, and while society in
general seems more accepting of this, there are still many individuals in power positions who are not.
Another controversy in the area of women and sports is whether cheerleading constitutes a
proper sport. The cheerleader is a nationally recognized symbol of sportsmanship. While originally
a male role, most cheerleaders today are female. There is much debate over whether they are positive
role models or rather perpetuate sexist stereotypes. There is a growing acceptance for cheerleading
as a sport.
Overall, women have made tremendous strides toward gender equity in sports over the past
few decades, and interest in women’s sports continues to grow.
Key Terms
Amenorrhea The complete loss of menstruation. It can be termed as three or fewer menstrual
cycles in a year or no cycle for six consecutive months.
Anorexia An eating disorder characterized by a purposeful weight loss far beyond the normal
range.
Bulimia An eating disorder characterized by repetitive cycles of dieting, then overeating—
binging—followed by behaviors that get rid of, or purge, the food eaten.
Cheerleader A person who leads, calls for, and directs organized cheering at sporting events
from the sidelines of the field or court.
Competitive Cheer Squads Groups which compete against other cheer squads in front of
judges rather than cheering for a sports team.
Gender This refers to socially determined expectations placed on individuals because of their
sexual category. Males are expected to act masculine, while females are expected to act feminine.
Gender Roles A social by-product of cultural expectations. Gender role expectations extend to
all realms of the social life, including mannerisms, behaviors, attitudes, styles of dress, and
activities, including sports, that are deemed appropriate for men and women.
Homophobia Fear and dislike of homosexuals, often leading to persecution and discrimination
against them.
Ideological Sexism The belief that one sex is inferior to another; it stresses gender-
appropriateness based on gender roles.
Institutional Sexism Systematic practices and patterns within social institutions that lead to
inequality between men and women.
Osteoporosis A condition of decreased bone mass that can lead to bone fractures.
Patriarchy A male-dominated society or ideology.
Proportionality In Title IX, the total number of varsity male and female athletes must be
equal to the general student body.
Sex This refers to one’s biological classification. Males and females differ biologically in regards
to their internal and external reproductive organs and genitalia, types and levels of hormones
and chromosomal structure (females have an XX and males an XY design).
Sexism Behavior, conditions, or attitudes that foster stereotypical social roles based on sex and
lead to discrimination against members of one sex due to preferential treatment aimed to assist
members of the other sex.
Sexual Harassment Deliberate or repeated unsolicited verbal comments, gestures, or physical
contact of a sexual nature that are unwelcome by the recipient and create an intimidating or
hostile work environment.
• Should little boys and girls play with different toys? Do you think that boys playing with toy
soldiers and girls playing with dolls perpetuates stereotypes and has a harmful effect upon
them? Why or why not?
• What is the difference between “sex” and “gender”? Why might this be significant in the dis-
cussion of women in sports?
• What is “gender stratification” and how does it relate to a patriarchal political system?
• What are some of the myths associated with female participation in sports? How did these
myths arise, and how might one argue against them?
• What are some of the reasons the issue of female equity in sports became a major issue in the
1970s? How did Title IX try to address this issue, and what are the pros and cons that have
arisen in trying to implement this policy in the past 40 years?
• Do you agree or disagree with the claim that women tend to “burn out” faster than men in
high pressure jobs such as coaching and administrative positions?
• What is “aesthetic fitness” and why is it an issue in female sports?
• Do you think that cheerleading is a legitimate sport? Why or why not?
• In your view, do female athletes face greater or lesser resistance in their quest to play sports
than was the case ten years ago?
• Now that a few athletes have become public about being gay, do you think more athletes will
do this in the future; or do you think they are likely to keep their sexual orientation to them-
selves? Explain why.
CHAPTER 11
Race and Ethnicity in Sport
As we know, football is the most popular sport in the United States and the most esteemed
position on the football team is the quarterback (QB). The QB is often referred to as the “field
general” because his performance is generally tied to the success, or failure, of the team as a whole.
The successful quarterback must possess a number of attributes, including athletic skill; the abilities
to take a hit and get back up, command the undivided attention of his offensive teammates, read
defensive schemes and make instantaneous play adjustments as deemed necessary; and he must
know when to stand in the pocket and when to try to run away to elude on-rushing defenders. To
do all this, the quarterback must also possess intelligence. The quarterback position then is a
“thinking” position as much as anything else. Consequently, the QB needs to be smart.
Throughout most of the history of football (at all levels), the QB position was reserved for
white athletes. The primary reason behind the idea that quarterbacks needed to be white was tied
to the general cultural belief that whites are more intelligent than blacks. Such a notion that whites
are more intelligent than blacks is a direct result of a combination of racist beliefs, attitudes and
behaviors held by many whites and the results of intelligence tests (IQ tests). In this chapter, we
will explore the relationship between race and intelligence, the role of genetics in sports, the social
construction of race and ethnicity, and racism in sport. We begin by examining the concepts of
“race” and “ethnicity.”
Explaining Race and Ethnicity

It is important to begin a chapter such as this by explaining what is meant by the concepts
of “race” and “ethnicity” while also looking at a number of related concepts such as racism, stereo-
types, prejudice, and discrimination. Sociologists point out that the concepts of race and ethnicity
are a product of social constructionism and that such categories of people exist merely because
society has chosen to label people in racial or ethnic terms. With that in mind, we can define race
as a category of people who share some socially recognized physical characteristic, such as skin
color or hereditary traits that distinguishes them from other categories of people. The most com-
mon biological feature used to determine races of people is skin color—despite the reality that
this is a very imprecise way of determining races. Thus a racial group is biologically determined
through cultural constructs and interpretations. An ethnic group refers to a category of people
who are recognized as distinct based on such social or cultural factors such as nationality, religion,
language, geographic residence, a common set of values, and so on. In the United States, the federal
government determines the categories of races and ethnicities and collects data on people based
on their categories. Official classification of race and ethnicity is revealed in its Census form. In
2010, these categories included: Hispanic, Latino, or Spanish origin (Mexican, Mexican American,
259
Chicano, Puerto Rican, Cuban and other); White; Black, African American or Negro; American
Indian or Alaska Native (the tribe must be identified); Asian Indian; Chinese; Filipino; Japanese;
Korean; Vietnamese; Other Asian (must identify); Native Hawaiian; Guamanian, or Chamorro;
Samoan; or Other Pacific Islander (identify). There is also a box for “Some other race” that respon-
dents can check. As we can see from this listing, there is no neat category for biracial respondents,
unless one chooses to check “Other.” President Barack Obama, who is the son of a black father
from Kenya and a white mother from Kansas, checked African American on the 2010 census ques-
tionnaire.
The concepts of race and ethnicity are social constructs because, technically, we are all of
the same race, or species, Homo sapiens (Latin words meaning “thinking person”), that first emerged
in Africa approximately 250,000 years ago (Macionis 2010). Before people started migrating in
large numbers from their homelands in the late 1500s, there was no concept of race. By the late
1500s, however, Europeans began to use the term race to describe diverse people. Around 1800,
European scientists came up with three broad categories for humanity: Caucasian (for people from
Europe and Western Asia) to designate people of light skin and fine hair; Negroid (derived from
the Latin meaning “black”) to refer to people with dark skin and coarse, curly hair typical of people
living in sub–Saharan Africa; and Mongoloid (referring to the Mongolian region of Asia) to refer
to people with yellow or brown skin and distinctive folds on the eyelids (Macionis 2010). Since
the early 1800s, a number of academic disciplines utilize classification systems for race. In biology,
race refers to a population of humans based on certain hereditary characteristics that differentiate
them from other human groups (Marger 2006). Physical anthropologists distinguish racial groups
either by phenotype—visible anatomical features such as skin color, hair texture, and body and
facial shape—or by genotype—genetic specifications inherited from one’s parents (Marger 2006).
The racial classification schemes described above all use cultural interpretations of physical
characteristics in order to create categories of race. From a genetic standpoint, however, biologists
would “tell us that people in various racial categories differ in only about 6 percent of their genes,
which is less than the genetic variation that we find within each racial category. What this means
is that from a scientific standpoint, physical variation is real, but racial categories simply do not
describe that reality very well” (Macionis 2010: 57). If we used genetics to determine racial cate-
gories, cultural ideals might have to be changed in the face of certain realities. Consider, for exam-
ple, Jews and Palestinians, who have been locked in a bitter struggle for more than a century, would
have to face the reality that they share a common ancestry dating back 4,000 years to Abraham,
the biblical patriarch of both Jewish and Arab nations (Kraft 2000). According to genetic research,
the percentage of variation in the Y chromosome between Jews and Palestinians differ by only 1
percent, compared to a difference of 5 percent between Jews and Europeans (Kraft 2000).
It should be noted that there are some well-recognized and meaningful genetic differences
between groups of people, “for instance between Ashkenazi and Sephardi Jews in terms of their
risk to Tay-Sachs disease” (Nature 2009: 787). Nearly all people of northern European descent
can enjoy milk and milk products, but about 75 percent of African-American, Jewish, Native
American, and Mexican American adults cannot digest much milk; nor can about 90 percent of
Asian Americans (Delaney 2012). Lactose intolerance can be managed by taking a chemical called
lactase which is available in pill form and in some dairy-based products such as specially formulated
milk (vos Savant 2005). As another example, young blacks are twenty times as likely as whites to
suffer from heart failure (1 in every 100 blacks under the age of fifty) (Delaney 2012). Interestingly,
there is a specific treatment for heart disease that is most effective for blacks: BiDil. BiDil represents
the first medication approved by the Food and Drug Administration for a specific racial group
( Jewell 2005).
Still, it is important to emphasize that the social creation of racial and ethnic categories of
people was not motivated simply by a desire to classify people based on physical traits and for
medical reasons; instead, it has much to do with one category of people finding a way to feel supe-
rior over others and thus justifying their superordinate role over others. Feelings and/or delusions
of superiority may lead to racism, prejudice, and discrimination of the subordinates all in attempt
to maintain an advantageous social position.
Racism, Prejudice and Discrimination

When a person, such as a quarterback, is negatively evaluated solely on the basis of his race,
he is the victim of racism. Racism involves any attitude, belief, behavior or social arrangement that
has the intent, or the ultimate effect, of favoring members of one racial category of people over
another. Racism involves denying equal access to goods, services and opportunities to people
because of their racial category. In football, it has been common to relegate white athletes to the
“thinking” positions (e.g., quarterback and middle linebacker) while designating black athletes to
“reaction” positions (e.g., defensive back and defensive tackles). The idea that the quarterback
position in football is a “thinking” position while playing defensive back is a “reaction” position
serves as an example of a traditional, race-based belief that has contributed to stereotyping and
discrimination in sport. Such beliefs are based on social construction (cultural determinations)
rather than biological realities.
Racism leads to prejudice and discrimination. Although the terms “prejudice” and “discrim-
ination” are related, there are distinct differences. Prejudice can be defined as negative beliefs and
overgeneralizations concerning a group of people involving a judgment against an individual based
on a rigid and fixed mental image applied to all individuals of that group. “Ethnic and racial prej-
udices are characterized by several features, including categorical or generalized thoughts, negative
assumptions about an individual based on group membership, and inflexible thinking” (Delaney
2012: 257). Because football started during an era in American history wherein blacks were still
subjected to Jim Crow racist beliefs, they were not considered smart enough to handle the quar-
terback position and it was also believed that white teammates would not follow a black leader on
the gridiron. Throughout much of the development of football over the years this prejudicial
attitude persisted. (There was also a carry-over effect to other sports that blacks were not capable
of leadership roles on ball teams.)
A common type of prejudice is the stereotype. Stereotypes are oversimplified and exaggerated
beliefs about a category of people. The belief that whites make better leaders than blacks or that
all black people make good athletes are examples of stereotypes. Some white athletes may make
for good leaders on- and off-the-field but that does not mean all whites are naturally prepared to
handle the rigors of leadership; and, not all blacks are great athletes.
Discrimination refers to behavior that treats people unequally on the basis of an ascribed sta-
tus, such as race or gender. Discrimination can be viewed as applied prejudice (LeMay 2005). That
is, while prejudice involves negative beliefs about a person without having knowledge of that per-
son, discrimination refers to actual behavior that leads to unequal treatment. If we revisit the QB
position in football, if a coach believes that an athlete is not smart enough to be a QB because he
is black, the coach is guilty of prejudicial thinking. However, if the coach gives the athlete a chance
to try out for the QB position he is not guilty of discrimination. On the other hand, if a coach
has a policy wherein black athletes are not allowed to try out for quarterback, he is guilty of dis-
crimination.
The idea that the quarterback position was a thinking position that only whites could handle
has been so ingrained in the culture of football that few black athletes played the position in high
school, college or the NFL. Eventually, a number of black players broke the color barrier at the
high school level and were allowed to be quarterbacks. The success of many black high school
quarterbacks paved the way for black college quarterbacks. Still, the NFL was hesitant. Slowly, a
number of black quarterbacks started getting drafted by the NFL, and yet, they were expected to
change their positions (i.e., become a defensive back or wide receiver) and give up their leadership
role as quarterback. James Harris was the first African-American to regularly start as quarterback
in professional football, breaking through in 1979 with the Buffalo Bills; and enjoying his greatest
success with the then–Los Angeles Rams (21–6 as a starter) in the mid-seventies (Freedman 2014).
By the early 2000s, a limited number of African American quarterbacks were found in the NFL
(e.g., Donovan McNabb and Michael Vick). And yet, they were expected (by coaches and team
owners) to run the ball as well as throw it. Why? It was assumed that black quarterbacks were not
quite up to the thinking level of their male counterparts who could stay in the pocket, read defenses,
and win games (e.g., Tom Brady and Peyton Manning).
While the number of black quarterbacks thriving in collegiate football has increased in the
2000s, there were still just nine black QBs that started games in the NFL in 2013, a figure that is
only slightly better than 25 percent. Still, this was a record number for the NFL and three of the
four quarterbacks who started in the NFC divisional playoffs were black—Russell Wilson (Seattle);
Colin Kaepernick (SF 49ers); and Cam Newton (Carolina) (Freedman 2014). Wilson would lead
Seattle to the Super Bowl that season, becoming the first black QB to win the NFL championship
since Doug Williams led the Washington Redskins to the 1987 season title. Wilson’s accomplish-
ment was more significant as Williams started just two regular season games in 1987 and substituted
for regular starting QB Jay Schroeder in the January 1988 Super Bowl (XXII).
The Role of Genetics

The idea that blacks are innately superior athletes and that whites are innately more intelligent
reflect racial ideologies that lead to prejudice and discrimination in the sports world. Beliefs of
racial superiority based on genetics can have deadly results. The European colonies that were estab-
lished in the New World and became the United States of America justified slavery on the ideo-
logical belief that black people were not equal to whites which helped to “justify” the ownership
of one race by another race. Hitler’s idea of the superior Aryan nation led to a justification of an
“inferior” Jewish “race” that needed to be exterminated. In 1971, Martin Kane wrote an article,
“An Assessment of Black Is Best,” for Sports Illustrated and suggested that blacks dominate sports
because American slave owners weeded out the weak blacks on plantations and made sure that
strong black men and black women mated (thinking this would lead to stronger and better working
slaves). Jimmy “the Greek” Snyder, a former sports analyst for CBS, suggested in 1988 that blacks
made good ball carriers in football because they were bred to have big, strong thighs when they
lived as slaves. Kane and Snyder conveniently ignored the millions of blacks with skinny thighs
and were ignorant of the historical fact that the control of white slave masters over the sexual
behavior of black slaves was never extensive enough to shape the genetic traits of even a small por-
tion of the U.S. African American population.
Biological notions of racial predispositions are troublesome at the very least and deadly in
more extreme cases. There are many flaws to the theory of genetic predisposition to sports. Pri-
marily, there is no “pure” gene pool that guarantees an individual is genetically programmed to be
an athlete, or a teacher or biologist for that matter. Further, the idea that blacks are naturally more
gifted athletes is discounted by the fact that most blacks—like most whites—are not athletes and
do not participate in sports. Focusing on physical attributes while ignoring work habits and intellectual
characteristics is also problematic. It takes training, practice, dedication and positive reinforcement,
among other social traits, for an individual to become a great athlete. Still, there are those who
believe in such outdated concepts as “natural” athletes and “born athletes.”
In Chapter 10 we described how naïve the medical profession was in regard to women’s frailty
in during the Victorian era. As recently as the mid–1950s the medical profession considered the
4-minute mile a physical impossibility. Doctors feared that the athlete’s heart or lungs might
explode due to the stress of such a feat. In 1954, Roger Bannister accomplished the impossible
when he ran a 3:59.4 mile. Bannister attributed his triumph to medical training, careful observation
and logical deduction (Entine 2000). (Note: The current world record for the 4-minute mile is
3:43:13.) Bannister was a medical student who trained himself to become a world-class runner.
He had finished fourth in the 1,500 meters at the 1952 Olympics. Bannister later became a medical
doctor. Bannister never claimed to be the best runner of his era. He attributed his accomplishments
to hard work and training. Why is it then that some people cling to ideas of natural born athletes?
Is there an “athletic gene” that gives some individuals an edge over others based on biology? Since
blacks are dominating most major commercial sports in North America, do they possess this athletic
gene? Sociologists quickly discount any such claims.
As we stated in Chapter 4, geography has a great deal to do with sporting opportunities.
Nigerians tend to make excellent long distance runners. Do they have a “running gene”? Or do
Nigerians excel in distance running because the nation is very poor and rural and offers few other
sporting opportunities? Do skiers from Switzerland excel because they have a “skiing gene” which
brings them “natural” ability? Or do Swiss skiers excel because they reside in the Alps where skiing
is a big part of their culture? Canadians are hockey players. Is there a “hockey gene”; or simply
plenty of opportunities for Canadians to skate on frozen rivers and lakes? World-class sprinters
are typically black. Many of the best sprinters in the world are African Americans. Do they have
superior running genes over white athletes? In 2004, American Jeremy Wariner won the 400 meters
in the Greek Olympics. Nothing surprising about an American winning a sprint, but this American
was white. He was the first white American man to win a sprint medial since Mike Larabee’s 400
gold in 1964, but does that mean that other white athletes are not capable of winning sprints?
In Chapter 6, we described the exploits of Marv Marinovich, who attempted to “breed” the
genetically perfect athlete. He irrationally believed that two genetically elite athletes who mate
would have a son or daughter who would be an even more superior athlete than either individual
parent. Since he was an elite athlete, Marinovich reasoned that he needed a genetically “superior”
female athlete to mate with. Marv should have learned his lesson with his first son, Todd, who was
an elite athlete, but possessed a personality that was not congruent with achieving mechanical ath-
letic success. Todd’s dreams, as it turned out, were not the same as his father’s. Clearly, hopes and
dreams of parents for their children are not passed on through genetics; they may however, be
learned through observation. Marv mated with a different elite female athlete to produce another
son, Mikhail. The results were again not what he had hoped for.
Sport sociologists do not discount that some individual athletes have physical advantages
over others. Clearly someone with big hands will find it easier to grip and palm a basketball. Being
tall also helps in basketball. Lance Armstrong’s heart is 20 percent larger than the normal person’s
heart, giving him a great advantage in endurance sports such as bicycling. Armstrong does not
have this advantage because he is a white person—he is a biological fluke. Andy Roddick has unusu-
ally flexible ribs and spine, enabling him to arch his back and rotate his arm much more efficiently
than the average professional tennis player, which helps to explain why he can hit a 155 mph serve.
Once again, all white people do not share this “advantage.” Achieving athletic success involves
many elements, but genes are not among them. On November 23, 2014, Odell Beckham, Jr. of the
New York Giants made a “spectacular, leaping, right-handed grab while falling backward and draw-
ing an interference penalty” that many people have argued was the greatest catch in NFL history
(Maaddi 2014). Upon deeper inspection we know that Beckham has exceptionally large hands
which makes catching a football that much easier. However, he practices this catch every day in
practice and before games. Beckham said of his catch, “It’s something you just have to practice”
(Maaddi 2014). Reflecting on the idea that the wide receiver position is a reaction position, Carolina
wide receiver Kelvin Benjamin said of the catch, “One-handed catches are just reaction catches”
(Maaddi 2014). Beckham’s catch then was partly a biological advantage he has because of his big
hands but mostly social in that he practices making such catches on a daily basis. Thus, opportunity,
desire, reinforcement, and trial and error provide the basis for learning, not genes. Working hard,
practice, and sometimes luck (e.g., remaining injury free) are elements that help athletes win in
sporting contests. Athletes are not born, they are made. Skin color is not a precursor to athletic
superiority or intelligence.
Race and Intelligence

The role of intelligence in sports has been mentioned a few times in this chapter; conse-
quently, the attempted link between race and intelligence is worth a quick review here. As longtime
imperialists, it is not a surprise that nineteenth-century Europeans first introduced the categoriza-
tion of “races” of people. Viewing conquered people as inferior helped to justify the establishment
of an overlord presence throughout a significant part of the world. Darwin’s 1871 publication of
The Descent of Man and Selection in Relation to Sex reflected the prevailing view that non–
Europeans lacked the same level of intelligence as Anglo-Saxon upper-class males (Nature 2009).
In the 1950s, there was a eugenic concern in Britain that the “genetically inferior workers were
out-breeding their superiors” (Nature 2009). The issue of race and intelligence became prominent
in the United States during the late 1960s, in part in response to the civil rights movement. Edgar
G. Epps, professor of sociology and chairman of the Division of Social Sciences at Tuskegee Insti-
tute, the famous Black foundation in Alabama, also mirrored the 1950s and 1960s era common
belief of differences in race and intelligence by saying, “The fact that Negro students on the
average, score below White students on most measures of academic achievement is well docu-
mented” (Wober 1971: 17).
With a concern over the relationship between race and intelligence came a desire to scien-
tifically prove whether one race was more intelligent than others. French officials developed an IQ
test as a way to measure intelligence but did so because they were trying to supplement teachers’
assessments of their pupils. “In the hands of later psychometricians, the tests became increasingly
reified and seemingly made more scientific by the development of the term ‘g’ to encapsulate ‘crys-
tallized’ or ‘general intelligence’” (Nature 2009: 787). The “g” term refers to general intelligence.
Arthur Jensen’s research (Bias in Mental Testing, 1980; The g Factor, 1998) on a “sociology of intel-
ligence” is the benchmark which others who study race and intelligence often cite. “The sociology
of intelligence refers most broadly to the ways in which a population and its members are affected
(individually and collectively) by the dispersion in g in that population. It also refers to the ways
in which a society responds to that dispersion in g, including beliefs and taboos concerning it, the
evolution of institutions accommodating it, and social policies attempting to alter it” (Gottfredson
1998: 293). According to Park (2008), g, or general intelligence, is a biological inherited entity
and this entity has a heritability of .80 (80 percent). “This means that 80 percent of the variation
in intelligence within a population is explained by genetic differences. Only 20 percent is the result
of environment—that is, having been brought up under different cultural conditions” (Park 1998:
406). The implication being that differences in intelligence are largely the result of genetic differences
and consequently, any social program designed to raise the general IQ of people is essentially futile
(Park 1998).
Critics of Jensen’s proposition of g center on the accusation that IQ tests are culturally biased
against American blacks. Claims of cultural bias have stymied discussion of intelligence in most
social circles in contemporary society because anything that could be used to impugn the validity
of tests for one group could be used to undermine their credibility for all groups (Gottfredson
1998). Differences in IQ measurements, then, were blamed on social class privilege and therefore
deemed to be of no functional importance. Gottfredson (1998) argues that what critics of IQ
tests are most concerned about is that, if a genetic basis for IQ differences is real it would undermine
support for egalitarian social programs because these differences were “natural” and not social.
Another criticism of Jensen specifically and IQ tests in general rests with the realization that there
is no agreement about what intelligence actually is; that is, what criteria exactly should be measured
in order to determine how intelligent someone is.
The general IQ test is an attempt to measure intelligence in rank order across an entire pop-
ulation in linear mode but such a scheme ignores other forms of intelligence, including social,
emotional, craftsman, and the intuition of the scientist (Nature 2009). No one questions that
intelligence is important in practical affairs. And, as Burhan and associates (2014) put forth, it’s
fairly reasonable to assume that intellectually competent individuals learn faster and are better at
acquiring information, knowledge, and skills related to their occupations. But therein lies the
important issue: we all need to possess intelligence in our particular occupations; that is to say,
college professors need one type of intelligence, plumbers another type, ambassadors another, and
so on. This logical premise can be extended to sports as well. The quarterback does not need the
intelligence of an academic to teach college courses and conduct empirical research, nor does he
need to be able to fix a leaky faucet; he does, however, need to be football smart.
In the NFL, athletic skills are not the only variables measured (e.g., 40-yard dash speed,
wingspan, jumping ability and body fat). All draftees must complete an intelligence test called the
Wonderlic Personnel Test (WPT). The Wonderlic was developed 90 years ago and administered
by corporations to potential employees throughout the business world. It is a 50-question, 12-
minute, IQ-type test “that begins with a series of mind-numbingly easy queries and gets progres-
sively more difficult” (Fisher 2014). Samples of Wonderlic questions are available online but here
are two examples: “Paper clips sell for 21 cents per box. What will four boxes cost?” “A box of
staples has a length of 6 cm, a width of 7 cm, and a volume of 378 cm cubed. What is the height
of the box?” (Note: Each of the authors took a sample Wonderlic test and, thankfully, scored
extremely high!) Former Bengals punter Pat McInally, an Ivy Leaguer, scored the NFL’s only perfect
50 score (Fisher 2014).
The Wonderlic is not a test of football knowledge and, thus, not a true occupational-specific
intelligence test, and yet, the NFL institutes such a device anyway. The Wonderlic is not a good
predictor of football success. Some of the best players have scored very low; for example, Dan
Marino scored a 15; Keyshawn Johnson, 11; Simeon Rice, 13; Eric Moulds, 11; Ray Lewis, 13;
Eddie George, 14; and Terry Bradshaw, 16 (Pickering 2014; Fisher 2014). A number of players
with short-lived, or less than spectacular, NFL careers scored much higher. Ryan Fitzpatrick and
Greg McElroy each earned a 48 and Blaine Gabbert, 42 (Pickering 2014). Reported average scores
by position: Offensive tackle, 26; Center, 25; Quarterback, 24; Guard, 23; Tight end, 22; Safety,
19; Linebacker, 19; Cornerback, 18; Wide receiver, 17; Fullback, 17; and Halfback, 15 (Fisher
2014). As we can see, the key offensive positions of tackle, center and quarterback, positions typ-
ically held by whites, are higher than the average scores of defensive backs and running backs,
positions typically held by blacks. We are careful not to draw any conclusions from this because
the Wonderlic test is suspect; and yet, the NFL has found value in this instrument since 1968. As
a matter of comparison, reported average scores for professions other than football: chemist, 31;
programmer, 29; journalist, 26; sales, 24; bank teller, 22; clerical worker, 21; and security guard,
17 (Fisher 2014).
Racism in Sport
Race is an issue in most spheres of life. In 2014, for example, a number of violent protests
occurred throughout the United States in reaction to specific incidents involving grand jury deci-
sions not to proceed with criminal charges against white police officers who took the lives of black
males (e.g., Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, and Eric Garner in Staten Island, New York).
Many black people have long complained of being victims of unequal treatment in American soci-
ety. A number of Hispanic, Asian-American and Native Americans have made the same claims.
With the prevalence of racism in the Unites States, it is no surprise that racism exists in sports.
Racism is not a new phenomenon in sports and it’s not limited to the color of the skin of an NFL
starting quarterback.
Racism in Sports in the Past

The roots of racism and discrimination in sports may be as old as sports themselves. Social
class discrimination was common during the American colonial era and England’s amateur rule
was adopted “in order to block, or at least to limit, lower-class participation in modern sports; but
social class has not been as high a barrier here as it was in Europe. In the United States, prejudices
about race and gender have done more than class biases to hinder full development of modern
sports” (Guttmann 1988: 119).
Following the end of the American Civil War in 1865, slavery was officially abolished by the
13th Amendment. Social institutions, businesses and industry had to examine their inclusionary
role in accepting blacks into mainstream society. Most of these institutions failed miserably. Sport,
as a social institution, generally reflects the prevalent sentiment of any era. For example, in horse
racing, it had been common practice that blacks were jockeys for their masters’ horses in colonial
and antebellum times (Guttmann 1988). Immediately following the Civil War most jockeys were
still black. A black jockey, Oliver Lewis, rode the winning horse (Aristides) in the first Kentucky
Derby in 1875. Further, all but one of the fifteen jockeys in the first Kentucky Derby was black.
Isaac Murphy, a black jockey, won the derby in 1884, 1889 and 1891, and was considered one of
the best jockeys of his era. However, spectators and fans of horse racing attributed a first-place
finish to the speed of the horse rather than any skill on the part of the jockey, thus making it easier
for white Americans to accept black jockeys (Guttmann 1988). This form of racism would end
when white jockeys began to dominate the sport, as jockeys were now viewed as skillful athletes.
The black jockey, in fact, became a symbol of racism.
According to Shropshire (1996), the lawn jockey is a symbol of racism. Lawn jockeys are
small statues, approximately three feet high, of black jockeys featured with oversized lips and flared
nostrils, usually dressed in bright red coats and holding a ring or lantern. Lawn jockeys first appeared
on the lawns of suburban U.S. homes decades ago. There are many legends about the origin of the
lawn jockey. One version has George Washington’s eight-year-old slave “Jocko” as the inspiration
of the original lawn jockey. “According to the anecdote, the slave froze while holding the reins of
George Washington’s horse after the crossing of the Delaware River in 1776” (Shropshire 1996:
20). Shropshire states, “Other legends point to a slave frozen as he held the horse of his master
while the master and friends drank inside a tavern. A less common explanation is that the statues
are a salute to the formerly dominant African American jockey in horse racing” (20–21). The
racist connotations of the lawn jockey have led to their near complete disappearance, although
some people have painted the figure white—assumingly to conceal the racist image (1996).
Baseball became one of the first American sports to take a strong exclusionary position on
the role of blacks. In 1867, the National Association of Base-Ball Players (NABBP) ruled that
blacks would not be allowed to play in their league. As the first established baseball league, their
policy forbidding members from a specific race from participating in sport would set the tone as
an accepted practice for future American sports leagues. The NABBP’s discriminatory policy
“reflected the racism and segregation that were becoming facts of life in the North after the Civil
War” (Bowman and Zoss 1989: 136). The NABBP would disband years later, but it set the standard
for future baseball leagues.
In 1876, baseball’s National League was established. The National League became the premier
league in all of baseball. (In 1901, the American League became baseball’s second major league,
establishing the structure that continues today.) As early as 1879, the National League and other
lower-level leagues agreed to respect each other’s player contracts and avoid raiding the rosters of
other teams. However, this pact did not forbid the lower leagues from signing black players. During
the 1880s, it is estimated that at least 55 blacks participated in organized baseball (Bowman and
Zoss 1989). Just like blacks who first broke the color barrier in Major League Baseball decades
later, these black players were subjected to a great deal of prejudice and discrimination. Spectators
heckled any black player. White pitchers often intentionally threw at the heads of black players,
white players tried to spike black players while sliding into base, and verbal taunts by white players
against black players were common (Bowman and Zoss 1989). In 1887, organized baseball estab-
lished the “National Agreement” which, in effect, eliminated blacks from the elite leagues. Thus,
baseball was guilty of institutional racism, as the Jim Crow mentality had crept into “America’s
pastime.”
Negro baseball would arise in response to baseball’s color line and the establishment of sep-
aration (“separate but equal”) in society. “As in the rest of American life, a period of experimen-
tation with interracial activities, initiated after the Civil War, had been replaced by a period of
increasingly rigid racial segregation. It was apparent to prospective black ballplayers that if they
wanted to play baseball they would have to form all-black teams that played in all-black leagues”
(White 1996: 128). The Negro leagues were not one solitary league in which all black baseball
players played; rather, it is a collective term used to describe the various teams and leagues that
existed from the early 1900s until the 1950s. Eventually, exhibitions between Negro League teams
and Major League Baseball teams were played. These exhibitions drew huge crowds from both
white and black America. “Triumphs over big-leaguers were savored, recalled, elaborated upon. If
black players could not play in the major leagues, they could show that they belonged there” (Peter-
son 1984: 5).
Although the Negro Leagues were never as popular as Major League Baseball, they provided
many players an opportunity to play ball in a racist society. Jackie Robinson’s integration into
Major League Baseball would lead to the demise of the Negro Leagues, but it would also signal
an end to segregation in baseball.
Perhaps the most well-known racist of the 20th century is Adolf Hitler, who proclaimed his
German people (the Aryan race) as the superior people of the world. Hitler had hoped to use the
1936 Berlin Olympics as a showcase for the superiority of fascism. James Cleveland “Jesse” Owens,
a black American, would shatter Hitler’s delusionary vision. Owens faced prejudice daily. As a
track and field star at Ohio State, Owens and his black friends were forced to live in off-campus
housing (away from white athletes) and were not allowed in university restaurants. Despite being
a victim of racism, Owens flourished on the track. During one meet in 1935, Owens broke three
world records—in the 220-yard dash, the 220-yard low hurdles, and the long jump—he also tied
the world record in the 100-yard dash (Entine 2000). His selection to the American Olympic
team was an obvious choice. But would he be accepted by Americans? After all, he was a victim
of racism on his home campus. Because of nationalistic pride, most Americans adored Owens.
Owens was treated as hero by the vast majority of Americans. The myth of Hitler refusing
to shake Owens’s hand further added to his hero status (Guttmann 1988). The sudden emergence
of a black sports hero presented a dilemma for the churchgoing black community of his era. Black
church leaders had “long made a point of downplaying athletic success, instead stressing schooling
as a way to accelerate assimilation into white society and shake the image of black inferiority. That
strategy had not opened many doors. Now sports offered a more promising path to acceptance”
(Entine 2000: 173–174). Many black social leaders began to view sport as one of the best means
of blacks becoming accepted, or assimilated, into mainstream society.
Like Owens, the boxing great Joe Louis provided a blow to racist ideology. In 1935, Louis
beat Italian Primo “Italian Ox” Carnera in New York City. “That sixth-round knockout was par-
ticularly sweet for the black community with Mussolini’s troops poised to conquer Ethiopia, an
independent nation and another source of pride for many American blacks…. The white press
conferred status on the young heavyweight for the fight was portrayed as a battle between Italian
fascism and American democracy” (Entine 2000: 188). Although hailed by Americans as an Amer-
ican hero, Louis was also a victim of racism in the United States. “Despite his great talent, Louis
at first had found it almost impossible to break through the race wall that had been reinforced in
the years since Jack Johnson had been driven out of the sport” (Entine 2000: 189).
Basketball was another sport in which blacks were segregated from whites. Basketball slowly
grew in popularity in the United States during the first three decades of the twentieth century.
“By the 1930s, basketball had replaced track and baseball as the second most popular sport on col-
lege campuses, but professional basketball struggled for places to play…. Black youth often played
basketball at community centers because few black high schools and relatively few colleges could
afford gymnasiums, and black youth who attended integrated schools were often not allowed to
participate in school activities” (Caponi-Tabery 2002: 41). For the most part, blacks and whites
played basketball separately. When integration in education became a reality in the 1950s, not
everyone eagerly accepted it. For example, on January 2, 1957, Iona College was scheduled to play
Mississippi in a men’s college basketball game at the All-American City Invitational in Owensboro,
Kentucky. When Mississippi Governor J.P. Coleman learned that Iona had a black player on the
team, he refused to allow Mississippi to play against them. The game is listed in the Iona record
book as a 2–0 victory, the official score for a forfeit. There is no sign of the game in the Ole Miss
record book (Fitzgerald 2001). Stanley Hill, Iona’s black player, was shocked when he heard the
governor state, “We’re not going to play any blacks—against any blacks or with any blacks” (Fitzger-
ald 2001: B11). Hill was pleased when all the Mississippi players went to his hotel room to apologize
(Fitzgerald 2001).
Whites and blacks played the game of basketball differently. White players’ approach was to
dribble, fake and move past the man guarding you for a lay-up or, if your path was impeded, for
a “set shot.” Blacks, however, incorporated jumping with their moves (Caponi-Tabery 2002). Thus,
blacks introduced the jump shot to mainstream basketball. At one time, the racist term “Negro
basketball” was applied to this style of basketball; it has since been replaced by such phrases as
“street ball” and “hotdogging” (Caponi-Tabery 2002). The “slam dunk” was also introduced into
basketball by black players. It was considered such an unnatural part of the game that in 1967 the
NCAA instituted the “Alcindor Rule” banning the slam dunk. Kareem Abdul-Jabbar (then Lew
Alcindor), a center for UCLA, was so dominant that the NCAA forbade the use of the slam dunk
because it gave players like Jabbar an unfair advantage and was considered hotdogging (Caponi-
Tabery 2002).
Racism in Sports in the Present

In 1954, the Supreme Court (Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka) invalidated the Plessy v.
Ferguson 1896 court decision that had created the “separate but equal” American policy. The sig-
nificance of the Brown case cannot be overstated, for among blacks, as well as other minorities, it
provided the spark of hope that had begun to build in the 1940s. The 1954 decision, among many
things, guaranteed blacks the opportunity to attend public schools, including colleges. Coupled
with the G.I Bill of Rights, it enabled large numbers of blacks to attend college in the 1950s.
These same opportunities would open the doors for college athletic participation among blacks.
The transition from segregation to integration of some college sports teams between the late
1960s and the mid–1970s may best be shown by the University of Alabama. In 1968, Alabama
had no blacks on athletic scholarships. By 1975, its basketball team had an all black starting lineup
(Nixon 1984). In 1966, the University of Texas at El Paso (UTEP), known then as Texas Western,
with five black starters, shocked heavily favored (and all-white) Kentucky in the NCAA men’s col-
lege basketball final, winning 72–65 (Menez 2006). (In 2006, the film Glory Road was released
and although the filmmakers took some dramatic license, the film is based on this historic meeting
between Texas Western and Kentucky.) College coaches across the United States began to seek
talented black athletes, assuming this was their ticket to success. As Lapchick (1991) states, UTEP’s
triumph over Kentucky is often hailed as a sign of a breakthrough against racism, but none of the
five starters on the basketball team graduated from the university. According to Lapchick, if UTEP
had a true commitment to ending racism, they would have worked with these athletes to ensure
their graduation from college. Low graduation rates remain a concern of many college sport
observers.
Even the casual observer has noticed that blacks dominate many American sports today (espe-
cially team sports with high earning potential). However, black domination in sport was then, and
remains today, mostly limited to the role of participant in the major commercialized sports. There
are still few minority owners, general managers, managers, head coaches, and trainers. The primary
reason minority members are underrepresented in power positions in sports is because of racism.
“The most visible nonplaying personnel in sports are those who reside in the front office. These
parties include chief executive officers, team presidents, general managers, and the head coach,
who straddles the line between the field or court and the administrative offices. The front office
also includes such professionals as team doctors, lawyers, and accountants” (Shropshire 1996: 76).
Little has changed in the years since Shropshire’s observation.
In 2005, the white corporate structure of the NBA decided to implement a dress code that
the black player-dominated league viewed as racist. The league announced that during team and
league business, players must dress in “business casual” attire, which includes a ban on sleeveless
shirts, shorts, sunglasses while indoors, and headphones. Players are also expected not to wear
gaudy, shiny chains (bling). Further, while on the bench, players not in uniform are expected to
wear sport jackets, dress shoes and socks. Although few players complained about the dress require-
ment while on the bench, most black players viewed the new policy as an example of racism. The
players have embraced the hip-hop culture associated with professional, street-style basketball that
dominates the current NBA. Jason Richardson of the Golden State Warriors, for example, argues
that it is racist to ban players from wearing chains outside their clothing, adding that just because
someone wears a suit, that does not exempt them from being a crook. Richardson stated, “A guy
could come in with baggy jeans, a do-rag and have a Ph.D. and a person who comes in with a suit
could be a three-time felon” (AOL Sports News 2005a: 1). Allen Iverson argued that the league
should pay for players’ clothing if management wants the workers to dress in certain attire. The
NBA believes that the players can afford their own dress clothing. Interestingly, a decade after the
dress code was implemented many players now embrace it. Dwayne Wade of the Miami Heat, for
one, states that it wasn’t until the now-former commissioner of the association instituted a dress
code that he started taking more interest in what he would wear off the court (Merrill 2014).
Racism exists in soccer throughout the world. Racism in soccer is especially prevalent in
Europe and South America. Christos Kassimeris (2008) argues that nationalism is the prime culprit
for this reality. Leading up to World War II, a number of nations, especially fascist Germany and
Italy, attempted to create perfect teams based on home-grown talent. Hitler in particular tried to
prove the validity of his “Aryan race as the superior race” philosophy by winning international
sporting events, including soccer matches. As it turned out, the Germans were (and still are) very
good at soccer and they won without minorities on their teams. Many other nations followed this
formula. And, as Kassimeris points out, for most of soccer’s early history, the sport at the semi-
professional and professional level was segregated, and very few racial and ethnic minorities were
allowed to play at the club level. When clubs played at the international level, the soccer match
takes on a far greater meaning than simply one team playing another; it takes on the meaning of
one nation battling another nation for ideological superiority.
Following World War II, when the talent level of some minority players was too high to
ignore, a number of clubs and national teams began to sign them. This upset many ultra-
nationalistic fans of club teams. England, the primary European nation to stand up to Germany
during the World Wars, became known for its notorious soccer hooligans who went to soccer
matches in foreign cities as much to fight the locals as to cheer for their club or national team (see
Chapter 9 for a discussion on hooligans). As the popularity of soccer continued to increase
throughout Asia and Africa, a large number of fans of soccer clubs and national teams took on
the battle-like mentality of the English. Fights against rival fans in the stadium and outside the
stadium became routine. Players of races, ethnicities, and nationalities different from the compe-
tition were subject to racial taunts and chants. For many fans, nationalism takes precedence when
cheering for their favorite teams. Fans of Poland recall Germany’s invasion of their land at the
start of World War II, while fans of England and France have an equal disdain toward the Germans.
And so it goes on, as nationalistic fans from around the world with long memories take past injus-
tices with them to the soccer stadium.
The brutality and viciousness associated with nationalistic and racist fervor in soccer was
too hard to ignore and finally governing bodies interceded. In Europe, most of these rival, nation-
alistic fan bases reside in nations that now belong to the European Union (EU). One of the prime
tenets of the EU is the right of all EU citizens to travel from member nation to member nation
with an expectation of being treated fairly. Nationalism would have to take a backseat to EU
loyalty and such a transition was difficult for people who were alive during either of the world
wars. Add to this the realization that few “mother” nations (with a population consisting solely
of ancestors of people from that nation) still exist today and instead consist of millions of immi-
grants and foreign-born citizens, the idea of a racist, nationalistic allegiance to a club or national
sports team is becoming more obsolete. As the years go by and younger fans with more tolerant
beliefs replace the racist ideals of older fans, racism in soccer is no longer tolerated. The EU has
also passed a variety of legislation over the years in an attempt to curb racism in general and in
soccer specifically (Kassimeris 2008).
In addition to attempts by the EU to combat racism in soccer are a number of organizations
including Football Against Racism in Europe (FARE) and Kick It Out. In 1999, Football Unites
Racism Divides (FURD) met with several other European anti-racist organizations to create the
FARE network (FURD 2014). FARE was especially alarmed by the mass “monkey” chants by home
fans directed toward foreign players. “The FARE network campaigns against all forms of discrim-
ination in football: in the stadium, on the pitch, in the changing room, at the training ground, in
the office and classroom; by fans, players, managers, coaches, administrators or educators” (FURD
2014). The “Kick It Out ” program is an international program designed to end discrimination
and racism in soccer.
While the goals of FARE and Kick It Out are certainly commendable, ending racism in sports
is as nearly daunting of a challenge as kicking racism out of society. And to this point we will next
discuss one of the most blatant forms of racism in American sports, the use of Indian imagery.
The Use of Native American Nicknames, Logos

and Mascots
Sports teams routinely use nicknames, logos and mascots as a means of conveying a team
identity. These nicknames, logos, and mascots possess symbolic meaning, usually meant to intim-
idate opponents because of their fierceness. For example, the NFL’s Chicago franchise has “Bears”
as a nickname and clearly, a bear is an intimidating figure. Although there are no wild bears running
the streets of Chicago, it is one example of sports teams choosing symbolic representations that
have a direct connection to the community they call home. In some cases, the relationship between
the team and the community is obvious: Major League Baseball’s Colorado “Rockies” (located in
the Rocky Mountains); the Minnesota Twins (for the Minnesota “twin” cities of Minneapolis and
St. Paul); Milwaukee “Brewers” (Milwaukee is known for its beer breweries); and the NBA’s
Philadelphia “76ers” (as in the spirit of 1776). Other times the relationship is not so obvious and
often the result of franchise relocation; for example, the Utah “Jazz” made sense when the franchise
was still in New Orleans, the Los Angeles “Lakers” when they were still in the “Land of 10,000
Lakes” (Minnesota), and the Los Angeles Dodgers when Brooklyn fans actually had to dodge the
cable trolleys in order to enter Ebbets Field. (The Dodgers were originally known as the “Trolley
Dodgers.”)
A number of sports teams use Native American imagery for their nicknames, logos, and mas-
cots. Those who support such team names, like the “Braves,” believe that they are honorable symbols
that reflect the greater community in a positive manner. They believe that ritualistic behaviors like
the “tomahawk chop” and the “war cry” are merely ways of cheering for the team. The manner in
which fans defend their right to hold on to and embrace their cherished symbols of the team
reflects a type of totemism. Totemism, as described by Emile Durkheim, is a primitive form of “a
religious system in which certain things, particularly animals and plants, come to be regarded as
sacred emblems (totems) of the clan. With totemism, an image or representation is placed on a
totem pole. The images at the highest points of the totem were the most sacred. In addition to
the physical aspects of totemism is the moral character. There are occasions when the members
of the tribe come together at the totem and share a number of emotions, sentiments, and rituals”
(Delaney 2004: 100). Ordinary items are transformed into sacred totems through special rituals
and ceremonies (e.g., the wafer and wine at a Catholic mass which is ritualistically transformed
into the body and blood of Christ). Team logos and mascots take on this totem quality for devout
fans. It seems odd that people in the 21st century embrace totems, or symbols, with the same level
of enthusiasm as primitive, pagan worshippers. However, sports often bring out the primitive
inner being of people—including a passionate devotion to a belief or symbol.
In light of the fact that Native Americans were victims of genocide—the intentional attempt
to exterminate a race of people by a more dominant population—a number of Native American
groups, scholars, and sports fans consider the practice of using Indian imagery as a form of racism.
Though there exist some other types of human mascots, Native American mascots are in a different
category. Human mascots such as Hilltoppers, Oilers, Patriots, and 49ers are generally emblematic
of the geographic area where their teams reside. Other human mascots (e.g., Crusaders, Friars,
Knights, and Saints) have religious significance. Native American nicknames may be generic (e.g.,
Indians and Redmen), tribal (e.g., Florida State Seminoles, Utah Utes, Central Michigan Chippe-
was and Eastern Michigan Hurons), or they may focus on an attribute (e.g., Braves, Warriors and
Savages). In most cases, Indian nicknames do not represent a specific regional tribe, but rather,
that the team has the fearsome characteristic of “Indian savages.” The idea of Indians as “savages”
corresponds to the threat that Indians posed to the early settlers. Furthermore, in many cases, it
served as justification for taking their land.
In addition, this attribution of Native Americans as mascots is similar to those teams that
use nicknames such as Tigers or Bears. For example, there are no wild lions running loose in
Detroit; instead the usage of the nickname and mascot “Lions” by Detroit’s NFL franchise is to
imply that the team embodies the power of a wild and ferocious animal. Native Americans, how-
ever, are human beings, not wild animals. Using imagery of Native people as though they are fear-
some, savage beasts is racist.
In response to Native American claims that Indian imagery is a form of racism, many high
schools, colleges and universities have eliminated their use of Indian nicknames, logos and mascots.
Syracuse University, for example, dropped its “Indian” logo and mascot—The Saltine Warrior—
in 1978, despite being one of the first institutions to employ Indian imagery. The Saltine Warrior,
a precursor to FSU’s Chief Osceola (which was created the same year SU dropped the Saltine
Warrior), dressed in complete headdress and Indian clothing, performing “Indian” dances on the
sidelines during football games. “Throughout the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Syra-
cuse’s Indian mascot was rooted in notions of ‘noble savagery,’ the ‘vanishing Indian,’ and eventually
the Indian as wild creature” (Fisher 2001: 25). By the 1970s, there were protests from local Native
American groups to end Syracuse University’s usage of Indian portrayals. Additionally, university
officials decided to eliminate the Indian imagery because “reason, truth, and fairness had prevailed
over emotion, fiction, and prejudice” (Fisher 2001: 38). St. Johns University changed its name
from “Redmen” to “Red Storm” in response to cultural sensitivity. These are just two examples of
schools that have voluntarily disassociated themselves from Indian imagery. Other schools and
professional sports franchises have been reluctant to change.
A number of specific teams have been targeted by Native American groups in the hope that
they will abandon their usage of Indian nicknames, logos and mascots. Among these teams are
the Cleveland Indians, Atlanta Braves, Florida State University Seminoles, and Washington Red-
skins.
The Cleveland Indians (MLB) have come under attack primarily because of their logo—a
caricature of an “Indian” head smiling with huge glaring buckteeth and a single red feather, named
“Chief Wahoo.” Adopting demeaning and cartoonish images for the purposes of cheering for a
sports team is tactless, offensive and is highly objectionable to Native Americans and many Amer-
ican Indian organizations have asked repeatedly for the Chief Wahoo logo to be replaced. Slightly
less objectionable to Native American groups is the generic nickname “Indians.” The Cleveland
Indians organization claims that the nickname was chosen by Cleveland fans in a newspaper poll
as an honor to Louis Francis Sockalexis, the first Native American to play Major League Baseball.
The “Indian” identity has been absorbed into the collective consciousness of Cleveland Indians
fans, and fans of baseball in general, forming a shared tradition and common rallying point (Stau-
rowsky 1998). However, Staurowsky conducted an extensive content analysis of Cleveland news-
papers from September 1914 through March 1915, the period of time when the fan voting
supposedly took place, and concluded that the eventual selection of the “Indians” name by news-
paper readers was improbable and difficult to prove. Further, Staurowsky claims that the assertion
that a fan recommended “Indians” to honor Sockalexis, although not impossible, has no evidentiary
foundation in the articles chronicling fan or writer preferences. This revelation that the Cleveland
story lacks credibility has been reported before in the mainstream press by the Cleveland Plain
Dealer (Aran and Sangiacomo 1993) and by other sources.
The controversy facing the Atlanta Braves centers on such fan practices as the use of the
“tomahawk chop,” the “warwhoop,” wearing “Indian” face paint, etc. The primary disdain directed
toward the Atlanta Braves franchise by Native American groups is the generic use of the term
“Braves” and the stereotypical usage of Indian imagery and the mockery of Native American his-
tory, culture and religion. When Native Americans wear face paint it is for events of cultural sig-
nificance, such as wearing white while in mourning, green for endurance, blue for confidence and
so forth. We would not accept a fan showing up at a sporting event in blackface because of its
racist undertones, so why do we accept non–Native Americans wearing face paint to look like an
“Indian” or “Brave?”
The Florida State University Seminoles employ an extensive amount of racist Indian imagery
in sports including fans who wear face paint and do a tomahawk chop chant. The school also
allows the use of a mascot dressed as an Indian who rides a horse, like Syracuse did decades ago.
However, because the Seminoles refer to a specific tribe indigenous to the Tallahassee, Florida,
region (home of the university) and seemingly have the support of the Florida Seminole nation,
FSU has mostly escaped the negativity directed toward other colleges and professional sports teams
that use Indian imagery. Members of the Oklahoma Seminole tribe, however, are not supportive
of the Indian imagery. Further, the same people who believe Indian imagery is offensive no matter
what the circumstances also find FSU’s imagery as insensitive to a particular culture. Supporters
of the Florida State University’s usage of the nickname “Seminoles” believe that they are honoring
a regional, specific group of brave warriors who refused to compromise and be forced to move
westward. The student mascot is a male dressed as “Chief Osceola,” who wears moccasins, a tasseled
leather “Indian” outfit, face paint and a large bandanna, hoisting a large feathered lance. One of
FSU’s most visible traditions (created in 1978) involves the home-football game performance of
“Chief Osceola,” atop a horse named Renegade, charging onto the football field with a burning
spear and then dramatically thrusting it into the logo centered on the playing field. The FSU fans
cheer in a wild frenzy.
Without question, the most offensive nickname in North American professional sports is
“Redskins.” The biggest culprit of the “redskin” nickname is the NFL’s Washington franchise.
Washington argues that the term “redskin” is a neutral term and that it uses “Redskins” as its nick-
name to honor American Indians. Native Americans strongly disagree. In fact, nearly all dictionaries
provide the same description for “redskin” as it does for “nigger”—that it’s an “offensive term,” or
“offensive slang.” People should be as uncomfortable saying the word “redskin” as they are saying
the word “nigger.” In other words, the term “redskin” should be viewed as “the ‘R’ word” just as
most people use the expression “the ’n’ word” to refer to the offensive slang word for African Amer-
icans. Furthermore, it is more than ironic that the Redskins franchise is located in the U.S. national
capital city. Washington, D.C., has long been the symbol of broken promises and treaties over the
years to Native Americans.
There is a growing backlash against the use of the “R” word to describe Washington’s football
team. In August 2014, former NFL referee and current “rules analyst” for CBS Sports Mike Carey
explained why he refused to officiate a Washington game for nearly all of the last eight years of
his career. Carey, who was the first African American referee to work a Super Bowl said, “It just
became clear to me that to be in the middle of the field, where something disrespectful is happen-
ing, was probably not the best thing for me. I know that if a team had a derogatory name for
African Americans, I would help those who [wanted] to extinguish that name. I have quite a few
friends who are Native Americans, and even if I didn’t have Native American friends, the name is
disrespectful” (Schilken 2014). In September 2014, CBS lead analyst Phil Simms refused to use
the “R” word during the televised broadcast between Washington and New York. He simply said
the “Washington team” (Yahoo! Sports 2014).
If all black football players followed the lead of Carey and Simms and refused to play for a
team with such a racist nickname that would prompt Washington owner Daniel Snyder to change
his stubborn attitude to maintain the offensive slang term for his NFL franchise. It is interesting
to note that Snyder, who is Jewish, would remain so steadfast in keeping this nickname in light of
all the racist victimization Jewish people have endured over the past many centuries. Instead,
Snyder and Washington supporters hold on to the claim that the nickname is a part of their tra-
dition and culture; meanwhile, Native Americans point out that it is their culture being demeaned.
It should also be pointed out that the “Hail to the Redskins” fight song that so many Washington
fans happily sing after a touchdown originally contained offensive lyrics, including “Braves on the
warpath! Scalp ’em, swamp ’um—We will take ’um big score.” From 1959 to 1961 the lyrics included
“Fight for old Dixie” (today the lyric is “Fight for old D.C.”) a reference to the Confederacy in an
attempt to draw Southern fans in an era that was mostly void of franchises south of the Mason-
Dixon line.
Currently, Snyder insists that the lyrics to “Hail to the Redskins,” much like the nickname
“Redskins,” is meant as an honor and points out that Washington fans and people in general are
not offended by the “R” word. In September 2014, ESPN conducted two polls that showed that
despite calls for Washington to change its nickname, the majority of Americans and NFL players
think the team shouldn’t do so. Players were asked a simple question, “Yes or no: Do the Redskins
need to change their name?” Of the 286 players polled, 167 (58%) said “No” and 119 (42%) said
“Yes they should find a new nickname” (ESPN.com 2014d). An ESPN “Outside the Lines” poll
of 1,019 Americans conducted by Langer Research found that 71 percent favored keeping the nick-
name (ESPN.com 2014d).
Legal Action
Public sentiment, at the present time, is mostly in favor of Washington being allowed to keep
its current nickname; but public sentiment is often flawed. There are many instances of public
sentiment in one era judging certain practices as acceptable (e.g., slavery, refusing women the right
to vote, and discrimination against gays) but later, when enlightened reason takes hold, such prac-
tices are viewed as unacceptable. It is just a matter of time before Washington will have to change
its nickname as evidenced by recent legal action. Consider that in May 2014 fifty U.S. senators
asked NFL Commissioner Roger Goodell to support a name change for Redskins, accusing sup-
porters of the nickname of being “on the wrong side of history” (Farmer 2014b). Forty-nine sen-
ators signed a letter (another senator, Bill Nelson, wrote his own letter to Goodell) that said, in
part, “The NFL can no longer ignore this and perpetuate the use of this name as anything but
what it is: a racial slur. We urge the NFL to formally support and push for a name change for the
Washington football team” (Farmer 2014).
In June 2014, the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office ruled that the Washington Redskins’
name is “disparaging of Native Americans” and should be stripped of trademark protection—a

decision that could put powerful new financial and political pressure on the NFL team to rename
itself. In its ruling, the Trademark Office wrote: “What matters is if ‘Redskins’ is disparaging to
Native Americans—whether other ethnic groups are offended doesn’t matter.” A “substantial” per-
centage of Native Americans must be offended—not a majority. The judges define that threshold
at 30 percent. And, “A disparaging term does not require intent: ‘Redskins’ can still be disparaging
even if the team says it is intended to show honor and respect” (Washington 2014). Although this
ruling doesn’t directly force Washington to abandon the nickname, it accomplishes a number of
things. First, it addresses the NFL’s May 2014 position and reaction to the 50 U.S. senators who
asked the NFL to change the nickname when a spokesperson for the league said, “The intent of
the team’s name has always been to present a strong, positive and respectful image. The name is
not used by the team or the NFL in any other context, though we respect those who view it dif-
ferently” (Farmer 2014b). Intentional or not, if it’s offensive to a substantial percentage of Native
Americans, it needs to be changed. Second, the ruling adds momentum to the legal action of those
who say it’s time for a name change.
Among those pressing for legal action against Washington’s nickname are a number of Native
American leaders, including Oneida Indian Nation’s Ray Halbritter, who are in this fight for the
long haul. Advocates such as Halbritter, who has a law degree from Harvard, have the money and
media savvy to keep pressure on the NFL. For example, viewers of the NBA Finals in seven media
markets, including Washington, D.C., saw a two-minute commercial from the Yocha Dehe Wintun
Nation—entitled “Proud to Be” which lists many of the words Native Americans use to describe
themselves, and the Washington football team’s name was not one of them (The Post-Standard
6/19/14).
In June 2014, a Native American advocacy group called “People Not Mascots,” mounted a
lawsuit against the Cleveland Indians. The group is seeking $9 billion in damages against the
MLB team both for its name and its logo and mascot, Chief Wahoo. “We’re basing it on a hundred
years of disparity, racism, exploitation and profiteering,” said Robert Roche, the group’s leader
(Kedmey 2014). Roche is especially upset with the Indians’ mascot, Chief Wahoo, saying, “It’s
been offensive since day one. We are not mascots. My children are not mascots. We are people”
(Kedmey 2014).
At the collegiate level, the NCAA has taken to task schools that use nicknames, logos and
mascots that are deemed inappropriate. The NCAA cannot forbid schools from using the nick-
names they choose, but it does have the authority to dictate which schools are eligible to participate
in NCAA tournament events. The NCAA can also encourage member schools not to schedule
teams with offensive nicknames. In 2005, the NCAA took aim at schools that use “hostile” and
“abusive” nicknames, logos and mascots. “The NCAA identified 18 offending schools. Six play I-
A football: Florida State University (the Seminoles), Illinois (Fighting Illini), Utah (Utes), Central
Michigan (Chippewas), Arkansas State (Indians) and Louisiana-Monroe (Indians). Effective Feb.
1, those schools’ teams will be barred from wearing uniforms with Indian references or imagery in
NCAA championships or they must cover up the offending areas. Schools already selected as hosts
of NCAA championships similarly ‘must take reasonable steps to cover up those references’ at the
site, and the association won’t award the 18 schools any future championships” (Wieberg 2005:
9C). Each of the “offending” schools was allowed to explain to the NCAA why they use Indian
imagery and were given an opportunity to prove that such imagery was not offensive to Native
Americans. Among the first schools to respond was Florida State University. FSU president T.K.
Wetherell stated, “That the NCAA would now label our close bond with the Seminole [tribe] as
culturally ‘hostile and abusive’ is both outrageous and insulting” (Sports Illustrated, 8/15/05: 22).
By the end of 2005, the NCAA had changed its position on both Florida State University and the
University of Utah, as both schools were able to show documented proof that the respective tribes
supported their imagery.
Other universities have not been as successful as FSU and Utah. Some universities are facing
legal action for their Indian imagery usage. For example, the University of Illinois was sued in
2005 by the Illinois Native American Bar Association (NABA) to stop the university from using
“Chief Illiniwek” as its mascot. “Chief Illiniwek” is a student dressed in authentic Illini buckskin
and a headdress. The “Chief ” has performed at home football and basketball games as far back as
1926. Illiniwek has not performed at an NCAA tournament game since 1989 (Sports Illustrated,
4/11/05). King and Springwood (2001) see Illinois’ use of “Chief Illiniwek” at sporting events as
a classic example of “playing Indian.” The NABA lawsuit does not seek monetary damages; it sim-
ply seeks to persuade Illinois to retire the mascot (Sports Illustrated, 4/11/05).
The issue of sports teams using Indian imagery in its teams’ nicknames, logos and mascots
will not disappear until offending usages of such imagery no longer exist in sports. There are
those who believe Native Americans are being honored by teams who use Indian imagery. In
the military there is an expression, “No honor is given, if no honor is received.” In other words,
one cannot claim they honored another if the other does not view it as an honor. Other people
try to ignore the Native American nickname, mascot and logo issue by saying, “It’s just political
correctness.” That is not true. A case of political correctness applies to the renaming of Crayola’s
color “Indian Red” because some people equated it to the skin color of Native Americans—it was
actually named for a brownish-red pigment found near India. (It is now called chestnut.) Native
Americans are people. They are not mascots. Eliminating offensive Indian imagery is a matter of
correctness.
Major Racial Breakthroughs in American Sports

Historically, whites have dominated every aspect of sports (in the U.S., Canada, and Europe),
including participation, coaching, and ownership. Following World War II, blacks began to break
the color barrier. Kenny Washington and Woody Strode (Los Angeles Rams) became the first
blacks to play in the National Football League (NFL) in 1945 and Marion Motley of the Cleveland
Browns became the first black in the All-American Football conference. Jackie Robinson broke
baseball’s color barrier in 1947 when he played for the Brooklyn Dodgers of MLB. In 1949, the
American Bowling Congress (ABC) allowed blacks to join their association. Three black players,
Chuck Cooper, Earl Lloyd and Nat “Sweetwater” Clifton, broke the NBA’s color barrier in 1950
(Vogler and Schwartz 1993). Willie O’Ree (Boston Bruins) became the first black player in the
NHL in 1957. Since the 1970s, blacks have come to dominate two of the four major team sports
leagues (NBA and NFL) of the United States; Hispanic/Latino athletes have come to dominate
MLB, and many foreign-born athletes are playing in the NHL.
The racial breakdown for athletes in the NBA in 2013 reveals the dominance of black players:
Blacks, 76.3 percent; Whites, 19 percent; Latino, 3.2 percent; Asian, 0.2 percent; Other, 0.2 percent
(Lapchick 2013a). From the various racial categories, 18.7 percent of the players were international
players (Lapchick 2013a). The racial breakdown for athletes in the NFL in 2012 reveals, like the
NBA, the dominance of black players: Blacks, 66.3 percent; Whites, 30.1 percent;
Hispanic/Latino, 0.7; Asian/Pacific Islander, 1.1 percent; Other, 1.8 percent; and, International,
1.4 percent (Lapchick 2013b). Conversely, there were fewer than 30 total blacks in the NHL in
2014 (Cannizzaro 2014).
In the following pages, a few select major racial breakthroughs will be discussed.
White Ethnic Group Breakthroughs

There are times when racist attitudes are directed at white people, even in a society dominated
by a white majority. In early American history, the Anglo-Saxon cultural ideal was designed to dis-
criminate against all those who were not English or German. Every ethnic group that migrated to
the U.S. fell victim to this form of prejudice and discrimination. Realizing that assimilation was
the key to socio-economic success in the United States, some immigrants changed their last names
in an attempt to fit in to the greater society and realize the “American Dream.” One aspect of
assimilation was to play American sports. The Irish and Italians were among the major ethnic
groups to benefit as a result of their American sport participation.
In Ireland, the political and socio-economic status of the Irish Catholic was similar to that
of blacks in the United States. The Irish experienced poverty, degradation, and oppression at the
hands of the English. The hatred that the Irish had toward the English would carry over as part
of their “cultural baggage” in the New World. In the United States, the Irish were still discriminated
against—because of the Anglo- Saxon cultural dominance. In many cities, prominent signs
announced “No Irish Need Apply” on many business windows and doors. The Irish were certainly
not Anglo—they were Gaelic or Celtic—and they felt insulted when referred to as Anglo. The
largest number of Irish came to the United States during the 1840s because of the Irish potato
famine.
The Irish were a poor people, and the Irish immigrants who moved to the United States and
settled (originally) primarily in New York City lived in filthy ghettos of New York’s Five Points
district. Charles Dickens visited the Five Points after a famous 1857 riot and declared the area
much worse than the slums of London, which he made famous in Oliver Twist. In total, it is esti-
mated that nearly 1.7 million Irish immigrants settled in the U.S. between the years 1841 and 1860
(Wilcox 1994). In fact, by the late 1850s, the Irish comprised one-fourth the total population and
one-third of the registered voters in New York City. Today, Irish-Americans are second only to
German Americans in the number of U.S. residents who claim ancestry (Marger 2006).
Some of the Irish success in assimilation can be attributed to sports, especially boxing. “More
has been written on Irish success in the American prize ring than about any other ethnic group in
sport” (Wilcox 1994: 57). Boxing has long found appeal among the oppressed minorities. Boxing
represents a rapid escape from poverty, prejudice and discrimination. Historically, the racial or
ethnic group that dominates boxing is an oppressed group in that society. The Irish dominated
boxing throughout the second half of the 19th century. Among the more prominent Irish-
American boxers prior to the Civil War were Sam O’Rourke, Cornelius Horrigan, John C. “Benecia
Boy” Heenan, James “Yankee” Sullivan, and John Morrissey. Sullivan demonstrated the “Irish
way”—embrace American culture quickly and assimilation will follow all the more promptly. The
“Irish way” was embraced by other European immigrant groups who had the racial advantage of
being white in a white-dominated society. In the post–Civil War era, other Irish boxers also dom-
inated. Among the more prominent fighters were Paddy Ryan, Jake Kilrain, John L. Sullivan, and
“Gentleman Jim” Corbett. “World Champion from 1882 to 1892, Sullivan has been credited with
anywhere between 75 and 200 victories in the ring. ‘John L.’ became the first modern sporting
superstar” (Wilcox 1994: 58).
The Irish also participated in other sports throughout the mid– to late–1800s. Among these
sports were pedestrianism (later named track and field), a sport that offered poor Irish immigrants
an opportunity to win prize money. In 1878, for example, American-Irishman Daniel O’Leary
won the Astley Belt and $3,750 in prize and gate receipts before 30,000 spectators in London.
Later in 1878, O’Leary beat fellow Irish-American John Hughes in New York City for prize money.
O’Leary later established his own games, the O’Leary Belt Race for the Championship of America,
with the first race taking place in Madison Square Garden in 1879 (Wilcox 1994).
Rowing was a third sport that afforded poor Irishmen a chance to earn fame and fortunate.
The Irish formed many rowing clubs in such cities as Buffalo, New York, and Boston, Massachusetts.
Challenges between various sporting clubs regularly drew more than 30,000 spectators. Side bets
among spectators were as common in rowing as they were in pedestrianism. Cricket clubs were
also common and the Irish were among the best in the United States. The Irish also dominated
early American baseball. “The Irish realized perhaps greater immediate success in baseball than
any other immigrant group. By the turn of the century seemingly all the prominent clubs were
captained by Irish Americans including Kelly (Brooklyn), Delehanty (Philadelphia), Collins
(Boston), Donovan (St. Louis), Doyle (Chicago), Gleason (Detroit), McGraw (Baltimore), and
Duffy (Milwaukee)” (Wilcox 1994: 61).
As the Irish became assimilated into society, they moved out of the ghettos and were replaced
by the next large group of poor immigrants. Before 1890, most European immigrants who came
to the U.S. were from northern and western European nations such as England, Germany, France
and Ireland. By the mid–1880s, most immigrants were now coming from southern and eastern
Europe; especially Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Russia. Because this wave of immigration was so
distinct from previous, these immigrants became known as the “new immigrants” (Marger 2006).
Once again, questions of character and culture led to negative labels being attached to these new
immigrants. The largest of these ethnic groups to immigrate to the U.S. were the Italians. The
largest number of Italians came to the U.S. after the “Panic of 1873” (socio-economic unrest in
Italy). Italian Americans were victims of Depression-induced violence in the U.S. during the 1880s
and 1890s. Most Italian Americans lived in ethnic communities in the large Northeast cities—
“Little Italy.” These ethnic communities were consistent with previous (and present) ghetto living:
over-crowding, environmental hazards, desperation and depression, crime and a sense of hope-
lessness.
Italian immigrants were against the idea of sports and recreation in schools. They were con-
cerned especially about the Progressive Muscular Christianity movement which argued that it was
healthy and advantageous to play sports. “Italian fathers, however, believed that play was a waste
of time; children should get a job and contribute to the welfare of the family…. Among other rea-
sons, they felt that play could cause injury, hence loss of income and burden to the family” (Bazzano
1994: 109). As this quote reveals, many Italians came to the United States without any sporting
traditions and reasoned that hard work alone would provide the path to self-sufficiency. However,
many immigrants, facing prejudice and discrimination, decided to give sports a try.
At the turn of the 20th century, bicycle racing had become a popular sport. Bicycle racing
“had supplanted pedestrian long distance running because its greater speed could create more
excitement for the spectators. It was a well-organized sport. The Amateur League of American
Wheelmen came to life in 1880. There were races for amateurs and professionals, and for a brief
period—the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries—it was the biggest sport craze” (Bazzano
1994: 107). Bicycle riding was popular with Italian immigrants. In fact, one of the oldest Italian
sports clubs, the Unione Sportiva Italiana, had a large number of bicycle racing devotees (Bazzano
1994). The races drew large enthusiastic crowds and made heroes out of victors. For poor immi-
grants the draw to such a status was understandable.
Italians American immigrants also participated in Greco-Roman wrestling and bocce. Bocce
ball was, perhaps, the most popular sport among Italian immigrants. “It was very popular because
it required mild exertion and was appropriate for people whose work was physically demanding.
As late as 1967, there was an active bocce league in Tontitown and in Chicago where five clubs
enjoyed active participation in the sport and maintained fine facilities” (Bazzano 1994). Following
the lead of the Irish, many Italians took to boxing in an attempt to get ahead and get out of the
ghetto. Some early Italian boxers fought under Irish names to avoid discrimination (Bazzano 1994).
Italians also played baseball. Indeed, one of the most beloved figures of Italian-Americans is Joe
DiMaggio, the son of Italian immigrants. DiMaggio excelled for the New York Yankees from 1936
to 1951. His career statistics were compromised, as he served a tour of duty with the U.S. Army
(1943–44) during World War II. Italian soccer clubs were also popular during the early 1900s. “In
1929 the Italian Soccer Club was organized in Chicago. This team, according to the organizers,
was the first step in uniting the Italian soccer players into a club of their own. Previously, many
Italian players had been playing for teams of other ethnic groups” (Bazzano 1994: 112). Like the
Irish, the Italians would become fully assimilated into mainstream society and sport pursuits, as
a group, would become a secondary concern.
Jackie Robinson Breaks Baseball’s Color Barrier

Throughout this chapter we have discussed many examples of black athletes (e.g., Jesse Owens
and Joe Louis) who faced prejudice and discrimination and managed to overcome racism and went
on to become sports stars. Perhaps the single most significant breakthrough in sports was Jackie
Robinson’s breaking Major League Baseball’s color barrier.
Although we have shown that some blacks played Major League Baseball (MLB), the league
had discriminated against blacks throughout most of its history. This changed in 1947 when Jackie
Robinson played for the Brooklyn Dodgers. So significant is this event that MLB officially retired
Robinson’s jersey number “42” from all MLB teams on April 15, 1997—the 50th anniversary of
Robinson’s breaking the color barrier in modern baseball.
In order to break the color barrier, a talented black player was going to need the help and
cooperation of a powerful white executive. Branch Rickey, baseball executive of the Brooklyn
Dodgers, served this role. There were numerous reasons why Rickey wanted to integrate baseball.
For one, Rickey “had long felt that the ban on black players was morally wrong, but it was not
until the war began to revolutionize the role of blacks in America that he felt that the integration
of the majors would be accepted by the players and the fans” (Oakley 1994: 25). Rickey also
realized the practical benefits of integrating baseball. A truly talented black player could help the
Dodgers win more games and Rickey reasoned that African American fans would come to Dodgers
games to cheer on one of their own (Oakley 1994). “He knew that black Americans, who had a
share of the post–World War II economic boom, were a largely untapped market for organized
baseball and the integrating of the game was the best way to get more blacks through the turnstiles”
(Moffi and Kronstadt 1994: 8). Rickey was able to conceal his true intent to integrate baseball by
claiming he was scouting the Negro leagues to field an all-black team that would play at Ebbets
Field while the Dodgers were on the road. At the end of the summer of 1945, Rickey found his
man: a shortstop for the Kansas City Monarchs.
On October 23, 1945, Rickey made history by signing Robinson to a contract to play for the
Montreal Royals, the Dodgers’ minor league affiliate, for the 1946 season. He played the entire
year at Montreal in 1946. During the spring of 1947, the Dodgers announced that they had pur-
chased the contract of Robinson from Montreal and called him up to the parent Dodgers club in
Brooklyn. As Rickey had foreshadowed, Robinson’s integration into MLB was difficult. Robinson
was the victim of numerous racist taunts by both players and fans. Robinson was a great player
and quickly won over his Dodgers teammates who, for the most part, eagerly defended him from
others. Pee Wee Reese, the Dodgers team captain, once put his arm around Robinson in an early
game during the 1947 season to demonstrate to all that Robinson was accepted as player and teammate.
Robinson was only human and he admits in his Autobiography that there times when the abuse
tested his patience. The Philadelphia Phillies, led by manager Ben Chapman, were by far the most
insulting and venomous. Robinson states that Chapman’s and the Phillies’ constant abuse was so
awful that he almost went over the Phillies dugout to grab “one of those white sons of bitches
and smash his teeth in with my despised black fist” (Robinson 1995: 60). But then Robinson
remembered all that Rickey had warned him about and he regained his composure. The entire
Dodgers team and organization were often the recipients of abuse because of Robinson’s partic-
ipation in baseball.
As any casual fan of sport knows, Robinson went on to have a very successful career. His
integration into baseball and his ability to control himself despite constant racial taunts opened
the door for other black athletes in baseball and other American professional sports as well. Robin-
son represented an entire race of people during a time when prejudicial attitudes and discriminatory
actions were widespread throughout a segregated American society. Although Robinson’s integra-
tion into baseball may seem insignificant to those outside sport, his ability to perform at peak
levels under extreme forms of duress served as an inspiration to an entire race of people and those
who admire personal accomplishments against great odds, and those who simply believe in equality.
April 15 has been named “Jackie Robinson Day” by MLB, and Robinson will always be remembered
as a great player and pioneer of racial equity.
While Robinson paved the way for blacks in professional baseball, it is important to note
that African Americans do not dominate participation in baseball. A recent study revealed that
only 8.2 percent of the 2014 Major League Baseball players were black, the fewest since the mid–
1980s (Lapchick 2014). Despite a concerted effort by MLB to sign established Asian professional
baseball players, the percentage of Asians in MLB dropped to 2 percent (from 2.1% in 2013) in
2014. MLB continues to be dominated by white players (61%); however, the decline in black base-
ball players has been countered by an increase in the number of Hispanic players (28.4%) (Lapchick
2014).
Hispanic/Latino Breakthroughs in American Sports

The Hispanic/Latino experience in American sports is quite different from that of whites
and blacks. African Americans had long been the largest minority group, and as a result far more
attention has been placed on the black experience in sports. Hispanics now make up the largest
minority group in the U.S. and their numbers are rapidly growing. Consequently, far more attention
will have to be given to the role of Hispanics in sports in the coming years.
A number of Latinos had played in the Negro leagues, so Robinson’s breaking MLB’s color
barrier served as a sign to Hispanic/Latino players as well as black athletes that opportunities
existed in the United States professional sports leagues.
When Jackie Robinson broke the color barrier in 1947 it sent “shock waves throughout the
Caribbean baseball.” Black and mulatto ballplayers from the Dominican Republic, Cuba, Puerto
Rico, Venezuela, and Mexico could now consider major-league careers. During 1947, only Cuban-
born catcher Fermin Guerra and Mexican pitcher Jesse Flores, both with the Philadelphia Athlet-
ics, were in the major leagues. Between 1950 and 1955, however, forty-two Latinos played in the
majors. Historian Sam Regalado points out that given the fact that only fifty-four Latinos made
the big leagues in more than fifty years prior to 1950, this was a considerable increase [Lomax
2004: 75–76].
Latino players did not begin to enter the professional leagues in American sports in any sig-
nificant numbers until the 1950s. Unlike blacks, many Latino players faced discrimination because
of language barriers. The inability of Latino and Hispanics to speak English infuriated many
Americans. Many Latinos, such as Roberto Clemente, were unprepared for America’s obsession
with racial categorization. Puerto Rico, Clemente’s home country, does not use racial categories
when dealing with others. Clemente stated, “I don’t believe in color; I believe in people” (Lomax
2004: 77). Latinos considered the Jim Crow practices of American society irrational. The resulting
segregatory practices naturally upset Latinos. Because of hotel segregation, especially during barn-
storming exhibitions in the southern states, there were times when the white players received police
escorts through town so that their chartered buses could make it to the airport and ball fields on
time. Blacks and Latinos had to take separate buses and fend through traffic on their own—some-
times missing flights to the next city (Lomax 2004). A number of professional teams that played
Latino ballplayers hired assistants to help Latinos deal with American culture. Still, black and
Latino players did not feel that they should have to adapt to racist policies; rather, racist policies
should be changed.
Roberto Clemente
One of the most significant early Hispanic athletes to play American sports was Roberto
Clemente. Clemente was an awesome player who excelled both defensively as an outfielder and
offensively with a career batting average of .317. He was the eleventh player to reach the career
3,000 hit club. Clemente played in an era before cable television and during a “dead” period in
baseball (low scoring, which translates to lower interest on the part of fans). Those who saw
Clemente play will remember his uncanny ability to flag down fly balls in the outfield and his
ability to stretch a single into a double with his speed and reckless abandon on the base paths.
Clemente always played with class and dignity and was proud of his Puerto Rican heritage.
His off-seasons were spent providing endless public service and making personal appearances across
his native island. Clemente felt a closeness with all Latinos. “Thus when a devastating earthquake
shattered the countryside of neighboring Nicaragua on December 23, 1972, it was predictably
Roberto Clemente who sprang into immediate action, hoping to exploit his status as a national
sports hero as a focal point for marshaling the necessary relief effort” (Bjarkman 1996: 79).
Clemente decided to board a DC-7 plane in San Juan that was loaded with supplies for Nicaragua,
even though the plane had a history of mechanical problems. The plane finally took off for
Nicaragua, but it never made it. Moments after it departed, the crew attempted to circle back and
make an emergency landing. The plane plunged into the sea, killing Clemente and the three crew
members. Clemente, a 12-time All Star for the Pittsburgh Pirates, died at age 38.
Because of his humanitarian aid and his brilliant baseball ability, Roberto Clemente remains
as a cultural hero to many youth today. On December 31, 2005, Clemente’s son re-enacted his
father’s last trip by flying to Nicaragua to distribute humanitarian aid. It marked the 33rd anniver-
sary of Clemente’s untimely death.
Nancy Lopez
Nancy Lopez represents an early modern Latino athlete to achieve greatness in her sport.
Lopez is a member of the Ladies Professional Golf Association (LPGA) tour. She first started
playing golf at age 8 and by age 12 she won the New Mexico Women’s Invitational (Chavira 1977).
Lopez joined the LPGA in 1978. “Lopez won nine tournaments, including an unprecedented five
in a row, was named Rookie of the Year, Rolex Player of the Year (also won in 1979, 1985, and
1988), Vare Trophy Winner (also won in 1979 and 1985), Golfer of the Year, and Female Athlete
of the Year ( Jamieson 1998: 343).
Lopez’s arrival to the LPGA was very important, as the circuit was experiencing popularity
problems at the time. Her Latina status seemed to be especially important for professional golf.
“Similar to the rhetoric about Tiger Woods, Lopez’s presence supposedly marked an opening up
of golf to the masses, especially to ‘young people’ and other unlikely golf fans…. Both Lopez’s
and Woods’ stories stand out as symbols of persistent, yet shifting inequalities in the lives of all
women and men, but especially women and men of color” ( Jamieson 1998: 344). Lopez’s triumphs
on the playing field were hailed as a victory for Latina inclusion in a formerly all-white reserve.
Lopez made the move to “mainstream” without “rage” or “controversy” and “may be read as dis-
content with radical and separatist tactics used by both the Chicano movement of the 1960s and
of the 1970s ( Jamieson 1998: 351). Thus, any controversy was limited to those from her own racial
group that felt, perhaps, she was not a “radical” spokesperson for political causes. Woods and
Michael Jordan faced the same “controversy.”
Decades later, Lopez’s dramatic debut to golf, has not, in fact, led to a great influx of His-
panic/Latino participation or spectator interest. Still, the achievements of Lopez stand above
nearly all other female golfers and she remains a giant in women’s golf. She continues to be a promi-
nent spokesperson for the game and has developed a brand of sporting equipment specifically for
women golfers. In 2000 she was recognized as one of the LPGA’s top 50 players and teachers.
There is another racial group that has faced racism, prejudice and discrimination in sport:
Native Americans. Native Americans have not participated in sports in great numbers; yet, Indian
imagery is commonly used in all levels of sports (from the pee wee leagues to the professional).
Much of the Indian imagery used in sport has racist connotations and utilizes negative stereotypes
of Native Americans.
Jim Thorpe and Native Americans in Sports

Jim Thorpe represents the most significant Native American to break into American sports.
Thorpe was born circa May 28, 1888, near current-day Prague, Oklahoma. Thorpe’s parents were
both of mixed-race ancestry; his father had an Irish father and a Sac and Fox Indian mother and
his mother had a French father and a Potawatomi mother. He was raised as a Sac and Fox with his
native name, Wa-Tho-Huk, meaning “Bright Path,” but was christened Jacobus Franciscus Thorpe
(Biography.com 2014). Thorpe played multiple sports, including baseball, basketball, football,
hockey, track and field and boxing. He was an All-American in football at the Carlisle Indian
School. Perhaps his greatest sporting achievement occurred at the 1912 Olympic Games in Stock-
holm, Sweden, where he won the pentathlon and decathlon. Sweden’s King Gustaf V declared
Thorpe to be the greatest athlete in the world. Upon his return to the United States, he was honored
with a ticker-tape parade in New York City as part of a hero’s welcome home. However, a newspaper
article revealed that Thorpe had been paid to play minor league baseball in 1909 and 1910. As a
result, he was stripped of his amateur eligibility and forced to return his gold medals and his
historic performance was erased from the Olympic record books (Biography.com 2014). Today,
he would not have been classified as an amateur. But, even by the standards of the day, Thorpe
was cheated of his Olympic glory because the 1912 rulebook stated that protests had to be made
within 30 days from the closing ceremonies of the Games and the newspaper articles did not
appear until six months later (United States Olympic Committee 2014). In 1982, long after his
death, Thorpe’s medals were restored and his name put back in the record books.
Beyond his Olympic glory, Thorpe was named by the Associated Press in 1950 as the greatest
athlete of the first half of the 20th century and the following year he was portrayed by Burt Lan-
caster in the film Jim Thorpe: All-American. Thorpe was also elected a charter member of the Pro
Football Hall of Fame in 1963 (Biography.com 2014).
Jim Thorpe left quite a legacy and one that would be tough for a member of any racial/ethnic
group to follow. The small numbers of Native Americans overall would make this challenge all
the more difficult. However, although they were once known as the “vanishing Americans,” the
American Indian population has increased at every census since 1940. In 1940, the Native American
population was 345,000. The 2010 Census data reveals that 2.9 million respondents identified as
American Indian and Alaska Native alone, and, like Jim Thorpe, 2.3 million identified as American
Indian and Alaska Native in combination with one or more races (U.S. Census 2012). The total
figure of 5.2 million people equates to 1.7 percent of the total U.S. population. Sport participation
in mainstream American sports presents another challenge for Native Americans because nearly
half of them live on reservations. Transition from life on the reservation to American society is
often very difficult. Furthermore, Native Americans’ sense of tribal tradition plays an important
role in keeping American Indians on the reservation.
Today, many Native Americans play lacrosse, the fastest growing sport in the United States
and an indigenous game created by Native Americans long before the European conquest of the
Americas. Baker (1988) writes: “The earliest Indian inhabitants of North America played lacrosse
the year round. The Winnebago tribe in Wisconsin, for example, not only competed in a spring
festival game but also after the winter hunt. Indians everywhere played darts, dice, and guessing
games on long winter evenings, but more hardy young warriors spent entire afternoons playing
lacrosse on frozen rivers or lakes. Indians in the Canadian Northwest traditionally took to icy
lacrosse fields after the winter hunts as well as during the summer” (159).
Many of the best lacrosse players continue to be Native Americans. In New York State, four
tribes (Oneida, Onondaga, Seneca and Tuscarora) have formed a box lacrosse league (the North
American Minor Lacrosse Association) for Native American youth. (This league was a feature of
ESPN2’s Timeless series hosted by Philadelphia Eagles linebacker Dhani Jones and first aired in
College women play the Native American sport of lacrosse (courtesy Cardinal Sports Imaging).
March 2006). Oneida Coach Ron Patterson explains the importance of lacrosse for Native Amer-
icans: “It goes back to the original request of the creator, and we continue to play his game for his
amusement” (Potrikus 2006: B-3). According to Oneida history, lacrosse is a symbolic rite sacred
to the Thunders, the seven honored elders who move across the sky from west to east, cleansing
the earth with winds and rain (Potrikus 2006). Native Americans used lacrosse to prepare for war,
to develop strong men, as medicinal rites, to solve conflicts, and to amuse the “Creator.” Lacrosse
remains hugely popular with many Native tribes today. Native athletes from across the United
States and Canada compete in the North American Indigenous Games. The Games were started
in 1990 and are traditionally held every three years, although financial difficulties postponed the
2005 Games to 2006 (Moses 2006). More than 10,000 Native athletes competed in the July 2006
Games held in Denver.
Hockey is also a sport which many Native Americans have grown up with and consider one
of their own. There are some Native American hockey players in the National League—usually
relegated to the “thug” role, unfortunately. Still, the number of Native Americans playing in major
league sport remains small. Notah Ryan Begay III, for instance, was the only Indian (Navajo) on
the PGA tour as of 2008.
The issue of race provides yet another example of sport mirroring society. As the demo-
graphics of the U.S. population continues to change, so to do the demographics within the sports
world. Just as there are more Hispanic/Latinos in the United States, there are an increasing number
in American sports. A number of athletes (e.g., Derek Jeter, Hines Ward, and Tiger Woods) are
from “mixed” races, which reflects the growing amalgamation trend found in the United States.
Sports are, indeed, a microcosm of society.

Box 11: The Song Remains the Same
Regarding the topic of race and sports, perhaps the first film that comes to mind is a classic
from over 40 years ago. Brian’s Song (1971), directed by Buzz Kulick, is often listed as one of the
best sports films ever made. As Ray Didinger and Glen Macnow point out in their Ultimate Book
of Sports Movies, “When we surveyed people for their all-time favorite sports movies, Brian’s Song
was on most short lists. Larry Csonka had it at no. 1, as did Rich Gannon, the former Oakland
quarterback, and Brian Baldinger, the former NFL lineman, now a FOX network broadcaster”
(Didinger and Macnow 2009: 80). Indeed, the film is often mentioned as a personal favorite of
people who are not otherwise noted for their love of tear-jerking movies. Didinger and Macnow
add that “Larry Csonka, the Hall of Fame fullback, admits he choked up watching Brian’s Song.
It’s hard to imagine Csonka with that battle-scarred face and outta my way scowl getting all misty
over a movie, but he swears it really did happen” (Didinger and Macnow 2009: 80).
Just what is it about this movie that can make grown men cry (especially grown men not usu-
ally identified with such an action)? Brian’s Song (which was originally made for television rather
than for theatrical release) is based on a true story, and one which directly relates to race and
sports. It details the friendship between Chicago Bears running backs Gale Sayers (played by Billy
Dee Williams) and Brian Piccolo (played by James Caan). Williams and Caan would soon become
famous for their roles in, respectively, Star Wars and The Godfather, but when Brian’s Song was
first aired they were unknown actors, which perhaps added to the power of the movie’s reception
since they both seemed to embody the roles they were playing. For in 1971 many viewers would
have known of the real Sayers and Piccolo and their poignant friendship. Heated rivals who were
competing for the same spot on the roster, Sayers and Piccolo initially had little reason to interact
with each other off the playing field. More significantly, Sayers was African American and Piccolo
was white, during an historic period when the Civil Rights Movement was still in its beginning
stages and members of different racial and ethnic communities seldom if ever communicated with
each other, let alone became friends. In addition, the two men came from different social and eco-
nomic backgrounds.
As the film shows, once they begin to know each other, Sayers and Piccolo find that they have
much in common. They are both pranksters who love to laugh when off the field (and frequently
play good-natured practical jokes on each other), but are also hardworking and dedicated players
when on the field. After becoming roommates when traveling to games their respect for each other
deepens. Further shattering the racial boundaries of the time, their two wives also become the
best of friends.
Sayers initially is chosen as the starting fullback instead of Piccolo, but Piccolo doesn’t seem
to resent this. He’s happy for his friend’s success and realizes that this is all for the good of the
team overall. In fact, when Sayers in injured in a game against the San Francisco 49ers, tearing the
ligaments in his right knee, Piccolo takes it upon himself to aid in his recovery, going so far as to
bring a weight machine over to Sayers’ home and helping him in his rehabilitation efforts. He does
so even though, in Sayers’ absence, Piccolo is given the starting fullback position, leading the Bears
to a 17–16 win over the L.A. Rams and being given the game ball afterwards. While it would seem
to be detrimental to his chances to remain in that position should Sayers return, he puts such
thoughts aside as he aids his friend and helps him get back onto the field.
While Sayers does recuperate, he is quickly hampered by a second injury, this time to his left
knee. Around the same time, Piccolo, at the young age of 26, also begins to decline. He is losing
weight unexpectedly and is no longer able to run as fast as before. After going to the hospital for
a checkup he receives a dire diagnosis—he has terminal cancer. The last part of Brian’s Song deals
with the ways in which Sayers reciprocates for the support previously shown to him. It is now his
turn to help a stricken friend, and he remains by Piccolo’s side throughout the agonies of his final
days. The film ends with a powerful flashback of the two men in their prime, racing each other in
a park, and a voiceover asks that Piccolo be remembered not for how he died but rather for how
he lived.
In understanding the initial impact of Brian’s Song (which was based on Sayers’ 1971 auto-
biography I Am Third ) it should be noted that the Made-for-TV film appeared just a year after
Piccolo’s untimely death at the age of 26. Many football fans were still shaken by this, and the
movie was an emotional experience for them. But another important point is that in 1971 racial
unrest was still a very real issue across the country (as it sadly still is in contemporary America),
with rioting, violent protests and the rise of Black Nationalism all constant themes on daily tele-
vision news broadcasts.
Brian’s Song, by showing that blacks and whites could, at least potentially, work together,
and by emphasizing the ways in which true friendship can override racial antagonisms and mis-
understandings, was not only a popular motion picture, it also played an important role in the
sociology of sports. And, in the world of popular culture, it has a very rare distinction. Originally
made as an ABC Movie of the Week, it was shown only once on television. Remember, this was
before the time of videotaping and TiVo, so fans of the film couldn’t watch it again until it might
be broadcast in a repeat showing many months later. But it was such a talked-about sensation that
it was shortly afterwards released theatrically. So people who had been able to watch the movie
for free in their homes were more than willing to pay to see it at the theater.
In addition, Brian’s Song helped to make its two stars, Billy Dee Williams and James Caan,
famous. It inspired many other sports buddy films, and was itself remade as a television movie in
2001, with Mekhi Phifer as Sayers and Sean Maher as Piccolo. But, as Los Angeles Times writer
Mike Penner points out in his review of the 2001 film (rather pointedly entitled “Brian’s Song
Remake Goes Flat”) this version, in trying to be “politically correct” and not offend anyone, leaves
out much of the racially charged language of the original. In doing so, it actually dilutes the sig-
nificance of the Sayers/Piccolo friendship. Penner notes: “Completely stricken from the remake
is the scene in which the rehabbing Sayers is on his basement leg weight machine, balking at
Piccolo’s insistence he finish the last few reps. The wheels in Piccolo’s head start grinding. He
splutters out a racial slur, thinking it will anger Sayers and motivate him enough to finish the set.
By this stage in the movie, it is well established that Sayers and Piccolo are close friends. Sayers
hears the slur and can’t believe his ears. What? That’s the best you can do? Sayers begins laughing
hysterically, incredulously. Piccolo starts laughing, too. They raise such a ruckus that Sayers’ wife
comes halfway down the staircase to find out what the noise is about. It’s a funny scene, and a
telling one—illustrating the depth of a friendship that began as a Chicago Bears’ social experiment,
when Sayers and Piccolo became the team’s first interracial roommates in the 1960s” (Penner 2001).
And, it should be noted, unlike Williams and Caan, the two stars of the remake have not quite
become superstars.
The 1971 production of Brian’s Song remains a classic. In the words of Randy Williams, in
his book Sports Cinema—100 Movies: “Often imitated, never surpassed, Brian’s Song is an inspiring
story of friendship and courage. Going against the grain, this male, sporting equivalent to Love
Story emphasizes character over winning. Brian’s Song is one of the seminal movies of all time”
(Williams 2006: 332). And as Penner wisely notes at the end of his review of the remake: “When
the original is available, why settle for anything but?” (Penner 2001).
Summary
The idea that blacks are innately superior athletes and that whites are innately more intelligent
reflects racial ideologies that lead to prejudice and discrimination in the sports world. Sociologists
point out that the concepts of race and ethnicity are a product of social constructionism and that
such categories of people exist merely because society has chosen to label people in racial or ethnic
terms.
Beliefs about racial superiority can have deadly consequences. Geography can have a great
deal to do with sporting opportunities, as can unique physical characteristics such as big hands or
larger hearts. Opportunity, desire, reinforcement, and trial and error provide the basis for achieving
athletic success, not genes.
For many people, sports provide a means for upward mobility. However, racism—both indi-
vidual and institutional—can be a barrier to this. In the past, social class itself was an impediment,
as most sports were limited to “amateurs.” After the American Civil War, when slavery was officially
ended, the participation of African Americans in most major sports became an issue. They were
effectively shut out of participating in baseball, football, horse racing, basketball and other activ-
ities.
Jesse Owens was one of the first African American athletes to bridge the color gap, when his
victories in the 1936 Berlin Olympics were cheered by most Americans. The 1954 Brown v. Board
of Education of Topeka ruling by the United States Supreme Court ushered in an era of increasing
interaction among black and white athletes on the local and national level. Today, blacks dominate
many American sports, but only as participants, not as owners, general managers, coaches or trainers.
Ethnic groups such as the Irish and Italian overcame initial discrimination through excelling
in sports such as boxing, track and field, baseball and bicycle racing. For the most part, they are
today fully assimilated into mainstream society. Jackie Robinson provided perhaps the single most
significant breakthrough in sports when he became a player for the Brooklyn Dodgers in 1947,
thereby breaking the color barrier.
Today other racial groups, including Hispanic/Latino, Asian, and Native American, face sim-
ilar hurdles in participating in sports. They, too, have experienced discrimination and racist poli-
cies.
One of the major controversies in sports today is the use of Native American imagery for
nicknames, logos and mascots. Those who support such team names as “Braves” or “Chiefs” believe
they are honorable symbols that reflect the greater community in a positive manner. But opponents
say that such terms are racist and demeaning, and should be changed.
The issue of race provides yet another example of sport mirroring society.
Key Terms
Direct Upward Mobility A rise in socio-economic status that is accomplished when an athlete
signs a lucrative professional contract.
Discrimination Behavior that treats people unequally on the basis of an ascribed status, such as
race or gender.
Ethnic Group A category of people who are recognized as a distinct group based on social or
cultural factors.
Genocide The intentional attempt to exterminate a race of people by a more dominant popula-
tion.
Indirect Upward Mobility A rise in socio-economic status that occurs when an athlete earns a
college degree and finds gainful employment because of his or her educational credentials.
Negro Baseball A collective term used to describe the various teams and leagues that existed
from the early 1900s until the 1950s.
Prejudice Negative beliefs and overgeneralizations concerning a group of people which
involves a judgment against someone based on a rigid and fixed mental image of some group of
people that is applied to all individuals of that group.
Race A group of people who share some socially recognized physical characteristic (such as skin
color or facial features) that distinguishes them from other groups of people and are recognized
by themselves and others as a distinct group.
Racism Any attitude, belief, behavior, or social arrangement that has the intent, or the ultimate
effect, of favoring one group over another.
Stereotypes Oversimplified and exaggerated beliefs about a category of people.
Totemism As described by Emile Durkheim, a primitive form of a religious system in which
certain things, particularly animals and plants, come to be regarded as sacred emblems.
• Why are black quarterbacks expected to run with the ball rather than be “pocket” quarter-
backs?
• What are some of the difficulties in defining the word “race?” What is the difference between
a race and an “ethnic group?”
• What is the difference between discrimination and prejudice? Can you think of some exam-
ples where this might pertain to the sports world?
• Why is it wrong to say that certain groups are “naturally” athletic? What are some problems
with this claim and what are some alternative explanations for why people might excel in certain
sporting activities?
• Why are there so few minority owners, managers and coaches in sporting teams today? What
do you think could be done to try to change this?
• What do you think about the controversy over using Indian imagery for athletic team names
and mascots?
• Do you think the NFL’s Washington franchise will ever stop using the “Redskin ” imagery?
Why or why not?
CHAPTER 12
Economics and Sport
Both of the authors teach college students. We meet new students every semester. Nearly all
students indicate that their primary reason for attending college is to “find a good job.” Most stu-
dents expect to receive a high salary right after graduation. (These expectations are usually crushed
by reality!) For the most part, however, students looking for a productive career realize that they
will be working for most of the rest of their lives. Inevitably, sociology professors (as professors
in most disciplines) will hear such questions as, “What type of jobs can I find with a sociology
degree?” and “How much money will I earn?” Although students may be disillusioned with the
answers, they never expected to hear of an option that involved a profession where they could
earn so much money that they could retire after 5 or 10 years. High paying jobs like that don’t
even exist. Or do they? Yes, in fact they do. Usually these positions are found in the field of enter-
tainment (e.g., movie and television stars, popular singers, and elite athletes).
Sports are a part of the entertainment business. Elite members of the sports industry will
earn huge sums of money. The average annual salary for players in any of the four major American
sports leagues is more than most people will earn in a lifetime. Forbes (2012) reports the average
player salaries in the four major American sports leagues as: NBA, $5.15 million; MLB, $3.2 mil-
lion; NHL, $2.4 million; and the NFL, $1.9 million. If a worker earns $50,000 annually, it will
take 38 years to reach the one-year average salary of an NFL player and 103 years to reach the one-
year average salary of an NBA player. Many college students think that $50,000 annual salary is
low, but consider these numbers from the Social Security Association (SSA) and the U.S. Bureau
of Labor Statistics (BLS): The SSA (2013) reports that the 2013 “Average Net Compensation” for
all wage earners was $43,041.39 and the 2013 “Median Net Compensation” was just $28,031.02;
while BLS (2014) reports that the median weekly earnings of the nation’s 107.9 million full-time
wage and salary workers was $790 weekly, $41,080 annually. Consider also, that while Americans
debate the merits of raising the federal minimum wage of $7.25 per hour (in 2014), with some
states exceeding the federal minimum, the minimum annual salary in the NBA for the 2014–15
season was over $507,000 for players with no experience and more than $1.4 million for players
with 10 or more years’ experience (Real GM 2014). Imagine if sociologists belonged to a union
strong enough to secure a minimum wage of a half million dollars for first year employees; chances
are, we would be an even more popular field. The main reason NBA players get paid so much
money is connected to television revenue (See Chapter 15 for a closer look at the role of television
in sports.) In 2014, it was reported that the value of the new television contract between the NBA
and ESPN and TNT would be $24 billion, with annual payouts of $2.66 billion, almost triple
the annual payouts from the last contract of $930 million (Sports Illustrated 10/13/14). To get an
idea how much the NBA has grown in popularity over the past 50 years, its first cable deal, with
the USA Network, in 1979, was for $1.5 million over three years (Sports Illustrated 10/13/14).
289
Oddly, many professional athletes believe that they should be paid enough money during
their brief sports career so that they do not have to work after retirement—usually sometime in
their late 20s or early 30s. Who enters any profession thinking that they can work for 5 to 10 years,
earn millions of dollars, and live in comfort without needing to work again for the rest of their
lives? Obviously, there are many of us who would love to be in that position. Such is the design
of economics in sport in contemporary society. The sport industry is a field where even marginal
professional athletes can expect to earn millions of dollars annually. Today’s athletes are lucky to
be a part of such an odd profession. In contrast, as recently as 1981 many Major League Baseball
players took jobs during the baseball strike because their salaries were far more in line with the
median salary of all U.S. workers.
In this chapter, we will examine the role of economics in sports and how, at times, loyalty to
the “Almighty Dollar” has become far more important than loyalty to a community that supports
a professional sports franchise.
Economics, Social Stratification and

Socio-economic Status
The term “economy” refers to the social system that coordinates a society’s production, dis-
tribution, and consumption of goods and services. With such responsibilities as overseeing pro-
duction and distribution of goods (e.g., necessities and luxury items) and services (e.g., police, fire
and health care), the economy clearly represents a major social institution. Economics refers to the
social science that studies economic activity in order to better understand the processes involved
in the economy. As a multi-billion dollar industry, the economic study of sport is well warranted.
Economies may contain up to three basic sectors: primary, secondary and tertiary. The pri-
mary sector consists of the direct extraction of natural resources from the environment, such as
drilling for oil and gas, mining, fishing, ranching and farming. The secondary sector involves
transforming raw materials into physical products (goods) and may include refining petroleum
into gasoline, turning metals into automobiles, and mass-producing a wide variety of consumer
products. The secondary sector is the central feature of industrial societies. The tertiary sector,
or service sector, consists of producing and processing information and providing services and
includes such activities as research, engineering, finance, technological support, teaching, enter-
tainment and sports (Delaney 2012).
The introductory story of this chapter provides a glimpse into the economic disparity
between professional athletes and the more typical wage earners. Many of the highest paid athletes
in contemporary sports come from far more humble beginnings. In that regard, sports provided
them with an opportunity for upward mobility, an opportunity they were not likely to have found
in some other profession. It’s not surprising then, to realize that many of the highest paid athletes
came from lower socio-economic backgrounds, which are disproportionately composed of minor-
ity members. For example, African Americans are more than twice as likely to be living in poverty
than whites (Manuel, Taylor and Jackson 2012). The sociological study of economics and sports
uses this reality to contend that when the most commercialized sports are dominated (as players)
by individuals from racial and ethnic minorities there is a perceived, or real, ideology that sports
offer the best, or only, chance to get ahead (upward mobility). This is, of course, an indictment
on the socio-economic system of a given society.
Those most attracted to sports as a means of upward mobility are from the lower socio-
economic classes. Socio-economic classes are a component of the stratification system that exists
in all groups, organizations and societies. Geologists may concern themselves with such things as
the layers of the Earth’s sub-surface, but sociologists are concerned about the “layers” found in
the social world. Social stratification is a ranking system of members of a social system into levels
having different or unequal evaluations; it reveals patterns of social inequality. Most societies have
three major dimensions of stratification: social prestige, political (power), and economic.
While many people are concerned with power and prestige, it is money that they really want;
and, if economic success brings power and prestige, then it’s all the better. As a result, the economic
dimension of stratification systems is what holds most people’s attention and focus. The economic
dimension involves two key variables: income and wealth. Income refers to the amount of money
that a person, or family, receives over a period of time; generally a calendar year (e.g., reported
income on a tax return). In 2014, the top three highest paid athletes in the world, Floyd Mayweather
($105 million; zero earned from endorsements), Cristiano Ronaldo ($80 million; $28 million
from endorsements), and LeBron James ($72.3 million; $53 million from endorsements), all shared
one common trait: they were from lower socio-economic backgrounds (Schwartz 2014). The sec-
ond element of economics is wealth. Wealth refers to the total value of everything that a person
or family owns, minus any debts owed. It is similar in meaning to the term net worth. According
to Forbes, Michael Jordan, the basketball Hall of Famer, shoe magnate and NBA owner, became
the first athlete to surpass a billion dollars in wealth (Chase 2014). This billion dollar threshold
includes allowing for the $135 million of debt that the Charlotte Hornets had in 2014 (Chase 2014).
Economic success is often equated with prestige, as people with money generally garner more
respect in western societies than the poor. Sociologists use the term socio-economic status (SES) to
measure economic-prestige status. Socio-economic status is a composite term that includes a per-
son’s income, wealth, occupational prestige, and educational attainment. People have the greatest
chance of improving their SES if they reside in a society (i.e., the United States) with an open
stratification system. An open stratification system allows people to climb, or fall from, the socio-
economic ladder. In the “class system ” of the United States both ascribed and achieved statuses
have significant effects on people’s income, wealth, and social position. An ascribed status refers
to any trait assigned to an individual at birth, such as one’s race/ethnicity, sex, and nationality. In
many societies, including the U.S., certain ascribed statuses may present greater opportunity for
social mobility; conversely, other ascribed statuses may present more challenges due to such social
realities as prejudice and discrimination. For example, those born in wealthy families generally
enjoy a higher status than those born in poorer families. In addition, wealthy persons will have
opportunities presented to them that the poor will not (e.g., access to better schools, private tutor-
ing, and job “connections”). However, achieved status also plays a role in the class system. An
achieved status is any trait assigned to a person through individual effort and merit, such as going
to college, working hard, having determination, and making successful personal and economic
decisions. It is achieved statuses that will help people from any background an opportunity to
improve their SES. Athletes that excel in high school give themselves a chance to play sports in
college. Those who do well in college athletically have a chance to earn big money professionally.
College athletes who earn their degrees have a chance for socio-economic success in the employ-
ment sector.
Sports as an Extension of Consumerism

Social mobility is possible in the class system primarily because of the opportunity to amass
capital; conversely, the lack of capital leaves someone in the lower socio-economic classes. Capital
accumulation is a fundamental driving force of capitalistic economies (Glyn 2006). To be successful,
capitalistic economies must mass-produce consumer items (goods) designed for consumption and
it must have a population large enough and with enough personal financial assets to purchase
them. This economic theory of an increasing consumption of goods and services as economically
desired is known as consumerism. When businesses develop products that consumers desire or
demand, such as sports, great profits can be realized.
The origin of consumerism is a matter of some historic debate as traces of consumer interest
and behavior extend throughout much of human history. Consumerism became significant in the
late-eighteenth-century Western Europe (Stearns 2001). That consumerism coincides with the
rise of industrialization is not a coincidence. Newly-formed factories were able to mass produce
items that were once rarely available to the masses. The corresponding introduction of shop-
keeping provided the conduit between the factory assembly-line and the eager to purchase con-
sumers. The steady rise of a middle class with enough disposable income to guarantee a large con-
sumer purchasing base only further fueled production. As the cycle continued to increase
consumerism takes hold.
Consumerism had become so common by the end of the nineteenth century that Thorstein
Veblen wrote of conspicuous leisure and conspicuous consumption. According to Veblen (1899), con-
spicuous leisure refers to nonproductive use of time, and conspicuous consumption refers to pur-
chasing items not necessary for basic survival. Throughout most of history, humans had to work
hard and steadily to secure the basic essentials of survival (e.g., food, water and shelter). Agricultural
life, much like farming today, entailed working throughout the day with little or no time for recre-
ation and leisure. It was the rise of industrialization and the shift in labor from agriculture to
industry that led to a set number of working hours per week and other free hours for labor. Veblen’s
idea of a leisure class with disposable free time is still very relevant today as billions of people
around the world find time to attend sporting events or watch them on television or online. Veblen’s
notion of conspicuous consumption is also very relevant today. While there are at least one billion
people today working hard to secure enough items for daily survival, there are billions of people
who live beyond the subsistence level. Many people today not only have enough disposable income
to purchase items far removed from basic subsistence, they purchase items in an attempt to flaunt
their success. Nixon and Frey (1996) were among the classic sport sociologists to recognize this
trend a generation ago by describing conspicuous consumption as “a public display of material
goods, lifestyles, and behavior in a way that ostentatiously conveys privileged status to others for
the purpose of gaining their approval or envy” (211). In the time since Nixon and Frey wrote about
the public display of a privileged status, the social networking era has arisen. People on social net-
work sites like Facebook or Instagram are well aware of their friends’ leisure exploits via countless
posts of travel, fun, and attending sporting events.
It’s interesting that sports today are such a significant aspect of consumerism as sports them-
selves are an enigma. On the one hand, they are games. Games are usually associated with play and
play with frivolous, nonserious activity. Organized sporting activities—sports—are far different
from children’s games. Sports are so pervasive in society that they comprise a multi-billion dollar
industry. Much of the business of sport involves providing a “product” that is marketable. As a
result, much of sport is designed for entertainment appeal—“Give the fans something to cheer
about!” It is important to provide an entertaining product because people have so many options
as how to spend their leisure time and money. This adage helps to explain why fans will pack a sta-
dium to watch a winning, entertaining team, but will stay away from games involving losing or
boring teams (an “inferior” product). The sports industry must compete with all the other con-
sumer entertainment-driven businesses. And there are many options available, sports or otherwise.
In an attempt to reach an ever-expanding market, the sports industry has paid increasing
attention to its entertainment appeal and methods of marketing its product to consumers.
Sports Entertainment
Everyone enjoys being entertained. Life sometimes provides follies for our amusement and friends
and family members tell stories to amuse us. In addition, an entire industry exists to manufacture
entertainment in print, audio and visual format. Entertainment is the number one industry in Los
Angeles and hires more people than any other single category of employment there. Hollywood is
responsible for a large percentage of television programs and films consumed throughout the world.
Studios across the country produce music for our audio entertainment. The list goes on. Sports
also provide us with entertainment. For decades, sports and the media have development a symbiotic
relationship where both may profit. (The media will be discussed in greater detail in Chapter 15.)
People watch sports for a variety of reasons. Some fans are only happy when their team wins;
other sports fans are happy with a well-played game where all participants seemingly gave a max-
imum effort; and others enjoy an intriguing storyline that accompanies a particular sporting event.
Although there is little that sports personnel (e.g., marketing and media executives) can do about
making all sports fans happy—especially those who are only happy with a favorable outcome—
they can help to provide an entertaining event. Because of the great number of potential sport
consumers, the sports industry attempts to lure fans beyond the established, die-hard fans. The
key is to provide a product that people will want to consume. Major events, such as the Super
Bowl, are so over-hyped that consumption has reached near staggering results. It is the most watched
single sporting event of the year, every year, in the United States. In essence, it has become the
number one “unofficial” holiday in the United States. The authors have been proposing for years
that the Monday following the Super Bowl should be an official holiday (like many of the other
three-day weekends). It only seems logical, especially when considering more people call in sick
on this day than on any other day of the year. And this is in addition to people who go to work
but are less than productive because they partied hardy during a Sunday Super Bowl party. (This
seems especially true in the Eastern and Central time zones, where the game ends quite late.)
Today, sporting events are products designed for consumption. This includes ballgames, races
of all sorts (e.g. auto and animal), or some other sports event (e.g., gymnastics, surfing, tennis
matches). Auto racing is a commercial sport largely designed and created by automobile manufac-
turers to promote, advertise, and sell their products. With dozens of sponsors’ labels cluttered
over nearly every inch, race cars themselves are like moving advertisement billboards. In soccer,
players’ jerseys display a corporate sponsor instead of their team name. For example, the Manchester
City Football Club (MCFC) of the English Premiere League has “ETIHAD AIRWAYS” across
their jersey with a MCFC logo in the upper left side of the jersey. In Major League Soccer, the
Los Angeles Galaxy (winners of the 2014 Cup, making them the winningest, to date, franchise in
MLS history) have “HERBALIFE” across their jerseys with a LA Galaxy logo in the upper left
and Adidas logo in the upper right side of the jerseys. In soccer, the corporation is more important
than the team. Other American sports give corporate commercialization undivided attention in
televised sporting events by temporarily halting the game to break away to commercials—designed
to encourage you to buy their products. Many corporations promote their products at sporting
events because of the exposure to a large audience. “The springboard for all sports promotions is
the competition. Sporting events predictably gather audiences in person and over the airwaves.
Broadcasters know that over 130 million people will watch the Super Bowl, thirty billion (yes, bil-
lion) total viewers will watch the fifty-two World Cup matches…. With so much interest focused
on competition, shrewd sponsors pay to identify and interrupt the action to promote their products
and services” (Schaaf 1995: 23). The success of commercialized sport is, in part, dependent upon
successful sports marketing.
Sports Marketing and Corporate Sponsorship

Marketing is an important function within the total operating system of any business and
corporation. “The basic reason for the marketing function is to enable the organization to achieve
its objectives in an effective manner. Marketing provides a foundation upon which objectives are
set. The particular objectives of the organization will have an impact on the appropriate marketing
strategy or strategies” (Stauble 1994: 14–15). Marketers must find a way to influence consumers
to purchase products they promote. Because people have numerous choices in the products they
consume, marketing can be the difference in financial success or failure.
Sports marketing is a subdivision within marketing which focuses on the promotion of sports
teams and sports events as well as the promotion of products and services through the sports
world. The strategies of sports marketing are similar that of any type of marketing and center on
the idea of providing clients with specific ideas on how best to promote products. The right mar-
keting campaign provides financial benefits for all involved. But major campaign advertisements
are costly. The use of corporate sponsorships is an effective way to handle costs. Corporate spon-
sorships have proven to be an effective method of promotion in the sports world.
The proven ability of sports to influence consumer behavior off the field of play drives the
chameleon forces of ‘sponsorship,’ the powerful turnkey that identifies sports entertainment prop-
erties with products and services around the world. Sponsors choose from hundreds of events and
sponsorship packages to identify with their existing markets and expand into others. The wide-
spread popularity of athletic competition helps companies successfully sell breakfast cereal, soda
pop, checking accounts, automobiles, shoes, underwear, and virtually any product manufactured
[Schaaf 1995: 22].
The sports world is a haven for corporate sponsors, as many events are viewed by millions of
people. Sports marketing via the promotion of sports teams would include the previously men-
tioned corporate sponsorship of a premiere soccer club (i.e., Manchester City FC and the LA
Galaxy). Top-tier team sponsorship guarantees the client access to countless millions of die-hard
adherents who purchase team apparel with the corporate sponsor’s name. Sports marketing via the
sports event would include such commercial designations as the “official ball supplier,” “official
airline,” “official hotel” and “this game is brought to you by…” or “this kickoff is brought to you
by…” and so on. Bowl games and NCAA conference tournaments have corporate sponsorship
names. Many corporations even sponsor halftime shows and segments within broadcasts. Sports
marketing through the sports world would include a wide range of examples: the network that
broadcasts the sports event gets to display its corporate logo on the television screen; stadiums
with commercial logos and advertisements that are strategically located to appear during television
broadcasting; stadiums with corporate names attached to them (e.g., Petco Field, the Staples Cen-
ter); and all the commercials that air during timeouts.
Sponsorships are so prevalent in sports today that they have contributed dramatically to the
over-commercialization and consumerism found in sport. Many corporations are involved with
sport sponsorships. Sports are an attraction to corporations because of their popularity and large
viewing audiences. Phil Schaaf, in his book Sports, Inc. (2005), points out several potential benefits
for sponsors who wish to identify their product with an athlete or sports program:
• Reaching an event’s audience at the event and through the available media.
• Building brand identity with on-site visibility and naming rights.
• Potential customers sample the product or service.
• Employee rewards and incentive programs may be created involving the property.
• Creating programs within the event.
The outfield wall of a minor league baseball stadium is covered with commercial advertisements.
• Leveraging special mailing or customer lists.

• Selling the product at the event via concession access privileges (167–169).
He adds the phenomenon of “lightning in a bottle”—when something beneficial or inter-
esting happens that can be associated with the product. “Jerry Rice wore the CNS nasal strip (an
antisnoring device) on Monday Night Football. The announcers talked about it all game. The next
day, the stock of the company went up 11 percent” (Schaaf 2005: 168).
Corporate leaders also recognize that their sponsorship of a particular athlete may establish,
maintain, and enhance their identity.
Player Endorsements
Athletes have been endorsing products for corporations dating back at least to when Red
Rock Cola hired Babe Ruth to endorse its soft drink brand in the 1930s. Collectively, corporations
spend billions of dollars a year on player endorsements. Corporations are buying into the com-
monly held belief that consumers are likely to purchase products endorsed by athletes. Many elite
athletes may earn more income from their endorsement contracts than from their salaries to play
sports. All elite athletes are not created equal. It helps to be an elite athlete in the “right” sports.
The popular sports (e.g., football, baseball, soccer, and basketball) provide great visibility for its
elite athletes and as a result, endorsement contracts are more likely to be extended to them. The
obvious reason for this is that marketers need spokespersons that have popular appeal and name
and face recognition. This list below is a mere sampling of athletes and their endorsement deals:
• Kevin Durant (NBA), sponsor: Under Armour, estimated $285–$325 million (10 years); this
is in addition to the $60 million dollar deal he already has with Nike
• Derrick Rose (NBA), sponsor: Adidas, $185 million guaranteed, $260 million with met
incentive goals (14 years)
• Rory McIlroy (PGA), sponsor: Nike, $250 million
• David Beckham (retired soccer player), sponsor: Adidas, $161 million (lifetime)
• George Foreman (retired boxer), sponsor: Salton, Inc. (includes such products as the “Lean
Mean Grilling Machine ”), $137–$200 million (lifetime)
• Tiger Woods (PGA), sponsor: Nike, $140 million estimated (but reduced to $105 million
following his fall from grace in 2009)
• LeBron James (NBA), sponsor: Nike, $30 million per year (indefinite); total estimated spon-
sorship income since 2003, $326 million
• Kobe Bryant (NBA), sponsor: Nike, $15–$50 million per year based on shoe sales [Barrabi
2014; Probasco 2014].
Michael Jordan remains the king of endorsement money, earning $90 million in 2013 alone
due to his shoe deal with Nike. Despite paying out this much money to Jordan, Nike fared far
better, as Jordan’s products, led by the 2013 debut of the Air Jordan 10 “Powder Blue” retro sneaker,
helped the company realize more than $2.25 billion in U.S. retail basketball sales (Badenhausen
2014a). How’s that for a basketball player who hasn’t played in 10 years? And how is that for just
one specific example of sport consumerism?
The Globalization of Commercial Sport

Sports entertainment, sports marketing and corporate sponsorships, and player endorsements
are all aspects of sport consumerism and the overall industry of sport. We have mentioned a num-
ber of times that sports represent a multi-billion dollar industry. Let’s get a little more specific. In
their 2011 report on the American sports industry, the W.R. Hambrechet & Co. data and analysis
describes the impressive and continued growth of sport. The report indicates that the American
sport industry was approximately $414 billion in 2010, a figure that represents approximately 2.76
percent of the total GDP of the United States (Hambrechet et al. 2011). Worldwide, it is estimated
that the sports industry generates as much as $700 billion yearly, or 1 percent of the global GDP
(A.T. Kearney 2014). Clearly, Americans and our global neighbors enjoy the consumption of sports
and sports-related products.
The global consumerism of sport introduces us to the concept of globalization. A term that
has been a part of discourse for many decades now, globalization generically refers to the worldwide
movement toward economic, financial, trade and communications integration by incorporating
the perspectives of diverse cultures from around the world. It involves the transfer of capital,
goods and services across national borders. With these ideas in mind, globalization may be defined
as a socioeconomic process in which the constraints of geography on social and economic arrange-
ments recede and people become increasingly aware that they live in an interconnected world
(Delaney 2012). Certainly sports represent an aspect of awareness of an interconnected world as
many world-wide sporting events (i.e., the Olympics and the World Cup) connect people’s collective
consciousness of each other’s presence, or representations.
Globalization is fueled by the wealth and influence of multinational corporations (MNC).
MNC are not a new phenomenon, as commerce among nations dates back at least to the time of
the Phoenicians, whose trading ships sailed from what is now Lebanon to foreign lands more than
3,000 years ago. From that point on, trading routes via shipping have crisscrossed the globe. Today,
most people across the world have long been aware of the United States because its capitalistic
system has created some of the most powerful MNC business operations in the global market.
Numerous American products such as Pepsi and Coca-Cola and fast-food restaurants such as Pizza
Hut and McDonalds, for example, are found worldwide and are enjoyed by billions of culturally
diverse people. Companies such as Nike “demonstrated how in the post–1970s world of new
transnational corporations, money was free to move anywhere it could find quick profit” (LaFeber
1999: 151). The Nike swoosh symbol is recognized internationally. The endorsement of worldwide
celebrity Michael Jordan greatly assisted in the name recognition of Nike—thus justifying any
amount of money Nike pays Jordan in endorsement compensation.
Globalization As Evolution
Modernization and the development of nation states transformed the concept of community
to encompass the greater society, and eventually the world community. In The Elementary Forms
of Religious Life (1912/1965), noted sociologist Emile Durkheim stated, “There is no people and
no state which is not a part of another society, more or less unlimited, which embraces all the peo-
ples and all the States with which the first comes in contact either directly or indirectly; there is
no national life which is not dominated by a collective life of an international nature. In proportion
as we advance in history, these international groups acquire a greater importance and extent” (474).
As this quote reveals, Durkheim recognized nearly 100 years ago the growing phenomenon of
globalization. The world today is more closely tied into an interlinking economy than ever before
in human history. The process of linking nations of the world together is called globalization.
Globalization can be defined as “a social process in which the constraints of geography on social
and cultural arrangements recede and in which people become increasingly aware that they are
receding” (Waters 1995: 3). The increasing interconnectedness of the nations of the world has
led to an evolutionary transformation of heterogeneous cultures into a homogeneous culture that
transcends all topographical boundaries placed on maps. On every continent, more and more peo-
ple are embracing the American consumer lifestyle of convenience and seeming abundance.
Together, modernization and globalization affect all spheres of social life; including the
sports world. For example, many sports are played on the international level and have an interna-
tional audience. World Cup soccer and the Olympics are prime examples of sports in an interna-
tional market. (Both the World Cup and the Olympics will be discussed in greater detail in Chapter
13.) Worldwide communications has allowed for the transmission of sports coverage in one nation
to extend globally. European interest in American football coupled with American capitalism led
to the development of NFL affiliates in Europe. And sponsorship of sporting events is a big part
of the contemporary scene.
The Diffusion of Sports

Cultural diffusion refers to the spread of cultural aspects of one society to another. As
described in Chapter 3, most American sports were influenced by previously existing sports from
different nations, especially European societies. Baseball, for example, was influenced by the English
game of rounders. Today, baseball is played in England. Football was influenced by the European
game of rugby and now American football is played in Europe. In addition, there are many sports
(e.g., soccer and baseball), beyond the Olympic sports, played by people around the world, further
demonstrating the diffusion of sports. Rees (1998), for example, found that there was great sim-
ilarity between the sports played by adolescents from Berlin and New York City. The global expan-
sion of professional sports mirrors the expansion pattern of development of multinational
corporations that are motivated primarily by the pursuit of greater profits. American marketers
in particular have invested huge sums of money in an attempt to introduce sports to new markets.
Their ultimate goal is to sell commercial products. For example, American beer companies sponsor
NFL Europe football games in an attempt to sell more beer in European markets. (NFL Europe
was founded in 1990 as the World League of American Football, partially backed by the National
Football League.) Thus, many franchises may lose money, but marketers can still profit if their
sales increase beyond the costs to sponsor sports leagues in foreign countries. Marketers enjoy
profits from the global expansion of professional sports in many other ways, including the sale of
broadcast rights to television companies in a number of different nations and the sale of licensed
products such as apparel with team logos to people worldwide (Nixon and Frey 1996). The dif-
fusion of sports around the world reflects the economic imperative of capitalism—find new mar-
kets when the old ones become saturated.
Major League Baseball, a corporate entity, envisions expanding its market by actively sup-
porting the World Baseball Classic—a global baseball tournament that debuted in 2006. (In 2009,
the second WBC will be held in Japan.) MLB Commissioner Bud Selig described the World Cup
style event—16 countries played over 18 days in the U.S., Japan and Puerto Rico—as “the most
important international baseball event ever staged” (Chen 2006: 16). The winner of this event
can more accurately claim to be world champs than the winner of MLB’s “World Series,” which
only involves teams from the United States and Toronto, Canada. However, American baseball
fans have shown little interest in the World Baseball Classic and generally view it as exhibition
caliber baseball. MLB is not concerned with American viewers of the WBC, as it has already sat-
urated the U.S. market with commercial products. As Chen (2006) explains, “The truth is, organ-
izers don’t much care if the WBC plays in Peoria as long as it bowls ’em over in Beijing. The target
audience isn’t American fans but those in untapped markets in Asia, Europe and Central America,
where Major League Baseball would love to sell TV rights and licensed paraphernalia” (17). MLB
Commissioner Selig hopes to tap into a potential 1 billion plus viewers in Africa, Europe and Asia
where potential consumers of American baseball are likely to purchase jerseys, ball caps, and a
variety of other products. Today, with the power of social media, the WBC, like nearly all other
major international sporting events are promoted and available on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram,
YouTube and so on.
It is important to note that the successful introduction and spread of any product is still
dependent upon an interest in that product. Thus, if Asian viewers are not interested in WBC,
or if Europeans did not like the American game of football, the respective events would fail and
all the marketers would lose out. The sport of cricket has not caught on in the United States, nor
is it likely to any time soon. Americans don’t like it or even understand it. On the other hand,
ESPN once created a cult-like following of Australian Rules Football with its broadcast of the
sport in the 1980s. Curiously, ESPN stopped broadcasting Australian football and has not resumed
broadcasting it, nor has any other major network broadcast this sport with great potential American
appeal.
Another example of cultural diffusion in sport is the migration of athletes from one nation
to another. A number of Americans migrate to foreign countries in order to play sports. Conversely,
foreign athletes are coming to the U.S. to play college sports and such professional sports as baseball
and basketball. Furthermore, athletes are moving from one point of the globe to another. This is
especially true with soccer. For example, while Iraqis celebrated their national team’s first-ever
Asian Cup championship (in 2007) with a victory over Saudi Arabia, the Iraqi government mostly
ignored this event. Why? The Iraqi government does not support national soccer. In fact, very few
of the national players live in Iraq and the team has not played a game in the nation in seventeen
years. Their practices are generally held in Jordan (Greenwell 2007). For millions of Iraqi soccer
fans, the accomplishment of the national soccer team was hardly compromised by the fact most
of the players are far removed from Iraqi society.
The Role of the Owners

With many professional sports franchises valued at more than $1 billion, it stands to reason
that owners of professional sport teams are very wealthy people. Professional sports teams may be
owned by individuals (e.g., Jerry Jones, Dallas Cowboys; and Jeffrey Lurie, Philadelphia Eagles);
a family (e.g., the Glazer family owns Manchester United and the Steinbrenner family owns the
New York Yankees); a group, such as club members (Real Madrid and Barcelona) or an ownership
group (Guggenheim Baseball owns the Los Angeles Dodgers); and, shareholders (the Green Bay
Packers). In major team sports it is common for many franchises to be valued at over $1 billion.
Most NFL franchises are worth over $1 billion and the leader of the pack is the Dallas Cowboys.
In August 2014, the Cowboys, who prior to the start of the 2014 season hadn’t made the playoffs
since 2009, were valued at $3.2 billion (ESPN.com 2014e). Only Real Madrid ($3.4 billion) had
a higher franchise value in 2014 (CBS Sports.com 2014). The Cowboys are followed by the New
England Patriots ($2.6 billion); Washington ($2.4 billion); New York Giants ($2.1 billion); and
the Houston Texans ($1.85 billion) (ESPN.com 2014e). Only seven teams were valued at less than
$1 billion, among them, the Buffalo Bills. Two months after Forbes released its list of most valued
NFL franchises, the Bills were sold to husband and wife Terry and Kim Pegula at $1.4 billion (Fair-
burn 2014). The dollar amount spent on the Bills will certainly raise the value of the other six
franchises listed at a value under $1 billion in August 2014.
At $2.5 billion, the New York Yankees were the highest valued MLB team in 2014 and they
were followed by the Los Angeles Dodgers ($2 billion); Boston Red Sox ($1.5 billion); Chicago
Cubs ($1.2 billion); and the San Francisco Giants ($1 billion), the only teams at or above the $1
billion mark (Ozanian 2014). In January 2014, Forbes released a list of the highest valued NBA
teams, a list led by the New York Knicks ($1.4 billion); the Los Angeles Lakers ($1.35 billion);
and the Chicago Bulls ($1 billion), the only teams at or above the $1 billion mark (Badenhausen
et al. 2014). Seven months later, and following a notorious scandal with then–Clippers owner
Donald Sterling, the Los Angeles Clippers were sold to Microsoft Corp. CEO Steve Ballmer for
an NBA record $2 billion. Sterling bought the team in 1981 for $12 million and was notoriously
frugal; as a result, the Clippers were mostly a laughingstock franchise.
Clearly, there is great wealth attached to many of the top sports leagues franchises. In an
attempt to maintain their advantageous and profitable positions, professional sports leagues do
not encourage “fair” competition; instead, they act as cartels and attempt to dominate all aspects
of their respective businesses (sport).
Sport Cartels and Sport Monopolies

Professional sport leagues have often been characterized as sport cartels by economists. “A
cartel is a collective of firms who, by agreement, act as a single supplier to a market” (Downward
and Dawson 2000: 31). From a sociological perspective, cartels are bureaucratic, large-scale social
organizations. Many sports leagues take on the primary characteristics of cartels. The authors
define a sports cartel is an economic body formed by a small number of teams within the same
league that make decisions on matters of common interest (e.g., rules, revenue-sharing, expansion,
scheduling, and promotion) and exchange money as resources. Buying and selling players and
establishing minimum league salaries are examples of collective financial decision making made
by league officials. “In a cartel mutual behavior is by agreement only and these agreements need
to be enforced. If they are not, or better opportunities for members of the cartel appear elsewhere,
then they can break down. Paramount to the success of a cartel thus is the ability to reconcile
potential conflicts of interest within the group” (Downward and Dawson 2000: 36). Sports leagues
that act as a cartel provide economic advantages for all the owners in the cartel.
Cartel business activity is essentially illegal in the United States—as established by the Sher-
man Antitrust Law. Enacted in 1890, and named after Senator John Sherman of Ohio, it authorized
federal action against any combination of trusts which engaged in a conspiracy to restrain trade
or stifle competition. Companies, for example, that engaged in business across many states were
thought to be in violation of the Sherman antitrust legislation. Sports leagues often extend business
across many states. They also control player salaries, another feature of a cartel. The Sherman Act,
however, was vaguely worded and has been difficult to enforce.
Over the years, the courts have allowed a variety of exceptions to the cartel behavior of many
American corporations and businesses, especially in sports (Daymont 1981). Among the more sig-
nificant court decisions was the 1922 Supreme Court decision that essentially ruled Major League
Baseball free from antitrust legislation (Metzenbaum 1996). Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell
Holmes “reasoned that the antitrust laws did not apply because baseball could not be considered
interstate commerce” (Metzenbaum 1996: 275).
In 1922, Oliver Wendell Holmes, speaking for the majority, delivered the Supreme Court’s opin-
ion adjudicating Baltimore’s case. The court considered the facts and then ignored them. Baseball,
concluded the learned jurists, was not interstate commerce. Although baseball teams traveled from
state to state, baseball games were merely “exhibitions” of talent and they were always played
within the boundaries of a single state. This bizarre interpretation of the law was reaffirmed fifty
years later in Flood v. Kuhn. In that decision, written by Harry A. Blackmun, the justices admitted
that the predecessors had made a mistake, but they refused to correct the “established aberration”
[Guttmann 2004: 137].
The 1922 Supreme Court decision afforded Major League Baseball an exemption from
antitrust legislation and the burden of fair competition dictated by the open, democratic market.
The other major sport leagues never enjoyed the immunity given to MLB, but they too received
a variety of protections by the courts and Congress that enabled owners to monopolize their indus-
try and operate their sport leagues as cartels (Sage 1996). “This has enabled owners to engage in
collusion, price and wage fixing, and various restraints of trade (e.g., leaguewide negotiation of
TV contracts), thus maximizing their profits. It has also protected each franchise within a league
from competition because the number of franchises is controlled by the team owners; no franchise
is allowed to locate in a given territory without approval of the owners” (Sage 1996: 265).
The NFL, like MLB, also enjoys a special exemption from the government. “Section 501(c)(6)
of the Internal Revenue Code lists ‘professional football leagues’ as worthy of tax-exempt status,
a lingering result of legislative maneuverings that facilitated the NFL-AFL merger in 1966”
(McCann 2014). A 501(c)(6) designation is usually applicable to a charity but “a trade association
that helps its members cooperate and achieve a common purpose, like a chamber of commerce
that promotes local businesses or a guild that advocates for plumbers or accountants” is also valid
(McCann 2014: 28). Working as a trade association to help its members succeed falls under the
cartel umbrella. In 2014, U.S. Senator Cory Booker (D-NJ) became the latest member in Congress
to propose amending 501(c)(6) so that the NFL and nine other professional sports leagues, includ-
ing the NHL, USTA and the PGA Tour, no longer qualify (McCann 2014).
In response to occasional threats from members of Congress seeking to revoke the NFL’s
tax-exempt status, the league announced in April 2015 that it would voluntarily give it up to eliminate
the distraction it caused. Robert McNair, chairman of the NFL’s finance committee and owner of
the Houston Texans read from the league’s official statement, “The owners have decided to elim-
inate the distraction associated with misunderstanding of the league office’s status ” (Hiltzik 2015).
Among the consequences of this move is that the NFL will become even more secretive than ever
as they will no longer have to publicly report its financial dealings (e.g., the salary of the Com-
missioner). “This annual disclosure is virtually the only glimmer the public gets at the workings
of this huge business enterprise, since 31 teams are private businesses and don’t make public dis-
closures of their own. The exception is the Green Bay Packers, which is owned by 350,000 public
shareholders and releases financial data annually ” (Hiltzik 2015).
Generally speaking, individual colleges and universities (as well as high school sport teams)
are not viewed as cartels. However, the NCAA is. Economists generally view the NCAA as a cartel
for a number of reasons, including that it:
1. Sets input prices that can be paid for student-athletes

2. Regulates the usage of those student-athletes in terms of duration and intensity
3. Regulates output in terms of the number and length of athletic contests
4. Occasionally pools and distributes the profits of the cartel earned from activities such as the
television football package
5. Disseminates information concerning transactions, market conditions, and business account-
ing techniques
6. Polices the behavior of cartel members and levies penalties for infractions (Koch and
Leonard 1981: 253).
Despite the many similarities to illegal cartels, the NCAA and professional sports leagues
are usually immune to antitrust policy in the United States. They are essentially business cartels
that seem to enjoy an economic monopoly. A monopoly is when one company controls a com-
modity or service in a particular market, or has such control over a commodity or service that it
is capable of manipulating prices. Professional sports league act as unregulated monopolies wherein
each league regulates itself almost exclusively without government interference. League officials
can determine rules, schedules, promotions, expansion, media contracts, sanctions, and reward
systems.
Of particular economic importance to sport league monopolies is their ability to negotiate
their own television contracts. Economic growth in sport is due primarily to television revenue.
And although it is true that some teams hold such high status that they can negotiate partial broad-
cast rights and keep their own revenue (e.g., Notre Dame home football games; University of Texas
Longhorns Network; and the New York Yankee Network), revenue sharing dominates most Amer-
ican sport leagues (both collegiate and professional). For example, because of an aggressive revenue
sharing deal between media outlets, primarily television, and MLB, all 30 franchises, including
the small market teams, benefit from the $8 billion contract (Sheehan 2014).
Sports leagues resemble cartels but do not monopolize an entire business. Thus, sport leagues
are more like cartels than monopolies. As Downward and Dawson (2000) explain, “The co-
operation between teams required in cartels can echo monopoly behavior. However, it also implies
less rigidity and conformity of behavior than implied in a monopoly per se, in which power must,
by definition, reside with the league. In a cartel mutual behavior is by agreement only and these
agreements need to be enforced. If they are not, or better opportunities for members of the cartel
appear elsewhere, then they can break down. Paramount to the success of a cartel, thus, is the
ability to reconcile potential conflicts of interest within the group. While aspects of a cartel’s
activities can resemble a monopoly … the concept of a cartel is a better conceptual description of
a sporting league” (36). One of the critical elements of a cartel is to monopolize the market. The
sport league attempts to limit the number of franchises and the placement of franchises in order
to maximize the profits of all the teams in the league, as well as the league itself.
As a cartel, sports owners represent an oligarchy. An oligarchy occurs when power is in the
hands of a few. And when power is in the hands of the few, the masses (fans) are generally at a
major disadvantage. Owners often flaunt their power in the face of loyal fans. They charge out-
rageous prices for game tickets, parking, merchandise, and food concessions. Season ticket holders
in particular carry the brunt of the economic burden. For example, NFL season ticket holders are
required to purchase the meaningless preseason (exhibition) games. Adding insult to injury, the
preseason tickets are stamped as “Game 1” and “Game 2”—as if they are real games. The season
home opener game is stamped as “Game 3.” Season ticket holders are not given a choice on whether
they want to purchase the preseason games—they are automatically included in the season ticket
package—and they cost the same dollar amount as real games even though the general public can
usually get them at half-price (because preseason games generally do not sell out). (Delaney is a
season ticket holder of an NFL franchise.)
However, being forced to pay for preseason tickets, overpriced tickets, and so forth pales in
comparison to the worst atrocity committed by owners; namely, franchise relocation. If an owner
decides to relocate a franchise fans have little recourse, legal or otherwise. No matter how loyal
fans are to a team, franchise permanence is not guaranteed. The franchise remaining in the local
community is critical to fans. Making profits is critical for owners and it is often their top concern;
fans are left to support the team unconditionally or risk losing their team.
Franchise Relocation
An all-too-common occurrence in professional sport is franchise relocation. Many owners
claim that they are not making enough money or are actually losing money. Owners are tempted
to leave one community (market) for a more lucrative one. Sometimes they are tempted by leaders
in other communities who hope to entice them to relocate their sports franchise. Municipalities
seek professional sport franchises for the perceived economic benefits which they bring to their
community. To attract a franchise, a city (e.g., local government) without a presence in a major
sports league may offer a variety of publicly-funded “sweetheart” benefits (subsidies). These ben-
efits may come in the form of “guaranteed” sellouts, tax breaks, revenue generated from public
parking fees, new stadiums, and a number of other “incentives.”
The issue of franchise relocation is of great importance to the American and Canadian cities
that host professional sports. This reality helps to explain why so many people prefer college sports
over professional sports; that is to say, colleges and universities are not going to relocate out of
state (a different market) and take their sports teams with them just because they were offered
financial sweetheart deals. In addition, communities without a major professional sports franchise
are forced to do without, hope and wait for league expansion, or attempt to “steal” an existing
franchise away from existing host cities (e.g., when Baltimore stole the Browns—renamed the
Ravens—from Cleveland).
Before a franchise can abandon one community for another, each sports league requires the
approval of a significant percentage of league owners. Because of the shared vested interest of the
owners, approval is generally permitted, especially if a franchise can show that it is suffering eco-
nomic hardship. Further, movement is seldom vigorously challenged by the other owners because
each realizes that a potential move might be in their future as well. Economic hardship was a com-
mon reason for franchise relocation prior to the late 1950s. However, this all changed with the
westward movement of the Brooklyn Dodgers and the New York Giants. Both the Dodgers and
Giants were well supported by the hometown fans. However, the lure of the west coast and even
bigger profits prompted these rival franchises to move regardless. “Civic inducement and factors
other than a community’s past support became the important variables in a franchise owner’s loca-
tion decision” ( Johnson 1983: 521). As Brooklyn Dodgers and New York Giants fans learned, even
if a franchise has a long history of support from the community and every indication reveals that
a profit is being made by the owner, there is still no guarantee of future stability of that franchise
in the current community.
Franchise relocations have occurred throughout the history of North American professional
sports. Among the more recent examples: Montreal Expos moved to Washington, D.C., in 2005
and became the Washington Nationals (MLB); the Seattle Super Sonics were bought by a group
of Oklahoma City investors in 2006 and moved to Oklahoma City for the start of the 2008–09
season where they became the Oklahoma City Thunder (NBA); and Russian billionaire Mikhail
Prokhorov purchased the New Jersey Nets (NBA) in 2009 and moved them to Brooklyn so that
they would be a New York City team. Rumors abound concerning the potential move of franchises
leading to anxiety and undue stress on the part of fans, local merchants, local city officials, and so
on. For over a decade, fans of the San Diego Chargers, Buffalo Bills (before their purchase by the
Pegulas in 2014), and Arizona Cardinals have heard rumors that their franchise might move to
Los Angeles, a city suspiciously without an NFL franchise. In December 2014, NHL Commissioner
Gary Bettman played down the possibility of relocating struggling franchises in Arizona (Coyotes)
and Florida (Panthers) to such destinations as Las Vegas and Quebec City, respectively.
Sport Stadium Deals: Communities Held Hostage

Communities have to decide just how badly they want a professional sports franchise, and
whether the taxpayers will incur the costs of building a stadium or pay renovation on existing sta-
diums. The above mentioned Florida Panthers and Arizona Coyotes provide us with examples of
franchise owners figuratively holding a community hostage. The Panthers “forced” Broward
County (FL) to enter discussions about the terms of the existing 30-year lease for BB&T Center
in Sunrise that expires in 2018. The Panthers have asked the county to vote on giving them a $78.4
million buyout, which would offset what they claim to be losing. The county disputes the financial
records of the Panthers (The Citizen 12/10/14). The Arizona Coyotes came within one vote by
the Glendale City Council in July 2013 from possibly moving to Las Vegas; instead, the city
approved a 15-year lease agreement that benefited the NHL club. But rumors persisted still about
a possible franchise relocation or expansion into Las Vegas.
An owner of an existing sport franchise may threaten to relocate the franchise if a new sta-
dium is not built, or renovations not made. A potential new franchise owner may hold competing
communities at bay by waiting for the best stadium proposal from local community leaders. Sup-
port for seeking and securing a professional sport franchise at public expense usually comes from
coalitions of urban elites: local politicians; businesses, especially restaurants and hotels; developers;
construction firms; local mass media; and, of course, the pro-sport industry. Proponents argue
that sports facilities eventually pay for themselves and usually require little beyond initial public
backing for the bonds that finance them. Backers note the economic impact for nearby restaurants
and other related businesses. Consequently, the public (taxpayers) often foot the bill for new sta-
diums and stadium renovations. Local governments offer public subsidies in order to keep existing
sports franchises or to attract potential new franchises. The scarcity of professional sports teams
and the tremendous fan interest in having a major sports franchise in their city fuels the desire for
municipalities to offer deals attractive enough to entice a sports owner to relocate.
Nearly all stadiums are built with public subsidies, especially through revenue bonds. During
the 1960s and 1970s a number of cities financed new stadiums for professional sports teams. The
“cookie cutter” stadiums—the circular, fully enclosed, two-sport ballparks—made infamous in St.
Louis, Atlanta, Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Philadelphia served their purpose and gave munici-
palities their money’s worth, but were aesthetically unappealing. “The functional facilities opened
to glowing reviews between 1966 and 1971. They were hailed as modernistic, space-age edifices
with no poles obstructing views, symmetrical dimensions in the playing field and cutting-edge
features such as huge scoreboards with computerized animation” (Dodd 2005: 1C). These stadiums
ranged in cost from Atlanta-Fulton County Stadium at $18 million (first game on April 12, 1966)
to Philadelphia’s Veterans Stadium at $52 million (first game played on April 10, 1971) (Dodd
2005). By the end of 2005, the cookie cutter stadiums had all been demolished and replaced with
newer stadiums—at great cost to taxpayers.
In addition to the “cookie cutter” stadiums that have been replaced by newer, flashier stadi-
ums, the Houston Astrodome, formerly a symbol of progress and a source of pride for Housto-
nians—and once proclaimed as the “Eighth Wonder of the World”—was replaced as the home of
Astros in 1999. The Astrodome opened in time for the 1965 Astros home opener at a cost of $35
million. A little more than three decades later, this “modern wonder” was deemed outdated by
MLB. (It is still used today for other events.) Today, the Astros play at Minute Maid Park, a stadium
funded by a combination of private and public financing (taxpayers funded 68 percent of the
$250 million price tag). The retractable roof certainly makes the stadium more pleasing to fans
and players alike, but its unique features of a 30-degree uphill slope (known as “Tal’s Hill”) in
centerfield and a flagpole in the outfield field-of-play certainly make for odd additions.
New stadiums have more aesthetic appeal and much higher price tags. The public (taxpayers)
often help to foot the bill for new stadiums. Listed below are a few examples of recent publicly-
assisted stadium deals:
• In 2005, the city of Charlotte picked up the entire $265 million tab for a basketball arena (in
2014 known as Time Warner Cable Arena) for the city’s NBA franchise, the Bobcats. As owners
of the facility, the city of Charlotte is responsible for all repairs and upkeep. In 2014 the city
council voted to fund renovations and upgrades totaling $29.9 million to the arena (D’Elosua
2014).
• In 2008, Washington, D.C. taxpayers picked up the entire $701.3 million dollar tab for
Nationals Park, home of the Washington Nationals. As David Cranor (2013) details, “DC con-
tributed $670.3 million, paying $135 million upfront and borrowing another $535 million. In
addition, the city spent $82.6 million of federal money on upgrades to the Navy Yard Metro
station, South Capital Street and the Douglas Bridge. That doesn’t account for all the costs, but
it’s the final dollar cost.”
• In 2009, the new Yankee Stadium and the Mets’ Citi Field opened at a combined cost of $2.3
billion and while construction costs were assumed by the two teams, taxpayers contributed sev-
eral hundred million dollars in public financing, tax breaks and infrastructure improvements
(Dodd 2009).
• In 2009, the Dallas Cowboys opened their $1.15 billion dollar AT&T Stadium; unofficially
nicknamed “Jerry’s Palace” in reference to Cowboys’ owner Jerry Jones’s desire to build a luxury
cathedral to honor his prestigious franchise. While the Cowboys paid for most of the financ-
ing, the NFL contributed $150 million and the taxpayers kicked in $325 million via approving a
bond in November 2004 that raised the city’s sales tax by a half-cent, hotel occupancy tax by 2
percent and car rental tax by 5 percent (Stadiums of Pro Football 2014).
When taxpayers fund stadiums either partially or fully it’s obviously a good deal for the own-
ers. But is it a good deal for the public? Sports fans would say “yes ”; after all, they can cheer
for their favorite team while attending a game in person in their own community. It also means
that the city has a professional sports team in its community which equates to civic pride and brag-
ging rights over cities without a major pro club. But what about those folks who do not care about
the sports team being funded? Not everyone living in Dallas cares about the NFL and yet they
all have to pay an extra .5 percent in sales tax every time they make a purchase. Nearly every city
in North America, like cities across the world, struggle to meet their financial needs. Tax dollars
spent on funding a professional sports team could be spent on public works projects (e.g., roads,
bridges and mass transit restoration and repair), schools, public building maintenance, and so
on.
Economic Benefits for Owners

Receiving financial assistance for new stadiums and renovations to old stadiums (e.g., adding
“luxury” or “corporate” suites) is just one economic benefit enjoyed by sport franchise owners.
They also enjoy revenue from a number of sources, including parking, gate receipts, concessions,
television and other media contracts, and a number of tax breaks and incentives. All of these rev-
enue sources are self-explanatory except, perhaps, the various tax breaks and incentives sports fran-
chise owners enjoy. The Washington D.C. deal with the Nationals, in essence, allowed for a “special
baseball tax” that allows the MLB club to use its sales tax revenue to pay off operating expenses,
a privilege that every business would love to enjoy (Cranor 2013). As articulated by Cranor (2013),
the deal also created a situation wherein the rent paid by the Nationals to the city is less than the
inflation rate, costing the city millions of dollars per year. If the Nationals had to pay property
taxes, which they don’t, the city would reap more than $9 million annually. And the city pays
nearly $1.5 million per year in maintenance and still more on security because the MLB club does
not cover this expense.
Another tax incentive to owning a sports franchise involves its potential use as a tax shelter
for other business(es). In this regard, if a sports franchise can show an operating loss this loss can
be written off the profits of the owner’s other business interests. “Showing a loss” is another trick
that businesses, including owners of sports franchises, utilize to avoid paying taxes. There are many
ways to show a loss, including, unlike any other business, deducting player (workers) contracts
they inherited when initially purchasing a sports franchise as well as deducting these same contracts
in the future. Thus, when a new owner, like the Guggenheim Baseball group, buys a sports franchise,
they can write off the salaries as an expense, and in the case of the Los Angeles Dodgers, that
equates to hundreds of millions of dollars. Players serve as tax write-offs because they are assumed
to lose value with age; meaning, that their value can be depreciated. The person(s) who sold the
franchise also receives a huge tax break because the money earned from the sale is treated as capital
gains—and therefore taxed at a lower rate than other sources of income such as salaries and wages.
The Internal Revenue Service, for example, allows the owner to claim 60 percent of that cost for
the franchise and 40 percent for player contracts. Further, owners may pay themselves exorbitant
salaries which are counted as operating expenses (Zimbalist 2000). Thus, even when sports owners
say they “lost” money and can show it on paper as a loss, they have most likely already made a huge
profit. It should also be noted that businesses that purchase sports-related commodities (e.g., game
tickets, food and skyboxes) can write these costs off as business expenses. As this mere sampling
of financial perks afforded owners helps to illustrate, there is very little wonder why owners hold
onto their franchise even when they claim to be losing money.
Periodically, sports owners like to flex their muscles and demonstrate their power. This can
be accomplished in such ways as “cutting” players who can no longer perform, suspending players
for misbehavior, refusing to renegotiate contracts of players having a “break-out” season of peak
performance, and so on. These displays of power are conducted on the micro level and generally
affect one player at a time. Occasionally, team owners exert their power at a larger, macro level.
They may engage in collusion (e.g., an informal agreement among owners to a “ceiling” salary, or
“black-balling” a specific player) or in extreme cases, “lockouts.” Collusion is a secret undertaking
by two or more people engaged in for the purpose of fraud. In the mid–1980s, the owners of MLB
were found guilty by arbitrators who ruled that they were colluding to suppress the pay of free
agents. A lockout occurs when negotiations between players and owners have deteriorated to the
point where owners simply close down operations and keep players from playing. Generally, lock-
outs follow failed negotiations where owners are claiming a loss and players are perceived to be
demanding too much from them. The most recent lockout involving a major team sport in North
America involved the National Hockey League. In 2004, the NHL instituted a lockout that lasted
301 days. An entire season was wiped out because of player and owner disputes centered on eco-
nomic considerations. Many NHL players (approximately 350) joined teams in Europe during the
lockout. In July 2005, the owners of the NHL’s 30 teams unanimously approved a new six-year
collective bargaining agreement with the players. Among the most significant outcomes of the
lockout was the introduction of a team salary cap of $39 million. The players were also forced to
concede to a 24 percent across-the-board salary rollback, and an individual cap that keeps a player
from earning more than 20 percent of his team’s payroll (Farber 2005). Things would change for
the better for both the owners and players in 2011 when the NHL signed a 10-year television deal
with NBC and the Versus Network worth $1.9 billion (Connor 2011). The value of NHL fran-
chises increased and so too did the average NHL player salary. The Toronto Maple Leafs, the
NHL’s most valuable franchise since the lockout, became the first franchise to eclipse the $1 billion
mark and was valued at $1.3 billion in 2014. In 2014, the highest paid NHL player, Shea Weber,
a defenseman for the Nashville Predators, had a base salary of $14 million. Still, this contract was
not among the 50 highest-paid American athletes (The Post-Standard 6/19/14).
The Role of Players

Today’s professional ballplayers would be appalled by the restrictions of past reserve clauses
and their restriction on players’ ability to sell their services to the highest bidder. Contemporary
athletes can thank Curt Flood, a baseball player for the St. Louis Cardinals for a change in this
system as he became the first MLB player to challenge the reserve clause in the early 1970s. (The
Curt Flood case and the end of the reserve clause will be discussed later in this chapter.) Because
of Flood, players have more rights and freedoms today than at any other time in sports history.
So, what is the “player reserve clause?” The player “reserve clause” system utilized by profes-
sional sports through the early history of sports is a prime example of a past injustice where the
economic benefit was primarily to owners. The reserve clause eliminated interclub competition
for players’ services, as once a player signed a contract with a professional sports team, he or she
became the “property” of the team. The team holding the player contract had the sole right to
unilaterally negotiate with players. The reserve clause, in essence, meant that players had no control
over the team for which they played during their entire playing careers. This “forced loyalty”
explains, in part, why players in the past stayed with just one team.
Throughout most of its history, professional baseball enjoyed a formal exemption from the
Sherman Antitrust Act. Football, hockey and basketball generally benefited from lax enforcement
of antitrust laws as well. Sports owners have typically argued that the reserve and draft systems
promote competitive balance and are therefore necessary. The players, naturally, have a different
perspective; they view the reserve clause as indentured servitude. The reserve system did, after all,
make a drafted athlete the property of a team for his whole career. The signed (to a contract) ath-
lete’s skills and abilities were “reserved” for the original owner. The reserve clause guaranteed that
a player could not join a rival team without the owner’s permission. The marketplace for an athlete
can be described in economic terms as a “monopsony.” A monopsony refers to a situation where
a seller (the player) is limited to only one buyer (the owner who the athlete is currently under con-
tract or who has drafted him or her). The buyer controls the market because the seller is not
allowed to sell his skills elsewhere in a free and open market.
A variation of the reserve clause, the option system, was used in football and basketball.
Under the option system, a player was free to seek employment with another team one year after
his contract had expired if the original owner did not re-sign him (at 90 percent of the previous
year’s salary) (Vogler and Schwartz 1993). During much of the 1960s and 1970s, the NFL imple-
mented the “Rozelle Rule”—named after then–NFL commissioner Pete Rozelle. The Rozelle Rule
was a highly restrictive and secretive system designed to impede a player’s attempt to sell his services
to the highest bidder after playing out his option year of his contract. Any team that signed such
a player was obligated to pay compensation (draft choices, money, or both) to the original team.
No team was informed (prior to signing a player after his option year) as to what the compensation
would be. Because of the Rozelle Rule, only four players who had played out their options were
signed by other clubs between 1963 and 1976. The owners of professional sports had quasi-literally
“owned” the athletic talents of their players.
Most athletes took offense to this. They believed that their skills should be marketed in the
same manner as other people in other industries with the right to “sell” themselves to the team
that made them the best offer. The majority of athletes realized that they were powerless in their
struggle with ownership over the reserve clause and other restrictive practices that made them the
property of sports owners. Eventually, a “sacrificial lamb” decided to challenge the reserve clause.
This pioneer in the fight for economic rights for athletes was Curt Flood.
Curt Flood
Curt Flood was an outstanding centerfielder for the St. Louis Cardinals. He was a three-time
All Star and seven-time winner of the Gold Glove for his defensive skills. Flood hit higher than
.300 six times during his 15-year MLB career that began in 1956 and had a lifetime batting average
of .293. Following the completion of the 1969 season, the Cardinals attempted to trade Flood
(along with Tim McCarver, Byron Browne and Joe Hoerner) to the Philadelphia Phillies (for Dick
Allen, Cookie Rojas, and Jerry Johnson). Flood refused to go. Among other things, Flood viewed
Philadelphia as a racist city and the Phillies as a team with little hope of reaching the playoffs,
plus he wanted to stay in St. Louis. He also felt insulted by the idea that he was being treated as a
piece of property because of the reserve clause. The late 1960s were rebellious years with anti-war
protests, civil rights movements, and a general questioning of “The Establishment.” Maintaining
policies just because “that’s the way we have always done it” no longer seemed valid to an increas-
ingly large percentage of the American population.
Flood received the backing of the Players Association and former U.S. Supreme Court Justice
Arthur Goldberg (who argued on Flood’s behalf ) and decided to forgo a relatively lucrative
$100,000 contract to challenge the legality of the reserve clause. On January 16, 1970, Flood filed
suit against MLB and its reserve clause in a case known as Flood v. Kuhn (407 U.S. 258) Kuhn was
the MLB commissioner at the time. Flood sat out the entire 1970 season while he battled MLB.
The Cardinals were forced to pay compensation (two minor leaguers) to the Phillies. Flood’s The
Way It Is, an autobiography which detailed his moral and legal objections to baseball’s reserve
clause, was published in 1970. In 1971, Flood joined the Washington Senators but his time away
from baseball and his increasing age led him to quit the Senators after playing just 13 games. In
June 1972, the Supreme Court ruled against Flood and upheld baseball’s exemption from antitrust
statutes. Justice Harry Blackmun’s “majority opinion quoted from ‘Casey at the Bat’ and cited the
fiction of Ring Lardner. Blackmun … recited the names of Ty Cobb, Babe Ruth, and eighty-six
other legendary players. Confronted with economic injustice and legal absurdity, the justices wal-
lowed in nostalgia” (Guttmann 2004: 137).
However, Flood’s legal challenge of the reserve clause helped pave the way for Andy Messer-
smith and Dave McNally’s 1975 successful challenge. In that year, baseball arbitrator Peter Seitz
ruled that since Messersmith and McNally played for one season without a contract, they were
“free agents” and allowed to place their athletic skills up for the highest bidder. After the Seitz
decision, MLB commissioner Kuhn feared that baseball would be overrun by greedy ballplayers
to the point that the game would not be able to survive (Wilson 1994).
Flood died of throat cancer in 1997 at the age of 59. In honor of Flood’s attempt to empower
players’ rights against the oligarchic power of owners, the “Curt Flood Act of 1998” was passed.
This legislation makes it clear that major-league baseball players are covered under antitrust laws.
Player Benefits and Increased Salaries

Curt Flood’s challenge of baseball’s reserve clause helped to change the face of sports forever.
However, this change was relatively slow. Kuhn’s proclamation that baseball was going to be driven
to bankruptcy by greedy players did not come to fruition. As Wilson (1994) explains, “Arbitration
was undoubtedly a victory for the players, but Kuhn’s picture is overdrawn. Between 1973 and
1989, fewer than one thousand cases were filed for arbitration out of a group of eight thousand
eligible players; and of those cases, only 8 percent were actually arbitrated” (112). However, the
power of player unions would continue to increase after the Flood court case.
Sports unions are quite different from traditional unions. Consider for example, a teachers
union wherein a single employer (school or school system) dictates salary ranges for teachers or
professors based on their rank and experience. Sports unions deal with many employers (all of the
individual teams) and do not negotiate a set wage (beyond a minimum salary) for players based
on years of service; instead, sports unions establish collective bargaining parameters. There is far
greater turnover in sports union membership than in traditional unions as players, on average,
come and go in just a few short years. Unlike other workers, sports union members do not have
to worry about franchise owners shipping their industry overseas for cheaper labor. Like traditional
unions, however, sports unions fight for better compensation, benefits and working conditions
(e.g., better locker rooms, training facilities, travel provisions, and so on). The unions negotiate
higher minimum salaries and better health and pension plans.
By the 1990s, it had become commonplace for players to come and go from one team to the
next. Athletes were also able to sell themselves in the open market. And many athletes are enjoying
a bloated sports market with some receiving astronomical salaries. Consider this sampling of player
salaries:
• In 2014, Florida Marlins signed Giancarlo Stanton to a $325 million, 13-year contract, the
most lucrative deal for an American athlete and averages $25 million per season, or $154,321
per game. (You can compare your own daily pay to Stanton, if you wish to be demoralized!) It
was odd that such a huge contract would come from the Marlins, a club known for being
stingy—the Marlins’ $52.3 million total payroll was the lowest in MLB in 2014 (Associated Press
2014e). In contrast, the Los Angeles Dodgers had a total player payroll of over $257 million.
The average MLB salary in 2014 was over $3.8 million (Associated Press 2014e).
• The Stanton deal surpasses the 10-year, $292 million contract offered to Miguel Cabrera of
the Detroit Tigers and the previously highest deal, the $275 million, 10-year contract between
Alex Rodriguez and the New York Yankees (The Citizen 11/18/14).
• In 2014, the highest salaried players by league were: Aaron Rodgers (NFL), $40 million;
Clayton Kershaw (MLB), $32.6 million; and LeBron James (NBA), $19.1 million (The Post-
Standard 6/19/14; Associated Press 2014e).
• In 2014, the highest salaried tennis player was Rafael Nadal, $14.6 million. The highest
salaried soccer player was Cristiano Ronaldo, forward for Portugal, $48.6-$52 million (The
Post-Standard 6/19/14).
• In 2014, the highest earning (not counting endorsements) NASCAR driver was Dale Earn-
hardt, Jr. at $25.6 million (Badenhausen 2014b).
Recall the other dollar figures provided throughout this chapter with the above sampling
and it’s easy to see how players are earning more money today than ever before. Seemingly, there
is no end to the escalation of player salaries. The typical person believes that athletes are overpaid.
And yet, people continue to support athletic events and pay increasingly higher ticket prices. We
are also willing to pay relatively large sums of money to watch our favorite teams on television via
paid–TV such as the NFL Network, which allows viewers to watch all NFL games played. This
pattern of a willingness to pay increasing fees is consistent with many forms of entertainment.
Movie patrons pay high ticket prices to watch feature films where elite actors are paid more than
elite athletes. The point is, no matter how much people complain about high prices for sports-
related products, fans continue to financially support sport entertainers of all kinds.
For lower-tier sports, players do not receive anywhere near the riches of the parent clubs.
Aaron Senne, for example, a former 10th round pick for the Florida Marlins, who received a
$25,000 signing bonus, earned $1,100 a month—the maximum scale for all first year players, who
typically sign seven-year contracts—and $25 a day in meal money when he played for the Jamestown
(NY) Jammers (NY-P League), a short-season Class A affiliate. At his peak, he earned $7,000 in
2012, but like all minor leaguers, he wasn’t paid at all during spring training or for his off-season
training and conditioning work (The Citizen 7/20/14). In the elite sports, top athletes continue
to command huge salaries. Many athletes are able to sell themselves on the open market to team
owners with deep pockets. The owner-driven salary caps have helped lead to a high turnover of
athletes from team to team in most major sports. It is often difficult to keep up with all the player
movements in team sports. Today, a scorecard (or gameday program) or app is needed to have any
idea who the players are on one’s favorite team from year to year.
The Role of Sports Agents

Curt Flood’s challenge of the reserve clause and subsequent successful legal battles by athletes
against ownership coupled with the rise of power of player unions have greatly benefited profes-
sional athletes economically. However, many of today’s elite athletes earn high salaries because
they have entrusted their financial careers to sports agents. Some of these agents have become
nearly as famous as their clients, due to their high-powered negotiating skills. Drew Rosenhaus,
for instance, is one of the best known American Football sports agents and was reputedly the
inspiration for the character “Bob Sugar” in the popular 1996 film Jerry Maguire. He has repre-
sented hundreds of players, including such stars as Edgerrin James, Willis McGahee, Santana
Moss, Warren Sapp, Zach Thomas, and Terrell Owens.
While they can be extremely important in getting players the best deal possible, agents are
constrained by many major league sports by collective bargaining agreements, which spell out in
great detail the rights of owners and players. In addition, they can play a complicated role in their
clients’ lives, which can sometimes lead to misunderstandings and even lawsuits. As Tim Green
(1996) points out:
To placate their clients, most agents will offer “full-service” representation, which means they will
serve as financial advisor, marketing consultant, accountant, and glorified baby-sitter for their
players. Thousands of players through the years have watched their money disappear because
they’ve allowed their agents to manage it for them. The “full service” turns into self-service for the
agent, who now has easy access to the player’s money. The majority of agents are not qualified to
provide anything but the most rudimentary advice regarding an investment portfolio. But it’s easy
for someone to palm himself off as an expert in this area to someone who has never held more
than a few hundred dollars in his hand at one time. It is not unusual for the agent to purchase life
insurance annuities, bond funds, and other investment products on behalf of a player and receive
kickbacks or perks from the financial or insurance agent selling the product [195–196].
Despite any constraints by league collective bargaining agreements, sports agents continue
to deliver huge contracts for their clients. And, as the dollar amounts of players’ contracts continue
to increase so too do the earnings of agents. Scott Boras, considered the most powerful sports
agent in the world (in terms of negotiated dollars), represents more than 100 of MLB’s top players
and has negotiated over $1.6 billion in current (2014) contracts with estimated earnable commis-
sions over $83 million (Belzer 2014). His Boras Corporation is also the second most valuable
sports agency in the world (Belzer 2014). Second on the list of most powerful sports agents is Tom
Condon, who co-heads Creative Artist Agency’s football division with Ben Dogra (#7 on the list).
Condon, a former NFL player himself, has negotiated an estimated $1.32 billion in current player
contracts (Belzer 2014). The third most powerful sports agent is Wasserman Media Group’s Arn
Tellem, who has negotiated NBA contracts worth an estimated $987 million (equaling an estimated
$39.5 million in commissions) (Belzer 2014).
Sports agents are important for existing professional athletes and especially college athletes
who first turn pro. College athletes have to be careful about making contact with sports agents
before they are ready to declare themselves eligible for the draft and this is because college athletes
are considered amateurs. As such, they cannot draw a salary or be represented by agents. The
NCAA has specified that individuals will be ineligible for participation in intercollegiate sports
if they have agreed either orally or in writing to be represented by an agent. There have been chal-
lenges over the years to these restrictions, especially by those who claim that college athletics brings
such large financial rewards to the host institutions that it is unfair not to pay the athletes for their
work. The late Myles Brand, former president of the NCAA, took a strong stand on this issue. In
an interview with co-author Madigan (2003), Brand stated:
I am opposed to pay for play. The college game has integrity, and that integrity is directly tied to
amateurism. To pay student-athletes for their play is just to turn the college game into the profes-
sional game, a third-rate professional game at that. Young athletes have opportunities to earn pro-
fessional salaries, if they are capable of competing at the professional level. In basketball, hockey,
soccer, boxing, ice skating, and other sports, college-age athletes become professionals. That is
fine. Of course, these young men and women can and sometimes do attend college as they are
working as professional athletes or after they complete their professional careers. Those athletes
who choose to attend college are entitled to scholarship aid. I believe that they should also be enti-
tled to at least some of the additional costs of attendance, and certainly too adequate health care
and insurance. This is controversial, and not every institution is willing or able to assume these
extra costs. The most important point is that student-athletes are entitled to the full opportunity
for an excellent education. Every coach and athletics administration and every university president
has a duty to take steps necessary to make that the case [12].
Since Brand’s 2009 retirement (and death), the debate over pay for play continues. And with
the formation of the Super 5 Conferences there has been increased serious discussion on the merits
of paying elite NCAA athletes money—there certainly isn’t enough money for all athletes of all
sports to be paid. It is likely that the issue of paying student-athletes will continue until it comes
to fruition.

Box 12: Moneyball
When it comes to economics and professional sports, one of the central issues relates to pay-
roll. Just how much money does a particular sports franchise have to play with when it comes to
issuing contracts? This is a very real concern for owners and managers from smaller market teams
who have to compete with other teams who can buy their best players from them once they become
available as free agents.
Such a dilemma faced Billy Beane, the general manager of the Oakland Athletics, in 2001.
The A’s had gone all the way to the World Series that year, losing to their archrivals the Yankees
but still amazing fans with their stock of talent. But the three star players, Johnny Damon, Jason
Giambri, and Jason Isringhausen, had all become free agents after the fantastic winning season,
and there was no way the A’s, the lowest salaried Major League team, could keep them from going
elsewhere.
Realizing that he has to somehow replace these big name players in order to remain compet-
itive, but also realizing that his payroll is extremely limited in comparison to other teams like the
Yankees, Red Sox and Dodgers who are also looking for the same talent, Beane is at his wits’ end.
The journalist Michael Lewis detailed how Beane (himself a former professional baseball player)
resolved the problem in his entertaining best-selling 2003 book Moneyball: The Art of Winning
an Unfair Game, which itself became the basis for a 2011 film, also called Moneyball. Directed by
Bennett Miller (who also directed Foxcatcher, discussed in Popular Culture Box 8) and starring
Brad Pitt as Beane, the movie went on to be nominated for six Academy Awards (including Best
Picture, Best Actor for Pitt, and Best Supporting Actor for Jonah Hill).
In the film version of Moneyball (which like most adaptations takes various liberties with
the original source), Billy Beane becomes exasperated by the A’s seasoned scouting team, who keep
arguing for players who are far too costly for the A’s to even consider. Just when he’s at his most
hopeless, Beane meets Peter Brand ( Jonah Hill), an awkward-looking economist who recently
graduated from Yale University with rather unorthodox views on how to draft players. At first
Beane can’t comprehend the number-crunching theories of Brand (a fictionalized version of several
real people from Lewis’ book) but he finally catches on to the basic cost-benefit analysis the young
economist is advocating. Brand is an advocate of the so-called “sabermetrics” approach (which
was developed by the real-life Bill James), which looks for objective rather than subjective measures
which often go against conventional wisdom. For instance, Brand argues, instead of following the
scouts’ advice to somehow go after name players, it would make much more sense to draft players
who are “under the radar,” either because they have been deemed by other teams to be past their
prime or because they are too young and unimpressive to even be considered. Brand convinces
Beane that players should be selected by their on-base percentages (OBP). The focus should be
solely upon the specific needs the team has, and how the players to be chosen can fit those needs.
An impressed Beane hires Brand as the Athletics’ assistant general manager, even though he
has no previous experience and has never even played baseball, unlike the scouts and the A’s manager
Art Howe (played by Philip Seymour Hoffman), who scoff at the confusing statistics rattled off
by the nerdy-looking economist in their midst. Much to their astonishment, Beane overrules them
and firmly supports Brand.
At first the new method advocated by the A’s proves unsuccessful and leads to much ridicule
from fans and sportswriters, as well as from the team’s own staff. But Beane is able to convince the
owner that things will soon change and he is vindicated when the Athletics win 19 straight games.
One can see how Beane’s competitive spirit is rejuvenated by this unorthodox approach to
choosing players, although even he expresses doubt over some of Brand’s choices, such as the seem-
ingly over the hill outfielder David Justice (played by Stephen Bishop) or the injured Scott Hat-
teberg (played by Chris Pratt), a catcher who had been let go by the Red Sox after damaging a
nerve in his elbow. But when Howe ignores the new strategy and chooses to play his own more
traditional lineup, he is overruled by Beane, who insists that Hatteberg be put in as first baseman,
a position he’d never played before.
Much of the heart of Moneyball consists of the growing friendship between the driven
Beane (who, because of the unbearable tension he feels before every match, refuses to watch the
game in process) and the unprepossessing but headstrong Brand, who is convinced that his method
is the best one for modern teams to use, regardless of how much traditional-minded baseball lovers
might despise it as being too cold or mathematical. Both, in their own ways, truly love the game
of baseball. For them, while money is a prime aspect, it’s not the only or even the most important
part of the game.
The climax of the film deals with a game against the Kansas City Royals. If the A’s can win,
they will set an American League record for most consecutive wins. Beane’s daughter convinces
him to break his superstition and go to watch the game. But, as if to prove he’d been right all along
to avoid doing so, Beane watches in horror as the A’s drop an 11–0 lead. The Royals even the score
at 11–11 as the game nears its end. However, proving that sabermetrics can save the day, Hatteberg,
much to Howe’s surprise, scores the game winning home run.
Although the A’s are defeated in the 2002 post-season and don’t make a return appearance
in the 2002 World Series, Billy Beane does achieve a sense of vindication when the owner of the
Boston Red Sox (a team that had been desperate for a World Series victory since 1918) offers him
a lucrative contract for $12.5 million to become general manager. But Beane turns down the offer,
even though it would have made him the highest-paid general manager in history at that time.
From a purely economic perspective this made no sense. But from the perspective of someone
who loves and is loyal to his team it makes perfect sense. Beane has continued to be general manager
with the Oakland A’s right to the present day. As the film points out at its end, the Red Sox did
incorporate sabermetrics into their strategy, and two years later went on to win the 2004 World
Series. Moneyball makes it quite clear that, while there may be no crying in baseball, there certainly
will be a lot of number-crunching for as long as the game continues to be played.
Summary
Sports are part of the entertainment industry, and elite members of the sports world can
earn huge amounts of money. Sports can provide upward mobility (directly or indirectly) for many
athletes. The average annual salary for players in any of the four major American sports leagues
is more than most people will earn in a lifetime. Many of the highest paid athletes in contemporary
sports come from far more humble beginnings. In that regard, sports provided them with an oppor-
tunity for upward mobility, an opportunity they were not likely to have found in some other pro-
fession. But power is distributed unevenly in sports based on gender, race and ethnicity.
The socio-economic status of athletes can give them a standing in society which they would
otherwise not have. Sports are an enigma. On the one hand, they are games, which are usually
associated with play and fun. Yet they also comprise a multi-billion dollar industry. Much of the
business of sport involves providing a product which is “marketable.”
Because of the great number of potential sports consumers, the sports industry attempts to
lure fans beyond the die-hard. The key is to provide a product that people will want to consume.
Because people have numerous choices in the products they consume, marketing can be the
difference in financial success or failure. In an attempt to maximize financial potential, there are
sports marketers who use sex to promote the sport and advertise their products. The right marketing
campaign provides financial benefits for all involved. Corporate sponsorships are an effective way
to handle costs. Such sponsorships are so prevalent that they have contributed dramatically to the
over-commercialization found in sport today.
Athletes often endorse products for their corporate sponsors. Companies spend more than
one billion dollars a year on athlete endorsements. There are expectations attached to such endorse-
ment deals. It is important that athletes exercise a little common sense when they are offered deals
to promote specific products.
Globalization of commercial sport is occurring on a growing scale. Large corporations have
expanded their markets throughout the world and have spread their cultural influence into previ-
ously diverse cultures. Worldwide communications has allowed for the transmission of sports cov-
erage in one nation to other parts of the world.
Owners play an important role in the economics of sport. The sports world is basically a
self-regulating monopoly that acts as a cartel. Economic growth in sport is due primarily to tele-
vision revenue. Sport league monopolies have an advantage in negotiating exclusive television
broadcast rights.
A common occurrence in professional sport is franchise relocation. Communities can be
adversely affected when they lose a sports franchise. They can also be held hostage when an owner
threatens to relocate unless a new stadium is built at taxpayer expense. The advantage held by
sports owners is similar to that of other business cartels. They receive a number of economic ben-
efits, including tax breaks, gate receipts, and television revenue.
Players today have more rights and freedoms than at any other time in sports history, due to
such pioneers in the fight for economic rights as Curt Flood. By the 1990s it was commonplace
for players to change teams. Some athletes receive astronomical salaries, especially those in “elite”
sports. Sports agents often negotiate choice deals, and manage their clients’ investments as well,
which can be a source of friction. The debate over whether college athletes should receive payment
for their services is a major issue in the NCAA.
Key Terms
Achieved Status A social or economic standing achieved through high levels of education
and/or successful personal and economic decisions.
Ascribed Status Social or economic standing inherited by those born in wealthy families,
higher than those born in poorer families.
Collusion A secret undertaking by two or more people engaged in for the purpose of fraud.
Consumerism The economic theory of an increasing consumption of goods and services as

economically desired.
Cultural Diffusion The spread of cultural aspects of one society to another.
Economic Dimension A stratification system involving two key variables: income and wealth.
Economics The social science that studies economic activity in order to better understand the
processes involved in the economy.
Economy The social system that coordinates a society’s production, distribution, and consump-
tion of goods and services.
Globalization A social process in which the constraints of geography on social and cultural
arrangements recede and in which people become increasingly aware that they are receding.
Income The amount of money that a person, or family, receives over a period of time, generally
a calendar year.
Lockout Occurs when negotiations between players and owners have deteriorated to the point
where owners simply close down operations and keep players from playing.
Modernization Changes in society characterized by growth in technology (especially a reliance
on the application of scientific knowledge); advances in agriculture (e.g., commercial produc-
tion of corporate-run farms); the use of machinery (human and animal power being replaced
by machines); and changing ecological arrangements (e.g., continued population shift from
rural areas to urban ones).
Monopoly A single firm that supplies a market.
Monopsony A situation where a seller (the player) is limited to only one buyer (the owner who
the athlete is currently under contract with or who has drafted him or her). The buyer controls
the market because the seller is not allowed to sell his skills elsewhere in a free and open market.
Oligarchy A power structure in which control is in the hands of a few.
Option System An arrangement in which a player is free to seek employment with another
team one year after his contract has expired if the original owner did not re-sign him.
Social Prestige A dimension of social stratification that is tied to what people think about oth-
ers.
Social Stratification A ranking system of members of a social system into levels having differ-
ent or unequal evaluations; it reveals patterns of social inequality.
Socio-economic Status A composite term that includes a person’s income, wealth, occupational
prestige, and educational attainment.
Sports Cartel An economic body formed by a small number of teams within the same league
that make decisions on matters of common interest (e.g., rules, revenue-sharing, expansion,
scheduling, and promotion) and exchange money as resources.
Wealth The total value of everything that a person or family owns, minus any debts owed.
• Do you think that college athletes should be paid? Why or why not?
• In what ways are sports a part of the entertainment business?
• Would you buy a product endorsed by an athlete? Is it important to you that the athlete actu-
ally uses the product he or she endorses? Think of some examples of current endorsements. Do
you find these appropriate or inappropriate?
• Is it okay for marketers to use the sex appeal of athletes to promote their product? Why or
why not?
• What is “collusion” and why have Major League Baseball owners been accused of engaging in
it?
• What is your opinion of sports owners who move a franchise from one city to another with-
out the consent of the original host city?
• Do you think professional athletes are paid more than they are worth? Why or why not? Do
you think entertainers in general are overpaid? Why or why not?
• Do you think there will ever be a ceiling on the amount of money athletes are paid and that
team owners earn?
CHAPTER 13
Politics and Sport
In Chapter 12, we learned about the role of economics in sports. Economic success—mea-
sured in terms of income and wealth—often provides people an elevated status within society.
Karl Marx argued that economic success is the most important aspect in determining social class
standing; furthermore, he proposed the adage “with wealth comes power.” Max Weber, a classical
sociological social thinker, argued that while economic success may be equated to power, social
prestige (determined by such variables as family name, geographic residence, level of education,
titles and accomplishments) and political involvement can also give someone power. Political
power is expressed in many ways, including holding a political office; voting; lobbying; contributing
to political campaigns; and participating in boycotts, strikes, demonstrations, and protests. From
this perspective every one of us has an opportunity to express political power.
Many of today’s elite athletes enjoy high social status in all three areas described by Weber,
as they are wealthier than most people, enjoy a high level of social prestige, and are provided with
a forum in which they can express their political views. As we shall see in this chapter, athletes
have often been involved in political protests, both at the national and international levels, have
successfully run for political office, and have been willing or unwilling participants in governmental
politics that crossover into the world of sports.
The Role of Politics and Governments

Politics and governments have intruded into the domain of sports throughout the ages. (The
terms politics and government are not used synonymously, but in juxtaposition with one another.)
Politics refers to the methods or tactics of government, or governing, of a society, and the admin-
istration and control of its internal and external affairs; it is the guiding influence of government
policy. The political system operates on behalf of the government. The government is the political
unit that exercises authority via laws and customs.
The review of the history of sport provided in Chapter 3 revealed that politics and govern-
ments have traditionally played a major role in shaping sport participation and sport acceptability
standards. In particular, the Olympics, dating back to its ancient origins, has routinely included
political intrusion of one sort or another. Governments generally support sports for a variety of
reasons. For example, the prevailing sport creed often includes values such as respect for authority,
commitment to success, hard work and dedication, and perseverance that are cherished as “ideals”
of acceptable behavior for citizens by governments around the world. The political domain is
interested in athletes because they typically represent social organizations such as schools, com-
munities, employers, regions, states, nations, and prevailing ideology. Politicians and governments
316
are also interested in sports because they are so popular. This popularity represents potential power
and ultimately, politics is about power, who has it, and how it is exercised.
However, as discussed in Chapter 12, when the government does not support the national
sports team, as the Iraqi government barely acknowledged Iraq’s first-ever Asian Cup championship
in 2007, the importance of the sports accomplishment is minimized. The government was, more
or less, forced to celebrate the event because of the importance placed on it by the people. However,
in an attempt to maintain its power over the people, the victory celebration was held in the heavily
fortified Green Zone, preventing the public from attending (Greenwell 2007). Government and
military dignitaries happily had their photos taken with the players in an attempt to boost their
own images.
Political Power and Authority

A number of sociologists, economists, and political scientists have attempted to explain the
concepts of power and authority, their role, and how they operate in society. Power and authority
are exercised in nearly all social relationships, including small groups and large organizations and
societies. George Homans, a social exchange theorist, focuses on micro-level relationships and
views power and authority as similar concepts. According to Homans (1961) a person who has
influence over other members of a group has authority. Possessing influence occurs when an indi-
vidual has the ability to provide valuable rewards. Likewise, power is defined as the ability to
provide rewards. Those with power and authority are small in number. Subordinates will accept
the authority and power of leaders as long as they feel they are being treated equally (distributive
justice).
Max Weber viewed power as the ability to exercise one’s will over others, despite their resist-
ance. In this regard, a thug who commits a mugging against an innocent passerby has exercised
physical power over another in order to take what he desires. Weber defined authority as power
attached to a social position. In the United States, we elect people to political office and these
politicians then have the legal authority to make decisions that affect us. In sports, game officials
and referees have the authority to enforce the rules of the game and are allowed to implement
punishments within a predetermined manner (via the rulebook). Ruling bodies, such as the NCAA,
NAIA, and professional sports league offices, have the authority to levy sanctions against member
institutions and participating athletes, coaches, and other team personnel.
Conflict theorists emphasize the role of power as a force that reveals social inequality through-
out society. They claim that the dominant power group forces its values upon the rest of society,
the subordinate groups. Karl Marx, whose works led to the formation of conflict theory, argued
that power is attained strictly through economic means. He felt that those who control the means
of production (the bourgeoisie) have power over the workers (the proletariat). In this regard, the
owners of professional sport franchises hold a position of power over the players. The sports
world is a multi-billion dollar industry. Therefore, from an economic standpoint, sport represents
power. Our discussion of sport owners (see Chapter 12) highlighted the fact that only wealthy
individuals, groups and corporations can afford to own sport franchises.
The Role of Government in Sport

Governments around the world use sports as a tool for promoting the interests of politicians.
The following represents a glimpse at the primary role of the government in sport in the United States.
1. Rules and Safety. Perhaps the most important role of the government is to assure the safety
of its citizens. This includes providing safe sporting environments where safety rules are
enacted, monitored, and enforced. “Without rules on civility and the resolution of conflicts,
public life deteriorates into a jungle of passions” (Wiebe 2003: 35). Rules regarding safety in
sport include categorizing sports that are legal (e.g., football, basketball, baseball) or illegal (e.g.,
street luge, BASE jumping); setting age requirements for participation (usually expressed in
terms of minimum age requirements); requiring safety personnel at ball games (e.g., trained res-
cue workers and ambulances at football games); restricting locations to those suitable for cer-
tain sports (e.g., BASE jumping may be allowed in “designated” areas); and, making laws that
designed to stop discrimination (e.g., Title IX, which ensured that women had the right to play
sports in federally-funded schools).
There are other ways in which governments attempt to safeguard the public order, including
protecting sports fans in public places via the placement of safety signs, caution cones, and bar-
riers to control traffic flow, and mandating a large number of law enforcement officers and pri-
vate security personnel. In addition, governments have to be concerned with the potential for
fan violence, which can arise due to longstanding team rivalries, inebriation, provocation, and
racial tensions. This is a particular problem in countries where sport hooligans or thugs are
prevalent. Special care must be taken to monitor the potential for violent outbreaks, and police
and medical personnel have to be available to contain the after-effects if violence does occur.
2. Physical Fitness. For thousands of years, warriors have prepared for the battlefield by training
on the athletic fields. The original Olympics involved sports that accentuated the skills of sol-
diers. Medieval lords used such sports as jousting to train knights. The often cited quote that
“The Battle of Waterloo [1815] was won on the playing fields of Eton” revealed the English
belief that sports helped to prepare the English soldiers for battle. Baron Pierre de Coubertin, a
French nobleman, pushed for the reintroduction of the Olympics after the pitiful performance
of French soldiers in the 1870–71 Franco-Prussian War. Coubertin believed that France’s mili-
tary prowess could be re-established by means of a national fitness and sports program.
By the end of the nineteenth century, the Muscular Christianity movement had taken hold
in the United States as an ideal of honorable sporting prowess. Muscular Christianity helped to
generate the development of sports and fitness programs in the United States—primarily for
boys—in the early twentieth century. The government’s support of the playground movement
was another sign of its role in encouraging health and fitness. During the 1950s, general fitness
programs were the norm at schools.
Unfortunately, the U.S. government has done an inadequate job of maintaining health and
fitness programs, especially in the schools. Obesity rates for children, as well as adults, in the
United States remain high. The CDC (2014a) reports that 17 percent, or 12.7 million, of children
and teens aged 2 to 19 were obese in 2012. The rate of obesity for American adults in 2012 was
twice as high, 34.9 percent, or 78.6 million (CDC 2014b). Many schools have been forced to
cut physical education and sports programs due to financial reasons. It is not a mere coincidence
that as physical education programs have been increasingly disappearing or de-emphasized, the
youth of today are increasingly overweight and out of shape. The U.S. government must reinvest
in America’s fitness programs. Daily physical education (for all able-bodied children) must
become mandatory. After all, good healthy habits established in childhood are more likely to be
maintained in adulthood. And with the increasing costs of health care, it is in everyone’s (the
government, as well as individuals) best interest to maintain good physical health.
3. Promoting Prestige. Sports provide opportunities for heroic performances, which in turn are
prestigious. Athletes and teams that overcome huge odds to win a gold medal or world champi-
onship; a fallen athlete who finishes a race despite a great deal of pain; and host communities
who make visitors feel welcomed are among the few ways of attaining honor, respect and prestige.
Governments like to take advantage of opportunities that make them “look good,” especially in
front of the global community. It is this very quest for prestige that provides governments with
the incentive to found sports programs and training centers. At the local level, community busi-
nesses and local governments support various sports teams (e.g., a Pop Warner football team, or
high school sport teams) as a way of gaining a favorable presence in the community. Such an
impression within the community is, of course, a sign of prestige.
The discussion on franchise relocation (see Chapter 12) revealed how prestigious owning a
professional sports franchise is for local governments. A city is not a “major league” city until it
owns a major sport franchise. A city that loses a sports franchise suffers a major loss of prestige.
The reasoning goes, if a city cannot hold onto and support a major sports franchise, how are
they going to conduct more mundane forms of business? Contrastly, a city that “wins” (or
“steals”) a sports franchise experiences an increased level of prestige. This reality helps to
explain why local governments are so willing to give “sweetheart” deals to sports franchises.
Such governments believe that the costs of owning a sports franchise are more than offset by
the rewards of prestige.
Nations of the world find it important to win at international sporting events, as it gives
them “bragging” rights in at least one social sphere. The governments of “power nations” want
to beat other sporting elite nations because they believe it helps to justify their political ideol-
ogy. The politicians in power can bask in the reflected glory of being identified with a winning
team, especially one that has excelled on an international level.
Successfully hosting an international sporting event may also provide prestige. Consider
China’s hosting of the 2008 Summer Olympics. As the Chinese nation took political hit after
political hit because of human rights issues, it became increasingly important for that society to
“look good” within the international political world.
4. National Identity. Many nations possess an international identity because of their sporting
prowess. For them, it becomes especially important to win the sports that they are “supposed”
to win. Brazil, for example, took an international sporting beating as a result of its failure to
win the 2014 World Cup it hosted and especially because of its humiliating 7–1, semi-final loss
to Germany. On the other hand, when a nation beats a reigning power, the victory is all the
sweeter. Furthermore, when a nation performs well when it was not expected to, they have posi-
tively contributed to their identity. Such is the case with the United States’ recent success in
soccer.
5. Politicians Who Use Sports for Identity. Sports reflect the culture of a society and provide a
nation with a sense of prestige and national identity. As a result, politicians like to attach them-
selves to athletes; especially those who win championships. Politicians with varying rank from
local community council members to the president of the country have taken advantage of the
popularity of sports in an attempt to shape a positive identity with the citizens. A nation’s top
political leader shows respect for sports because of its cultural importance. In the United States,
this tradition dates at least to President Theodore Roosevelt. Presidents routinely invite NCAA
champions and professional sport champions to the White House for official photo-taking pub-
licity shots and general “clowning” around. Nearly all presidents of the twentieth and twenty-
first centuries have had a true love for sports; enhancing their identity via sport was “natural.”
President William Howard Taft, for example, had a brother who owned a professional baseball
franchise and regularly attended professional baseball games. Taft started the annual custom of
president’s attending the opening day game. President John F. Kennedy’s advisors used his love
for touch football to “evoke images of youth and vigor” (Wilson 1994: 271). President Gerald
Ford, although perceived by the media as a bit of a klutz, played football at the University of
Michigan. Ronald Reagan was a football announcer, aside from being an actor, before becoming
president, and his most famous acting role was as Notre Dame football great George “the Gip-
per” Gipp in the 1940 film Knute Rockne, All American. President Bill Clinton possessed a great
love for his home state University of Arkansas basketball team. And George W. Bush, a sports
cheerleader at Yale, was the former owner of the Texas Rangers (MLB) and remains an avid fan
of baseball. In addition, Presidents Jimmy Carter, Clinton and Bush all have their identities
attached to being avid runners, and all have been identified with public advocacy of physical fit-
ness—ironically enough, during a time when more and more Americans are becoming obese
and out of shape. President Barack Obama loves to play and watch basketball. He is often
shown playing basketball and makes it a habit to fill out a bracket on ESPN for the Men’s
NCCA Basketball Tournament. He is also a huge Chicago White Sox fan.
At state and local levels, politicians from all ranks of government turn to sporting contests as
a way of increasing a positive identity within the community. If a high school team from a
small city or town wins a state championship it is understood among the townspeople that the
mayor should be at the victory celebration. And generally speaking, politicians seldom skip out
on publicity opportunities that place them in an environment where people are already celebrat-
ing and experiencing joy and happiness.
6. Integration via Sport. The U.S. government uses sports as a way to integrate different groups.
Sport possesses integrative properties because it “has become one of culture’s broadest common
denominators…. Politicians and ministers use sports jargon to explain the world and morality”
(Lapchick 2003: 71). Recent immigrants to the U.S. can immediately feel a part of society
through sports (as participants, fans, and spectators). Rich and poor, white and black, young
and old, conservative and radical can all join together and become one collective when they
cheer for the same team. Supporting local high school and college sports is an effective method
of becoming a part of the community. Politicians are aware of the integrative power of sports.
For example, “It is because sport is such a potent integrative symbol that congressmen combine
romanticism and rationalism in their attitude toward it. They shift easily from seeing sport as
the quintessence of private, voluntaristic behavior to seeing it as vital to the national purpose, a
trust as sacred as the Constitution itself or a national monument” (Wilson 1994: 273–273).
At a national level, the integrative properties of sport provide diverse members of a society
an opportunity to form a national identity. Thus, recent immigrants to the United States will
find assimilation easier when they cheer for American teams involved in international competi-
tion. Every nation of the world attempts to integrate its citizens in order to maintain stability.
Sport is the common vehicle world-wide that is used to help citizens form a national identity.
Politics and American Sports

Despite the fact that many of the major American sports have foreign roots, the United
States has succeeded in constructing its own sporting culture. With industrialization and the con-
clusion of the Civil War, the United States witnessed a rapid expansion of sport during the late
1800s and early 1900s. Commercial backing, the creation of governing bodies, and improvement
in media technology (e.g., telegraph service, newspapers) coupled with an increasing number of
Americans who enjoyed leisure time helped to create an American sporting culture that was unique
from its colonial founders. The American sport culture was quite distinctive with its considerable
emphasis on the team sports of baseball, American football, basketball and hockey (the “Big
Four”). Bairner (2001) claims that “the emphasis on team sports as opposed to individual activities
is itself a peculiarly American characteristic” (95). This claim is not entirely accurate, as team
sports such as hockey are a fabric of national identity in Canada and soccer is the very essence of
such nations as Brazil, Argentina and England. What distinguishes American sporting culture
from the rest of the world is a love for a wide variety of sports. Most people around the world are
passionate about one sport. Although it is true that most American fans have a favorite sport,
many are passionate for the sports played in each season. That is, any given fan will pay close atten-
tion to football during the fall, basketball and hockey during the winter and baseball in the spring
and summer. Numerous other sports, including auto racing, tennis, golf and lacrosse will also grab
the attention of Americans during the season of their primary sports team preference.
Baseball played an important role in the development of the United States throughout the
late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Baseball was referred to as the “National Pastime.” Playing
baseball was encouraged by the U.S. government because the sport highlighted cultural ideals of
fair play, individualism within the team framework, team spirit, respect for authority, and com-
petitiveness. The integrative function of baseball was also viewed as a positive attribute of the
sport. “One of the most dramatic developments in modern America was the migration of huge
numbers of people from the rural communities to the rapidly growing cities. The game of baseball
moved with them, not only physically but in some metaphysical sense as well. Indeed, for many
young men, the game provided them with a sense of belonging otherwise absent from their new
life experience” (Bairner 2001: 98). The integration function was also deemed important as a
means of “Americanizing” immigrants. Any boy, despite his national origins, that played baseball
was in effect creating an identity as an American. This sporting identity was as imperfect as Amer-
ican society itself. For example, racism and sexism were found in both domains.
The Cold War sparked increased governmental involvement and political importance of
Americans participating in international sporting events. The Soviet bloc nations were using sports
as a way to promote their political ideology. The United States felt compelled to answer in kind.
As Bairner (2001) states, “During the Cold War, sport clearly had a part to play in the promotion
of American values. International events, such as the Olympic Games, acquired a new significance”
(112). The United States was working at a disadvantage. First, the U.S. was still using true amateur
athletes in international sports competitions, whereas the Soviet bloc nations were using athletes
trained by the government since early childhood. They were hardly ideal amateurs. Second, the
Soviet bloc nations spent more money on their athletic training facilities than the U.S. Further,
the primary sports in the U.S. were football and baseball, neither of which were Olympic sports.
(Baseball has since been played in the Olympics and then, surprisingly, was removed.) Americans
have always been more interested in their national sports than in international sports. The typical
NFL and MLB fan would rather have their favorite team win the championship than an American
national team win an international sports tournament.
U.S. government involvement in sport reached a new high in the 1970s. Legislation such as
Title IX (See Chapter 10) had a dramatic impact on American sports. During the 1970s, the gov-
ernment also set its political attention toward the international sport scene by establishing the
United States Olympic Committee (USOC). President Gerald Ford appointed a Commission on
Olympic Sports in 1975 in an attempt to organize the governorship of U.S. amateur athletics. As
a result of the presidential commission, the Amateur Sports Act of 1978 was passed. This act
established the USOC as the chosen organization of the U.S. government to oversee, promote
and support amateur athletic activities involving the United States in athletic competitions with
foreign nations. Although the intentions of the Amateur Sports Act of 1978 were good, the leg-
islation did not solve the problem of how amateur sports should be funded. The USOC had his-
torically prided itself as the only national Olympics association that did not receive any government
support—even though the government had given minimal support in the past. A decade later, the
Construction costs of the new Yankee Stadium (MLB) exceeded $1.4 billion, much of which will be
paid for by public funds (courtesy Tom Delaney).
Olympic Coin Act of 1988 was passed and enabled the USOC to sell silver and gold commemo-
rative coins printed by the U.S. Treasury.
The idea of international sporting events as a quasi-political field had played witness to a
variety of political boycotts throughout the years in such competitions as the Olympics. President
Jimmy Carter decided to have the U.S. boycott the 1980 Moscow Olympic Games, thus demon-
strating the United States federal government’s willingness to politicize international sporting
events. A boycott is a form of collective action intended to pressure the target group to change its
position or behavior. Soviet bloc nations returned in kind and boycotted the 1984 Los Angeles
Olympic Games, still the most profitable (for the host country) of all the Games. In ancient times
wars ended so that the Olympics could be played. The modern Olympics have been used as much
as a political tool as an athletic event.
As described by The Washington Post writer Adam Goldman, the U.S. government, via the
CIA, sometimes incorporates elements of the sports world with its “influence operations” in
foreign countries. Influence operations involve covert action programs conducted by the CIA in
an attempt to win the hearts and minds of the local people or turn them against a particular ide-
ology. Before the U.S. invaded Haiti in 1994, for example, the CIA distributed soccer balls to
Haitian people. An official said, “It made them feel good about Americans. We were trying to pre-
pare the way for the military” (Goldman 2014). Interestingly, the CIA, in addition to the deploy-
ment of drones, satellites, spies, informants, and tracking devices, also considered waging war with
toys. Beginning in about 2005, the CIA began secretly developing an Osama bin Laden action
figure with the face painted with a heat-dissolving material designed to peel off and reveal a red-
faced bin Laden who looked like a demon with piercing green eyes and black facial markings (Gold-
man 2014). The goal of the short-lived project was to spook children and their parents, causing
them to turn against the actual bin Laden and his ideology—through an influence operation. The
CIA said that the “Devil Eyes” project never reached fruition although prototypes were made.
The CIA turned to Donald Levine, the former Hasbro executive who was instrumental in the cre-
ation of the G.I. Joe toys, to design the “Devil Eyes” bin Laden action figure.
Athletes and Politics

Earlier in this chapter we discussed politicians who use sport for a sense of identity and
opportunities to improve their own political standing with voters. In this section, we will discuss
athletes who turned to politics for a new identity and sense of power and describe some examples
of athletes who use their celebrity status to protest social injustice.
Former athletes have a number of potential advantages over non-athletes when running for
political office. Their name recognition provided by the sports world is chief among them. The
numerous political positions available and voter apathy are two other significant factors contribut-
ing to their success. In many nations around the world there would be fewer opportunities for an
athlete to become a politician; however, the United States has more elections than any other
democracy. “Voters not only fill positions that are typically appointive in other countries, such as
judges, but they also select officials for many more layers of government, from the town or county
to the federal level. Voters even select nominees for the ballot through primaries, instead of relying
on party organizations to designate candidates” (Fowler 1996: 430). In short, thousands of can-
didates compete for elected office each year. The large number of election opportunities clearly
paves the way for nearly anyone to get elected to some level of political office including one of the
authors. Ideally, candidates who will serve the needs of their constituents the best will be elected
to office. Obviously, this is not always the case. In many instances unqualified persons who seek
only to improve their own personal standings or serve as a figurative puppet for a political party
may be elected. Much of the blame resides with voters who choose candidates for reasons that
have little or nothing to do with political qualifications. Voter apathy among the majority of citizens
contributes to the problems of democracy as well. When thousands of election opportunities are
combined with the voter apathy, unqualified candidates being elected to political office is often
the result.
Ex-athletes who run for office may, or may not, be qualified for office. Each example would
have to be evaluated a singular basis. To be fair, it should be pointed out that being qualified for
a political office is not a characteristic of eligibility to run for office. For example, “By law, almost
anyone can seek a seat in Congress; for the Constitutions sets only three criteria for members: age,
citizenship, and residence in the state” (Fowler 1996: 430). Athletes are certainly capable of meeting
these three requirements. Further, most athletes possess the general characteristic of most politi-
cians; they have a high socioeconomic status. They may also enjoy the benefit of name recognition
with voters. It is often said by sports commentators that popular coaches, especially following a
national championship, could run for office.
Former U.S. Athletes Who Turned to Politics

As described earlier in this chapter, a number of U.S. presidents were involved in sports, or
were sportsmen, before their political careers began. Abraham Lincoln was an equestrian, swimmer,
wrestler, runner, and jumper; Theodore Roosevelt pursued baseball, lacrosse, polo, horseback rid-
ing, tennis, football, boxing, and rowing; Woodrow Wilson played and coached football; Franklin
D. Roosevelt swam, rode horseback, and sailed; Harry Truman was an avid walker and umpired
baseball games; Dwight D. Eisenhower played baseball and football in his youth and played football
at West Point (once making a tackle against legendary Jim Thorpe), and in later life enjoyed golfing
and fishing; John F. Kennedy swam, sailed, golfed, played tennis, and played touch football; Lyndon
B. Johnson was a swimmer, equestrian, hunter, and fisherman; Richard M. Nixon played football
at Whittier College; Gerald Ford played football at Michigan (earning the most valuable player
award on the 1934 Michigan team and participating in two All-Star games) and later coached at
Yale while pursuing his law studies (he also turned down professional offers from the Green Bay
Packers and Detroit Lions); Jimmy Carter played basketball in high school; and Ronald Reagan
played football at Eureka College (Leonard 1992). George H. W. Bush was the captain of his base-
ball team. And, as mentioned previously, Barak Obama is an avid basketball player, as well as a
devotee of golf. As these examples demonstrate, political leaders at the highest level participated
in sports before they turned to politics. In the following pages, a number of other athletes who
have successfully run for political office will be discussed. This is not, of course, an exhaustive list but
instead provides ample evidence of the fact that the world of athletics and politics often intersect.
Among the more popular, or well-known, former U.S. athletes who have gone onto political
careers are Jack Kemp, Bill Bradley, Steve Largent, and Jesse “The Body” Ventura. Jack Kemp was
a star quarterback for 13 years with the AFL Buffalo Bills and San Diego Chargers. He led the
Bills to back-to-back AFL championships in 1964 and 1965. Kemp co-founded the AFL Players
Association and was elected president for five terms. His sports exploits and name recognition
helped his initial election bid. Kemp, a Republican, served in the House of Representatives (rep-
resenting the Buffalo area and western New York) from 1971 to 1989. He failed in a 1988 bid to
earn the Republican Party presidential nomination but served as secretary of Housing and Urban
Development for four years in George H.W. Bush’s administration. Kemp was selected as Bob
Dole’s 1996 presidential running mate against Bill Clinton (and Al Gore). Clinton and Gore won
in a landslide victory. (Ed Rutkowski, a teammate of Kemp’s with the Bills, was also elected Erie
County executive.)
Bill Bradley, a Rhodes Scholar after starring for Princeton’s basketball team, where he was a
three-time All-American (averaging 30.2 points per game throughout his three-year varsity career),
played in the NBA for 10 years and won two NBA Championships with the New York Knicks
(1970 and 1973). Bradley’s excellence in professional basketball was honored by the Knicks when
they retired his number 24 jersey. Bradley also served as captain of the 1964 gold-medal winning
U.S. Olympic basketball team. Bradley turned his popularity in basketball into immediate success
in the political arena. After retiring from basketball in 1977, Bradley ran for the U.S. Senate in
New Jersey in 1978. He won and would serve 17 years in the Senate. Bradley ran unsuccessfully
for the 2000 Democratic presidential nomination, losing out to Al Gore.
Steve Largent, never the fastest or the most gifted wide receiver, worked hard throughout
his 14-year NFL career with the Seattle Seahawks and earned his induction into the Hall of Fame.
The Oklahoma native was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives as a Republican in 1994.
He was re-elected three times, always with a margin of over 60 percent of the vote. He identified
himself with the Religious Right and led a revolt against House Speaker Newt Gingrich, whom
he blamed for congressional losses in 1998. Largent relinquished his House seat to run for state
governor in 2002. He lost his bid in a close election, being defeated by state senator Brad Henry
by less than 7,000 votes. He served as the CEO of a cellular phone lobbying organization until
May 2014.
Although professional wrestling in the United States is not considered to be a sport, we have
decided to include Jesse “The Body” Ventura on the lists of athletes who have turned to politics.
Ventura is a former Navy SEAL, professional wrestler, actor, mayor (St. Paul, Minnesota) and talk
show host. A controversial man outside and inside the political arena, Ventura can credit his suc-
cessful election as governor of Minnesota to his flamboyant personality. Ventura changed his
wrestling nickname of “The Body”—a reference to his persona as bully with great physical
prowess—to “The Mind”—to reflect a qualification deemed more desirable in the political world—
during his foray into politics. Ventura, a member of the Reform party, served as governor from
January 1999 to January 2003 but did not seek a second term.
There are other notable American athletes who have gone onto politics. Provided here is a
sampling of some of the more notable examples. Bob Mathias, a decathlon Olympian the 1948
Summer Games, served four terms as U.S. House Representative from 1967 to 1975. Ben Nighthorse
Campbell (son of a Portuguese immigrant mother and Northern Cheyenne Indian father) is a
former Republican senator from Colorado (he did not seek re-election in 2004). Elected to the
U.S. Senate in 1992, Campbell was the first Native American to serve in the Senate in more than
60 years. He also served in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1987 to 1992. Campbell is a
former three-time U.S. National judo champion (1961–63) and represented the United States at
the 1964 Olympic Games in Tokyo. While serving in the Senate, Campbell was a member of the
Senate’s Committee on Indian Affairs. He remains as an outspoken critic of the use of Indian
nicknames, mascots and logos in sports. Jim Bunning, MLB Hall of Fame pitcher, who had 1,000
strikeouts and 100 wins in both leagues, returned to his home state of Kentucky and was elected
as a city councilman and then state senator. In 1986, Bunning was elected to the U.S. House of
Representatives and served in the House from 1987 to 1999. He was elected to the U.S. Senate
from Kentucky in 1998 and served two terms as the Republican junior U.S. Senator. In 2009 he
announced that he would not run for reelection in 2010. (He was succeeded by current U.S. Senator
and presidential hopeful Rand Paul.) Jim Ryun (R-Kansas), a three-time Olympic track star and
former mile and 1,500-meter world-record holder, is a congressman. J.C. Watts, a two-time Orange
Bowl MVP with the University of Oklahoma, played football in the Canadian League. Upon the
completion of his CFL career, Watts was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1994.
Watts served four terms in Congress before leaving politics in 2003. Watts was one of the highest
profile African Americans in the Republican Party. Former professional bodybuilder Arnold
Schwarzenegger, who at age 23 became the youngest Mr. Olympia (holding the title for six straight
years), was elected governor of California in 2003 in a special recall election to replace then-
governor Gray Davis. Schwarzenegger was then elected to a full term in November 2006 where
he served until January 2011. Heath Shuler, a prolific quarterback at the University of Tennessee
and former Washington Redskins quarterback, was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives
in 2006 and would serve three consecutive terms before deciding not to run for a fourth term. In
2014, Mark Gilbert, who played seven games for the Chicago White Sox, became the first former
MLB ballplayer to be named a U.S. ambassador (to New Zealand and Samoa) (Townsend 2014).
As these examples indicate, a number of former U.S. athletes have gone on to life of politics
following their athletic careers.
International Former Athletes Who Turned to Politics

The United States is not the only country with political leaders who were previously sports
stars. Throughout the world former athletes have entered the realm of politics. Just as in
the United States, some of these athletes have risen to the ranks of president. Russia’s former pres-
ident and current prime minister, Vladimir Putin, a one-time KGB agent, is a martial arts expert
who still enjoys putting on displays. Other international star athletes have gone on to political
careers.
Sebastian Coe, a British middle distance runner who dominated the 800 and 1500 meter
races during the early 1980s, is the only man to win the Olympic gold medal in the 1500 twice
(Moscow in 1980 and Los Angeles in 1984). He is one of the most decorated athletes in British
history. Coe, a Conservative, was elected to the Parliament from 1992 to 1997, but lost his re-
election bid. In 2000, Coe was elected to the House of Lords. He led London’s successful bid to
host the 2012 Summer Olympic Games and now serves as president of the organizing committee
for those Games. Coe had to convince members of the International Olympic Committee that
London’s transport system could be overhauled and that there was public support for the Games.
A number of former Canadian NHL players have enjoyed success in the political arena after
their playing careers were over. Howie Meeker’s sporting and political professions overlapped, as
he won the federal by election in the Ontario riding of Waterloo South in 1951 while he was still
playing hockey for the Toronto Maple Leafs. The Conservative member of Parliament did not
seek re-election in 1953. After retiring from hockey, Meeker became a Canadian hockey broad-
casting icon who entertained viewers for 30 years with his trademark folksy phrases. Frank
Mahovlich, who played professional hockey for 22 years (NHL and WHA), never ran for political
office, but he was appointed to the Senate in 1998. He belongs to the Fisheries and Oceans and
National Finance Senate committees. Ken Dryden, a former goaltender for the Montreal Canadi-
ans, successfully ran for office in the Parliament. He was named to the cabinet as minister of social
development. There are rumors that Dryden ultimately plans on running for prime minister. It is
reasonable to assume that if Wayne Gretzky stepped into Canada’s political arena that he could
successfully run for nearly any political office, including prime minister.
Manny Pacquiao, a former eight division boxing champion, was elected to the Philippines’
House of Representatives in 2010; he was reelected in 2013. Imran Khan, Pakistan’s most successful
cricket captain (he led his national team to 1992 Cricket World Cup Championship), started his
own political party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI; “Movement for Justice”) in 1996 and after a
rough start he emerged as one of the most powerful politicians in Pakistan. He became a member
of the National Assembly from November 2002 through October 2007 and was elected again in
2013 when his party gained 35 seats in the National Assembly. Vitali Klitschko, a former heavy-
weight boxing champion, was elected president of Ukraine and took office in June 2014.
Like our list of former American athletes who found a life in politics, this look at international
athletes who became politicians is also a mere sampling. The point of the discussion was to demon-
strate how these individuals used their fame in sport to gain a platform and name recognition in
politics following their sporting careers.
Athletes Who Protest

Athletes, especially elite and/or outspoken ones, are regularly interviewed by the media on
topics beyond sports, including political issues. As described above, some athletes have such strong
political feelings about social issues that they run for political office following the conclusion of
their athletic careers. Other athletes express their political views, in the form of social protest,
while they are still actively playing sports and, as a result, put their careers at risk. Typically, it is
black athletes who protest and their political target is social injustice in varying forms. As we have
learned throughout the book, and especially in Chapter 3, blacks and other minorities were mostly
excluded from big-time sports and it wasn’t until the 1960s that blacks began to play collegiate,
professional and international amateur sports in significant numbers. Coincidentally, the 1960s
was a decade filled with social activism (e.g., civil rights movements and women’s rights movements),
protest (e.g., anti–Vietnam War), civil disobedience (e.g., many American cities were scenes of
bloody and deadly rioting) and counter-culture movements (e.g., hippies and recreational drug
users). As products of their environment, many black athletes of this era involved themselves with
social activism as well. For example, black players refused to play in the AFL All-Star Game in
New Orleans in 1965 to protest the blatant racism and discrimination of that city (Wright 2012).
In 1964, Cassius Clay (age 22) won the world heavyweight boxing title from Sonny Liston
in a stunning upset. Younger fans loved Clay’s bravado and older fans spoke of his potential for
greatness. Shortly after winning the crown, however, Clay joined the Nation of Islam and changed
his name to Muhammad Ali. (In 1975 he would convert to Sunni Islam.) Most Americans did not
understand why Ali would do this and he began to lose favor with mainstream Americans. In 1967,
Ali, still the reigning world heavyweight boxing champion, refused to be drafted into the U.S.
Army. It should be noted, however, that Ali initially considered honoring the draft, thinking he
would be given special consideration and worrying that he might lose out on economic benefits
via commercial promotions if he refused the draft. However, the Nation of Islam would not go
along with this and Ali would eventually become an outspoken critic of the war (Wright 2012).
His public outspokenness against the war coupled with his Muslim beliefs made him one of the
most polarizing sports figures in the U.S. As Harry Edwards described at the time, “There was so
much consternation concerning the war and Ali that the fighter became symbolic of almost every
rift in society” (Wright 2012).
On June 4, 1967, Ali met with members of the Negro Industrial Economic Union (later
renamed the Black Economic Union) and several hundred other concerned individuals in Cleve-
land for a summit on socio-political matters. The NIEU was formed by Jim Brown, himself a
highly visible social activist who had retired from the Cleveland Browns at the end of the 1965
season as the all-time leading rusher in NFL history (many people still consider him the greatest
football player ever). At the meeting with Ali and Brown were a number of current high profile
athletes, including Bill Russell, Lew Alcindor (who would later change his name to Kareem Abdul-
Jabbar), Bobby Mitchell, Sid Williams, Jim Shorter, Walter Beach, John Wooten and Curtis
McClinton (Wright 2012). All of these athletes were united in making a concerted effort to support
Ali and to take a stand against those who supported racist overtones. Ali had claimed conscientious
objector status but later in 1967 he was found guilty of trying to avoid the draft and sentenced to
prison for 5 years. He remained free as he fought the sentence but he was barred from fighting (his
boxing license was revoked). Due to a loophole in Georgia (they did not have a boxing commission),
Ali fought Jerry Quarry in 1970 (he won with a KO, 3rd round). In 1971, the Supreme Court
ruled in his favor.
Perhaps the most famous international political protest waged by American athletes occurred
in the 1968 Mexico City Olympics when Tommie Smith and John Carlos gave their black-power
salutes (a one-armed raised fist) during the playing of the national anthem (more information on
this protest can be found later in the chapter).
Following the turbulent 1960s there have been a number of instances wherein athletes have
made political statements and protests but nothing quite compared to the protests of Ali, Brown,
and Smith and Carlos. There have been times when black leaders would call upon black athletes
to use their sports celebrity status and media forum to promote political causes designed to put a
spotlight on racial discrimination in the United States or in other parts of the world but, generally,
most were reluctant to do so; after all, they were doing well financially and could help socio-
political causes in their own way. In 1990, Michael Jordan faced a great deal of pressure to get
politically involved in the North Carolina senatorial race. Black writers and leaders asked Jordan
to support Harvey Gantt, former mayor of Charlotte, in his tight race against five-term Republican
Senator Jesse Helms. Helms, a long-time opponent of civil rights who, among other things, led a
filibuster against the creation of Martin Luther King, Jr. Day, had released a scare-tactic political
ad called “White Hands” in a distressed plea designed to get the white vote. Black leaders had
turned to Jordan, who went to college at the University of North Carolina, to “endorse Gantt in
his quest to become the South’s first black man elected to the Senate since Reconstruction” (Repub-
licans Buy Shoes 2014). Jordan, however, had other things on his mind. He was on the verge of
winning his first NBA title and was in the early stages of amassing his $1 billion fortune (see Chap-
ter 12) by selling shoes. As such, Jordan attempted to avoid anything controversial and when asked
why he would not support Gantt, Jordan infamously quipped, “Republicans buy shoes, too”
(Badenhausen 2011). For the unacquainted, in 1983, Nike had just $1 million in total sales but
their fortunes would change when they signed Jordan to a shoe endorsement deal in 1984 (Helin
2013). By 1989, Nike was making a fortune off of Jordan’s shoes and in 1989 they started a cam-
paign featuring Jordan and Spike Lee, with the slogan, “It’s gotta be the shoes.”
For many, it was clear that to Jordan selling shoes was far more important than political
activism. He was criticized by many black writers for “not being black enough” and for profiting
by the white corporate structure. In a 1992 interview with Playboy, Jordan addressed his critics by
saying, “I realize that I’m black, but I like to be viewed as a person, and that’s everybody’s wish.
That’s what Martin Luther King fought for.… In some ways I can’t understand it because here we
are striving for equality and yet people are going to say I’m not black enough?” And while Jordan
has, for the most part, avoided controversy, he has his detractors because of his lack of political
involvement. Jordan also indicated that he was a good role model because of his success. When
asked about not supporting Gantt in 1990, Jordan gave a reasonable response: “I chose not to
because I didn’t know of his achievements, I didn’t know if there were some negative things against
him. Before I put myself on the line, at least I want to know who this guy was. And I didn’t, but
I knew Jesse Helms and I wasn’t in favor of him. So, I sent Gantt some money as a contribution.
But that was never publicized” (Playboy 1992). Jordan was also aware that Jesse Jackson and other
activists criticized him. His response was, “I never bow to that pressure because I always keep my
opinions to myself. I avoid those types of endorsements from a political standpoint. That’s just
me. That’s my prerogative to do. If you don’t like it, lump it” (Playboy 1992). It certainly is Jordan’s
prerogative to avoid making political statements and often athletes do just that in order to keep
their off-the-court/field beliefs private.
Most athletes are concerned that making their political views public might overshadow their
athletic careers or alienate a large segment of their fans and so they avoid political activism during
their playing careers. However, there are times when people must act and such was the case in late
2014 and carrying over into 2015, as athletes at all levels of competition (high school, college and
professional) made political statements about a social issue that had gripped American society;
namely, a number of high profile cases involving police officers killing black citizens suspected of
committing crimes. Four cases in particular caught the public’s attention and would later influence
the behaviors of athletes. On August 9, 2014, Michael Brown, a young black man, was shot dead
in Ferguson, Missouri, by police officer Darren Wilson as he tried to arrest him. On November
24, 2014, it was announced that the grand jury did not find enough evidence to indict Wilson.
Rioting ensued (Somashekhar and Kelly 2014). A number of people believe that Brown had his
hands up in the air to indicate that he posed no threat, and protestors and rioters used this “hands
up, don’t shoot” gesture and phrase throughout their protests. In Staten Island, New York, police
attempted to arrest Eric Garner for allegedly selling illegal cigarettes, a crime he had committed
numerous times prior (he had been arrested 30 times since 1980, with many of the arrests for
selling loose cigarettes) (Conservative Tribune 2014). Garner refused to be handcuffed and police
officer Daniel Pantaleo is seen (via a recording of the incident) putting a chokehold on the 350-
pound Garner. It is against police policy to use a chokehold in New York City. In the recording
Garner can be heard repeatedly saying, “I can’t breathe.” The asthmatic Garner suffered a heart
attack and died on his way to the hospital (Bloom and Imam 2014). A series of protests (some vio-
lent, most peaceful) across the nation included protestors holding signs that read, “I Can’t Breathe.”
(Note: The only person arrested for this incident was the bystander who recorded it.) In Cleveland,
police officers shot and killed twelve-year-old Tamir Rice on November 22, 2014; authorities say
the officers mistook the child’s air gun for a real firearm (the police had responded to a 911 call
about a black male—“probably a juvenile”—pointing a pistol—“probably fake”—at people in a
park) (Ly and Hanna 2014). On December 12, 2014, the shooting was ruled a homicide. (As of
this writing, there wasn’t a conclusion to the case.) In August 2014, John Crawford was shot and
killed while he was holding an air rifle as he walked through a Wal-Mart in Ohio. Police were
responding to a call when they shot him shortly after encountering him (Balko 2014).
What do these four cases have in common? Among other things, the victims were black and
the police officers were white; but, equally relevant to this publication is the decision of many
active athletes to publicly protest the incidents. On November 30, 2014, five St. Louis Rams players
raised their hands (to go with the protesters chant and gesture of “hands up, don’t shoot”) in sol-
idarity with protesters upset at Michael Brown’s death as they exited the tunnel to the playing
field. One of the players, Jared Cook, told reporters, “We wanted to do something.… This is our
community” (Fantz 2014). Another one of the Rams protesters, Tavon Austin, referring to Brown’s
killing and the ensuing violence, said, “What happened was a tragedy, period. There are things
out there bigger than football and we notice that” (Fantz 2014). Rams Coach Jeff Fisher told
reporters that the players would not be disciplined and that they were just exercising their right
to free speech. The St. Louis Police Officers Association was “profoundly disappointed” with the
football players (Fantz 2014). Following up on their promise to help the residents of Ferguson,
the five Rams players attended the Urban League of St. Louis Christmas Party on December 19
and contributed $10,000 to purchase gloves, hats, socks, underwear, and other items to be distrib-
uted at the event (Fallstrom 2014).
On December 14, 2014, Cleveland Browns wide receiver Andrew Hawkins wore a shirt that
read, “Justice for Tamir Rice and John Crawford” while exiting the tunnel at First Energy Stadium
in Cleveland (Rearden 2014). Explaining himself to the media after the game, Hawkins said, “Jus-
tice is a right that every American should have. Justice should be the goal of every American and
I think that’s what makes this country special” (Rearden 2014). The Cleveland police were not
happy with Hawkins’s display and Police Patrolman Union president Jeff Follmer said, “Somebody
needs to apologize, I mean they’re sending a statement out to our police officers who are protecting
and serving all the time and they’re unfairly picking out two police officers that had to respond to
a male with a gun” (Rearden 2014). Hawkins later qualified his earlier statement by saying he
respects and appreciates every honest police officer. Trying to be careful not to make their own
political statement and give the appearance of neutrality, the Cleveland Browns released a state-
ment that read: “We have great respect for the Cleveland Police Department and the work they
do to protect and serve our city. We also respect our players’ rights to project their support and
bring awareness to issues that are important to them if done so in a responsible manner” (Rearden
2014).
In the NBA, Derrick Rose of the Chicago Bulls violated the NBA’s “proper dress” code
of conduct clause when he wore a black t-shirt with white lettering that read, “I Can’t Breathe,”
while warming up for a game against the Golden State Warriors at the United Center in Chicago
on December 6, 2014 ( Johnson 2014). Wearing a t-shirt during warm-ups may seem insignificant,
but in this era of social media, the news of such a political gesture quickly spread across the globe.
Two days later, on December 8, LeBron James, who some people call the most polarizing athlete
of his era (ESPN anchor Robert Flores said this on-air while discussing this same story on James),
was joined by Kyrie Irving, Kevin Garnett, Deron Williams, and several other Cavs and Nets
players in wearing the same “I Can’t Breathe” t-shirts during warm-ups for the Cleveland at Brook-
lyn NBA game (McMenamin and Mazzeo 2014). At the close of 2014, James had become fairly
vocal in his social activism and spoke several times about the deaths of Mike Brown and Tamir
Rice. When asked about the meaning of the T-shirt, James replied, “It’s just for us to make a [state-
ment] to understand what we’re going through as a society…Obviously, as a society, we have to do
better. We have to be better for one another. It doesn’t matter what race you are” (McMenamin
and Mazzeo 2014).
Jim Brown, the former Cleveland Browns star running back and activist of the 1960s, who
remains vocal about today’s issues, is especially pleased by the political activism of contemporary
athletes. In particular, Brown said of James, “People like LeBron James are showing the ability to
be a ‘thinking leader’ by taking public stances” (McManamon 2014). Taking the cue from Rose
and James and so many other professional athletes, a number of collegiate athletes began to protest
as well. At Notre Dame, for example, the women’s basketball team asked their head coach Muffet
McGraw and AD Jack Swarbrick if it was okay to wear the “I Can’t Breathe” shirts, that they paid
for with their own money (to avoid any possible NCAA violation), and they were given the school’s
blessing. McGraw said, “I think Notre Dame is a place for fighting for social justice. I was proud
of our team stepping up publicly for something they really believe in” (WSBT.com 2014).
Receiving far less media attention was a protest in support of the NYPD by NY Jets center
Nick Mangold. Mangold entered the playing field of MetLife Stadium during pregame warm-ups
on December 21, 2014, for the Jets game against the Patriots, wearing a NYPD cap. “He also put
the cap over his heart during the singing of the national anthem” (Glauber 2014). His actions were
in reaction to the assassination-style ambush of two on-duty, uniformed police officers as they sat
in their marked police car in Brooklyn the day before the game. Ismaaiyl Brinsley, who had an
extensive criminal record (including 19 prior arrests), stood on the sidewalk in broad daylight just
feet away from the passenger car door and opened fire, killing officers Wen Liu and Rafael Ramos.
Brinsley then ran down the street into a nearby subway station where he killed himself as other
officers approached him (Glauber 2014). As disturbing as this incident was, the news became more
chilling when it was revealed that Brinsley had traveled to NYC from Baltimore, after shooting
his girlfriend in the stomach and hacking her Instagram account and making threatening posts:
“I’m putting pigs in a blanket”; “They take one of ours…Let’s take 2 of theirs,” using the hashtags
#Shootthepolice and #RIPErivGardner (a misspelled version of Eric Garner’s name). Mangold
was moved to make his own statement after learning about the executions on his news feed. “I was
saddened by it, not only for those two officers, but for their families.… I was sitting there last night
thinking about it and thinking about the opportunity I have [to make a visible political protest]”
(Glauber 2014).
As this sampling of athletes who protest reveals, many athletes are very concerned citizens
and care about what they perceive as social injustice. They have used the platform provided them
by virtue of their elite athletic status.
International Sports
Many nations around the world attempt to promote their socio-political ideology on the
playing field. As Tomlinson and Young (2006) explain, “The political exploitation of the global
sports spectacle and the cultural and economic ramifications of its staging have been critical indices
of the intensifying globalization of both media and sport” (1). Ideally, the sports environment
provides a civil, universally accepted way for rival and friendly nations to compete. To assure the
smooth functioning of international sports competition, each nation must abide by international
rules that apply both on the field and off the field. The creation of international rules was, accord-
ing to Tomlinson and Young (2006), greatly established by the foundation and growth of the
International Olympic Committee (IOC) and the Federation International de Football Association
(FIFA). Participating nations must realize that international rules may differ from those of their
home nation. International basketball rules, for example, include a different three-point line than
the one used in either the NBA or NCAA. Off the field issues usually come under the realm of
foreign policy. As Nafziger (1995) states, “Foreign sports policy must comply with international
law, including that governing nation groups such as the Commonwealth of Nations…. The Olympic
Charter best evidences international custom pertaining to sports competition, Olympic or not.
The Rules of the Charter are administered by a ‘supreme authority,’ the International Olympic
Committee (IOC). The IOC is a corporate body having juridical status and perpetual succes-
sion…. Although the IOC is a nongovernmental organization that cannot in itself compel state
obedience, its rules best evidence current international practice and therefore have legal signifi-
cance” (241). Thus, it is important for competing nations to understand international rules of the
game and the legal authority of governing bodies. Developing coherent sports policy is an impor-
tant and necessary function of government. Developing a suitable international sport policy assures
that all participants, including the individual athletes as well as the governments of competing
nations, fully understand the rules on and off the field.
Once an international sport policy is established, governments are ready for international
sport participation, and there are a variety of political uses of international sport competitions.
Political Uses of International Sports Competition

Ever since the reintroduction of the modern Olympic Games, the importance of international
sport competition has increased tremendously. Nafziger and Strenk (1978) argue that there are
six political uses of international sports competition: international cooperation, national ideology
and propaganda, official prestige, diplomatic nonrecognition (and recognition), protest, and
conflict. Of these categories of political uses of international sport competition, “only diplomatic
nonrecognition and conflict are improper official uses of sports competition according to inter-
national law, although variations on the other uses may constitute unfriendly acts. Within
this margin of discretion, it is necessary for governments to clarify their objects” (Nafziger 1995:
239).
1. International cooperation. Ideally, sports foster cooperation and fair play between competi-
tors. Nations that participate in international sporting competitions have, more or less, agreed
to abide by international law. International sporting events provide a playing field where all par-
ticipants play by the same rules that are, ideally, enforced fairly. The Goodwill Games were cre-
ated by Ted Turner in response to the overly political Olympic Games. These Games were
designed during the Cold War to promote friendly athletic competitions between nations that
would be free from political problems that consume the Olympics. The first Goodwill Games
were held in Seattle in 1990. According to the Goodwill Games home page (www.goodwill-
games.com) the Games have discontinued after 16 years of existence, which included five Sum-
mer and one Winter Goodwill Games that included nearly 20,000 participants from over 100
countries. With the end of the Cold War, the need for such a competition has ceased to be,
although the growing world tensions in other arenas might lead Turner to re-establish them in
the future.
Sporting venues also create opportunities for political diplomats to find a “common ground”
that exists between them. For example, in 1999, following the World Cup championship match
between the United States’ and China’s women’s soccer teams, political diplomats from the two
countries met in an attempt to ease tensions. As Sly (1999) stated, “Soccer diplomacy has scored
its first victory, succeeding where regular diplomacy failed in easing friction between China and
the United States. After a two-month freeze, China is signaling its willingness to soften its
stance toward the United States, citing ‘good sportsmanship’ that the U.S. and Chinese teams
displayed during their encounter in the women’s World Cup final” (p. A-3). Tensions between
China and the U.S. were very high in 1999, especially in light of the changing status of Taiwan,
which was reluctant to relinquish independence status to China and received the support of the
U.S. in its quest for independence. “But the soccer match had already helped break the ice,
injecting a spirit of sporting competitiveness into a relationship that had seemed at times hover-
ing dangerously on the brink of outright animosity” (Sly 1999: A-3). Decades earlier, the
United States and China used “ping pong” diplomacy as a means to open communications
between the two polarized nations. Ping pong diplomacy is a phrase coined during the Nixon
Administration to describe the use of sports as a means of bridging the political gap between
the U.S. and the People’s Republic of China. Americans and Chinese would later compete in
other sports such as basketball, track and field, volleyball, and swimming, all the while increas-
ing various cultural exchanges. Today, China and the U.S. are more active in trade than ever before.
2. National Ideology and Propaganda. Most nations attempt to use sports as a propaganda tool.
Governments hope to showcase their athletes’ triumphs as examples of national ideological
superiority. Before the Soviet Union and East Germany attempted to demonstrate their per-
ceived political ideological superiority via sport, Adolf Hitler had attempted to do the same
thing during the 1936 Berlin Olympics. The IOC had awarded the Games to Berlin while the
democratic Weimar Republic still existed. It was thought that this would be a way to demon-
strate Germany’s full integration back into the good graces of the world after the horrors of the
First World War. Months later, however, Hitler’s Nazi regime gained control of Germany.
Hitler wanted Germany to host the Olympics so that he could showcase German athletes and
glorify Nazism. Nazi political symbols entrenched the Games. For example, as the torchbearer
brought the Olympic torch into the German stadium that served as host of the introductory
ceremonies, Nazi banners were draped in a highly visible manner throughout the stadium. As
described in Chapter 11, athletes such as American Jesse Owens crushed Hitler’s delusional
vision of German superior race.
Today, the world’s elite nations, including the United States, continue to use international
sporting events as an opportunity to showcase their athletic prowess as a sign of political ideo-
logical superiority. Tracking medal counts are important for nations that seek to showcase their
political ideology as superior to others. The staggered stage set (gold medal winners are ele-
vated above silver medal winners who are elevated over bronze medal winners) used to award
medals to champions also reflects a power status. There are critics of this Olympic tradition of
elevating gold winners over the others because they view such ceremony as elitist. These critics
would prefer a technique used in the Special Olympics where all participants are treated equally.
The idea of applying such an egalitarian format to international sporting events such as the
Olympics and World Cup is, obviously, not at all popular with the masses, who believe winners
should acknowledged for all their hard work.
3. Official Prestige. Concepts related to official prestige include a national identity and self-
image. International sporting events provide a golden opportunity for nations of the world to
earn prestige and a positive self-image. Victories gained on the playing field provide an affirma-
tive national identity. Emerging nations are afforded an opportunity to create an image for
themselves via international sporting events. Nations often use the sports world as a means of
developing a national identity because it is easier to develop talents of athletes than it is to
locate other precious commodities (e.g., oil, gold, diamonds, etc.). Nigeria and Kenya, for exam-
ple, have found it easier to develop prestige via their reputation as nations with great distance
runners than by developing a strong international banking economy or space program. Each
nation must learn to adapt to the level of natural resources and level of technology it possesses.
In addition, by encouraging the talents of local athletes, nations can give a sense of hope to
individuals who might otherwise despair of or even rebel against the government. And the
identification certain countries, such as Brazil and Argentina, have with World Cup victories
bolsters the esteem of their citizens.
4. Diplomatic Recognition and Nonrecognition. When a nation is allowed to compete in interna-
tional sporting events, it becomes symbolic of political recognition. This often occurs during
various Olympic Games. For example, Bosnia and Herzegovina (a former republic of
Yugoslavia) was allowed to use its own national flag and anthem in the 1992 Barcelona
Olympics. Bosnia and Herzegovina was among several small nations that emerged from the
break-up of Yugoslavia, a heterogeneous country that was created after World War I by the vic-
torious Western Allies. (Before Yugoslavia was ravaged by war during the 1990s, Sarajevo had
played host to the 1984 Winter Olympic Games.) When a new nation sends its athletes to an
international sporting event, it represents an innocent way to institute official contact. Thus,
sports help to serve as a transitional step in the official diplomatic recognition of new govern-
ments. However, recognition can be denied a nation when other countries refuse to compete
against it in sport. The former East Germany gained its official recognition via international
sporting contests, thus separating itself from West Germany. The former South African govern-
ment that employed a social system of apartheid (separation of races) felt the brunt of interna-
tional nonrecognition in the sporting world, as most nations refused to compete with them on
the playing fields. This former elite sporting nation suffered tremendously because of this non-
recognition. The racist South African government eventually collapsed.
5. Protests. The international sporting environment provides a major venue for protesting per-
ceived social injustices. Social protests can occur at two levels: the individual or small group and
the national or multi-national level. At any time, any number of athletes may attempt to stage a
political protest during an international sporting event. If this individualistic act of protest is
deemed unacceptable by the nation represented by the protestor(s), the athlete(s) risks great
condemnation both nationally and internationally. On the other hand, the protesting athlete
may actually gain sympathy through his or her public display of discontent. Perhaps the most
famous protest conducted by American athletes during an international sporting event was
exhibited by Tommie Smith and John Carlos, who gave black-power salutes during the medal
ceremonies for the 200-meter race (Smith finished first and Carlos third) in the 1968 Mexico
City Olympics. Smith and Carlos each raised one black-gloved hand during the playing of the
national anthem. They were subsequently banned for life from all Olympic competition and
ordered to leave Mexico. Of note, Harry Edwards, the sociologist who coined the term “sport
sociology” (see Chapter 1), who was friends with the two athletes, had been the one who sug-
gested the protest gesture to them. The protest perpetrated by Smith and Carlos was designed
to send a global message about their feelings that the American society was racist. The majority
of Americans were outraged by this public display meant to dishonor the United States. On the
other hand, a number of people view the political gesture made by Smith and Carlos as a heroic
stand against injustice.
Diego Maradona, a former Argentine soccer star, is involved in political protests in
Argentina. In 2005, Maradona joined a huge protest rally in Mar Del Plata staged by demon-
strators who were angry at President George W. Bush and his policies regarding free trade.
Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, a highly outspoken critic of Bush, was also at the protest
with Maradona. Argentine President Nestor Kirchner, Maradona, Chavez and other Iberian
political leaders were upset with the continuing U.S. government policy that they believe has led
to numerous social problems, including poverty and misery throughout South America.
Maradona used his weekly television show to combine his politics with sports analysis and
remains hugely popular in Argentina.
A number of Cuban protestors took advantage of the international stage provided by Cuba’s
participation in the World Baseball Classic. There are millions of Cuban-Americans in the
United States. Many of these people were unsure whether to cheer for Cuba in the WBC. On
the one hand, Cubans felt compelled to cheer for their ancestral home nation. However, as one
Cuban American stated, “If Cuba wins, Fidel wins” (Wides-Munoz 2006: D-1). A few highly
publicized protests directed toward Castro were evident during Cuba’s WBC games. During a
March 13, 2006, game in San Juan, Puerto Rico, fans wore t-shirts that spelled out, “ABAJO
FIDEL”—“Down with Fidel.” An airplane with the same message flew over the stadium during
the Cuba-Dominican Republic game, won by the Dominican Republic. This form of protesting
was illegal, as the WBC organizers had banned signs with political messages to comply with an
agreement made with Cuba. A number of counter-protestors chanted “Fuera!”—“take them
out!”—as police intervened with the anti–Castro protestors.
Cuban officials were so upset with anti–Castro signs they refused to attend the news confer-
ence following the game for the second time in the tournament (protestors appeared in an ear-
lier round game involving Cuba and the Netherlands). Cuban organizers had threatened to
withdraw from the tournament after the March 9 game versus the Dutch, claiming there was a
lack of security and respect for the Cubans. A Castro-led Cuban government will always gener-
ate protestors and counter protestors. An international sporting event provides both an oppor-
tunity to voice their grievances.
Individuals and groups may lead protests. However, protests at the national level also may
occur. Protests at the national level generally involve a nation, or a number of nations, who
engage in a boycott. The boycott is a type of sanction (punishment) directed toward the gov-
ernmental policies of another nation(s). South Africa fell victim to an international sports boy-
cott because of its repressive government. South Africa instituted its system of apartheid in
1948. The movement toward isolating (punishing) South Africa from the international sporting
world began in 1964 when it was banned from the Tokyo Olympics. In 1970, the International
Olympic Committee issued a permanent ban against South Africa, forbidding it from future
Olympic competition until it ended its system of separation.
A number of significant boycotts have occurred throughout the history of the Modern
Olympic Games; they will be discussed later in this chapter.
6. Conflict. The sports world mirrors the greater society, one that is filled with conflict and war.
As explained in Chapter 9, conflict and violence are a part of sports; the international sporting
arena is no different. Sport competition itself may lead to conflict and violence; for example,
when athletes tangle in the “heat of the moment.” This type of conflict and violence is gener-
ally short-lived and isolated. Conflict that started on the playing field sometimes spills over
outside the sports arena. For example, in one rare case, a war broke out because of the events
that took place on the playing field of an international sporting contest. In 1969, a best-of-three
World Cup qualifier game between El Salvador and Honduras sparked an incident known as
“The Soccer War.” The intense rivalry between these two nations peaked when El Salvador won
the best-of-three match, causing hostility. The borders between the two nations were closed. Six
thousand people died and millions of dollars in damage occurred during the short war that fol-
lowed. Clearly, these two rival nations had political conflicts (e.g., a long-standing dispute over
the exact location of a border and the huge numbers of Salvadorans who had migrated into
Honduras) prior to this short-lived war (four days), but the spectator violence that took place
during the qualifying matches was enough to upset both nations to the point of war.
Conflict and violence directed at international sport participants may come from the outside and
impose themselves upon the sports world. For example, in 1972, the Black September Movement
(BSM) used the 1972 Munich Games to stage a violent conflict aimed at Israeli athletes. The BSM
wanted to promote the recognition of Palestine and demonstrate its disdain toward Israel. The
Palestinian terrorists broke into the Olympic Village and took Israeli athletes and coaches hostage.
All hostages were eventually killed. The 2005 movie Munich recounts the tragic moments of
this massacre and the subsequent hunting down of the terrorists by Israeli military personnel.
In Chapter 9, we discussed the “Drone Brawl,” a reference to a brawl on the pitch involving
Serbian and Albanian players and spectators. This brawl took place during the October 2014
European qualifying soccer match held in Belgrade. Serbians and Albanians, like many ethnic
groups from the Balkans, have been fighting each other for centuries. During the 42nd minute
of the match, a mini-drone flew over the stadium while carrying a flag depicting “Greater Alba-
nia” (CNN.com 2014). A Serbian player, Stefan Mitrovic, ripped the flag down, and that pro-
voked the Albanian players. A fight between the players preceded a brawl between fans and
players alike. But this incident was about much more than just soccer; it was a political state-
ment by pro–Albanians at the Serbian expense. The “Greater Albanian” flag refers to the notion
that any geographical area with ethnic Albanians should be under the same rule. “The word
‘Autochthonous,’ which refers to an indigenous inhabitant of a place, was emblazoned at the
bottom of the flag and is considered an offense to Serbians” (CNN.com 2014). “The two fig-
ures on the ethnic Albanian flag were Isa Boljetini, an Albanian nationalist who led uprisings
against the Serbs and Ottomans in 1912 and 1913 while the other, Ismail Qemali, is considered
to be the founder of the modern Albanian state, which became independent in 1912”
(CNN.com 2014). In 1999, NATO launched a war against Serbia to stop it from trying to com-
mit genocide against ethnic Albanians in Kosovo; the war lasted 78 days. Kosovo’s independ-
ence is recognized by many countries including the United States, United Kingdom, Germany
and France, but not by Serbia. Kosovo is not recognized as a state by the United Nations and, as
such, it is not allowed to join FIFA or UEFA for international competitions (CNN.com 2014).
(Note: That Kosovo is not recognized as a state is also relevant to topic #4 discussed above.) In
a political move on the part of Serbia, “the brother of Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama was
arrested in Serbia … following the brawl.… [He] was held briefly before being released at the
instance of Serbian Prime Minister Aleksandar Vucic, then put on a plane home, Vucic’s office
said” (CNN.com 2014).
The Modern Olympics:

The Ultimate International Sports Stage
The Modern Olympic Games, although often claiming a sense of idealism, have fallen far
short of such lofty principles. When Baron Pierre de Coubertin, a French nobleman, attempted
to establish the Modern Games, his intention was not solely to encourage the valued principles of
sportsmanship and fair competitive games. Rather, it was the sad performance of French soldiers
in the 1870–71 Franco-Prussian War that prompted de Coubertin’s belief that France’s military
prowess could be re-established by means of a national fitness and sports program. Born in Paris
on January 1, 1863, de Coubertin was just a child when France suffered its humiliating defeat at
the hands of the Prussians at Sedan in 1870 (Guttmann 1992).
De Coubertin believed that a national physical education program was the best means of
“restoring the vigor of French youth and grandeur of France” (Senn 1999: 2). He came to this
conclusion because “he had been taken with the character-building claims of the game-playing
curriculum of the upper-class-male British public schools…. He proposed that sport be extended
to all in what he called a ‘democracy of youth’” (Kidd 1995: 233). De Coubertin faced far more
obstacles getting his Olympic dream started than he did in establishing physical education programs
for French youth. De Coubertin was confronted by political intrigues, antagonisms, and conflicts.
Convincing athletes from different nations, such as Germany and France, to compete together
under unified rules was another major challenge confronting the Baron. From the very first modern
Olympic Games, held in Athens in 1896, de Coubertin realized that the Olympics would always
be consumed by political interference. In 1908 he concluded, “The Games have become an affair
of state” (Senn 1999: 2). Senn (1999) states that early Games “had become a focal point of state
policies and national ambitions. Ultimately, participation in the Games became a public affirmation
of international recognition, and the possibility that some governments might even object to
Games’ practices arose, as the Russians did to the flying of the Finnish flag at the London Games
of 1908…. The Olympic Games has seemed at times something like a disabled boat adrift in stormy
international waters” (2). Competing nations in the early Modern Games argued over what sports
should be played, an argument that continues today. “The American sport czar James E. Sullivan,
for example, argued that track and field constituted the most important sports and that most of
those other types of competition should be excluded. Coubertin vigorously rejected this thought,
insisting the Games should consist of many different types of competition” (Senn 1999: 3).
Sullivan wanted track and field as the centerpiece of the Olympics because the United States
dominated in those sports. American journalists documented every early success of American ath-
letes, proclaiming such international victories as evidence of the superiority of the United States’
social system (Riess 1995). The 1904 St. Louis Games were completely dominated by American
athletes; however, it should be pointed out that 432 of the 554 competitors were from the USA.
The U.S. won seventy of 74 track and field medals, twenty-nine of 30 in rowing, and all the medals
in boxing, cycling, wrestling, and women’s archery (Riess 1995). Nationalism was in full display
by the 1908 Olympics. “Four years later at the 1908 London games, where national teams were
employed, chauvinism became a dominant factor. By mistake, the host nation failed to display the
American flag at the opening ceremonies. In response, several Americans carried their own U.S.
flags in the opening parade and were the only athletes who did not dip their flags in respect when
marching before King Edward VII. This gesture was seen as an affront to Great Britain, and British
judges seemed to retaliate by cheating American athletes” (Riess 1995: 28). Martin Sheridan, the
American standard-bearer of the U.S. flag, responded to King Edward and Great Britain’s perceived
slight by stating the American flag dips to no earthly king.
The ceremonial opening parade of athletes remains a hallmark of the Olympics. Athletes
march together by nation carrying their flags. This is a proud moment for the athletes and the
nations they represent. It often brings chills to participants and viewers alike. There are a few
detractors of this form of nationalism, but such critics should try explaining themselves to the
athletes who relish this opportunity to represent their nation. For example, tell the Palestinian
swimmers of the 2008 Olympics that athletes with national uniforms and flags marching during
the opening ceremonies is not a good idea. There is no Olympic-sized pool in the territories the
Palestinian athletes represent. Their training consisted of swimming in a 17-meter pool (Halpern
2008). Furthermore, there was no budget to help support the Palestinian athletes. In short, there
was little hope for these athletes to win medals in the 2008 Olympics—wearing their national uni-
forms and hoisting their flag during the opening ceremonies was their “gold medal.” Would you
take that opportunity away from them?
The great public exposure afforded by the Olympics all but guarantees political involvement
(Hill 1992). The modern Olympic Games have been plagued by political involvement and national
self-interest. U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt and the city of St. Louis are credited with injecting
politics into the modern games for the first time in 1904. Chicago was originally selected by the
International Olympic Committee to host the games. St. Louis was already planning to host its
Louisiana Purchase Exhibition World’s Fair the same year and organizers managed to get the IOC
to change its decision through pressure from Roosevelt (Los Angeles Times, 7/14/92). Politics have
continued to play a negative role in the Olympics.
Political Problems with the Modern Olympics

International sporting events are vulnerable to any number of political problems. Corruption,
political boycotts, drug scandals and economic issues are among the primary politically-charged
problems of the modern Olympic Games.
1. Corruption. The true level of corruption involved in the Olympics may never be known.
Corruption may involve crooked judges who are paid to give high scores to specific athletes and
low scores to his or her leading competitors and any number of other forms of illegal and
unethical behavior. Among the more common known forms of Olympic corruption involves
providing illegal payments and bribes to members of the International Olympic Committee
from delegates of potential host cities who try to influence members of the IOC to vote favor-
ably for their city. IOC President Juan Antonio Samaranch has admitted that it would be diffi-
cult for any city to secure the Games without some sort of “donation.” The donation of $25
million to an Olympic museum, among many other contributions, led to a favorable vote in
1991 for Nagano’s 1998 Winter Olympic Games (Theil 1999). The Japanese government
launched an investigation into the bidding activities that brought the Games to Nagano. In an
official report generated by the Nagano Prefecture Investigation Group (2005), it was revealed
that Japanese boosters lavished $24 million in cash gifts to members of the IOC in vying for
favorable selection. The Investigation Group found that “during the period of activities pro-
moting the bid for the Winter Olympics in Nagano, illegitimate and excessive levels of hospital-
ity were offered” (Nagano Prefecture Investigation Group 2005: 1). Many gifts to IOC members
were “hidden” as souvenir-related expenses—a type of general fund that usually involves discre-
tionary money. The large operating budgets of bidding cities provide a number of corruption
opportunities.
Thomas Welch, president of the Salt Lake City Olympic Bidding Committee for the 1998
Winter Games, learned of the “donation expectation” first-hand when, the night before the
1998 host city was announced, he was approached by IOC members who sought a cash payoff
in exchange for votes. When Welch refused, the IOC voted 46–42 in favor of Nagano just a
few hours later (Pound and Johnson 1999). Welch learned his lesson; if Salt Lake City wanted
to host the Games they were going to have to bribe some officials. Sure enough, Salt Lake City
was selected to host the 2002 Winter Games and subsequently found itself in the center of an
influence-buying and bribery scandal so serious that the very integrity of the Games is at ques-
tion (Allen 1999). Many examples of corruption (e.g., several IOC members accepted inappro-
priately large gifts in exchange for voting to hold the Games in Salt Lake City) were revealed
three years before the Games were held. Among the specific forms of corruption was a half-
million dollar scholarship fund for relatives of six IOC members (Buffalo News 12/13/98). In
all, millions of dollars in gifts, scholarships, cash and gratuities for IOC members and their rel-
atives were illegally provided as bribes to bring the Games to Salt Lake City. The fallout from
the various investigations into the scandal includes the resignations of Frank Joklik, president
of the Salt Lake City Organizing Committee, and Dave Johnson, vice president. Tom Welch
had resigned before the scandal broke due to personal issues. Welch and Johnson were indicted
in 2000 on 15 charges by a federal grand jury but in 2001 the charges were dropped
(Deseretnews.com 2001).
Allegations of corruption are common when representatives of bidding cities are willing to
lavish “expected” gifts to unscrupulous IOC members. Money and other gifts exchanged hands
during the bidding of the 2000 Sydney Summer Olympic Games that resulted in the resigna-
tion of at least one IOC member from Libya (CNN.com 1999). In short, there is a great deal of
corruption involved in the bidding for site locations.
Olympic-related corruption is not limited to the IOC, as host cities or nations may also be
involved in corruption. A Swiss member of the IOC said that roughly a third of the $55 billion
spent on the 2014 Sochi (Russia) Winter Olympics had disappeared due to corruption (Ernst
2014). Boris Nemtsov, former deputy prime minister of Russia, said that bribes and kickbacks
were common at Sochi and that he was trying to interest the IOC on that matter for quite a
while but to no avail. “Until now, there’s been no clear acknowledgement of the issue, even
though the facts are widely available. The attitude is that ‘all is well’ and if there’s any corrup-
tion it’s a problem for the host country and not the IOC” (Ernst 2014).
2. Boycotts. A number of private groups have boycotted the Olympic Games. For example,
European political leftists and socialist workers organizations protested the Olympics during
the 1920s and 1930s. The NAACP, Jewish organizations, and half of the American public
(according to a 1935 Gallop poll) protested American involvement in the 1936 Berlin Games
(Wilson 1994). However, when private groups and organizations attempt to disrupt the playing
of the Games, they are unsuccessful. Significant and influential boycotts of Olympic Games are
those perpetrated by a coalition of nations. For example, Israel was excluded from the 1948
Games because of an Arab-led threat of boycott. However, for the most part, before World War
II, there was little interest among the nations of the world to boycott the Games. This would
change in the 1950s. Olympic boycotts occurred in 1956 over the Soviet invasion of Hungary
and the British invasion of Egypt. A number of nations also boycotted the 1976 Montreal
Games because New Zealand was allowed to participate. (New Zealand was stigmatized at that
time because of its refusal to boycott South African sports.)
Guttmann (1992) claims that the “era of the boycott” began in the 1970s. A number of
nations sympathetic with the plight of Palestine boycotted the 1972 Games. As described ear-
lier in this chapter, a political boycott was not sufficient for the Black September Movement
(BSM). Twenty nations from Africa agreed to boycott the 1976 Montreal Games if New
Zealand was allowed to participate. The African nations were upset with New Zealand because
it allowed one of its rugby teams to play in South Africa, which was a violation of the interna-
tional boycott imposed on all South African sports. China not only threatened to boycott the
1976 Games if Taiwan was allowed to participate in Montreal, the Chinese government threat-
ened to renege on a trade agreement crucial to the Canadian economy. Taiwan enjoyed IOC
recognition and host Olympic nations must welcome athletes from any country in good stand-
ing. The IOC was eager to have mainland China participate in the Olympics and as a result
allowed them to participate. Nationalist China (Taiwan) was asked to participate under either a
Taiwan or IOC flag. It refused, and boycotted the 1976 Games.
The 1980s witnessed the biggest and most significant political boycotts of the Olympics. A
U.S.-led boycott of the 1980 Moscow Games was prompted by the 1979 Soviet invasion of
Afghanistan. This boycott, in turn, resulted in a Soviet Union led 15 nation boycott of the
1984 Los Angeles Games. President Jimmy Carter initially had a hard time convincing foreign
nations—let alone the United States Olympic Committee—to agree with his decision to boy-
cott the Moscow Games. The U.S. had alienated the African nations by not joining them in
their 1976 boycott and many European nations had questioned Carter’s reasoning and justifica-
tion for his political boycott of Moscow (Wilson 1994).
The Carter Administration’s demand for a boycott by the USOC of the Moscow Games was
based on what appeared to be unclear policy concerns. The Administration variously argued prin-
ciples of diplomatic protection of its nationals, deterrence and retribution. The President first jus-
tified the boycott on the grounds of a presumed danger to American athletes and spectators,
which was the rationale parroted by the Soviet Union to justify its boycott of the 1984 Games.
After having advanced this rationale for the compelled boycott, the White House later changed its
mind by asserting that the real reason for the boycott was to deter future aggression and to send
the Soviets ‘a signal of world outrage.’ [Nafziger 1995: 239].
In the end, the largest Olympic boycott ever—61 nations in all—responded to Carter’s
request that athletes stay home to protest the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Ironically,
decades later, the U.S. would invade Afghanistan although for entirely different reasons.
Despite the Soviet led boycott of the 1984 Summer Games, Los Angeles earned a record
$222 million-plus profit. (Peter Ueberroth, the organizer of the event, became famous for his
managerial skills, and was shortly thereafter appointed the commissioner of Major League Base-
ball, serving from 1984 to 1989.) Of note, Nationalist China competed as Taiwan and the Peo-
ple’s Republic of China competed as China. The 1988 Seoul Games enjoyed a near “normal”
participation rate among the nations of the world. South Africa was still banned from the
Games but only six invited countries (North Korea, Cuba, Ethiopia, Nicaragua, Albania, and
the Seychelles) refused to participate (Figler and Whitaker 1995). The “Era of the Boycott”
appears to have concluded. The 1992 Barcelona Games represents the first Olympiad since 1972
that no country boycotted. A record 169 nations took part in the opening 1992 parade. Partici-
pation rates continue to soar into the Third Millennium. Many human rights groups called for a
boycott—either by athletes or by world leaders attending the opening ceremonies—of the 2008
games in Beijing, in protest for China’s occupation of Tibet and alleged human rights violations
perpetrated on its inhabitants. In 2014, a number of individuals and political groups attempted
to organize a boycott, or at the very least, draw attention to socio-political issues of concern.
For example, the Circassians (an ethnic group from the North Caucasus, an area in southwest
Russia) demanded that the Games be moved unless Russia made a formal apology for the 19th
century Circassian genocide (Putin refuses to acknowledge their historical presence or any of
their grievances) (Smith and Balkiz 2014). LGBT groups wanted the Sochi Games boycotted
because of Russia’s anti–LGBT stance and their “gay propaganda” laws (Leslie and Tilley 2014).
Thus, while it may be true that the era of mass boycotts ended in 1992, it is highly unlikely that
there will never be individual athletes, political groups, or nations that will ignore the opportu-
nity to make an international political statement at the global level considering the interna-
tional platform the Olympics provide.
3. Drug Use and Drug Testing. Another problem facing the Olympics is one that exists at all lev-
els of sports, drugs and the subsequent drug testing policy. Just as illegal drug use and drug test-
ing is a major focus of governing bodies in American sports, so to is it a concern in the
Olympics. Decades ago, sports fans marveled at the accomplishments of East German athletes;
today, of course, we know the results are tainted because of illegal drug use. Athletes taking
performance enhancing drugs such as anabolic steroids predates the East Germans. Hoberman
(2005) explains that the doping of athletes “was evident long before the anabolic steroid epi-
demic began during the 1960s. As early as 1939, before doping was being recognized as a socie-
tal problem, a Danish exercise physiologist was reporting that the use of stimulants by athletes
was fueling ‘the record-breaking craze and the desire to satisfy an exacting public’” (216).
The problem of illegal drug use in the Olympics has “reached epidemic proportions,” accord-
ing to Hoberman (2005). “The widespread and often undetected use of potentially dangerous
synthetic hormones such as anabolic steroids, human growth hormone, and erythropoietin has
provided a crisis of confidence in the integrity of such Olympic sports as track and field, swim-
ming, cycling, and weightlifting. Hormone doping has made possible, or rendered suspect,
numerous world records” (Hoberman 2005: 239). The scandal of tainted drug records came to
the forefront with Canadian sprinter Ben Johnson’s positive drug test following his record-
setting performance (100 meters in 9.79 seconds) in the 1988 Seoul Games (Coe 1996).
Although Johnson was caught, it is generally believed that that “for every one of those few track
and field athletes who have been caught, we can only assume that there have been many dozens
who have carefully, secretly and systematically relied on drugs in some form or another to help
them towards a personal best, an international best, a place in the Olympic squad, an Olympic
medal” (Coe 1996: 112).
It is believed that many athletes get away with taking drugs because of ineffective drug test-
ing policies in sport (Voy 1991). As Hoberman (2005) explains:
The failure of national and international sports federations to control doping is primarily a politi-
cal, though it is conventionally misrepresented as being caused by the moral degeneracy of indi-
vidual athletes. Media reports of doping scandals invariably stress the ethical failures of athletes
and portray sports federations as beleaguered but honest regulators whose methods for detecting
drugs cannot match the scientific ingenuity of the cheaters and those who aid and abet them. But
the reality of doping is far more complicated…. The historical record shows that the minority of
sports officials who have been openly dedicated to the eradication of doping have been unable to
prevail against less-dedicated colleagues bent on tolerating or covering up the doping practices of
their athletes, coaches, and doctors [240].
The culture that accepts athletes taking drugs must be changed if effective drug enforcement
is to prevail. This culture includes the athletes, trainers, coaches, governments and fans of
sport. They must all agree that taking performance enhancing drugs not only risks the health of
the athletes but ultimately compromises their performance. During the 2002 Salt Lake City
Games a number of athletes tested positive for drugs, including medal winners (e.g., Spain’s
Johann Muehlegg and Russia’s Larissa Lazutina, who lost gold medals). Hoberman (2005) con-
cludes that a “drug-free” sport is an illusion. “This is especially true at the elite levels, where
athletes are subjected to constant physical and psychological stresses that are treated with
drugs…. Doping has also spread to recreational sport and even sport for the handicapped,
demonstrating once again how the modern fascination with performance extends far beyond
the exclusive ranks of elite performers” (275). The sobering outlook on drug use and the lack of
quality drug testing described by Hoberman implies that doping will remain a problem in the
Olympics.
While Hoberman may believe that doping will remain a problem in the Olympics, that has
not thwarted the IOC’s attempt to stamp out illegal drug use at the Games. At the 2014 Sochi
Games, the IOC and anti-doping officials implemented their “toughest drug-testing program in
Winter Games, using intelligence to target athletes and events considered most at risk”
(ESPN.com 2014f ). Athletes were required to take pre-competition tests with the results ana-
lyzed through “an improved scientific method that can detect drug use going back months
rather than days” (ESPN.com 2014f ). In addition, “‘urine and blood samples will be stored for 8
years for retroactive testing, providing further deterrence to anyone thinking they can avoid
being caught,’ IOC medical director Dr. Richard Budgett said” (ESPN.com 2014f ).
4. Economic Issues. Host countries compete with each other intensely in order to have the
Olympic Games held in one of their prominent cities. Partly this is done for prestige purposes,
due to the great attention the country will receive from the mass media during the events. But
the primary motivating factor seems to be the perceived economic benefits that will accrue
from tourists, commercialization, and other revenue-enhancing areas connected with the events.
Yet, with the noted exception of the 1984 Los Angeles Games, which were a great financial suc-
cess, it is debatable just how positive the economic impact has been on the host cities. Most
cities have claimed to have ended up losing money, although it is often said that the long-term
benefits of adding new stadiums and other facilities more than makes up for any initial financial
loss. Still, as Helen Jefferson Lenskyj (2000) points out, this too is debatable:
Evidence from three decades of Olympic industry disasters has demonstrated what is arguably the
most serious and sinister implication for citizens living in Olympic cities and states: the threat of
disenfranchisement. The generally negative social, economic, and environmental impacts of hall-
mark events, as well as the documented concerns and experiences of anti–Olympic and Olympic
watchdog groups on four continents, provide irrefutable evidence that Olympic bids and prepara-
tions exacerbate the problems of already disadvantaged populations. While some of the promised
economic boosts may eventuate, there is little evidence that the people “at the bottom of the food
chain” will reap any benefits. A beautified, gentrified city with state-of-the-art professional sports
facilities has no value to men, women, and children whose basic human needs are not being met
[192–193].
To illustrate the concern some potential host cities have about ending up losing money we
can look at the U.S. Olympic Committee (USOC) and its attempt to land the 2024 Summer
Olympics. In December 2014, the USOC announced that they would put in a bid to the IOC to
host the Games while deciding later which of four USOC nominated cities would serve as host:
Boston, Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Washington. The formal application to the IOC was not
due until September 2015 with the IOC announcing the winner at their September 2017 annual
meeting in Lima, Peru (Hersh 2014). Boston Mayor Marty Walsh, concerned about the economic
costs of being a host city, told The Associated Press (2014a), “We’re not going to leave a bill for
future generations” (B3). A Boston protest group called “No Boston Olympics” is against the idea
of Boston hosting the Games, claiming that there is “tepid support” among residents (The Asso-
ciated Press 2014a). The group is also against the secretive selection process of the USOC and as
a sign of protest “unfurled a banner” outside the Redwood City, California, meeting place (The
Associated Press 2014a). Chris Dempsey, co-chair of the No Boston Olympics said, “It’s unfortunate
that it’s yet another closed-door meeting where decisions are being made and promises are being
made without any public input. It’s sad that the boosters can find time to host the USOC and have
a fancy lunch but not hold a public meeting to get public input” (Wilbur 2014).
Aware of the growing economic costs involved with hosting an Olympiad, the IOC
announced in December 2014 a wide-ranging reform package that would include a more affordable
bidding process and allow a host nation to use facilities in multiple cities, including cities outside
of its borders, in an effort to reduce hosting costs. In an effort to appease demands from repre-
sentatives of multiple sports excluded from the Games, the IOC also announced that it would
abolish the cap of 28 sports for Summer Games and move to an “events-based” system that would
allow new competitions to ensue (this is expected to help proponents of baseball and softball who
complained the loudest for inclusion) (The Post-Standard 12/9/14; Clifton 2014).
Idealistically, the Olympics are a symbol of cooperation among diverse nations. In reality, the
Olympics are ripe with political problems and issues. Promoting one’s ideology through international
sport dominance remains as a characteristic of the elite nations of the world. Hosting an Olympics
is usually associated with prestige but often brings with it debt, controversy and protests. If only
the Olympics were about the games (sports) that people play and not the politics of the Games.

Box 13: A New Jerusalem
As we have seen, the Modern Olympics were revived in the hopes that they would restore
good sportsmanship and encourage international cooperation. And yet, the behind-the-scenes
shenanigans involved with determining what cities will host the Summer and Winter Games have
politicized these events in often shameful ways.
One of the best films dealing with the Olympics and the ways in which they interact with
political, economic, and religious realities is 1981’s Chariots of Fire. Directed by Hugh Hudson,
it won the Academy Award for Best Picture that year. The title comes from 2 Kings 2:11 in the
Bible, in a stanza where the prophet Elijah is taken to heaven: “And it came to pass, as they still
went on, and talked, that, behold, there appeared a chariot of fire, and horses of fire, and parted
them both asunder, and Elijah went up by a whirlwind into heaven.” Powerful words, but what
does it have to do with the Olympic Games?
Plenty, it turns out. The movie depicts the heated rivalry between a team of British runners
who compete against each other in the 1924 Summer Olympics in Paris. World War I is still very
much in the living memories of the people of Europe, not least because so many wounded veterans
can be seen in every major city. The Olympics, it is hoped, can help to heal the wounds from that
awful war.
As in many sports movies, the intense preparations, and the grueling realities of the actual
races, are vividly depicted. But what gives the movie its heart is the personal story of two of the
runners, Eric Liddell (played by Ian Charleston), a devout Christian known as “the Flying Scots-
man” because of his athletic abilities, and Harold Abrahams (played by Ben Cross), an English
runner who was the brother of the Olympic long jumper Sydney Abrahams. The usual rivalries
between the Scots and the English were exacerbated in this case by the fact that Abrahams was
Jewish. Anti-Semitism was a powerful reality in 1920s Britain, and Abrahams—who came from a
poor family of Lithuanian immigrants—also had to battle against class prejudice as well.
While the lives of other British athletes are also dealt with in the film, it is the relationship
between Liddell and Abrahams that predominates. Liddell is convinced that his athletic abilities
are a gift from God, and intends to go to China as a missionary. When his sister criticizes him for
devoting himself to running rather than religion, he argues with her that that two are synonymous:
running is his way of showing the glory of God, and he declares that Jesus Christ is his personal
trainer. Needless to say, such beliefs are not agreeable to Abrahams, who is further annoyed when
Liddell beats him in a race. Further complications ensue when Liddell learns that the 100-meter
race at the Olympics will be held on a Sunday. As a dedicated Christian he refuses to race on the
Sabbath. Luckily, his teammate Lord Andrew Lindsey (based on the real Lord Burghley, who was
still alive when the film was made and refused to let his name be used in it) agrees to switch places
with him, allowing Liddell to run in the 400-meter race the following Thursday instead. Abrahams
went on to win the 100-meter, while Liddell—unexpectedly—won the 400-meter, breaking the
existing world record of 47.6 seconds.
Chariots of Fire is unusual for a sports film in its depiction of individuals devoted to their
religious beliefs. Liddell refuses to compromise his Christian tenets, even at the possible cost of
not being able to participate in the Olympics, whereas Abrahams makes it clear that, while not a
practicing believer in the Jewish faith, he will not compromise his Jewish identify, even when this
causes him to be discriminated against. The athletic talents of both individuals allow them, at
least to some extent, to gain the respect of those who otherwise would condemn them for their
religious identities, but the film does not whitewash the pervading lack of tolerance of the time
period. Ironically, while he was once president of the Jewish Athletic Association, Abrahams later
converted to Catholicism.
While the film doesn’t stint in showing the bitter personal realities and the political manip-
ulations that are so often identified with the Olympics, it is ultimately an inspirational film. For
the title has another meaning as well. In addition to the Biblical quotation, it is also a reference
to a famous poem by William Blake (1757–1827) which was itself adapted as a famous religious
hymn. Known as “Jerusalem,” it relates the myth that Jesus had visited England during the period
of time before he takes on his mission. In Blake’s version, the speaker desires to build a New
Jerusalem on English soil—
And did those feet in ancient time,
Walk upon England’s mountains green
And was the holy Lamb of God,
On England’s pleasant pastures seen
And did the Countenance Divine,
Shine forth upon our clouded hills?
And was Jerusalem builded here,
Among these dark Satanic Mills?
Bring me my Bow of burning gold;
Bring me my Arrows of desire:
Bring me my Spear: O clouds unfold:
Bring me my Chariot of fire!
I will not cease from Mental Fight,
Nor shall my sword sleep in my hand,
Till we have built Jerusalem,
In England’s green & pleasant Land.
—William Blake, Preface to “Milton: A Poem”
This is a theme central to both the dedicated Christian missionary zeal of Liddell and the
desire for religious equality and tolerance of the Jewish Abrahams: the desire to never rest until
a New Jerusalem is built. Sports at its best can help do so, and the ideals of the Olympic Games,
while battered, can still shine on.
Summary
Many of today’s elite athletes enjoy high social status, as they are wealthier than most people,
enjoy a high level of social prestige, and are provided with a forum in which they can express their
political views. Because of this they, along with owners whose social status is usually even more
powerful, can exert a great deal of influence on the political system.
The role of government and politics, at both the national and international levels, is an
important aspect of sport. They have shaped sports participation and sport acceptability standards.
Going back at least to the time of the ancient Olympic Games, political intrusions into the world
of sport have occurred for a variety of reasons.
Governments around the world use sports as a tool for promoting the interests of politicians.
Perhaps the most important role of the government is to assure the safety of its citizens, which
includes providing safe sporting environments, and monitoring rules and safety regulations. Gov-
ernments also have an interest in maintaining the physical fitness of their citizens, and sports par-
ticipation is an excellent way to encourage this. In addition, sports promote national prestige and
national identity.
Political leaders often identify themselves with athletes and sporting events. Some former
athletes have even become politicians themselves. At state and local levels, politicians from all
ranks of government turn to sporting contests as a way of increasing a positive identity within
the community. On the national and international levels, they often try to connect athletic victories
with their own governmental policies.
Sports provide mechanisms for integrating disparate groups within a society, by allowing
them to form national identities. Even with the increasing role of globalization and the spread of
international sport, nationalism remains an important issue.
Countries are often identified with specific sports: hockey in Canada, basketball and baseball
in the United States, soccer in Brazil and Argentina. Such sports can highlight cultural ideals, as
well as increase one’s national identity. They are often supported, either directly or indirectly, by
governmental subsidies.
Political issues can also intrude into the world of sports. Athletes can be co-opted into sup-
porting political policies or identifying themselves with specific political leaders. In some instances,
athletes themselves run for and obtain political offices.
Athletes, especially elite and/or outspoken ones, are regularly interviewed by the media on
topics beyond sports, including political issues. As described above, some athletes have such strong
political feelings about social issues that they run for political office following the conclusion of
their athletic careers. Other athletes express their political views, in the form of social protest,
while they are still actively playing sports and, as a result, put their careers at risk.
Many nations attempt to promote their socio-political ideology on the playing field. The
International Olympic Committee (IOC) is a nongovernmental organization which attempts to
develop a coherent sport policy internationally. Ideally, sports foster cooperation and fair play
between competitors. But national ideologies and propaganda techniques have sullied the sports
world, including the Olympic Games themselves. Economic and political corruption have often
been identified with the actions of the IOC, especially regarding which world cities are chosen to
host the Summer and Winter Olympics. The lofty principles of the modern Olympics often come
into conflict with the political realities of the competing nations.
Key Terms
Apartheid Government-sanctioned separation of races.
Authority According to George Homans, a person who has influence over other members of a
group. Authority is considered to be a type of legitimate power.
Boycott A form of collective action, in athletics involving withdrawal from participation,

intended to pressure the target group to change its position or behavior.
Government The political unit that exercises authority via laws and customs.
Ping Pong Diplomacy A phrase coined during the Nixon Administration to describe the use of
sports as a means of bridging the political gap between the U.S. and the People’s Republic of
China.
Politics According to Max Weber, the methods or tactics of government, or governing, of a
society, and the administration and control of its internal and external affairs.
Power According to Max Weber, the ability to exercise one’s will over others, despite their
resistance.
• Should the United States have stayed out of the 1980 Olympic Games? What arguments did
President Jimmy Carter give to justify his order? Was this fair to the athletes who had prepared
for four years or more to participate? Was the Soviet Union justified in keeping its teams out of
the 1984 Games in retaliation?
• All nations must be interested in the physical well-being of their citizens. Should sports par-
ticipation, particularly in the schools, be subsidized by government money? Why or why not?
• How do sports provide opportunities for promoting prestige among nations? Should citizens
identify with their nations’ sport teams during such international events as the Olympics or
World Cup?
• Why might an athlete be a viable candidate for political office? What abilities, demonstrated
on the playing field, might be applicable to holding a political position? What are some criti-
cisms that could be given for supporting athletes who run for office?
• Are the ideals of the Olympics too lofty? Or do they still basically serve the goals of their
initiators, who hoped to alleviate world tension and foster a sense of international cooperation?
• What are some of the reasons why choosing cities to host the Summer and Winter Olympics
often leads to controversy? Would you want your city to host such an event? Why or why not?
CHAPTER 14
Religion and Sport
The game is on the line as the home team lines up for a last second, game-winning field goal
attempt. The tension in the air is heightened when the visiting team calls a timeout in an attempt
to “freeze” (add pressure to) the kicker. Tens of thousands of spectators in the stadium and millions
of fans watching on television hope for the best. Many of these fans, assuming that a higher power
exists, offer up silent prayers to God for divine intervention. “Please, God, let the kicker make this
field goal,” pray the fans. Meanwhile, many of the opposing team’s fans are praying to God that
the kicker will miss the field goal. Whose prayers will God answer? Why do people think God
cares whether the field goal is good and one team wins, or whether the field goal is missed and the
other team wins? Why do people believe there is a God to pray to, for that matter? These are
among the questions that prevail in an examination of sport and religion.
In this chapter, the role of religion (including prayer) in sport is examined. We will examine
the social institution of religion, the relationship between sport and religion, the similarities and
differences between sport and religion, and the secularization of sport (including a look at sport
superstitions).
The Institution of Religion

Throughout humanity our species has struggled to survive among the bigger and much
stronger species that inhabit the earth. Humans learned to rely on cunning ingenuity and eventually
developed a superior intellect. This intellect allowed for the creation of tools that help the human
species rise to the top of the food chain. Along with an evolving intellect came a thirst for answers
to life’s dilemmas that seemed overwhelmingly complicated to the average person. Lacking scientific
knowledge, early humans developed crude, elementary forms of explanation. Humanity simply
personified the forces of nature, thus creating a universe of spirits that were held accountable as
explanations for natural phenomena (Prebish 1993). Along with totemism (discussed in Chapter
11) Animism was among the earliest forms of religion. “Animism maintains that everything has
two aspects, a physical manifestation and a spirit or soul. This duality enabled early humanity to
explain the difference between life and death, as well as the images present in dreams. The presence
in these spirits or anima suggested both a life after death and the existence of realms other than
the human” (Prebish 1993: 5). Over time, most religions shifted their belief systems from multiple
gods to the concept of one true God.
How do people learn about religion? Much in the same manner that they learn about sport;
that is, through the agents of socialization. Sport and religious participation are generally taught
in early life through exposure to the ideals of each institution from significant others. Through
participation individuals cultivate an increasingly more sophisticated level of understanding and
346
knowledge of religion, as they do sport. Most people who are introduced to sport or religion early
in life and had such ideals reinforced throughout childhood are likely to maintain their partici-
pation throughout their lifetimes. Prebish suggests, however, that people constantly seek more
knowledge about sports than they do about religion. “Unlike religion, though, the sport cycle
really does seem to be working. There are fewer and fewer adults who have not progressed beyond
a child-like understanding of an ever-increasing variety of sports” (Prebish 1993: xiv).
Defining Religion
Religion developed as a source of explanation for life’s uncertainties. Religious explanations
are not based on empirical science, but rather, a belief system. Science and religion are often at
odds because of this fundamental difference. Whereas people of science rely on empirical data
collection and analysis, religious adherents rely on faith and spiritual beliefs. A belief is a conviction
of certainty about specific matters even without evidence of its truth. Every religion is structured
on a system of beliefs. Religious beliefs are centered on an unquestioned conviction of ideals to
which members of a particular religion adhere. Fans of Notre Dame University believe that “God
made Notre Dame number one,” but they have no empirical “proof ” of this. Nonetheless, religious
adherents form a sense of community based on their beliefs and spirituality. With this in mind,
religion may be defined as a system of beliefs and ritualistic behaviors which unite a group of like-
minded people together into a social group who adhere to ideals of spirituality.
Sociological Perspectives on Religion

Social institutions of Western society are organized pragmatically, rationally, and ideally,
logically. Even so, religious ideals still dominate the lives of most people and as such, religion
remains an important institution in society. Sociologists study religion from a variety of perspec-
tives, so let’s take a quick look at three sociological perspectives on religion here—functionalism,
conflict and symbolic interactionism. Functionalists believe that religion remains a strong social
institution in society because it serves many functions. (An understanding of the functions of
religion will help the reader to better understand the similarities and differences between sport
and religion to be discussed later in this chapter.) A function is viewed as behavior that is a con-
tribution or service or serves a purpose to society. Functions of religion commonly cited among
sociologists include the following:
1. Religion Provides Order and Meaning to Life. Religion helps to provide structure and order in
the daily lives of adherents. It helps to explain and justify the role of individuals in the social
world in order to move onto the next life. Religion offers simple and reassuring explanations
about the meaning of life.
2. Psychological Support. A chief function of religion is providing for the psychic needs of its
followers, especially by providing emotional and spiritual support in times of crisis. With the
death of a loved one, many people find comfort within the religious community because of the
psychological support offered. Psychological support is also provided in happy times as well
(e.g., marriages, confirmations, baptisms, and so on).
3. Self Esteem and Identity. Another function of religion that helps individuals is the affirma-
tion of social status. Through religious membership, adherents enjoy a sense of belonging to a
community of like-minded people, which in turn upholds the positive aspects of religious iden-
tity. A positive identity is acquired primarily through social interaction with others. This posi-
tive sense of identity, in turn, increases self-esteem.
4. Social Solidarity and Integration. As religion continues to alter the identities of individuals, a
community of like-minded people forms. The integrative property of religion remains as one of
the primary functions of religion; after all, the word “religion” comes from the Latin word “reli-
gare,” meaning “to bind together.” Religion shapes the group into a common way of thinking
and adhering to common beliefs and values, where shared perspectives shape a “we” feeling (e.g.,
“we Baptists,” “we Catholics,” “we Hindus”).
5. Ceremonies of Status. Ritualistic behavior among group members reaffirms the social solidar-
ity between them. Ceremonies of status are a form of ritualistic behavior that represents the
passing from one level to the next. Baptisms, bar mitzvahs, confirmations, and other religious
ceremonies characterize major steps in development for the younger members of the religious
community. Such rituals indoctrinate the next generation into the mindset of the religious
group; they also reinforce the collective sentiments held by those with full status.
6. Social Control. All religions have a set of rules that adherents are expected to abide by. Reli-
gious tenets (e.g., the Ten Commandments, the Golden Rule, the Koranic rules) are designed to
keep believers in line with the norms, values, and beliefs of group. Most followers practice the
beliefs taught to them by religious leaders in their daily lives. In some societies, the social con-
trol power of religion is as important as (or the same thing as) the government. In Western soci-
eties, such as the United States, there is generally a separation of church and state principle that
allows civil law to supersede religious law in civil matters.
7. Provision of Holidays. While adherents are supposed to live a certain lifestyle at all times,
there are days of the week, month, or season that are reserved as special days, worth elevating to
high status. The provision of special holidays is a jolt of religious reality that interrupts the
daily, often mundane, life with a clear reminder that there is a greater purpose for living. The
world of sports has many parallels to the “functions approach” as sports provide meaning to
many people’s lives; psychological attachment does develop; one’s identity is attached to a
favorite team; cheering with fans of the same team is uplifting; ritualistic behaviors abound in
sport via routines and superstitions (to be discussed in greater detail later); sport participants
know they must behave in a certain manner or risk disqualification; and sports fans love “game
day” and the playoffs are all the more exciting because of it.
As we learned in Chapter 2, functionalism is based on the idea that there is a general consensus
in values and norms in society and that all people willingly integrate the prevailing sentiments
into their lives. Conflict theorists, however, believe that the prevailing norms and values of society’s
institutions, including religion, are forced upon the members of society that do not adhere to a
given religious belief system. When adherents from two different religions cannot get along, con-
flict may occur. If conflict escalates to violence or war, those in power will use force to bring people
under control. People intolerant of others’ religious beliefs tend to develop a “we” or “us” versus
“they” or “them” scenario. The “us” vs. “them” mentality is a cornerstone ideal of sports competition
for both participants and fans.
If you recall from Chapter 2, symbolic interactionism focuses on how people interact with
one another through the use of symbols. Religion is filled with symbolic behavior; in fact, it
is nearly dependent upon the use of symbols and rituals (Delaney 2012). The use of symbols is
just as obvious in the sports world. Plays are designed in diagram form with certain shapes (e.g.,
“X” and “O”) having symbolic meaning for offensive and defensive players and arrows are then
added to the diagram to illustrate the direction specific athletes are supposed to go. Athletes on
the playing field flash signs back and forth to each other more often than gang members on the
streets. The use of tracking baseball games in a program requires a symbolic language all to itself.
In short, religion and sport are both filled with symbolic forms of communications via signs,
gesturing and language. Elements of totemism come into play from the symbolic interactionist
approach as well as athletes are driven to “win a (championship) ring” or “win a trophy” not because
the ring or trophy itself has great meaning, but rather because it is symbolic of something cher-
ished.
This concludes our brief review of the functions of religion. Next, we shall examine the
overlap between the social institutions of religion and sport.
The Relationship Between Religion and Sport

Emile Durkheim argues that the relationship between sport and religion is sociological,
rather than psychological or biological. From a Durkheimian perspective, the relationship between
religion and sport represents the meeting of the sacred and the profane. Durkheim (1912) described
sacred items as those objects that we show reverence toward (e.g., a blessed rosary); they are set
aside from the everyday items. In contrast, profane items are the ordinary, everyday objects (e.g.,
computers, cell phones, DVDs). Durkheim viewed religion as a social phenomenon, rather that a
psychological one, because of its ritualistic behavior and use of symbols. As Birrell (1981) explains,
“The conceptual definition of ritual, and the related concept symbolic system, on which this dis-
cussion of sport is based, are most familiar from Durkheim’s The Elementary Forms of Religious
Life where he presented his thesis concerning religion as a social rather than psychological expe-
rience” (356).
Charles Prebish (1993) believes that the ritualistic behavior and use of symbolic language
found in sport today qualifies it as religion. Furthermore, because followers of sport treat it as
sacred, sport is religion. Harry Edwards (1973) claimed that if a universal popular religion exists
in the United States, it is found within the institution of sport. This religious experience in sport
is not confined to the actual participants (the players) but also extends to the fans. And, if sports
fans believe, and players view, a sport as a type of religion, then it, in fact, becomes a religion.
Most sport sociologists argue that sport is not a religion in the same manner that Methodism,
Presbyterianism, or Catholicism is a religion; rather, it is a secular or civil religion. Novak (1993)
explains, “Sports are religious in the sense that they are organized institutions, disciplines, and
liturgies; and also in the sense that they teach religious qualities of heart and soul. In particular,
they recreate symbols of cosmic struggle, in which human survival and moral courage are not
assured. To this extent, they are not mere games, diversions, pastimes. Their power to exhilarate
or depress is far greater than that. To say: ‘It was only a game’ is the psyche’s best defense against
the cosmic symbolic meaning of sports events” (153). To put it simply, sport can give meaning to
a person’s life, and for many it is the primary way they give importance to their own existence.
The relationship between religion and sport is also extended to the fact that both of these
social institutions have great meaning to the vast majority of people in the United States (as well
as around the world). (The authors first made this point at the beginning of Chapter 1.) Let’s take
a closer look at the number of adherents that both of these institutions have in order to quantify
the popularity of sports and religion. Research conducted by Hout, Fischer and Chaves (2013),
found that “twenty percent of American adults reported that they had no religious preference,
according to the 2012 General Social Survey (GSS), a nationally representative survey of American
adults.” This continues a trend of an increasing number of American adults disavowing a specific
religious affiliation that began in the 1950s but has accelerated since 1990 (Hout et al. 2013). In
1990, the religious unaffiliated population of the U.S. was 8 percent. Hout and associates make a
point of saying in their report that being “unaffiliated” is not the same thing as atheism as just 3
percent of Americans reported that they did not believe in God. Nonetheless, a 2012 Pew Report
indicates that two out of three Americans believe that religion is losing its influence in the U.S.
(Pew Research 2012).
While religion is trending downward, the number of Americans who report being sports
fans is increasing. In 2012, six in 10 Americans reported being sports fans; this is a dramatic increase
from 50 years earlier, when just 30 percent of Americans considered themselves sports fans (Beneke
and Remillard 2014). A comparison cannot be made between whether or not someone believes in
God, and yet still has no affiliation to a specific religion, and whether or not someone believes
sports exist even if they are not sports fans, as sports clearly exist. Still, there are more people who
claim a religious affiliation (80%) than claim to be a sports fan (60%), but the trending data indi-
cates that sports are growing in popularity while religion is losing some its popularity.
Similarities Between Sport and Religion

Harry Edwards (1973) argued that the universal “popular” religion of the United States is
sports. To be considered a religion, sport must possess a number of characteristics common to
religion. Edwards refers to thirteen essential features that sport shares with religion. Having
researched the numerous similarities between sport and religion, as cited by Edwards and other
sport sociologists, the authors have established a list of twenty similarities between these two pow-
erful social institutions.
1. Belief Systems. Edwards (1973) argues that both sport and religion have a body of formally
stated beliefs that are accepted on faith by a great number of adherents. Belief systems are centered
on a creed that followers abide by in varying degrees. Fans are told to have “faith” in their team,
especially in times of turmoil, much in the same manner that religious people are told to have faith
in times where they doubt their religion or “God’s plan.” The philosopher William James coined
the phrase “the will to believe” to express the view that sometimes believing that an event will
occur can actually help make it happen. This can be applied to both athletes and fans, who feel
that their strong dedication to winning might actually tip the scale and make victory occur.
2. True Believers. Neither sport nor religion can survive without followers, or true believers.
Both social institutions rely on converting new members into their belief systems. This is
accomplished through the socialization process (See Chapter 5). “True believers” are those who
so strongly support the religious or sport ideals that they defend such social institutions pas-
sionately. They are unyielding in their support.
3. Providing Testimony. Religion and sport both have their pundits who promote their respec-
tive social institutions. Sports fans everywhere love to proclaim, “We’re number one!” Religious
adherents also believe that their religion is “number one” as well.
4. Patriarchical Dominance. Both institutions have been, historically, dominated by men. The
passage of such legislation as Title IX and a greater acceptance of women in sport have lessened
the male dominance once found in sport. Many of the world’s major religions have failed to
embraced gender equity. In the Catholic Church, for example, women are not allowed to join
the ranks of priesthood. Muslim women are treated as a distant second-class citizen to the male
Muslim. Hindu and Islamic nations seldom have women athletes or women’s teams because
women are not allowed to expose any parts of their bodies in public. Such a practice is clearly
not conducive to gender equity. Both sport and religion have “ruling patriarchs”—males who
carry the most influence within their respective institutions. The ruling patriarchs are often
treated, and act, as saints or gods.
5. The Worship of Saints and Gods and Superstars. As described above, the institutions of sport
and religion have their saints and gods who personify the respective ideals of their institutions.
Sports fans often idolize and “worship” athletes as if they are gods, much in the same manner
religious adherents blindly revere and adore a variety of religious leaders. The various sports
halls of fame are especially symbolic of the level of worship bestowed upon athletes by sports
fans. Further, sport fans demonstrate their commitment to their earthly gods (superstars) by
regularly reading the sports pages for more information about their heroes and by collecting
various sports memorabilia (e.g., autographed baseballs and other items and a wide variety of
sport-related souvenirs) which are symbols of their faith in their gods. Religious adherents
often have various religious items (e.g., crucifixes, holy books in their homes) that they also pay
homage. Both institutions also have their “martyrs.” With sport, Notre Dame football great
George “the Gipper” Gipp, Yankee baseball legend Lou Gehrig, and Pat Tillman (see Chapter 4)
might be considered in this category.
6. High Councils. Religion and sport are both consumed with rules and expectations of proper
behavior. Rules are designed to maintain consistency within a group or society. Often, these
rules contain moral and ethical undertones. As a result of rules and the need to enforce the
rules, both social institutions have ruling councils that create, maintain, and interpret their
respective rules. The Catholic Church, for example, requires that its priests remain celibate in
order to preserve their purity and closeness with God. The hierarchy established in the Church
will enforce such rules. In sport, such councils include the NCAA, USOC, and the various rul-
ing professional sport league offices.
7. Scribes. Another commonality between sport and religion is the reliance on scribes to main-
tain the history of their social institutions and promote public awareness regarding the ongo-
ing, daily events of the tradition. Scribes are clearly more visible in sports than in religion as
traditional and social media coverage of sports and sporting events is a 24–7 proposition.
8. Seekers of the Kingdom. Both sports and religion have hard-core, diehard followers who
believe so strongly in the tenets they have been taught that they take the teachings literally and
are willing to do anything to reach the “promised land.” For the religious person, the “kingdom”
may be Heaven or a higher reincarnated life form. In sport, the “kingdom” is the sporting event
itself, especially when the game is played in a revered stadium or arena—and this scenario is
true for both the athlete and the fan.
9. Psychological Support. As mentioned earlier in this chapter, one of the primary functions of
religion is to provide psychological support to its adherents, especially in time of emotional cri-
sis (as well as during happy occasions). Athletes and coaches are capable of providing psycho-
logical support to one another as well. Coaches (especially at the nonprofessional level) often
console athletes after an individual failure or team loss. Teammates, also, generally support one
another in time of crisis. In addition, coaches and teammates are there to celebrate victories
with one another as well.
10. Pilgrimages to a Shrine. Diehard religious adherents and sports fans must have a destina-
tion, a promised land, to guide their paths through life. Depending on one’s religion, hearing
Mass at the Vatican, or saying prayers at Mecca, represent ideal destinations. In sport, the vari-
ous halls of fame may be viewed as shrines honoring heroic figures accompanied by tales of
greatness. Attending major sporting events and beloved stadiums are also viewed as shrines. The
1989 film Field of Dreams, with its mantra “If you build it, he will come,” ably captures this
mystical aspect.
11. Buildings for Events. Believers and followers of sport and religion generally have a place,
sacred ground, where they meet to worship as a group. It is true that religious believers and
sport followers can both practice their religion at home, but most will commune with others.
Thus, both religion and sport provide physical locations which may qualify as “shrines” for peo-
ple to worship collectively. All societies provide buildings (e.g., churches, synagogues, and
mosques) for followers to worship and pay homage to their saints and gods. The parallel
between sport and religion is obvious in this regard, as most towns and cities in the nation have
a ballfield, high school stadium, and perhaps a university or major league stadium.
12. Use of Symbols. People communicate symbolically. Symbols are objects, ideas, and actions
that possess meaning for those who adhere to such beliefs. Both religion and sport employ the
use of symbols that possess a shared meaning for participants. Religion has such symbols as the
Cross, the Star of David, the Rosary, and the Mezuzah, and sport has such symbols as champi-
onship trophies and rings, medallions, and ribbons. The Olympic torch as a symbol of pure,
undying sportsmanship is another such example.
13. Written Dramas. In an effort to keep the attention of their followers, both religion and
sport have created dramas to captivate adherents. Religion relies on prayer books as a means to
keep followers interested in their teachings as well as provide guidelines for “proper” behavior.
The sports world has playbooks and training manuals for athletes and media guides and pro-
grams for sport fans.
14. Scheduled Events. The primary reason for scheduled events is to keep followers in a routine
of ritual. Religious people are expected to attend services on a regular basis; consequently, religious
A religious mural on the side of the Library Building at the University of Notre Dame that overlooks
the football field is affectionately nicknamed “Touchdown Jesus” because Jesus appears to be signaling
“touchdown.”
leaders designate specific days and times for adherence to such services. The sports world heav-
ily promotes its schedule and has the assistance of the media. Cipriani (2012) refers to these
scheduled celebrated days as “feast days.”
15. Special Days. The routine can become boring, even to the strictest adherent to sports or
religion. As a result, both the sport and religion create a number of “special” days to stimulate
and excite followers. Religion promotes these special days (e.g., Easter, Passover, Christmas, and
Hanukkah) as a time to re-commit to religious ideals and tenets. The sports world usually pro-
motes special days at the conclusion of each season. Thus, the World Series (which follows the
end of the regular and playoff season in MLB); the Super Bowl (which crowns the NFL cham-
pion); “March Madness” (the NCAA men’s basketball championship single-game elimination
series); and the World Cup are viewed as pinnacle days in sports.
16. Collective Emotions. Religious followers who share the same belief and come together in the
form of a religious community often share collective emotions through ritualistic behaviors.
The collective emotions shared by sports fans are especially obvious as they outwardly display
their emotions: happiness and elation following a victory and sadness and despair following a
loss. Both religion and sport allow men, in particular, the rare opportunity to cry in public and
generally express their deepest emotions in an unabashed way.
17. Ritualistic Behavior. “Both sport and religion employ intricate rituals which attempt to
place events in traditional and orderly view” (Slusher 1993: 173). Religious services include a
large number of ritualistic behaviors. Catholics, for example, make the sign of the cross after
placing their index finger in a bowl of holy water upon entering the church. They kneel, sit,
stand, and repeat. They shake hands with one another and receive communion. In religion, cer-
emonies and rituals are practiced to give order to man’s existence (Slusher 1993). The sports
world is also filled with ritualistic behavior; although such behavior is often tied to supersti-
tions. Chandler (1992) argues that “many rituals in sport are designed simply to assert superior-
ity…. These rituals of superiority are worldwide…. These rituals of dominance simply
underscore the sporting competitor’s objective: to win.” (58). (We will discuss the role of ritual-
istic, superstitious behavior in sport later in this chapter.) Ritualistic behaviors are used to galva-
nize a community of adherents around a set of values (Hoffman 1992).
18. Competitive Nature. Both sports and religion are in competition with challenges within
their respective social institutions from competing elements. Each religion seeks to convert as
many followers as possible in an attempt to outnumber its “enemies.” Religions, by their very
design, are unique and different, and each one believes it is “right” and therefore, by default, the
others are “wrong.” Consequently, each religion is in competition with the others. The sports
world is a “battlefield” of competition. Once again, by design, sports has as its primary goal for
one athlete or team to demonstrate its superiority over competitors.
19. Prayer. Religious leaders and adherents, athletes, and sports fans utilize prayer as a means of
attaining a favorable outcome. Although prayer in the religious world is generally thought of as
within the sacred realm and prayer in the sports world as profane, there remains a common
thread between the two. In all cases, those who rely on prayer are hoping for “divine” interven-
tion. They have lost “faith” in human ability and have searched for unearthly assistance. The
role of prayer in sport will be discussed later in this chapter.
20. Sense of Identity. Sport, as religion, helps to provide individuals with a sense of identity
and self-esteem by creating a sense of belonging and providing meaning to life. Both sport and
religion provide opportunities to reaffirm social solidarity through the creation of a bond
among members, thus forming a sense of community. Bonding leads to feelings of identity, loy-
alty, commitment, and self-esteem.
Clearly, there are many similarities between sport and religion. In fact, it is difficult to argue
with those who claim sport is religion; or at the very least, a quasi-religion. There are, however, a
number of significant differences between sport and religion as well.
Differences Between Sport and Religion

The differences between sport and religion are highlighted by the fact that sport is centered
on the profane, everyday, tangible world, whereas religion is centered on the sacred, spiritual world.
The major distinctions between sport and religion are listed below.
1. Sports Are Real and Religion Is Spiritual. Although sports fans express “faith” in their team,
this is not the same thing as religious faith. Religious adherents pay homage to a “sacred” world
that is not visible and that is promoted by people who cannot show empirical proof of their
spiritual claims. Sports, on the other hand, are real, tangible, and visible. Sports fans and ath-
letes need no other verification of the validity of sport than simply to observe the phenomena
before their very eyes. Sports fans must have “faith” that their team or favorite athlete will pre-
vail, but no such faith is necessary to verify its existence. Religious adherents are told to have
faith in an entity unseen and unverifiable. Religious beliefs are based on a leap of faith. Sports
fans keep tangible records and hope for victories in this world rather than the world to come.
2. Sports Are a Part of the Here and Now. Related to the first difference between sport and religion,
sports are not only “real,” they are a part of the here and now. The world of sport provides us with
concrete time and space situations bound by the laws of nature. Time and space constraints also
mean that sport is a human event that rests within humans (Slusher 1993). The religious realm
transcends time and space; it speaks of an afterlife, a world outside of human confines.
3. Sports Are Materialistically Driven. Because sports are a part of the profane world, and eco-
nomic success is a powerful force in Western culture, sports are materialistically driven. Athletes
want big salaries. Sports owners want to make money. Sport sponsors want their athletes to win
and promote their products. The media wants to sell commercial time in an attempt to make
broadcasting profits. At every level, economics and materialism are a critical aspect of sport
(See Chapter 12). Religion, because it is a part of the spiritual world, is for the most part non-
materialistic. The primary goal of religion rests with providing adherents eternal salvation in
the afterlife (or the next life). It should be pointed out, however, that because religion is a part
of the everyday world, it relies on economics and materialistic goods for its survival. Most reli-
gions collect (and expect) money from its parishioners in order to “pay the bills.” Some
churches actually seek to make profits. The Catholic Church, for example, is said to own more
real estate than any other entity in the world. And many prominent religious figures are noted
for their extravagant lifestyle and opulent display of wealth. Still, the ideals for religious leaders
and religions in general continue to be austerity, simplicity and concern with spiritual rather
than material well-being.
4. Rationalism. Although both sports and religion have rules, sport is organized rationally and
not supernaturally. The sports world is based on secular, civil rules that are equally applied to
all. Religion is based on spiritual rules and faith and admits its dependence on the nonrational
(Slusher 1993). Religious athletes sometimes find conflict between their religious beliefs and
commitments and the civil rules of sports. Attempts to embrace religious diversity combined
with the American fundamental principle of the “separation of church and state” will assure
that conflicts between these two institutions will steadily increase for as long as people cling to
religious ideals in a civil and secular environment such as sports.
5. Ritualistic Behavior Is Used Differently. Religion and sports both utilize rituals; however, in
sports, rituals are instrumental and goal-oriented; whereas, in religion, rituals are expressive and
process-oriented. For sport fans, the ritualistic behavior of consuming a hot dog and peanuts at
a baseball game is far different from the ritualistic behaviors associated with going to Mass (or
some other form of religious service) for a religious person.
6. Buildings for Events. Although both religion and sport provide buildings for events, these
structures take on different meanings. As Novak (1993) explains, a ballpark is not really a tem-
ple, but it is not a “fun house” either. Sport spectators are allowed, and expected, to yell and
scream while they support their favorite player(s) and teams. Stadiums and arenas are viewed as
secular meeting places where participants can relax and release a number of their inhibitions.
Conversely, most religious services are conducted inside buildings where adherents are expected
to abide by moral protocols (e.g., acting dignified and respectful, or being “moved” by spiritual-
ity on cue). Of course, there are moments during sports events where solemnity is also
expected, such as during the singing of the national anthem and “moments of silence” to honor
the passing of socially significant persons.
7. Attempts to Provide Answers to the Meaning of Life. A major difference between sport and
religion rests with religion’s desire to explain the meaning of life, and an afterlife, while sport
does not attempt such a grandiose ideal. Because religion is consumed with the spiritual realm,
attempting to explain the meaning of life is among its primary goals. Sport, because it is
immersed in the secular, everyday world, makes no proclamations regarding the meaning of life.
8. Clear-Cut Winners. Although religion attempts to explain the meaning of life, it does so
without scientific, empirical proof. Any answer to life’s dilemmas provided by religion is suspect
at best. Further, different religious perspectives may yield contrasting answers. Sport, however,
provides clear-cut winners. Someone wins the game or race and the others do not. No religion
has been able to correctly claim they are “right” or they are the “winner.” While the spiritual
realm remains unknown, the sports world is non-ambivalent.
9. Choosing a Religion or Sports Team (or Athlete) to Follow. Most people who are religiously
affiliated support the religion that they were raised in by their parents and family and they were
likely indoctrinated (e.g., baptized) into that religion when they were too young to choose their
own religion to follow. Chances are, most people will not take the time to explore all the world’s
religions, let alone the major ones, before choosing which religion works best for them. People
are free to change their religious affiliation later in life, but most will not. Choosing a favorite
athlete or sports team to follow is mostly different. While it is true that many die-hard sports
fans will dress their babies, toddlers and young children in the sportswear of their favorite team,
growing children are far more likely to choose their own athletes or teams to cheer for than they
are to change their religion.
10. Public Display of Religious Imagery. Blame “political correctness” or a real attempt to avoid
being exclusionary, but governments (e.g., public schools and government offices) at all levels,
local, state and federal, consciously attempt to avoid making public displays of religious
imagery. This is why the town square has a “holiday tree” instead of a Christmas tree, even
though we all know that no other religious holiday incorporates a tree in its holiday celebration.
The sports world works differently. If a city’s sports team wins a championship it may be com-
mon for government employees and local merchants to wear the home team’s sports imagery. In
some cases, a parade through city streets adorned with banners and flags of the sports team
imagery is common; and this, despite the fact that it may offend fans of other sports teams that
live in the city or non-sports fans who do not want to be subjected to such public displays of
imagery.
Despite the differences between sport and religion, the two social institutions remain con-
nected by the numerous similarities. For many people, sport is a religion, or is treated as importantly
as religion. Others, of course, place a much greater value on religion than sport.
The Role of Prayer in Sport

It is fairly common for people to appeal to a higher authority in times of stress and hope. In
the sports world, both sport fans and athletes have been known to pray for favorable outcomes.
The role of prayer in sports, especially in school sports, is one of the more controversial topics in
the discussion of the relationship between sport and religion.
Turning to Prayer
Why do people turn to prayer? In the religious realm, prayer fosters the contemplative atti-
tudes of listening and receptivity; it brings adherents closer to God. In the strictest sense, religious
prayer is the preparation for contemplation and discussion with God. According to Keating (1994),
prayer is supposed to reduce the obstacles caused by the hyperactivity of individuals’ minds and
lives so that adherents can concentrate on their “discussion” with God (or some other spirit). Reli-
gious people who believe in a Higher Power assume that God can do anything; after all, God is
“all powerful.” To move into the realm of prayer is to be open to infinite possibilities (Keating
1995). Belief in religious prayer is equated to a belief in a God, or Holy Spirit, that is capable of
anything. If God is capable of anything, then certainly influencing the outcome of a game is
within the control of God. Prayer would seem, to some, as a “logical” path of communication
between individuals and God when requesting a favorable outcome.
Although prayer, in the strictest sense, is a part of the religious realm, it has crossed over into
the sports world as well. Athletes may pray for safety and protection during competition, for a
good individual or team performance, and especially for a victory. Sport participants (i.e., athletes,
coaches, trainers and team owners) may engage in the team pregame prayer in an attempt to help
unify the players into one collectivity. We see athletes point in the air, as if Heaven or God is
located in the sky above us, following a favorable sports outcome (e.g., hitting a homerun, throwing
a touchdown pass, or striking out a batter); current and former athletes such as Tim Tebow making
genuflections on the playing field as a sort of prayer or homage to God; Phil Jackson incorporating
tenets of Zen Buddhism in his coaching and administrative guidance; and Muslim athletes who
choose to maintain their Ramadan fast even though they still participate in sports in a weakened
physical state (Beneke and Remillard 2014).
For the most part, sports leagues ignore the behavior of athletes praying on the playing
field/court, so long as the rest of their antics conform to the rules. But, sometimes acceptable
forms of religious expression cross over the lines of acceptable behavior, making it difficult for
game officials to know exactly how to interpret the emotional displays of athletes. For example,
Kansas City Chiefs safety Husain Abdullah was penalized for unsportsmanlike conduct when he
slid to the grass and dropped to his knees in prayer after he returned a Tom Brady interception
for a touchdown in a September 29, 2014, Monday Night NFL game between the host Chiefs and
the visiting New England Patriots. The officials cited Rule 12, Section 3, Article 1 (d), “Players
are prohibited from engaging in any celebrations or demonstrations while on the ground”
(ESPN.com 2014g). Officials immediately threw their yellow penalty flags onto the ground. The
officials then explained their ruling to Chiefs head coach Andy Reid. Abdullah, who is a devout
Muslim (who took a year off from football to make a pilgrimage to Mecca and who also fasts
during Ramadan), admitted after the game that his celebration was preorchestrated because he
knew before he reached the end zone he would drop to his knees in thankful prayer. After the
game, Reid said, “When you go to Mecca [referring to the end zone], you should have the privilege
to slide anywhere you want to slide” (Petchesky 2014). Time will tell if Reid tries to change this
NFL rule.
This should have been the end of the story except that a number of people took to social
media questioning whether there was a double standard in penalizing Abdullah for saying a prayer
on the field when Christian players are allowed to do so. The Council on American-Islamic Rela-
tions, a civil liberties and advocacy organization, issued a statement the day after the game asking
the NFL to look into the penalty (ESPN.com 2014g). Abdullah told the Associated Press (2014b)
that he assumed he was penalized for the slide and not the prayer. Nonetheless, the NFL, in its
concern to avoid looking like it supports a double-standard on athletes and prayer, said
that Abdullah should not have been penalized for unsportsmanlike conduct (Associated Press
2014g).
It’s not just the athletes who turn to prayer for a favorable outcome; many sports fans do so
as well. They may make proclamations such as, “I promise to be a better person, just let my team
win,” as they bargain with God or some spiritual entity for divine intervention. People who turn
to prayer for a favorable sporting outcome, however, choose to ignore this basic question—Why
would God answer such mundane prayers? Nonetheless, 20 percent of Americans believe that
God influences the outcome of sporting events (Beneke and Remillard 2014).
Prayer in School
The United States, in theory, has a separation of church and state policy. However, religion
intrudes in state affairs in a variety of ways, including the 1954 addition of the phrase “Under
God” to the pledge of allegiance to the flag; the addition of “In God We Trust” on U.S. currency
in 1956; the requirement to place one’s right hand on the Bible in a court of law, and prayer in
public school. The role of prayer in school is an especially hot topic. “For the greater part of this
century, controversy has raged over the separation of church and state in the United States. Perhaps
no issue has so fueled this controversy as religion in the public schools. Today, fifty years after
Everson v. Board of Education, which brought Thomas Jefferson’s famous phrase, ‘a wall of sepa-
ration between church and state’ into modern Establishment Clause jurisprudence, the debate
rages on. Despite the passage of more than thirty years since the School District of Abington Town-
ship v. Schempp and Engel v. Vitale decisions, which held that school-sponsored bible reading and
prayer, respectively, are unconstitutional, public school religious exercises still breed controversy”
(Ravitch 1999: 3).
Many school districts simply ignore constitutional mandates forbidding bible reading and
prayer in public schools. The growing power of conservative religious groups (“the Christian
Right”) in the United States has led to organized campaigns to influence school policy in favor of
religious inclusion in public schools despite the rights of people who hold differing religious views
or those who refrain from organized religion altogether. “United States history is replete with
examples of religious exercise in public schools facilitating discrimination and intolerance against
religious minorities and dissenters. In some cases, the discrimination has been an unintended
byproduct of the exercises. At other times, it has been a significant purpose behind them. Regard-
less, a disturbing trend of discrimination results when public schools engage in religious exercises”
(Ravitch 1999: 4).
Interestingly, the first organized attempt to keep religion out of schools came from conser-
vative Protestant groups who wanted to keep Catholicism out of the newly formed public schools
in the mid–1800s (Greenawalt 2005). In 1844 two riots, known as the Philadelphia Bible Riots
of 1844, resulted as a reaction against Catholic immigration and participation in the public schools.
The riots “were fueled by a fear of increasing religious and cultural pluralism as well as by anti-
immigration zeal (Ravitch 1999: 4). More than twenty people were killed during the riots (Delfat-
tore 2004). Until the mid–1800s, with few exceptions, religious pluralism was restricted to the
different Protestant sects that existed at the time. Religious zealots, of any denomination, are not
known for their tolerance for other people, they do not believe in what they preach: brotherhood
to all. As Ravitch (1999) explains, “During the mid-nineteenth century, Catholic children were
sometimes whipped and beaten in public schools for refusing to engage in school-sanctioned reli-
gious exercises; a priest in Maine was tarred, feathered, and ridden on a rail as the result of a
dispute over bible reading in the public schools; and other incidents occurred throughout the
country” (6). In 1878, the Supreme Court decided in the Reynolds v. United States case that George
Reynolds, a resident of the Utah Territory and an active member of the Church of Jesus Christ
of Latter-Day Saints (Mormon), could not practice his religious belief of polygamy (Smith 1987).
Examples of religious intolerance in the United States continued throughout the twentieth century
and persist today.
Much of the current debate over prayer in public schools involves gray-area situations about
where the lines should be drawn in respect to religious activity (Delfattore 2004). Schools try to
appease student-led, volunteer prayer groups, while staying within legal guidelines. As one form
of compromise, many states and school districts have instituted moments of silence to replace
oral prayer to begin the school day (Greenawalt 2005). The state of Alabama, for example, passed
a statute that required a period of silence at the beginning of the day (Fenwick 1989). Moments
of silence may be spent praying, contemplating the day’s events, or daydreaming. The Supreme
Court views the observing of a moment of silence as constitutional. (The Supreme Court rejected
Alabama’s law in 1985.) As Greenawalt (2005) explains, “A moment of silence impinges less on
dissenters than does oral prayer. In this case, no students need participate in an offensive practice,
or listen to words that offend their conscience, or risk peer disapproval by asking to be excused.
Virtually all religious traditions accept silent prayer and mediation. Insofar as a moment of silence
encourages prayer, it achieves nonpreference among religions more fully than can any oral prayer”
(58). By all indications, the debate over prayer and religious expression in school will continue for
sometime. However, the focus of our attention rests with the role of religion in sport. Specifically,
we are most interested in the demonstration of religious expression, including prayer, in sports in
school and on the playing field.
The role of prayer in school, as discussed previously, is a fundamental issue in public schools
that carries over into the domain of sports. In 1999, a Texas teenager decided not to lead her class-
mates in prayer before high school football games because she feared her role in a constitutional
battle over prayer in school could get her expelled. “The 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled
this year that student-led prayers were allowable at solemn events like graduations. But the court
ruled out prayers before football games, saying they don’t share the ‘singularly serious nature’ of
graduation” (Buffalo News, 8/27/99: A8). In 2000, the Supreme Court passed a ruling (6–3) that
forbids invocations at school activities, including pre-football game kickoffs, even when students
organize them. “Ruling that pre-kickoff prayers violate the First Amendment’s separation of church
and state, the court provided an unusually direct condemnation of school-sanctioned prayer….
The Court’s ruling generated particularly emotional reactions in the South, where pre-game prayers
are as much a tradition as the coin toss” (Biskupic 2000: 1A). Carelli (2000) adds, “As the latest
word on a politically volatile issue that has bedeviled the nation’s highest court for 40 years, the
ruling offered a ringing reaffirmation of a landmark 1962 decision that outlawed organized, offi-
cially sponsored prayer in public schools” (p. A1).
In 2014, however, there seemed to be a movement back toward allowing prayer in public,
government meetings. For example, the Supreme Court, making a ruling regarding the town
of Greece, New York, and its local government meetings “narrowly upheld the centuries-old tra-
dition of offering prayers to open government meetings, even if the prayers are overwhelming
Christian and citizens are encouraged to participate” (Wolf 2014). The ruling said prayers at meet-
ings were okay “as long as no religion is advanced or disparaged, and residents aren’t coerced”
(Wolf 2014).
In 2006, the authors conducted a survey on college students from a public state university
and a private Catholic college. The respondents were asked a number of questions regarding prayer
and religious expression in sport. Respondents were asked to identify their sex and whether or not
they consider themselves to be religious. In each of the following tables, survey data were collected
and analyzed and categorized in the following manner: by public university and private college,
by sex (data from the state public university and private college were combined), and by non-
religious and religious (data from the state public university and private college were combined).
There were 127 respondents from the public state university (66 females and 61 males) and 105
respondents from the private college (72 females and 33 males). There were 232 total respondents.
Interestingly, there were an equal number of combined respondents who claimed to be religious
(N=116) and nonreligious (N=116).
Survey respondents were asked, “Should prayer be allowed in sports in public schools?” (See
Table 14.1.) Seventy-one percent of the religious respondents indicated that prayer should be
allowed in public school sports compared to just 59 percent of the non-religious. Still, the fact
that a clear majority of the non-religious respondents indicated that prayer is acceptable in public
school sports indicates the growing tide of support of prayer, even in public schools. Predictably,
a higher percentage of private college respondents than public university respondents favored
prayer in public schools (the results were nearly identical to the non-religious and religious cate-
gory). A higher percentage of males (70 percent) than females (63 percent) were in favor of public
school prayer in sports.
Table 14.1. Should Prayer Be Allowed in Sports in Public Schools?

(in percent)
Public Private
Non-Religious Religious Univ. College Male Female
Yes 59 71 59 74 70 63
No 41 29 41 26 30 37
Although the survey was not an open-ended instrument, a number of respondents wrote
that they were in favor of prayer in public school sports assuming it was voluntary and not forced
onto the team. This is an important point to consider.
Respondents were asked whether or not prayer in sports in private schools should be allowed
(see Table 14.2). This is an issue that seldom comes to the forefront of public concern for the
simple fact that these schools are private and not publicly supported. (If a private school is publicly
supported, it is a concern.) As suspected, an overwhelming percentage of respondents indicated
that they were in favor of prayer in private school sports. Ninety percent of non-religious and
religious respondents were in favor and a slightly higher percentage of males (94 percent) than
females (92 percent) were in favor of prayer in sports in private schools. Nearly all private college
respondents (97 percent) and the vast majority (86 percent) of public university respondents were
in favor of prayer in private school sports.
Table 14.2. Should Prayer Be Allowed in Sports in Private Schools?

(in percent)
Public Private
Yes 90 90 86 97 94 92
No 10 10 14 3 6 8
Over the past couple of decades an increasing number of athletes have incorporated religious
gestures on the playing field or court. For example, Catholic athletes will often make the sign of
the cross before attempting a free-throw. Christian athletes believe that God is personal and
involved in their daily activities; consequently, paying religious homage on the playing field is
deemed appropriate (Hoffman 1992, and Czech, et al. 2004). “The extent of prayer and/or spiritual
rituals before, during, and after sporting contests permeates today’s prep, collegiate, club, and pro-
fessional sports…. Prayer circles can be seen at almost every collegiate sporting event” (Czech, et
al. 2004: 3). Respondents were asked if they think it is okay for athletes to make religious gestures
(e.g., the sign of the cross) after some athletic achievement (see Table 14.3). An overwhelming
percentage of respondents agree or strongly agree that athletes making a religious gesture on the
playing field or court is appropriate behavior. The percentages are nearly equal despite the classi-
fication system: 92 percent of the non-religious agree or strongly agree and 93 percent of the reli-
gious agree or strongly agree; 81 percent of males and 85 percent of females agree or strongly
agree; and 93 percent of public university respondents and 89 percent of private college respon-
dents agree or strongly agree that it is okay for athletes to make a religious gesture on the playing
field or court after some athletic achievement.
Table 14.3. After Some Athletic Achievement

on the Playing Field/Court It Is Okay for Athletes
to Make a Religious Gesture. (in percent)
Public Private
Agree 71 66 69 64 48 73
Strongly Agree 21 27 24 25 33 12
Disagree 7 6 5 9 6 6
Strongly Disagree 1 1 2 3 2 2
The bond shared among many religious athletes extends beyond the bond among teammates.
One example involves professional and collegiate football players from opposing teams kneeling
together in prayer on the field after the conclusion of the game. While other teammates go to
their respective locker rooms a number of opposing players join together for a public display of
prayer. With this idea in mind, respondents were asked whether it was okay for athletes from
opposing teams to join together in prayer on the playing field (see Table 14.4). Consistent with
previous responses found in the earlier tables, the vast majority of respondents agreed or strongly
agreed that it is okay for athletes from opposing teams to join together in prayer on the playing
field. The figures were nearly equal by all three categories: 76 percent of the non-religious and 79
percent of the religious agree or strongly agree; 77 percent of the public university respondents
and 83 percent of the private college respondents agree or strongly agree; and 81 percent of males
and 77 percent of females agree or disagree. It should be noted that some respondents wrote that
they were in favor of athletes praying together when a player has been injured—a variable that the
authors, admittedly, had not factored into the question.
Table 14.4. It Is Okay for Athletes from Opposing Teams

to Join Together in Prayer on the Playing Field? (in percent)
Public Private
Agree 59 52 55 58 46 63
Disagree 16 19 20 13 14 21
Anyone who has attended a sporting event has likely witnessed a spectator praying for a
favorable outcome. Furthermore, most fans have found themselves praying for a favorable outcome
on more than one occasion. Why? Why do people think praying has a correlation to winning?
Fans may pray for a favorable outcome because they know they have no direct influence over the
play of the game. Rather than rely on the skills of their favorite athletes to successfully prevail,
fans turn to prayer. Do sports fans really think prayers help? Delaney (2001) conducted research
on the Southern California Browns Backers (SCBBA) (an NFL booster group) during the 1990s.
He asked members whether praying can influence the outcome of a Browns game. Only 19 percent
agreed and 4 percent strongly agreed. During interviews conducted with members of the SCBBA,
one respondent told Delaney (2001), “If all it took was prayers, the Browns would have won at
least three Super Bowls by now” (93). Millions of Browns fans have been praying for a Super Bowl
victory (or appearance for that matter) for over forty years. Not only have their prayers not been
answered, Cleveland temporarily lost their franchise shortly after this research was conducted.
There are millions of other fans who have also never had the prayers answered when praying for
a favorable outcome in a sporting event. And yet, many cling to their faith in prayer.
Athletes may also turn to prayer in hopes of a favorable outcome. This is quite disconcerting
for most fans. After all, fans want to see confidence in their favorite players, not moments of doubt
or signs of a reliance on variables outside of individual talent. Uncertainty and doubt are primary
reasons athletes turn to prayer in sports. “Because sport competitions involve a high degree of
uncertainty, it is not surprising that many athletes use religious prayer to make them feel as if they
have some control over what happens to them on the playing field” (Czech, et al. 2004: 9). Thus,
fans who rely on prayer do so because of the frustration and stress they experience due to the fact
they have no direct influence on the game, while athletes turn to prayer because of their insecurities
and doubts. Czech and associates (2004) believe that “many times, Christian athletes utilize their
belief system as a performance enhancement technique. More specifically, prayer has been used
as a coping mechanism for stress, to help with team cohesion, and to promote a morally sound
life” (4). In this matter, athletes who turn to prayer may do so because it adds to their self-
confidence. This newly charged self-confidence, athletes believe, helps to motivate them to perform
better.
In their 2006 study, Delaney and Madigan asked respondents whether or not praying can
influence the outcome of the game (see Table 14.5). In Table 14.5 there are stark differences
between respondents in all three categories. First, just 24 percent of the non-religious agree and
zero percent strongly agree that praying can influence the outcome of the game, while 50 percent
agree or strongly agree. Further, 37 percent of the non-religious, compared to 14 percent of the
religious, strongly disagree that praying can influence the outcome of the game. The “religious”
divide continues when comparing respondents from the public state university and the private
Catholic college. Twenty percent of the public university respondents agree and 2 percent strongly
agree that praying can influence the outcome of the game, compared to 48 percent of private
college respondents who agree and 6 percent who strongly agree. Thirty-two percent of public
university respondents strongly disagree, compared to 18 percent of private college students who dis-
agree that praying can influence the outcome of the game. A significantly higher percentage of women
(45 percent) than men (25 percent) agree or strongly agree that praying can influence the outcome of
the game. More than twice as many males (38 percent) than females (16 percent) strongly disagree.
Table 14.5. Praying Can Influence the Outcome of the Game.

(in percent)
Public Private
Agree 24 44 20 48 22 41
Disagree 39 36 46 28 37 39
This brief analysis on the role of prayer in sport indicates that a substantial number of college
students believe that religion, including prayer, has a role in sport; including private and public
schools. Only a small percentage of respondents, however, believe that prayer has any correlation
to a positive sporting outcome. Fans and athletes alike have not relied solely on prayer for a positive
intervention in their sporting endeavors. Many have turned to magic and superstition. Such behav-
iors reside in the secular world of sport.
Secularization and Sport

The social institutions of sport and religion are filled with ritualistic behavior. People turn
to ritualistic behaviors for a variety of reasons. Malinowski (1927) suggests that ritual, or magical
behavior, is associated with high risk activities. Risk is expressed in terms of physical danger to
the participants or when the possibility of failure in an important endeavor is possible (Womack
1992). Fortes (1936) argued that uncertainty plays a role in ritualistic behavior and that ritual is
associated with behavior designed toward the safety of the group (rather than with individuals).
Douglas (1966) believes that ritual is used to deal with elements of psychic danger, as well as with
physical danger and threat of deprivation (Womack 1992). Turner (1967) states that rituals are a
way of demonstrating conformity to expected behavior while Geertz (1965) claims that rituals
are an effective form of social control (Womack 1992). Czech and associates (2004) state,
“Throughout history, people have used rituals based on religion, magic and/or superstition to
cope with uncertainties in their lives” (9).
Rituals in Sport
Ritualistic behavior possesses a number of qualities. According to Womack (1992), there are
five key components of ritual:
1. Repetitive. It occurs again and again in a given context, or certain elements tend to be
repeated throughout the behavioral sequence.
2. Stylized. It is formal, rather than spontaneous.
3. Sequential. There is an orderly procession from beginning to end. Transposition of elements
within a ritual is thought to diminish its efficacy.
4. Non-ordinary. It is distinct from ordinary mundane activities and is not essential to technical
performance.
5. Potent. It is believed to be either innately powerful, or powerful in controlling supernatural
beings or forces (192).
Ironically, ritualistic behavior is described as non-ordinary, and yet ritualistic behaviors

become the ordinary when they become routinized.
Ritualistic behaviors are very common in sport, as many athletes, coaches, and fans engage
in any number of rituals before, during or after the game. Fans of sport may wear specific clothing
while viewing or attending a game, eat certain foods, take specific routes to the game or a friend’s
house to watch the game, engage in pre-game tailgating, and postgame festivities (e.g., meeting at
certain “watering hole”). Highly identified fans may go through more ritualistic behaviors than
athletes. They believe that their actions, somehow, contribute to the outcome of the game. Athletes
may engage in a variety of rituals, including preparatory rites (pre-activity rituals that may include
the shower routine and the refusal to shave on game day), day-of-game rituals (a specific meal or
time of day to eat, putting clothes on in a specific order, or wearing “lucky” clothes under the uni-
form), pregame rituals (especially in terms of “warming up” for the athletic event, a field goal
kicker who refuses to leave the field until he makes a practice field goal attempt), activity-specific
rituals (behavior that psyches an athlete to play) (Womack 1992).
Ritualistic behaviors help to relieve anxiety and stress and help athletes concentrate and face
the competition with confidence. As Gmelch (1994) explains, “Rituals usually grow out of excep-
tionally good performances. When a player does well he seldom attributes his success to skill alone.
Although his skill remains constant, he may go hitless in one game and in the next get three or
four hits. Many players attribute the inconsistencies in their performances to an object, item of
food, or form of behavior outside their play. Through ritual, players seek to gain control over their
performance” (355). Womack (1992) concludes that ritual is important in sport for the following
reasons:
1. Ritual helps the player focus his attention on the task at hand. It can be used by the player to
prevent anxiety or shut out excessive environmental stimuli—such as the chanting of fans—
from interrupting his concentration.
2. Ritual can signal intent to the other team. Specifically, ritual can be used to “threaten” the
other team.
3. Ritual provides a means of coping with a high-risk, high stress situation.
4. Ritual helps establish a rank order among team members and promotes intra-group commu-
nication.
5. Ritual helps in dealing with ambiguity in interpersonal relationships, with other team mem-
bers, and with people on the periphery of the team, such as management and the public.
6. Ritual is a “harmless” means of self-expression. It can be used to reinforce a sense of individ-
ual worth under pressure for group conformity, without endangering the unity of the group.
7. Ritual directs individual motivations and needs toward achieving group goals (200).
Regardless of the rituals employed, ultimately it is talent, skill, and ability that prevail. How-
ever, the element of luck inherent in any sporting event allows both fans and athletes to attribute
outcomes to their specific ritualistic behaviors.
Magic
A number of ritualistic behaviors are grounded in the world of magic. Magic, like religion,
assumes that supernatural powers exist; however, whereas religion is oriented to the otherworldly,
magic is oriented toward the instant, sensible goals. Religion concerns itself with eternal salvation
while magic is focused on the needs of the here and now. Religion preaches that adherents should
behave in specific ways that are consistent with their teachings in order attain eternal salvation.
People who turn to magic hope to manipulate events in such a way as to gain an advantage over
their competitors. The world of religion deals with sacred items as emblems and symbols of faith
(e.g., a blessed rosary or cross). In contrast, the world of magic relies on profane items as symbols
of magical power (e.g., a lucky penny or a rabbit’s foot).
Gmelch (1994), an anthropologist and former professional baseball player, classifies magic
into three categories:
1. Rituals. Rituals emerge from exceptionally good performances. That is, the behaviors that
preceded an outstanding performance are repeated because they are deemed to possess magical
power.
2. Taboos. Taboos refer to behaviors that are avoided because they are deemed bad luck.
“Taboos usually grow out of exceptionally poor performances, which players often attribute to
a particular behavior or food. Certain uniform numbers may become taboo” (Gmelch 1994:
355). Gmelch admits to his own “pancake taboo”—he refused to eat pancakes during the base-
ball season because he once ate pancakes before a game in which he struck out four times. Ath-
letes today may refuse to stop on the foul lines on the baseball field as they run out to the field
or back to the dugout.
3. Fetishes or Charms. Material objects such as coins, old bats, or horsehide covers from old
baseballs are credited with possessing special powers. “Ordinary objects acquire power by being
connected to exceptionally hot batting or pitching streaks, especially ones in which players get
all the breaks. The object is often a new possession or something a player finds and holds
responsible for his new good fortune” (Gmelch 1994: 355).
Gmelch acknowledges that relying on magic would certainly seem to be illogical and yet, it
serves a valuable function. He states, “Magic is a human attempt to impose order and certainty on
a chaotic, uncertain situation. This attempt is irrational in that there is no causal connection
between the instruments of magic and the desired consequences of the magical practice. But it is
rational in that it creates in the practitioner a sense of confidence, competence, and control, which
in turn is important to successfully executing a specific activity and achieving a desired result”
(352).
Superstitions
Irrational beliefs in the power of magic are tied to superstitions as well. Superstitions are
fragmentary remains of past rituals, systems of thoughts, and belief systems that have lost their
original meaning to those who believe in them in the present. As Hole (1969) explains, “Supersti-
tions are the living relics of ways of thought much older than our own, and of beliefs once strongly
held but now abandoned and forgotten…. Absurd as some of them now seem in the light of knowl-
edge, all were serious in their beginnings” (7). Superstitious persons find causal relations between
certain behaviors and outcomes where they do not really exist. In some cases, sport participants
and fans alike come to see a breach in certain superstitious behaviors as a “jinx.” (Note: The concept
of a “jinx” is discussed in “Connecting Sports and Popular Culture” Box 14.) Superstitions can be
defined as beliefs or practices resulting from ignorance, fear of the unknown, or a belief in magic
or chance. Superstitions can be found in all cultures. They can also be found in sports.
Consider, for example, the case of the Vinoy Renaissance St. Petersburg Resort & Golf Club,
“the lodging chosen by most big league teams” when they play at Tampa Bay to play the Rays (Gar-
cia-Roberts 2014). Despite its pink color, the sprawling Vinoy, possessing Gothic touches and a
tower, has the reputation as baseball’s scariest hotel (Garcia-Roberts 2014). Players have rushed
downstairs to the lobby in the middle of the night scared of something in their rooms; they have
claimed to have witnessed images of people in their rooms; there are rooms with faucets that turn
on and off by themselves; flickering lights; and a woman in a painting that suddenly appears to
be trying to claw outside of the canvas are among the scary things athletes from a variety of teams
have claimed to encountered at the Vinoy. Gus Garcia-Roberts, a writer for American Way maga-
zine, investigated the hotel himself but did not experience any unusual happenings. The desk clerk
told Garcia-Roberts that he “mostly blames baseball players’ superstitions for spreading the hotel’s
haunted reputation.” Certainly, the images these athletes claimed to have seen fall under the defi-
nition of superstition’s parameters (Garcia-Roberts 2014).
Generally speaking, superstitious behaviors in sports fall under the belief in magic or chance,
rather than ignorance or fear of the unknown. As with other forms of ritualistic behaviors, athletes
engage in superstitious behavior as a way to reduce their level of anxiety before and during the
game. B.F. Skinner (1948) found that the acquisition of superstition as a conditioning process is
the result of unrelated events that have been linked together. Thus, if an athlete wears blue socks
(instead of the normal white socks that he or she typically wears) and breaks a personal losing
streak, the athlete will attribute (link) the newfound favorable outcome to an unrelated procedure
(wearing blue socks) if he or she is superstitious. If subsequent connections are made between the
new ritual (e.g., wearing blue socks) and a favorable outcome the behavior becomes routinized as
a superstition. When superstitious behaviors become a part of the regular pregame ritual the super-
stitious athlete will continue such behavior even when positive reinforcement (a favorable outcome)
fails to occur. Sport superstitions can be defined as ritualized routines that are separate from athletic
training and that are performed by athletes because they believe such behaviors are powerful
enough to control external factors (e.g., the talents of opponents).
Superstitious behaviors are different from preperformance routines. Preperformance routines,
such as relaxation techniques and focusing and coping strategies, are learned behavioral and cog-
nitive strategies which are deliberately used by athletes to assist physical performance (Bleak and
Frederick 1998). Engaging in superstitious ritual, much like preperformance routines, provides
the athlete with a feeling of control or sense of calm prior to athletic participation. Ritualistic
superstitious behaviors are usually personalized by individual athletes; that is, many athletes have
their own quirky behaviors separate from general taboos found in their sport.
Among the many general superstitious beliefs that have existed in sport for some time is the
idea that athletes need to abstain from sex before participating in sports. Many male athletes have
heard the superstitious warning, “Don’t have sex the night before a game because it will make you
weak in the knees.” As previously mentioned, superstitions are tied to primitive beliefs of the past,
and this is certainly the case in regard to the belief that a male athlete is weakened if he ejaculates
before sport participation. In fact, this belief dates back to the ancient Greeks and continued
through the nineteenth century. Primitive medical science equated the loss of semen to the loss
of blood and brain power (Gordon 1988). “It is easy to see how this concern with the dangers of
sexual behavior became an issue for those involved in athletics. If all but the most circumscribed
expenditure of semen could have serious effects on physical and mental well-being, it could cer-
tainly also take its toll on athletic performance. It would, therefore, be important to keep sex and
sport as temporally separate as possible. Moreover, since the good athlete was supposed to be
morally pure as well as physically fit, sexual indulgence had to be controlled” (Gordon 1988: 257).
Former heavyweight world champion boxer Muhammad Ali believed in sexual abstention before
his boxing matches because he felt it kept him strong and angry (because he was sexually frustrated)
(Fischer 1997). Research in the area of athletic performance following sex has not shown any detri-
mental effects. In one specific study, there was no less strength in boxers’ legs after sex (Fischer 1997).
Sexual abstinence in sport is not generally mandated today, but sexual modernism during the
season has emerged as the prevailing ideology of the twentieth century (Gordon 1988).
There are many superstitious behaviors among hockey players. For example, because of the
importance of protective clothing and padding, players spend a great deal of time putting on
equipment in a very precise, routinized manner. During on-ice warm-ups, hockey players employ
a number of superstitious ritualistic behaviors. Team rituals may involve players skating towards
the net in a particular order and with each player’s movement a deliberate pattern. Usually the
players skate by their goalie and give him a tap and offer words of encouragement. Every team has
a player that has to be the last one off the ice or a player who has to be the last one to shoot a puck
in the goal (Keating and Hogg 1995). Research conducted on Division I and Division III hockey
players reveals that the frequency of superstitious behaviors engaged in by the two levels of athletes
is quite similar (Todd and Brown 2003). Thus, the level of competition does not determine the
use or frequency of superstitious behavior.
The belief in superstitions reflects the idea that elements other than personal ability affect
behavioral outcome. Athletes that rely on superstition do so in an attempt to gain some sense of
control over an event. Gaining any type of “edge” in athletic performance is the goal of all athletes.
In their research on NCAA track and field athletes, Todd and Brown (2003) found a positive rela-
tionship between athletic identity and superstitious behavior, suggesting that student athletes high
in athletic identity use more superstition in sport competitions. Although logic dictates that super-
stitious behaviors have no direct bearing on the outcome of the game, if athletes believe in super-
stitions it may provide them with a psychological edge. This edge may lead to victory. In this
manner, superstitious behavior is more likely to lead to a favorable sporting outcome than prayer.

Box 14: “Don’t Jinx Me”: The Case of the Madden Curse
Two best friends are anxiously watching the end of the game. Their favorite team is about
to pull the biggest upset in history when one friend says to the other, “Can you believe we are actu-
ally going to win this game?” Disturbed by this comment, the other friend says, “Don’t say that,
you just jinxed us.” The second friend is expressing a concern that many of us can relate to; namely,
when you call attention to something before its action is concluded, bad luck will follow. Super-
stitious people believe in things like a jinx primarily because they believe that unrelated events are
somehow related. Just as we discussed in this chapter about athletes and fans who engage in certain
superstitious behavior like wearing a “lucky” shirt or having the same “lucky” breakfast every game
day because it will, somehow, bring good luck, people also believe in bad luck. A jinx is an example
of bad luck.
A jinx may be a verbal or visual expression that violates the code of superstitious people that
says one is not supposed to talk about the conclusion of a game until the game has in fact concluded.
To speak of victory before it occurs is a form of premature celebration and for superstitious people
it is akin to the “kiss of death.” Thus, if your favorite team is about to kick a winning field goal
at the end of the game, you and everyone around you are supposed to keep calm and remain silent
and let the course of action take place. Sure, you may be thinking to yourself, “If he makes this
field goal we win and I will celebrate this for a long time”; but, for superstitious persons, you are
never to speak the same expression out loud.
It is odd that sports fans, and athletes alike, believe that if someone in the stands or at home
says aloud, “we are going to win this game” before the outcome is truly no longer in doubt, that
such an utterance will cause a misfortune to those (e.g., the field goal kicker) who did not even
hear the vocal breach of etiquette. But believing in a jinx is not unique to sports fans. Anyone who
believes in magic or superstitions is likely to fall for the fallacy of a belief in a jinx. College students,
for example, may believe in jinxes. If one friend says to another, “Why are you studying so hard?
You know this material, you are going to ace the exam,” the other student may say, “Don’t jinx me!
I haven’t taken the test yet.” Some people believe that whenever two people say the same thing at
the same time that is a jinx. Thus, if Paul and Wendy both say at the same time, “I love pepperoni
pizza” that is supposed to be bad luck. However, if either Paul or Wendy immediately replies “jinx”
following the simultaneously spoken phrase, the other one alone has bad luck. Furthermore, the
person who says “jinx,” following the simultaneously spoken phrase may add an addendum by
saying something like, “Jinx, you owe me a soda,” and the other person is obligated to buy the soda.
Some people believe so strongly in jinxes that they actually hold it is possible to jinx someone
while they are engaged in a behavior. For example, if your team is on defense when the opposing
team is trying to hit the game-winning field goal, superstitious people will attempt to “jinx” the
kicker via some made-up jinx ritual like waving both hands in the direction of the kicker or by
making any number of physical and/or verbal gestures. If the kicker misses the field goal the per-
son(s) who attempted to jinx the player will actually take credit for the outcome—“I put a jinx on
him and then he missed the field goal.”
The idea of a jinx is very relevant to the sports world as so many people are superstitious and
believe in such irrational things as jinxes. Sports, the actual games played, are often devoid of
rationality because of their strong emotional component. The authors consider themselves rational
folks and yet when it comes to sports and cheering for a favorite team or player, they too realize
that emotion often supersedes rationality. There are long-standing jinxes that most sports fans
have heard of, the SI (Sports Illustrated ) cover jinx and the Madden NFL cover jinx. In fact, we
immediately thought about the SI jinx when Mo’ne Davis (see Chapter 6), the 13-year-old from
South Philly, got shelled in her first Little League playoff game following her appearance on the
cover of the August 25, 2014, edition of SI. (Note: Davis gave up three runs and six hits in just
2⅓ innings in a loss against Nevada and her team then lost to Chicago to end their LLWS run.)
We were not alone, of course, in thinking about the SI jinx. As Steven LeBron (2014) states, “Imme-
diately, everyone wanted to bring up the SI cover jinx, a long-running theory that proposes that
any player who makes the cover sees a decline in their performance, often immediately but some-
times in the longer term.”
The SI jinx concept can be traced back to August 16, 1954, when Milwaukee Braves third
baseman Eddie Mathews became the first person to make the cover (Atlanta Journal
Constitution.com 2014). Right after his cover shot reached the newsstands, the Braves’ 9-game win-
ning streak ended and Mathews suffered a broken hand which cost him to lose seven games of
playing time (AJC.com 2014). It would take up too much space to discuss all the SI cover jinx
stories and we want to be fair to SI as many athletes (e.g., Michael Jordan, circa 50; and Kobe
Bryant, circa 20) have appeared on the cover and went on to have hugely successful careers. Still,
the SI cover jinx concept prevails. It’s not really a jinx that caused an athlete to fail following the
cover shoot, but more than likely it’s because an athlete has generally achieved greatness to reach
the SI cover and where do you go from there except usually to fall back to normal (which implies
a “set-back”). Then again, the SI cover does violate the crucial element of a jinx—don’t speak of
a victory or attaining greatness until the game/event has actually reached its conclusion (otherwise,
you risk causing a jinx).
Interestingly, SI has compiled a descriptive listing of the Madden cover jinx. The Madden
cover jinx refers to the cover photo of an NFL player on the Madden NFL video game developed
by Electronic Arts Tiburon for EA Sports. There are various versions of the Madden game, with
the first one released June 1, 1988; it was called John Madden Football 1988. The name of the game
has changed often but always includes “Madden” and a year. A new game comes out every year but
oddly the game is always a year off, in other words, Madden NFL 2016 is released and played in
2015. The cover photo is chosen on the performance of an active NFL player from the season
prior; thus, the cover photo of Madden 2016 is chosen because of the statistics of an NFL player
from the 2014 season. Nearly every NFL player chosen for the current version of the Madden
video game has suffered from misfortune and, because of this, people think the cover player will
be jinxed. “Of the [last] 18 players that have been featured on the cover of Madden NFL…17 had
troubling or abruptly shortened seasons following their cover debut—including several players
who suffered season-ending injuries soon after their appearance on a Madden NFL cover” (Marshall
2014).
Here are a few examples of the Madden NFL “jinx.” Garrison Hearst (SF 49ers) was chosen
for the cover of Madden NFL 99. Hearst had a productive 1998 season but “he broke his ankle
after his foot got caught in the AstroTurf of the Georgia Dome. He missed the next two seasons
as a result” (SI.com 2014). The following year, John Madden, whom the game is inspired by, was
featured on the cover of Madden NFL 2000, but in the background is a photo of Barry Sanders
of the Detroit Lions being tackled by a Chicago Bears defensive player. To the surprise of the
NFL, and especially the Lions, Sanders suddenly retired before the start of the 1999 season (SI.com
2014). Michael Vick (Atlanta Falcons) was on the cover of Madden NFL 2004, and immediately
following the game’s release, he broke his leg in a preseason game. This marked the first time people
started talking about a Madden jinx (SI.com 2014). Donovan McNabb (Philadelphia Eagles) was
on the cover of Madden NFL 06. He had a great 2004 season, but following his cover photo on
Madden he had a disastrous 2005 season that included multiple injuries; he would play just 9
games total and just 10 games in 2006 because of injuries (SI.com 2014). And one final example,
Peyton Hillis (Cleveland Browns) made the cover of Madden NFL 2012 following a career-best
2010 season. The 2011 season included a contract dispute with the Browns and injuries that cost
him six games. The year 2011 marked his last season with the Browns. At the conclusion of the
season Hillis was quoted saying, “Things didn’t work in my favor this year. There’s a few things
that happened this year that made me believe in curses. Ain’t no doubt about it.”
So there we have it; like sports fans, there are players themselves that believe in jinxes. If
you’re a fan of football and believe in jinxes, you better hope your favorite player doesn’t end up
on the cover of Madden NFL. SI is risky enough.
Summary
Individuals learn about religion much in the same manner that they learn about sport: through
the agents of socialization. Sport and religious participation are generally taught in early life
through exposure to the ideals of each institution from significant others.
The relationship between religion and sport is also extended to the fact that both of these
social institutions have great meaning to the vast majority of people in the United States and
throughout the world.
Religion arose from the need to explain and understand life’s mysteries. Religion provides a
meaning or interpretation of life, reinforces the morals and norms held by the collectivity, and
provides authority figures that supervise behavior. These are traits that are also associated with
sport.
Primitive games developed out of the human need to compete and dominate. Emile
Durkheim argued that the relationship between religion and sport represents the meeting of the
sacred and the profane. Sport sociologists generally argue that sport is not a religion in the same
manner that Methodism, Presbyterianism or Catholicism is a religion; rather, it is a secular or civil
religion. Sport and religion do have a relationship, which can be traced from ancient times to the
present. There are many similarities between the two. In fact, it is difficult to argue with those
who claim sport is a religion, or at the very least, a quasi-religion. There are, however, a number
of significant differences between the two, highlighted by the fact that sport centers on the profane,
everyday, tangible world, whereas religion is centered on the sacred, spiritual world.
It is fairly common for people to appeal to a higher authority in times of stress and hope. This
is especially true in the sports world. One aspect of this is team prayer as an example of the bonding
experience in action. Although there appears to be a growing number of athletes who have incorporated
religion into the sports world, not all athletes are eager participants in such ritualistic behavior.
While religion is trending downward, the number of Americans who report being sports
fans is increasing. The role of prayer in public schools is a fundamental issue that carries over into
the domain of sports. The social institutions of sport and religion are filled with ritualistic behav-
iors, which help to relieve anxiety and stress and help athletes concentrate and face the competition
with confidence. A number of such ritualistic behaviors are grounded in the world of magic and
superstition. Many athletes are superstitious and engage in a wide variety of ritualistic behaviors.
Key Terms
Animism The earliest form of religion, it maintains that everything has two aspects, a physical
manifestation and a spirit or soul.
Beliefs Things that people presume to be true; whereas, they may, or may not be true.
Function A contribution, service, or behavior purposive to society.
Preperformance Routines Learned behavioral and cognitive strategies which are deliberately
used by athletes in order to assist physical performance.
Profane Items The ordinary, mundane, commonplace items of society.
Religion A system of beliefs and rituals that serves to bind people together into a social group
while attempting to answer the dilemmas and questions of human existence by making the
world more meaningful to its adherents.
Religious Beliefs Ideals to which members of a particular religion adhere.
Sacred Items Objects and behaviors that are deemed part of the spiritual realm and are set
apart from the ordinary; they are worshipped.
Sport superstitions Ritualized routines that are separate from athletic training and that are per-
formed by athletes because they believe such behaviors are powerful enough to control external
factors (e.g., the talents of opponents).
Superstitions Beliefs or practices resulting from ignorance or fear of the unknown, or a belief
in magic or chance.
• Why do fans pray at sporting events? Do you think they seriously believe that God will be
influenced by their prayers?
• What is the difference between sacred and profane items, and how does this relate to the
sporting world?
• What do you think is the purpose of a sports hall of fame? Do these museums have a reli-
gious connotation? Why or why not?
• One definition of “religion” is that it is an institution that binds people together. Why do
some people say that sport is their “religion”? Do you think they are merely speaking figura-
tively or might there be more to it?
• Do you think that prayer should be allowed in sports in public school? Why or why not?
• What are some athletic superstitions that you are familiar with? Do you have any yourself ?
Why do you think such rituals continue, and how might they serve a purpose?
• Do you think that religious celebrations in sports, such as praying after a touchdown, should
be banned? Why or why not?
CHAPTER 15
The Media in Sport
There is an old philosophical question, “If a tree falls in the woods and no one is there to
hear it, does it make a sound?” With the growing influence of the mass media over sport, we might
amend this question to, “If they hold a sports event and the media is not there, is it really a sports
event?” Today, nearly all sporting events are covered by some aspect of the mass media. Whether
it is television, radio, newspaper, or social media coverage, the media are there to report sports—
and sports at all levels including youth, high school, college and professional. The role of the
media in sports has not always been as inclusive as it is today, but the mass media and mass interest
in sport grew together and now enjoy a symbiotic relationship. The results of this convergence
between the media and sports will be discussed throughout this chapter, but it is worth noting
here that the media have such a pervasive influence on sport that entertainment is now more impor-
tant than sport competition.
ESPN, a 24-hour sports network, is the leading representative of emphasizing entertainment
over sport. This is most clearly exemplified by the fact that the “E” (for “entertainment”) comes
before the “S” (for “sports”) in ESPN (the “P” and “N” stand for “programming” and “network”
respectively). Some viewers would find it hard to imagine ESPN without the “E” aspect of its cov-
erage. Other viewers would prefer that the “E” was eliminated and the coverage restricted to the
“S”—sports coverage without all the frills and sidebars and seemingly nonstop studio conversations
with experts and/or celebrities. Instead of endless attempts of describing the game from the
“E ”ntertainment perspective, die-hard sports fans would prefer a focus on “S ”port highlights.
However, all indicators point to a continuing emphasis on the entertainment value of sports rather
than sporting value of sports as we move through the twenty-first century. Dhonde and Patil
(2012) concur that “the world of sports has transcended from purely athletic competition into
entertainment and celebrity” but point out that this switch in focus has led to a larger sports audi-
ence (1). And, as we learned in Chapter 13, the number of people claiming to be sports fans has
surely increased in the time since the advent of television (1950s) through the current era of social
media dominance.
The Institution of the Media

The media, or more specifically, the press, has enjoyed much power throughout the past few
centuries. The creators of the U.S. Constitution were so passionate about the rights of the press
that the First Amendment guarantees the freedom of speech and freedom of the press. Dating
back to the era of the penny press (one-page newspapers sold for a penny so that the masses could
afford to read the news), the media have attempted to inform the masses of important news events.
371
Providing news, information, and entertainment are the trademarks of the contemporary mass
media. The term “media” has been used since the 1920s. According to Real (1996), “The term
media refers to all communication relays and technologies” (9). The word “mass” refers to the
large size of the media’s audience (Ryan and Wentworth 1999). Put together, the mass media
become the medium by which large numbers of people are informed about important happenings
in society.
The mass media has grown from its humble printing press beginnings to its current
omnipresent existence due to the incorporation of the ever-expanding level of technology. Typ-
ically, the media are divided into two major categories: the print media, which include newspapers,
magazines, and books; and the electronic media, which include television, radio, motion pictures,
sound recordings and the Internet. Traditionally, the mass media have been viewed as forms of
communication that permit a one-way flow of information from a source to an audience (Ryan
and Wentworth 1999). However, with the increased use and development of interactive television
(e.g., the ability to text message ESPN with a suggestion for SportsCenter’s “Top Ten” plays); call-
in radio programs that allow fans to express their opinions on matters of sport with radio hosts
and guest players, coaches and other sports entertainment celebrities; and the ability to commu-
nicate with sport participants (e.g., players, coaches, and owners) via social media outlets such as
Facebook, Twitter and Instagram, the idea of the media as merely a one-way form of communi-
cation is now long-outdated.
Among the things that have not changed with the developing technological advancements
of the media, however, is the media’s ability to not only inform its audience but to help shape the
opinions of sports fans. “Public opinion is formed in the background built by mass communication
channels” (Stoica 2010). Furthermore, the presence of a mass sports media reinforces the notion
that there exists a mass sports audience ready to consume information. The mass media then, has
evolved to keep up with the people’s demand for quick and easy access to information, news and
entertainment.
The Relationship Between the Media and Sports

The relationship between the media and sports has grown extensively over the past couple
of centuries. Let’s take a quick look at the socio-historical development of this symbiotic rela-
tionship. Throughout the nineteenth century, sports became increasingly important in American
society. The print media were there since the beginning. As Rader (1984) states, “Even early in the
nineteenth century, print media—whether in the form of weeklies, newspapers, fiction, biography,
or autobiography—enhanced public interest in sports” (18). The print media quickly took notice
of the rise of a leisure class and the growing popularity of sports on college campuses. “To increase
circulation, newspapers frequently became promoters of sports. As early as 1873, James Gordon
Bennett, Jr., the eccentric owner of the New York Herald, began awarding cups and medals to
intercollegiate track and field champions” (Rader 1984: 19).
The sports page was taking shape in many newspapers in the 1880s and 1890s. By the 1920s,
the sports page was a fixture in all major daily newspapers. Readers of the sports pages in the early
twentieth century enjoyed sports columns for the same reasons people enjoy them today; that is,
the sports pages provide information consisting of clear-cut winners and losers and provide con-
tinuity and orderliness to a segment of life. The sports pages became so popular by the early twen-
tieth century that writers began to specialize in sports. Throughout most of the twentieth century
as the popularity of sports and newspapers grew, a number of people were employed as sports
journalists and sports journalists. The development of such new media technology as radio, motion
pictures and television was also applied to the world of sports in an attempt to reach the largest
possible audience.
Linking the Mass Media to Sports

As previously stated, newspapers began to cover sports in the late 1800s. William Randolph
Hearst, publisher of the New York Journal, is often credited as the first person to develop the
“sports section” of a newspaper (McChesney 1989). By 1900, the sports section represented about
15 percent of all general news covered in leading newspapers (Eitzen and Sage 1989). Throughout
the early half of the twentieth century newspapers contributed to the popularity of sports. Along
with sponsoring sporting events, newspapers provided sports information to growing leisure class
that featured millions of sports fans who thirsted for information about their favorite athletes
and sports teams. The print media became the conduit between the masses and their desire for
sports information. Sports information and sensational story-telling on the part of sports jour-
nalists helped to establish athletes as stars worthy of adulation.
Rader (1984) claims that newspaper sportswriting in the pre-television era fell into three
large, sometimes overlapping categories: the tall tale, verse, and the true story. The tall tale, the
oldest form of storytelling, is the result of oral accounts of great feats. The verse refers to poetic-
style writing of sportswriters. Grantland Rice’s depiction of Notre Dame’s famous “Four Horse-
men” and their 1924 victory over powerful Army is the classic example of the verse style of sports-
writing: “Outlined against a blue-grey October sky, the Four Horsemen rode again. In dramatic
lore they are known as Famine, Pestilence, Destruction, and Death. These are only aliases. Their
real names are Stuhldreher, Miller, Crowley, and Layden” (Rader 1984: 21). The true story approach
to sportswriting revealed the frailties and failures of athletes.
Newspaper stories were enhanced by accompanying photographs. This proved to be especially
significant. As Whannel (2002) explains, “The emergence of sports sections, and the growing
use of photography helped to establish the beginnings of an individualization of sport in which
star individuals began to inhabit the public imagination” (31). The introduction of cigarette
cards that featured photos of athletes further aided the creation of the star status among the elite
ball players. Cigarette cards, which are believed to have originated in France around the 1840s,
were cardboard stiffeners used as promotion (Whannel 2002). (Cigarettes were sold loosely or
in paper packs that required a stiffener in the late 1800s and early 1900s.) These cards usually fea-
tured “glamour” shots of women (as most smokers were men), but a series of sport cards were
introduced in the United States toward the end of the nineteenth century. Tobacco companies
assumed that male smokers cared the most about three things: sport, women and the military
(Whannel 2002).
Other forms of print media include magazines and books. Before the sport section appeared
in newspapers, a number of magazines and books were written, and continued to be written,
about athletes and sports. Magazines on horse racing, hunting, and fishing were popular since
the 1830s. During the twentieth century every sport developed its own specialized magazines,
and many popular magazines such as Sports Illustrated, Sport, Inside Sport, and The Sporting News
enjoy a huge circulation. Books have existed for centuries. The mass readership of books coincided
with mandatory education laws (which transformed a nearly completely illiterate mass into a
literate one) and industrialization (which allowed for the production of dime novels around
the time of the U.S. Civil War). There were a variety of books written on the topic of sport dating
back to the late nineteenth century. During the twentieth century it became popular to have books
written on sports teams and individual athletes from a wide range of sports. Athletes, with
the assistance of ghost writers, often write books about their sporting exploits. At times, these
books include the “tell all” variety where the athletes expose the “secret” world of sport. Baseball
player Jim Bouton’s Ball Four (1970) remains a classic must-read. “Tell all” books remain in vogue
today, as evidenced by Jose Canseco’s Juiced (2005), an exposé about the alleged rampant abuse of
steroids in professional baseball; as it turned out, many of Canseco’s allegations turned out to be
true.
Beginning in the early twentieth century, motion pictures brought to life many sporting
stories and events that fans had only heard about. Cinema newsreel was very popular in England
and the United States by the 1920s and 1930s. “By 1919, 50 percent of the British population went
to the cinema once or twice a week. During the 1920s and 1930s there was a substantial increase
in investment in cinemas, with around one thousand being built between 1924–31. The introduc-
tion of sound at the end of the twenties provided a boost to industry and encouraged investment
in new cinemas…. By 1940 the average weekly audience was 21 million” (Whannel 2002: 32–33).
In the United States, an estimated eighty-five million Americans saw one movie per week (Eitzen
and Sage 1989). While movies such as Knute Rockne, All American (1940), The Pride of the Yankees
(about Lou Gehrig, 1942) and Somebody Up There Likes Me (about Rocky Graziano, 1956) were
popular films, oddly, sports movies were a rarity until the 1970s. Today, a number of sports movies
have enjoyed great success. (Sports movies were previously discussed in “Connecting Sports and
Popular Culture” Box 1 as an example of the pervasiveness of sports in society.)
A major breakthrough in sports coverage occurred with the introduction of the radio. Sport
stories retold in motion pictures and books are dated by the time they reach their audience. Mag-
azine sport stories are relatively recent and newspaper coverage is at least a day removed from the
sports event. But radio provided immediate coverage—and to a large audience. As Whannel (2002)
explains, “If cinema brought action and movement, radio provided immediacy and it brought
sport into the domestic sphere for the first time. In both Britain and the USA early radio broadcast
experiments were underway by the start of the 1920s…. The percentage of households with radio
rose rapidly in the inter-war period, from 10 percent in 1924 to 71 percent in 1938. In the USA,
too, radio rose to prominence and sport broadcasts played a significant role in its popularity. By
1929 one-third of American households had radio” (33).
Fans across the U.S. listened to the radio for the play-by-play accounts of sporting events,
especially baseball, boxing, horse racing, and football. Unlike the newspaper, which informed
sport enthusiasts about sporting events after they occurred, radio provided sounds and descriptions
of sporting events while they occurred. In spite of the overwhelming presence of television in
sports, radio broadcasts remain popular today. In certain markets local games of interest may not
be televised but are offered on the radio. Many fans listen to sporting events on the radio while
they are at work or riding in their cars. Some fans become so attached to the voice and personality
of their favorite radio announcers that they listen to the radio while watching televised broadcasts
(with the television volume muted).
The next major break-through of media technology to the sports world was television. Tel-
evision fundamentally changed sport. It not only provides immediacy, as radio, but it also provides
all the action and movement of motion pictures. “Like the radio, this medium allows live reporting,
but because it transmits not only sound but also live images, the feeling of ‘being there’ is even
stronger for television spectators than for radio listeners. So, with television, major sporting contests
are no longer available just to spectators witnessing the event in person, but also to many millions
more who can view the spectacle in their own homes, thanks to their television sets. The added
value stemming from this medium is evident: close-ups, replays, slow motion, the different angles
from different cameras, and cameras that follow the action. It can be more exciting to be spectator
in front of the television screen than to be a spectator in the stadium, far away from the playing
field or arena floor” (Beck and Bosshart 2003: 10).
According to Duncan and Brummett (1987) there are four dimensions of televised sports in
the contemporary era: narrative, intimacy, commodification, and rigid time segmentation.
1. Narrative. Televised sports programs are presented in a predictable fashion using predictable
plots and familiar characters. Then again, as Hilliard (1996) explains, “The athletic contest
itself provides a basis for narrative.” In other words, a sporting event is a story that unfolds
before the viewer and the job of the commentator is to simply describe the events.
2. Intimacy. Televised sports programs provide viewers an opportunity to become closer to the
sport participants. Intimacy “refers both to the visual closeness of the television viewer to the
subject matter and to the development of an emotional attachment between actor and viewer….
The development of audience identification with characters is a principal means by which view-
ers’ attention to the narrative is maintained” (Hilliard 1996: 116).
3. Commodification. In an attempt to keep viewers tuned to televised commercials, television
executives look for advertisers whose products fit the needs and interests of the viewing audi-
ence. Today, a great number of televised commercials are elaborate and entertaining and more
than keep the interests of viewers. In the case of the Super Bowl, millions of viewers tune in to
the game primarily to watch the commercials! Furthermore, there is as much discussion in the
media the Monday after the Super Bowl about the commercials as there is about the game itself.
4. Rigid Time Segmentation. It has often been said that soccer will never be a marketable suc-
cess in the United States because it does not possess built-in stoppages of play that allow for the
airing of commercials. In an attempt to remedy this, many televised soccer matches superimpose
commercial brand logos on-screen. Most other sports events are organized into short, rigid
blocks of time that allow for commercials during timeouts or stoppages of play. An obvious
example of this is the “television timeout” after the first dead ball every four minutes (16:00,
12:00, 8:00, and 4:00 minute mark in each half ) in college basketball. The “TV timeout”
allows for a regular presentation of commercials. (More recently, the “TV timeout” has been
described as a “media timeout.” But let’s be honest, do radio stations or newspapers have the
power to stop the game for a commercial break?) It also stops the flow of the game and allows
coaches to save timeouts for more critical times. And it provides TV commentators time to dis-
cuss the plays and compare them with past performances and other arcane bits of information.
Television is critical for the economic success that all those in sports enjoy. The revenue gen-
erated by television all but guarantees that major North American sport franchises operate at a
profit. And despite the long, drawn out pregame hype that coincides with such sporting events as
the Super Bowl, without television, these games would hardly be events. The very fact that the
media, especially television, are responsible for creating events ties to the question in the intro-
duction of this chapter: Without the media, is it really a sporting event ?
Today, with the advent of cable and satellite television and streaming Internet broadcasts,
nearly any game is accessible to sports fans. Television is responsible for creating billions of sports
consumers around the world. (Technological advancements in the mass media, including the social
media, since the development of cable television will be discussed later in this chapter.)
Functions of the Sports Media

As with the media in general, the sports media serve a number of functions, including the
following:
1. Information. The sports media provide scores, statistics, highlights, and general information
on a variety of sporting events, athletes, and teams. Information on sports may also come in the
form of interviews and live coverage.
2. Interpretations. Coverage of sporting events and the provision of information are accompa-
nied by media interpretation, and possible biases. ESPN’s Mel Kiper, Jr., makes a living provid-
ing his “NFL Draft Analysis”; which, of course, is based on his interpretation of potential
draftees. Sport media “experts” offer opinions on teams they think will make the playoffs (e.g.,
what teams are “on the bubble” and which ones will be selected as “at large” bids for the NCAA
tournament?) or whether or not a particular athlete will break a record, or who will win a box-
ing match, auto race, and so on.
3. Entertainment. The sports media are all about entertainment. As mentioned earlier, the “E”
comes before the “S” in ESPN, signifying the importance placed on entertainment. The wide
variety of sporting events available all but guarantees that the sports media will find any num-
ber of sporting events worthy of coverage and description.
4. Excitement. People love sports because they find them exciting. The game or event itself is
enough to draw fans’ interest to sports. Stimulating arousal and excitement in fans helps the
media serve an affective function.
5. Escape and Diversion. Sports provide people with an opportunity to “lose themselves” for a
period of time while they immerse themselves in a sporting event. Ideally, sports allow people
to temporarily escape from frustrations and life problems. Unfortunately, the highly identified
fan may actually incur greater affective costs if the sporting event does not turn out favorably.
Thus, if a person watches sport for an “escape” from problems and then his or her favorite ath-
lete or team loses, it is like adding salt to an open wound.
6. Economics. The mass media have completely changed the design and financial makeup of the
sports world. The economic aspect of the media in sport will be discussed later in this chapter
both in terms of their positive and negative role.
7. Integration. Sports provide people with a chance to bond with fellow fans. This is true for
the spectators in the stands who cheer for the same team as well as friends bonding together at
home or at a bar while watching sports. Friends who watch historic sporting events together are
linked together forever and think of each other whenever the game or key play is replayed. At
the macro level, members of a nation can unite together while cheering for their national teams
during international sporting events.
8. National Identity. International media sports coverage places a bright spotlight on the host
city and nation. This is especially true for World Cup games, the Olympics and the Super Bowl.
The fact that the whole world is watching is a source of pride and national identity (Beck and
Bosshart 2003).
The link between the mass media and sport is firmly entrenched. In fact, they enjoy a
symbiotic relationship where each social institution attempts to create the most marketable
product possible. The sports media, especially television (and in particular specialty networks
like ESPN that are dependent on sports for their 24-hour entertainment broadcasts) need
sports in order to provide an endless supply of entertainment programming. As a result, these
networks pay huge sums of money for the broadcast rights of various sports events. At the
same time, the sports industry needs the mass media in order to keep functioning as an elite social
institution, and one that handsomely rewards those involved with great finances. The mass media
and sport institutions cooperate with one another but they are not dependent on each other.
The media can survive without sports because people will always find something to watch on
television, listen to on the radio, or read in the print media. Furthermore, sports have existed
throughout recorded history, and there are enough athletes to play sports and fans who will
follow sports whether the media covers them or not. The ancient Greeks managed to stage the
Olympics and other Panhellenic games long before the existence of the mass media; surely modern
sports can survive without the media. Still, never before in the history of humanity has sport
received such a mass popularity, due primarily to the symbiotic relationship between sports and
the media.
Presently, sports and the mass media are loyal partners. The merger between these two social
institutions has created a number of both positive and negative outcomes.
The Media’s Positive Impact on Sport

Although sports survived for millennia without media coverage, the structure of contempo-
rary sport has benefited tremendously because of its relationship with the media. Perhaps the most
significant aspect of the media’s role in sport centers on economics.
Economics
A great deal of the economic success that commercialized sports enjoy is the result of the
media and its commitment to sports entertainment programming. As discussed in Chapter 12,
television pays huge sums of money for the broadcasting rights of various commercial sports. For
an example, let’s take a closer look at what television pays the NFL for broadcast rights. Business
Week estimates that in 2014 the NFL received about $6 billion in total TV revenue from all sources,
including satellite operators such as DirecTV (DTV) (Chemi 2014). The NFL’s contracts with
CBS, Fox, NBC and ESPN vary based on the conference (CBS has AFC games; Fox has NFC
games), time of day and day of week of the broadcast, and the number of games each network
airs. Here is the 2014 contract breakdown: ESPN, $1.9 billion; Fox, $1.1 billion; CBS, $1.0 billion;
and NBC, $950 million (Chemi 2014). It should be noted that the average audience size does not
correlate with broadcast fees. The average audience size for 2013 NFL games was: NBC, 21.749
million; Fox, 21.120 million; CBS, 18.629 million; and ESPN, 13.679 million (Chemi 2014). It
may look like NBC has the best deal with the NFL but they air the fewest games (19 in 2013).
Still, NBC certainly is not complaining about the number of games it airs as any network would
love to have 21+ million viewers, on average. And such is the power of the NFL, as an October
2014 NBC football game drew 18.8 million compared to Fox’s World Series game of 12.6 million
that aired at the same time (Wertheim 2014). No wonder “the NFL boldly declares that it wants
to be a $25 billion business in 2027” (Wertheim 2014: 17).
That the TV networks pay so much for broadcast rights is an economic boom for NFL fran-
chises and their players. Commercial sports also generate revenue through such means as gate
receipts, merchandising, fundraisers, and sponsorship support. Sport leagues and conferences as
a whole benefit from the economic infusion by the media. Additionally, television and other media
outlets are capable of making stars out of high profile sports journalists, reporters and announc-
ers/broadcasters.
Social Events and Spectacles

The media have the power to transform a ball game into a social event or spectacle. When
the media become involved in a sporting event a number of elements arise. “First, the media will
hype the game in order to draw more attention and awareness to the event. Increased awareness
leads to a greater number of viewers, which equals more advertising revenue and results in more
profits. Second, by the very fact that the media have chosen to broadcast a particular game reveals
the importance of it. Third, many people attend the game not only to support their team, but in
hopes of being ‘seen’ on television. In other words, the game has now become a social event”
(Delaney and Wilcox, 2002: 206). People will do almost anything to be on television. ESPN’s
Game Day crew attends sporting events and broadcasts hours before the start of that game, drawing
huge crowds. In nearly all cases, those who show up want to be seen on television as much as they
want to attend a media-staged pep rally hours before the start of the game. During a game, fans
cheer wildly when the camera is turned in their direction. The game and the crowd combined are
social events and spectacles when television coverage is involved.
During the early years of television, the coverage of sport was limited primarily to the “Big
Four” professional sport leagues (NFL, MLB, NBA, and NHL), big-time college sports, and to a
lesser degree, the more marketable individual sports (professional tennis, auto racing, and golf ).
With the advent of cable and satellite television and the introduction of ESPN came the realization
among television sports executives that sports coverage would have to extend to a variety of sports
in order to fill in “blank” (times when few or no major sporting events occur) airing spots. During
its infancy (and before it attained the rights to major sporting events) ESPN broadcast a wide
variety of sports—including world championship frisbee, badminton, table-tennis, and calf
wrestling—from around the globe. Among the more popular nontraditional American sports cov-
ered by ESPN during its early history was Australian Rules Football. ESPN created cult followings
during the late 1980s and early 1990s with its Aussie football coverage. Despite its overwhelming
focus on commercial sports, ESPN continues to broadcast a variety of nontraditional sporting
and recreational activities, including dog shows, fishing, and poker. ESPN created the “X-Games,”
which features a large number of nontraditional sports including extreme sports such as snow-
boarding and motocross racing.
The exposure to a wide variety of sports is viewed as a positive function of the media because
millions of people, especially youth, may be disenchanted with commercialized sport and yet still
enjoy sports, leisure and recreation in general. Exposing the public to viable alternatives to com-
mercialized sports may help stimulate youth, and adults, into participating in healthy sporting
endeavors.
It also noteworthy to mention that sporting events can be special events beyond the game
itself in a number of ways including: high schools and colleges often schedule class reunions and
Homecoming or Alumni weekends based on a sporting event, especially a football game in the
fall; people have proposed marriage at a ballgame, sometimes with stadium officials’ cooperation
so that the proposal is shown on the stadium’s big screen (with the nerve-wracking possibility that
the person asked might say no!); a number of people have used sporting events or venues as a place
to hold wedding ceremonies; soldiers who make a surprise home visit and meet their unsuspecting
family members, who are being honored under some sort of guise to maintain the surprise, at a
sporting event; and so on.
Public Forum
The success of sports broadcasting is dependent upon two critical issues, the actual broad-
casting of the sporting event and access to the athletes for insightful and exclusive comments. The
mass media creates a public forum where athletes can discuss aspects of the game. For their part,
sport leagues, including the NCAA, have rules that make it mandatory that athletes make them-
selves available to the media for post-game interviews. This intrusion into the athlete’s inner world
extends to the locker rooms where athletes shower and dress. “Potentially, all parties involved with
sports benefit from this relationship. The media are given a product to sell; the sports fans are
given ‘inside’ information about the events of the game; and the athletes are given an opportunity
to present and review events from their perspective” (Delaney and Wilcox 2002: 207).
Successful and high profile athletes are celebrities and are sometimes viewed as heroes and
role models. The broadcast media relies on sound bites to sell viewer interest in their broadcasts
and, therefore, turns to athletes for comments and opinions (mostly about sports but other interests
as well). The media will especially target fan favorites and “controversial” athletes because they
hold the greatest interest to sports consumers. Stories and sound bites from fan favorites such as
Tiger Woods, Peyton Manning, Dale Earnhardt, Jr., Tom Brady, and Kobe Bryant all but guarantee
viewership interest. The media will even allow athletes to “plug” various causes and charities or
provide opportunities for them to air their views on certain matters. Some athletes have their own
media shows (e.g., radio call-in shows, websites, television shows or segments, and social media
accounts on Facebook, Twitter or something else) where they can present their views in a public
forum.
The media will usually provide an athlete with an opportunity to “correct” him- or herself
following an “inappropriate” comment. The media also provides opportunities for athletes to apol-
ogize for any past indiscretions. Controversial athletes such as Richard Sherman, Rob Gronkowski
and Dwight Howard are media favorites because they seem to be lightning rods for trouble or
controversy—which always provides for analysis and interpretation among sport broadcasters and
personalities.
Entertainment
One of the primary functions of the sports media is to provide entertainment. Sports are
commercialized, but most fans realize that commercials are a price worth paying when sports cov-
erage is the return. Providing information, entertainment, and a temporary escape from the every-
day life activity is perhaps the most enjoyable feature of the sports media. Despite any warranted
criticisms of ESPN, sports fans are glad it exists. Originally funded by the Getty Oil Company
through the use of 625 television cable systems and a satellite for transmission, ESPN initially
reached just 20 percent of the nation’s television viewers. Today, ESPN (along with its sister net-
works that include ESPN2, ESPN News, ESPN U, ESPN 360, ESPN Deportes, and so on) is
available to most everyone in North America. ESPN inspired other networks to increase the quality
of their sports broadcasting (i.e., Fox created Fox Sports 1, NFL Network, MLB Network, and
the NASCAR Network). The growth of cable and satellite television has assisted the sports indus-
try in their attempt to entertain us, the sport viewers. Many people start their days with ESPN’s
SportsCenter so that they are up to date with all the latest sports news and entertainment.
The Media’s Negative Impact on Sport

Undoubtedly, the media have quite an influence on sports. The distinction between the
media’s positive role and negative role in sport is often a matter of perspective. For example, the
Chicago Cubs used to play only day games at Wrigley Field. Major League Baseball and the Chicago
Cubs organization realized that greater broadcast revenue could be generated with televised night
games. In order to do this, lights were added to the ballpark. This modernization of one of
professional baseball’s oldest stadiums was not initially popular with most Cubs fans, who preferred
the tradition of day games. Ultimately, the fans’ voices were ignored and lights were added in
an attempt to attract increased revenue via night time broadcasts of Cubs games (there are more
people available to watch games at night than during the day when people work and children
go to school). Was television’s influence that led to lights being installed at Wrigley Field positive
or negative? The answer lies with one’s perspective. On the one hand, a long-standing tradition
was destroyed; on the other hand, more people had access to Cubs games both live and on televi-
sion.
Some examples of the media’s negative role in sport are detailed in the following pages,
bearing in mind that there is room for disagreement on these outcome evaluations.
Economics
As stated earlier in this chapter (and in Chapter 12), the media—primarily television—have
positively impacted the economic fortune of athletes and team owners. The large sums of money
provided by television to the sports industry led to, among other things, dramatically higher salaries
for athletes in all commercial sports. Although the yearly salaries of most athletes in commercial
sports are usually higher than the lifetime income of average Americans, contemporary athletes
continue to demand more money and greater “perks.” Still, the owners will claim that they have a
difficult time covering the operating expenses (e.g., player and personnel salaries and travel and
maintenance costs) of a ball club. In order to cover their expenses, sports owners and promoters
have continued to raise ticket and concession prices. It has become increasingly difficult for families
to afford the price of attending a ballgame, auto race, international sporting event, and so on.
Based on research provided by the Team Marketing Report (a trade publication that surveys
ticket and concession prices for all major sports), of the four major team sports in North America,
the NFL had the highest average ticket price, at nearly $82 per ticket in 2013 (Team Marketing
Report 2013). The New England Patriots have the highest average ticket price ($117.84), while the
Cleveland Browns had the lowest ($54.20). It is not surprising that the NFL has the highest ticket
price considering that each franchise has only eight regular season home games. In contrast, Major
League Baseball franchises have 81 regular season home games and predictably have the lowest
average ticket price ($27.93) of the four major team sports in 2014 (Team Marketing Report 2014 ).
Like its NFL counterpart the Patriots, the Boston Red Sox have the highest average ticket price
($52.32), while the San Diego Padres had the lowest ($16.37) (Team Marketing Report 2014 ). The
average ticket price for the NHL for the 2014–15 season was $62.18 (Greenberg 2014). The average
ticket price of the NBA for the 2014–15 season was $53.98 (Harper 2014). If a family of four
attends a game and buys standard stadium food and a souvenir the costs can be very high. For
example, in 2012, the average cost for a family of four to see an NFL game, a beer for each of the
two adults and a soda for each of the two children, four hot dogs, parking, program and one ball
cap was $443.93 (Bukszpan 2012).
Influence Over Scheduling and Rule Changes

Television has great influence over the sports industry when it comes to scheduling games or
start times. The actual date of a game may be moved to accommodate television. This is especially
true for high profile games and events and especially the playoffs (and tournaments). “The start
time of games are nearly always scheduled in an attempt to maximize viewership. This is most evi-
dent during playoffs, where networks worry about broadcasting a night game during the week. If
the game starts too late in the Eastern time zone, viewers may turn off the game before the end
because it is so late. But, if the game starts too early in the Pacific time zone, potential viewers are
still at work, or driving home from work” (Delaney and Wilcox 2002: 209). Scheduling start times
to accommodate television broadcasts is often upsetting to coaches and players as well as viewers
and spectators.
Television has also played a role in a variety of rule changes in sports. The television timeout
in televised sports events (especially in basketball and football) is especially frustrating to spectators
and viewers, and sometimes to the athletes and coaches as well (e.g., when the television timeout
stops a team’s momentum). The television timeout is designed to provide structured stoppages in
play in order to broadcast commercials—which is the source of revenue for television. A number
of rule changes in sports have been influenced by television in an effort to provide more action.
Television executives realize that American viewers want to watch sporting events with action that
leads to scoring. Over the past few decades a number of rules changes have been enacted to increase
offense (action). Three examples from baseball include lowering the pitcher’s mound, which takes
away a certain amount of the “edge” that the pitcher has (the higher the hill, the greater the edge
the pitcher has), moving the outfield fences closer to home plate, and decreasing the foul ball ter-
ritory (and replacing it with high-priced luxury seats). The enactment of the 3-point shot rule
dramatically changed the game of basketball. Teams that find success from “behind the line” can
reduce a deficiency or build a big lead quickly. The 3-point shot was first introduced in college
basketball in the 1980–81 season. It was introduced in the NBA on a trial basis a season earlier.
The American Basketball Association already had the 3-point shot, which spearheaded the NBA’s
interest in this exciting rules change. The spot for kickoffs in football, once at the 40 yard line,
has been moved back to the 35 yard line in the NFL and the 35 yard line in college, with the touch-
backs moved up to the 25 yard line (from the 20 yard line).
Controlled Production
The media provide information to listeners and viewers. This information is filtered through
a restricted presentation of descriptions of events. The presentation of televised sports involves
a highly structured and controlled production. Because of the complexity involved with producing
a sports event, it is important to control as many variables as possible. The production staff gen-
erally includes a “hierarchical division of labor, typically between the producer, the director, com-
mentators, camera operatives, vision and sound mixers, and technicians. Each individual has clearly
defined responsibilities, which they are expected to fulfill despite any deficiencies in equipment….
Each is employed in a particular role according to skills and previous experience, although flexibility
is also a desired quality. The pressures involved are not just of time but also of uncertainty, in that
producers have to react to unpredictable occurrences both within the event and external to it”
(Brookes 2002: 22). Thus, the game itself may be unscripted, but the production of the sporting
event is as organized as possible. Ideally, the production of the televised sporting event meets the
expectations of the viewers.
In most cases, the viewers are relatively happy with the production of televised sporting
events. Viewers want and expect accurate information and descriptions of events. There are times
when television (and radio) announcers flat-out miss calls (e.g., use the wrong name of an athlete,
fail to see a penalty that was clear to viewers), announcers think and act as if they are as important
as the sporting event, television breaks away to commercials too quickly (action is missed) or return
from commercials too late (action is missed). Any die-hard fan can attest to the numerous mistakes
of media personnel during the production of any given game. This is because many viewers are
actually more knowledgeable about sports (or a particular sport or game) than those announcing
it.
The media provides much of what fans expect and desire. However, they do so in a very con-
trolled context. This is especially true in sports highlights shows (e.g., ESPN’s SportsCenter). The
mass sports media discuss the topics what they want to discuss. For example, there are times when
SportsCenter will show three sets of highlights from one particular NFL game (one they determined
was important) while completely ignoring other NFL games that occurred on the same day (they
don’t have time to show all the games when they show certain game highlights multiple times).
The recaps and reviews provided in newspapers, magazines, and televised news reports may be
quite different from the perspective of spectator who actually attended the game. Highlight shows
and news articles may be presented in such a way that one team or player is highlighted at the
expense of the competitor even though the competitor ultimately wins. “Production staff, on-air
announcers, and editors, often reveal their own biases as to what they think is important for the
viewer to watch. This is potentially very negative as the media are capable of manipulating the
audience into thinking that the game was one thing, when it actually could be something quite
different” (Delaney and Wilcox 2002: 210–211). ESPN’s SportsCenter, a sports highlight show
that is watched regularly by avid sports fans, is both enlightening (a great deal of information is
provided) and frustrating. SportsCenter is often difficult to watch because of its “helter skelter”
approach to broadcasting. In a typical one-hour broadcast, highlights of one sport (e.g., college
basketball) are shown, followed by an abrupt move to another topic (e.g., golf ), and without a
transition on to another topic (e.g., the NFL draft). Commercial breaks follow. The next set of
highlights may go back to a previously discussed sport (e.g., college basketball), a new topic (e.g.,
MLB’s spring training), and back to another previously discussed topic (e.g., golf ). In this regard,
the “controlled” production is not fan-friendly and the seemingly unorganized approach utilized
by SportsCenter is a common complaint among sports fans.
In sum, the sports media provides information on sports to a mass audience. The controlled
aspect of the production allows media outlets an opportunity to shape people’s perception of
events. As the leader in sports entertainment broadcasting, ESPN has great influence sport con-
sumers. Its attempt to dominate the sports market includes the controlled production of an award
show known as The ESPYs (Excellence in Sports Performance Yearly Awards). The ESPYs is an
awards show created and produced by ESPN wherein media stars (mostly movie and television
entertainers) present various awards to athletes. Fans are allowed to vote for specific plays (chosen
by ESPN) in each category and the winners are announced at the annual ESPYs show. This light-
hearted production is a clear example of the marriage between the mass media and athletics.
Loss of Heroes
Heroes have most likely existed throughout history. One becomes aware of heroic deeds
through two primary means: first-hand observation of heroic deeds and through some form of
communication. Before written languages were created, stories of heroes were passed down from
one generation to the next (and undoubtedly they were embellished every step of the way). With
written language, tales of heroic deeds were expressed in poems and short stories. Over time, tech-
nology improved and expanded upon these early versions of communication, leading to the cre-
ation of a mass media that included newspapers and eventually, radio, motion pictures, television,
satellite, and the Internet. All of these media outlets have helped to establish hero status for certain
individuals. However, as quick as the media often is to bestow hero status to some athletes, the
media is just as quick to reveal stories of an athlete who has fallen short of heroic behavior, thus
knocking him or her off the hero pedestal.
Throughout most of the history between sports and the media, journalists and others
involved in the media kept the private lives of athletes out of their commentary, which in turn
kept the hero myth alive for many athletes who did not lead ideal lives. For example, most people
did not know that during Mickey Mantle’s entire baseball career he had a drinking problem. This
was not revealed until years after his career ended and Mantle admitted that he could have been
an even greater player if he had taken better care of his body. Today, the private lives of many ath-
letes have become overly public. As a result, fans know too much about their sports heroes (and
athletes in general). Furthermore, in this era of social media, many athletes themselves expose
their own “dirty laundry” via Twitter or Facebook posts. If a public outcry ensues due to the
content of the post/tweet, the athlete will delete the comment from their account, issue an apology
and move on. The problem remains after the post is deleted, however, as fans remember the athlete’s
damaging or crude comments and begin to feel less admiration, which is a contributing factor in
the demise of a once heroic figure.
In short, the media are capable of placing someone on a hero pedestal and equally capable
of knocking someone off it. To their credit, however, the media generally provide an athlete an
opportunity (public forum) to tell his or her side of the story or a chance to publicly apologize,
and therefore provide the avenue for “fallen” athletes to regain their positive image. The fact
remains, though, that the media are partly responsible for the decreasing number of sports heroes
found in contemporary society.
The Media’s Portrayal of Gender

A basic adage of advertising involves a simple concept: “Sex sells.” Everyone knows and under-
stands this to be true. Images of sex appeal are commonly used to sell a wide variety of products.
Commercialized sports are products to be consumed by a mass audience. The sports mass media
often utilize the “sex sells” mentality in their approach to promoting and selling sports. As a result,
a great deal of objectification of athletes occurs in sports. Duncan (1993) states that patriarchal
social practices in the media are responsible for the objectification of women in sport. Burstyn
(1999) uses the term “hypermasculinity” to describe this patriarchal approach to sport coverage
by the media. Burstyn (1999) argues that hypermasculinity is a cultural force that inhibits gender
equity in society in general and sport specifically. For example, Olympic beach volleyball has been
chastised by feminists as a sport that did little more than display scantily clad women for the delight
of television viewers and spectators in the stands. In 2012, the International Olympic Committee
addressed the criticism from feminists and “some conservative-leaning countries” and amended
its bylaws that had required “female beach volleyball players to wear bikinis” (Clarke 2012). Annie
Sugier, a spokesperson for the International League of Women’s Rights, said about the former
bikini-wearing requirement, “They are using women’s bodies as sex. It is all about money. It makes
women look like objects and it is a clear case of sexism” (Clarke 2012). As is generally the case
with young female athletes in the contemporary era, who tend not to consider themselves as fem-
inists, many of the beach volleyball players were indifferent about the idea of being objectified.
April Ross, a U.S. beach volleyball player said, “Once they see the athleticism of our sport they’re
hooked on it” (Clarke 2012). Aussie gold medal winner Natalie Cook said, “The female body is a
masterpiece. Everyone likes to look at the female body, especially in dynamic, athletic sport. I’m
okay with it. It’s the only sport where women dominate. If it starts with the bikini, fine. I believe
it shows the best side of the female body and I’m proud of how we look in it” (Clarke 2012). Cook
also pointed out that track and field stars also, essentially, run in a bikini: “It’s a little bigger, but
it’s a bikini ” (Clarke 2012).
Despite what the elite athletes have to say about body image, a number of people are con-
cerned that the objectification of women in sports leads to distorted body images for girls. Young
girls and women are being told by the media to be thin and sexy. Bissell (2004) states, “Thin-ideal
media content is said to be one of the factors responsible for promoting distorted body image per-
ceptions in young girls and college women” (108). Promoting fitness is certainly a positive attribute
of the media, as obesity continues to be a growing problem in society. Being too thin, of course,
is not only unhealthy, it is not attractive.
At present, gender objectification not only still exists, it seems to be extending to men as
well. Society, including the media, has increasingly stepped up its pressure on men to look aes-
thetically pleasing. Many men have cosmetic surgery and male television announcers wouldn’t
think about going on the air without makeup. There are many commercial ads that involve men
dressed provocatively, thus leading to their objectification. However, women still face far greater
scrutiny about their image than men do. For example, women athletes have long faced the “stigma”
that all female athletes are lesbians. To circumvent this “problem” the sports media often employ
a feminine apologetic approach to their coverage of women’s sports in which they heterosexualize
female athletes through emphasizing their relationships with men (Knight and Giuliano 2003).
Rarely do the media find the need to point out that male athletes are involved with women. The
media explicitly refer to a female athlete’s attractiveness and attempt to show them as feminine.
There is a reason why the sports media hype such female athletes as Lindsey Vonn, Maria Sharapova,
and Danica Patrick; they are athletically successful, but also young, feminine, heterosexual, and
aesthetically pleasing women.
One final point worth making has to do with the amount of media coverage given to women’s
sports compared to men’s sports. It is clear to anyone who follows sports that far more attention
is given to men’s sports than women’s sports. But is this difference a matter of a preference toward
men’s sports, or a bias? For the time being, at least, it seems that more men and women prefer to
watch men’s sporting events. And while the total coverage of women’s sports is less than compared
to men, the amount of coverage has certainly increased in the past generation.
Media Ethics
The media may be responsible for questionable behavior, either because they may have caused
it, or because they broadcast it. There are many occasions when the media broadcasts a live event
and the microphones pick up vulgar language or the camera records indecent acts of behavior.
Television in particular must be careful about possible FCC breaches of decency during live events
(this is why some broadcasts are always on a few seconds delay so that the production crew can try
to avoid airing questionable behavior). One act in particular comes to mind, Janet Jackson’s
“wardrobe malfunction” during the 2004 Super Bowl halftime show. This incident became the
lightning rod for federal regulations regarding what constitutes acceptable or deviant behavior.
Ultimately, CBS paid a record $550,000 fine for indecency because one of Jackson’s breasts was
temporarily exposed to the estimated 100 million television viewership.
The media has a responsibility to report truthful information to its audience. There are times,
however, when media outlets report false or inflammatory information. The reporting of false
information (e.g., a pending baseball trade) may be an honest mistake based on inaccurate infor-
mation from an “inside source” that made an error (e.g., someone in the team’s executive office
leaked information to the press about a possible trade before all the details were finalized). Gen-
erally, the reporting of false information was not meant to be malicious but in some cases the
media may be guilty of libel. The media may also be involved in instances of defamation of char-
acter via inflammatory comments made public. One infamous case of sports defamation of char-
acter involves syndicated radio host Don Imus and his on-air discussion with his producer about
the Rutgers University women’s basketball team. Imus referred to the women as “rough girls” and
talked about their tattoos. His executive producer, Bernard McGuirk, referred to them as “hardcore
hos.” Imus added to the comment and called the women “nappy-headed hos.” CBS suspended Imus
and eventually cancelled his show (Media Matters for America 2007). Imus’s comments led to
charges of sexism and racism and created a firestorm of racial debate and a debate about the limits
of free speech. Imus and his show would revive later on a different network (Citadel).
Some athletes are distracted by the media. The “bright lights” of a big-time televised game
may cause stress, anxiety and a change in mood for athletes, but this is part of the game and athletes
have to learn to deal with it. That the media will attempt to interview athletes is also a part of the
game. “Win or lose, their performance and life is publicly dissected by the media. Winning brings
about media glorification and expectation, and/or jealousy and criticism. Losing brings forth neg-
ative judgment and more criticism” (Ott and van Puymbroeck 2008). On some occasions the
media go too far in their attempt to gain information from athletes. The sometimes paparazzi-
style hounding by a few members of the media has led to confrontations with athletes. Physical
confrontations may ensue. At the very least, athletes may become distracted and lose their focus.
“Distractions evoke negative mood responses, detrimental arousal and anxiety levels, and stress,
thus resulting in the consumption of mental energy. Mental energy is a vital element to be able to
concentrate one’s attention and maintain a positive mental attitude.… Time spent fretting over
distractions drains mental energy so that performance suffers” (Ott and Puymbroeck 2008). In
short, media distractions can be a negative consequence of the media in sports.
Sport Journalism and Broadcasting

Many sports fans rely on sports coverage provided by journalists and broadcasters. As a pri-
mary social institution, sport commands the attention of millions. Sports journalists and broad-
casters are relatively influential people in shaping public opinion on a variety of topics.
Sports Journalism
Journalists provide information to an audience. Sports journalists, of course, focus on ele-
ments related to the institution of sport. As the popularity of sports grew from the beginning of
the twentieth through nearly the entire century, a number of people were employed as sports jour-
nalists. It was common for sports coverage to account for nearly 20 to 25 percent of the content
of major newspapers in most cities. As a result, sports journalists have experienced a certain level
of prestige within the newspaper business, as sports coverage represents the largest specialization
within most newspapers. The sports department of a typical daily newspaper often consisted of
a separate editor, desk, sub-editors, and reporters. We talk in the past tense because the last couple
of decades of the twentieth century played witness to a diminishing role for sports journalists in
traditional newspapers. A number of top columnists and reporters embraced the trend for instan-
taneous broadcast of information the moment it happens to the public via the electronic forms
of media. These journalists may still have a job writing columns in newspapers but they also have
Twitter accounts and their own blogs, or they work for sports networks like ESPN to give “expert”
opinion on sporting matters. No longer do top journalists have to wait until the next morning to
get their story out nor do they have to worry about being edited.
There are many similarities between news and sports journalists. For example, just as news
journalists, sports journalists generally have a degree in journalism. As news journalists, sports
journalists provide information; specifically, on sporting events and stories of relevance to either
athletes, sports teams, or the institution of sport in general. As with other news reporters, sports
journalists are trained to be and expected to be objective and neutral in their reporting. Although
sports provide ample opportunities for sensational story-writing, most stories written by sports
journalists are routine. As Brookes (2002) explains, “Most journalism concerning sport is much
more routine and everyday. There is a danger that in focusing on the most spectacular news related
to sport we ignore what sports journalism does day in, day out” (32–33). Thus, sports journalists,
as do news journalists, generally deal with the routine story but occasionally get involved with
sensational stories. Those sport journalists who concentrate on spectacular stories are looking for
high profile topics and scandals that cross over to “newsworthiness,” such as the Ray Rice domestic
violence case (discussed in Chapter 9).
Sports journalists who write serious, newsworthy stories are utilizing the “hard” news
approach to journalism. The hard news style is more factual and objective in content. It reflects
the serious nature of sports journalism. In hard news articles, journalists often seek out “experts”
in the field to provide quotes for their articles. This helps to bring legitimacy to their reports. It
also makes it “hard” news. In contrast, there are journalists, both in sports and out of sports, who
prefer to cover “soft” news. Soft news journalists discuss gossip and scandals. Scandals of any kind
are often covered by journalists. Sports scandals follow this pattern. As Brookes (2002) explains,
the sports scandal story “predominates in mass circulation and elite publications. The newswor-
thiness of the story depends on the combination of elements of sex, violence, crime, drugs and
greed” (34). Gossip may include rumors about athletes to be traded and behind the scenes reports
of the activities and behaviors of athletes and sports personnel. The soft news approach also
involves journalistic coverage of local sporting events, such as high school ball games. These sport
journalists are dealing with the profane, everyday world of sports where the coverage is expected
to be “light” and noncontroversial. These sport journalists generally enjoy a regular audience, but
such an audience is localized. The sport journalist who covers the everyday sporting events serves
an important function for smaller newspapers that rely on hometown coverage of sporting events,
perhaps including a slant in storytelling that favors the home team.
The majority of sports journalists are from middle-class backgrounds, college-educated, and
generally white. As they interview athletes, who are often from lower socio-economic groups and
less educated, but substantially higher paid, it is common for journalists to exploit athletes in an
attempt to level the playing field. As a result, friction often develops between sport journalists
and professional athletes (discussed previously in the section on media ethics). Athletes may
respond violently or by refusing to talk with certain journalists. Both journalists and athletes need
to realize they need each other, at least in part, in order to reach the highest level of success in
their respective fields. After all, journalists must be able to interview athletes in order to gain inside
information that the readers want to know, and athletes need to present themselves in a positive
light with the public if they are to take advantage of all the opportunities that may be afforded
them (e.g., endorsements).
Sports Broadcasting
The mass audience of sports fans and consumers affords opportunities for some sport jour-
nalists and broadcasters to become stars in their own right. In this regard, sports journalists and
broadcasters may attain celebrity status by virtue of their occupation. ESPN sports anchors in
particular reach the homes of millions of viewers. The celebrity status enjoyed by the top sports
journalists and broadcasters is often both exciting and filled with “perks.”
Sports broadcasters often serve as icons for fans. The “voice” of a particular team is heard
repeatedly by fans. Many fans listen to that same “voice” for years, even decades. Among the “old-
school” broadcasters who enjoyed iconic status were Red Barber, Mel Allen, Curt Gowdy, and
“Chick” Hearn. Vin Scully, Dick Vitale, Al Michaels, and John Madden enjoy such iconic status
today. John Madden is so popular that his name is used to sell the official annual NFL video game
that is a hit with youth today.
Sports broadcasters and journalists are such a big part of sport that they are eligible for
various sports halls of fame. For many fans, broadcasters and journalists bring to life sporting
events they have not seen and recreate images of games and events they have seen. There is no
doubt that the media will continue to have a strong role in sports. The thirst for sports knowledge
among millions of fans will continue to stimulate further technological growth in the sports media
industry.
Technology and Social Media

As described throughout this chapter, the primary role of the media is to provide information.
Sports fans love, crave and enjoy sports information, especially about their favorite athletes and
teams, and they also want the latest statistics and up-to-date scores of a variety of sporting events.
It seems as though as the level of technology increases so too does our desire for sports information.
Thus, when fans once had to rely on newspapers and radio and later basic television coverage, they
made do with what they had. Then came cable television and satellite TV, and sports information
outlets grew and so too did our desire to consume it. The introduction of electronic technology,
or social media, fueled our thirst for instantaneous information. Live streaming put sports infor-
mation and video in the palm of our hands. Is it any wonder we are becoming a nation of sports
junkies with an ever-increasing desire for instantaneous gratification?
Technology
Technology exerts a great deal of influence in nearly all spheres of life. Technological advance-
ments in the mass media and communications have had a tremendous influence in the sports world.
Sports fans who want inside information about athletes do not have to turn to sports highlight
Phone technology allows sports fans to get up-to-the-minute scores online via such outlets as ESPN.
shows—which should focus on highlights instead of insipid stories of athletes—as many athletes
have their own personal Web sites or blogs and readily share personal thoughts via Twitter. Personal
social media outlets provide athletes with a forum where they can control the production and
presentation of their lives. Sports fans may also set up social network sites or blogs on their favorite
(or most despised) athletes and teams. Blogs are similar to personal journals or diaries but they
are posted online for others to read. All major sport teams have official Web sites where fans can
visit and learn about the team, specific athletes, the organization, upcoming events, news stories,
and so on.
The primary concern of sports fans is receiving information on games and sporting events.
To this end, technology of the early 21st century has revolutionized sports coverage much as tel-
evision had decades ago. Sports fans not only enjoy the opportunity to view numerous sporting
events every day of week thanks to cable television and satellite coverage, they now have live sports
streaming. If there is a game broadcast anywhere in the world, a satellite can beam the broadcast
in an instant around the globe. One merely needs to possess the proper technology to receive such
broadcasts. Satellite television is popular in many parts of the world, including Europe. As Whannel
(2002) explains, “The deregulation of rights negotiation allowed television channels to acquire
the rights to the European games of specific clubs and competition between the five terrestrial
channels and Sky meant that there was more live football on television than ever before” (38). Not
only has the quantity of sporting events available to consumers increased, thanks to digital tech-
nology the quality of the broadcasts has also improved tremendously.
Cable and satellite TV coverage of sport represents the mere beginning of the technological
advancements that have led to the proliferation of sports programming and consumer availability.
Advances in computer technology have led to dramatic memory increases and high-speed data
transfer rates. This technology combined with satellite technology makes it inevitable that unlim-
ited sports broadcast programming will be available online. Right now, fans can visit official Web
sites of major sports leagues and gain access to a wide variety of sports information, statistics, and
play by play of accounts of games in progress. Some sites have audio links as well. Most official
Web sites are relatively sophisticated. At MLB.com, for example, a baseball diamond is presented
graphically. It shows the location of any base runners and “locates” the defensive players on field.
Statistics are provided for the batter’s history against the pitcher, as well as the pitcher’s history
against the batter, and so on. In short, there is no shortage of sports information available online.
International travelers are especially happy with the information available online because they can
find sports information and ball game results wherever they are.
In 2006, CBS offered, for the first time, free video streaming of the first 56 NCAA tourna-
ment games. Streaming allows sports fans to watch the “game on the go” or while they are at work
online. A “boss” button option is available on most programs. When the viewer presses the “boss”
button, a spreadsheet instantly pops on the screen—so that you won’t get caught watching the
game. The ease with which technology allows people to watch sporting events, especially major
events, at work is of concern to employers.
Advancements in cell phone technology over the past few decades are nearly astronomical.
Cell phones have been available for multiple decades now, but the phones used today are dramat-
ically different from the first, primitive variations. Today’s cell phones not only take pictures and
videos and permit text messaging, they allow for video chats and streaming video. Undoubtedly,
technology in this area will continue to advance at a rapid pace.
The broadcast media will continue to find new ways to entertain sports viewers. There will
be more cameras used in sports broadcasts than viewers can possibly imagine. There are already
cameras nearly everywhere, including helmet cam, goalie cam, cameras in the floors at NBA games,
overhead cameras at football games, cameras inside race cars, and so on. What remains? Television
will find the answer. (Note: We provide a few more details in Chapter 16.)
Technology will be infused in sport in a variety of ways. For example, the authors predict
that inevitably, tiny transmitters will be incorporated inside hockey pucks and digital lines will be
installed over the goal line in an attempt to reach undisputable evidence of whether a goal was
scored. The NFL could also utilize this technology by installing a transmitter inside a football and
digital devices used at yard makers in order to determine such things as first downs and whether
or not the ball crosses the end zone. At this pace, technology will continue to play a significant
role in presenting and shaping sporting events.
Social Media
In the twenty-first century most people spend a great deal of time communicating with one
another in the virtual world (cyberspace) rather than engaging in face-to-face interactions. We
also rely on cyberspace (the electronic world), via social media, for a great deal of our entertainment
and news and sports information. Our attachment to the cyberworld did not spring up quickly,
rather it’s been in the making for quite a while now. The use of computers is a near necessity and
keeping up with the latest technology is nearly mandatory for a large portion of the population.
Social media, then, refers to cyber-communication and the countless array of “internet based
tools and platforms that increase and enhance the sharing of information. This new form of media
makes the transfer of text, photos, audio, video and information in general increasingly fluid
among internet users” (Social Media Defined 2014). People use social media for business and pleas-
ure via such platforms as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, LinkedIn and so on, all with the inevitable
conclusion of forming virtual worlds of reality.
Sports are a part of all form of social media. We can text each other sports information, we
can stream ball games online on computers or smartphones, we can post sports-related photos on
Facebook, and tweet sports-related messages on Twitter. Athletes and sports teams themselves
also use social media in an attempt to control select messages to the public. Sometimes people act
too hasty and post things they wished they hadn’t but as we all know, once it’s in cyberspace it is
out there for all to see and access if they really want to find it. In “Connecting Sports and Popular
Culture” Box 15 we will take a closer look at athletes and their social media presence.
Although we will look in more detail at what’s trending in sports in Chapter 16, it is worth
mentioning here that social media outlets like Facebook and Twitter help to identify sports trends.
This identification process is accomplished when a site suddenly sees a huge spike in common-
themed posts or tweets. Thus, when something huge occurs in the sports world and people imme-
diately use the social media to talk about it and then others follow suit, we have a “trending” phe-
nomenon. And because social media is a global cyber-community (i.e., 80 percent of Facebook
users live outside the United States) it is not surprising to learn that World Cup soccer was the
number one overall widely discussed event of 2014 on Facebook (Associated Press 2014c). The
Ebola outbreak was the number two trending event followed by the presidential election in Brazil.
Two other sporting events were on the top ten Facebook trending list for 2014, the 2014 Super
Bowl at #8 and the Sochi Winter Olympics at #10 (Associated Press 2014c).
We conclude this chapter with one more story of the increasing relevance of social media
and sports and that is, when one attends a sporting event, especially a televised event, one must
always be ready to be caught by the camera and put on air. And the circumstances may not be of
our choosing. Some readers may recall the 1993 Seinfeld episode (“The Lip Reader”) in which
George Costanza was caught on air eating an ice cream sundae and making a mess of himself. The
on-air announcers mocked George and said things like, “hey buddy, they have a new invention,
it’s called a napkin.” The camera stayed on George for a full eight seconds, which is quite a while
and plenty of time for people viewing the tennis match to see George. So ashamed was George’s
girlfriend that she broke up with him! Something like this could not happen in real life, could it?
Well, of course it can. One much-discussed incident involved a man shown sleeping at an April
13, 2014, baseball game between the host New York Yankees and the visiting Boston Red Sox. An
ESPN camera found the sleeping Yankees fan and the announcers mocked him unmercifully. The
scene was similar to the Seinfeld episode in that the reaction of those viewing the unsuspecting
man caught on camera involved laughingly mocking the spectator. In the case of Andrew Robert
Rector, the Yankees fan who admitted in court documents that he “napped” during the game, he
filed a $10 million lawsuit against ESPN New York, Major League Baseball Advanced Media and
the Yankees for defamation and intentional infliction of emotional distress, contending he was
mocked on air which resulted in “substantial injury” to his “character and reputation” and “mental
anguish, loss of future income and loss of earning capacity” (ESPN.com 2014h).
The world is a much different place since the development and widespread reach of the social
media. Not only is information (and misinformation) much more readily available, one has to be
careful not to be the object and the subject of social media. And, if you are at a ballgame, or any
public place for that matter, you should assume there is a camera recording your actions (and
always have a napkin handy!). Thus, while older versions of the mass media (e.g., newspapers)
become less powerful in relaying sports content, newer versions (e.g., social media) have more than
picked up the slack.

Box 15: Athletes and Social Media Presence
As of October 2014, there were roughly 1.35 billion people on Facebook, nearly equal to the
population of China, and 9 percent larger than that of India (Dewey 2014). Because of the sheer
number of people who “reside” on Mark Zuckerberg’s creation, Facebook has been called “Face-
bookistan” (Dewey 2014). Facebook is indeed a powerful creation capable of providing users with
entertainment and news and sports information. A large number of athletes also have Facebook
accounts. An examination of the “2014 Top Athletes on Facebook” reflects the impact of the
world’s most popular sport as four of the top ten athletes are soccer players. Leading the way, and
by a huge margin, is Cristiano Ronaldo with nearly 99 million FB followers. Ronaldo is followed,
in order, by: Lionel Messi (73 million); David Beckham (49 million); Neymar (47 million); the
first two Americans, and “questionable” additions to a list of “athletes” are Dwayne “the Rock”
Johnson (“professional” wrestler turned movie star; 41.4 million) and John Cena (33 million);
Ricardo Kaka (31.7 million); Ronaldinho Gaucho (27 million); the first real American athlete,
who happens to also be retired, Michael Jordan (27 million); and, rounding out the Top Ten,
Mesut Ozil (26 million). The highest ranking active American athletes are both basketball players,
LeBron James (21.5 million) and Kobe Bryant (20.5 million) (ESPN 2014b; Fan Page List 2014).
As of July 2014, there were nearly 650 million people on Twitter with an estimated 135,000
new Twitter users signing up every day (Statistic Brain 2014). Twitter is especially popular with
athletes who wish to connect with their fans because they can send quick messages instantly. Ath-
letes also like to use Twitter, along with other social media forms of communication, because they
can control the message they wish to send. Athletes often follow other athletes and comment on
their play or respond to their tweets. It has even become common for ESPN to show a spectacular
highlight of one athlete and then show the tweet reactions from other athletes. There are times,
however, where the Twitter world has been used by athletes as a means to create, fuel, or extinguish
feuds with other athletes, or fans. At the collegiate level, coaches may find it necessary to put a
clamp on the content that their athletes tweet about. Like Facebook, soccer players also dominate
the Top Ten list of athletes on Twitter. In 2014, soccer players held seven of the top ten positions.
Once again, it is Ronaldo, with 30 million followers, leading the way. He is followed by Kaká (21
million); LeBron James (15 million); Neymar (14.5 million); Ronaldinho Gaucho (10.7 million);
Wayne Rooney (10 million); Andres Iniesta (9.6 million); Gerard Pique (9.4 million); Shaquille
O’Neal (8.8 million); and Kevin Durant (8.1 million).
Social media sites such as Twitter and Facebook are also a useful tool for many people who
participate in fantasy sports leagues (see Chapter 16 for a discussion on fantasy sports) as they can
keep up to date with player statistics and the latest injury reports. Social media has certainly
impacted the way we view and keep up with sports.
Summary
Today, nearly all sporting events are covered by some aspect of the mass media. The role of
the media in sports has not always been as inclusive, but both the mass media and mass interest
in sport grew together and now enjoy a symbiotic relationship. New forms of technology have
created many advancements of the media’s coverage of sports, as well as its ability to not only
inform its audience but to help shape the opinions of sports fans.
The media play a huge role in most cultures, and this is especially true in societies of the
West, including the United States and Canada. Most people watch television, go to the movie the-
ater, listen to the radio, read a newspaper, or log on to the Internet on a regular basis. Such media
provide information, interpretations of events, and entertainment. They also promote social inte-
gration and social change.
As sports became increasingly important in American society, the print media were there
since the beginning. By the 1920s, the sports page was a fixture in all major daily newspapers. The
sportswriter helped to establish athletes as stars worthy of adulation. Newspaper stories were
enhanced by accompanying photographs. Beginning in the early twentieth century, motion pictures
brought to life many sporting stories and events. A major breakthrough in sports coverage occurred
with the introduction of the radio. But the greatest application (to date) of media technology to
the sports world is television.
Television is critical to the economic success that all those in sports enjoy. In the early 1960s
there were only three networks and a few independent television stations, so the amount of sports
coverage was limited. Today, with the advent of cable and satellite television, nearly any game that
is broadcast is accessible to sports fans.
The link between the mass media and sport is firmly entrenched. They enjoy a symbiotic
relationship where each social institution attempts to create the most marketable product possible.
Presently, sports and the mass media are loyal partners. The merger between these two social insti-
tutions has created a number of both positive and negative outcomes.
The success of sports broadcasting is dependent upon two critical issues, the actual broad-
casting of the sporting event and access to the athletes for insightful and exclusive comments.
Among the primary functions of the sports media is to provide entertainment. ESPN is one of
the most important venues today; it provides almost constant sports entertainment. However, the
media’s insistence on overwhelming sports consumers with stories and information they have little
or no desire to hear about can be disturbing.
Sports journalists provide information on sporting events and stories of relevance to either
athletes, sports teams, or the institution of sports in general. Sports broadcasters often serve as
icons for fans. The thirst for sports knowledge among millions of fans will continue to stimulate
further technological growth in the sports media industry.
Social media is changing the ways in which sports is experienced. Not only is information
(and misinformation) provided on a 24–7 basis, its influence on how sports are experienced is
ever-expanding.
Key Terms
Cigarette Cards Believed to have originated in France around the 1840s, these were cardboard
stiffeners used as promotion.
Electronic Media Includes television, radio, motion pictures, and the Internet.
Gamer A person who plays video games.
Hegemonic Masculinity Typecasting males to a masculine ideal.
Mass Media The medium by which large numbers of people are informed about important
happenings in society.
Medium A means of communicating information.
Print Media Includes newspapers, magazines, and books.
Social Media Includes cyber-communication and internet based tools and platforms that
increase and enhance the sharing of information. This new form of media makes the transfer of
text, photos, audio, video and information in general increasingly fluid among internet users.
Streaming A technological advancement in sport broadcasting that allows sports fans to watch
the game “on the go” or while they are at work online.
Tall Tale The oldest form of storytelling is the result of oral accounts of great feats of accom-
plishments, usually exaggerated.
Trending A process that occurs when a social media site suddenly sees a huge spike in common-
themed posts or tweets.
True Story An approach to sportswriting which reveals the frailties and failures of athletes.
Verse Refers to the poetic-style writing of sportswriters.
• Why does ESPN place the word “entertainment” before the word “sports” in its title? Do you
think this is significant?
• Do you think there is too much sports coverage on television today? Why or why not?
• Why is the connection between sports and the mass media called a “symbiotic” one? What
are some of the positive and some of the negative aspects of this connection, in your view?
• Do you feel that individual athletes receive too much attention today? Does the fact that we
often know a great deal about an athlete’s personal life detract from the need for sports heroes?
• How are new forms of social media changing the ways we experience sporting events?
• Should athletes be more cautious when using social media such as Facebook or Twitter? Can
you think of any examples where this has proven to be controversial and/or detrimental to an
athlete’s career?
CHAPTER 16
What’s Trending in Sports
As demonstrated throughout the text, the role of sport in society is multi-faceted. Sport
is inter-connected with every major social institution found in society. As with every social insti-
tution, sport has its positive and negative features. Furthermore, sports, of some variation, have
been a feature of societies around the world throughout history. Sports give meaning and excite-
ment to the lives of most human beings; it is a force for social cohesion as well as for social
inequities.
In this final chapter, we take a slightly different approach than the subject-specific previous
chapters as we look at what’s trending in sports. As we mentioned in Chapter 15, “trending” is a
term that came into vogue via social media and it refers to that which is currently popular. To be
fair, research methodologists have used variations of the idea of trending (e.g., trend analysis)
long before the existence of social media and its meaning is roughly similar to the current meaning,
except that a methodological trend develops at a slower pace and takes place over an extended
period of time. For example, a sociologist working with a marketing department would collect
data over a period of time in an effort to forecast which products should be continued, updated,
or discontinued. On Facebook, when a large number of people suddenly start to post on a very
specific topic (e.g., the death of a celebrity), all related posts are labeled as “trending.” In the world
of Twitter, it is common to use a hashtag, identified by the # sign, as a means to identify a tweet
as either part of an existing trend or an attempt to establish a trend. Before social media, the #
sign meant “number” sign, as in “We’re #1”; or it meant “pound” sign, as in a phone directive
stating, “After entering your account number, press the pound sign.”
Among the primary challenges with trying to identify (in a textbook) social phenomena that
are trending is the realization that after a relatively short period of time, the referenced trending
activity is likely to be no longer trending. For example, from June 1 to September 1, 2014, Facebook
users shared more than 17 million videos related to the “Ice Bucket Challenge” which made this
topic # 5 worldwide, and #2 in the U.S. on the Facebook 2014 Top Ten trending list (CBS Dallas
Fort Worth 2014). However, when students read this text in 2016 or 2017, they may ask each other,
“What is the ‘Ice Bucket Challenge’?” With that in mind, we are going to identify many current
trending topics that are likely to carry over in relevancy for a number of years. These trending
topics include: the use of new technology in sports; new sports; fantasy sports; e-gambling; video
games, including college video game scholarships and the controversy surrounding the use of spe-
cific players’ images without their permission in video games; sporting activities designed to help
children with autism and a variety of physical challenges; promoting physical education to fight
obesity; and promoting the ideals of sportsmanship.
393
New Technology
In materialistically-driven societies it is common for new technology to spirit the creation
of numerous new or improved products (e.g., video games, smartphones and personal use drones)
or ideas (e.g., in American football the use of instant replay to verify every touchdown) for con-
sumption. The idea that touchdowns in football should be verified is the result of the importance
placed upon football in American society. That the airing of major collegiate and NFL games
involves multiple cameras, including overhead cameras (new technology), made the idea of review-
ing touchdowns possible.
New technology in sport is utilized when there is a perceived benefit. For example, many col-
leges, such as the University of Miami, deploy drones with cameras attached to them to study and
analyze football practices. Toy drones are relatively cheap (around $500) and the footage from
their cameras help coaches and players study film (Reynolds 2014). During a UM practice, footage
from a traditional camera perched atop a sideline tower made it seem like the quarterback misread
a particular play; however, the camera in the drone hovering just five feet over his head provided
a completely different perspective because of its vantage point (The Citizen 11/4/14). As Miami
coach Al Golden explains, “It’s all about getting the players information they need so they can play
fast and execute. This drone, in terms of quarterback play, I don’t know if there’s any other way
to do it anymore” (The Citizen 11/4/14). Miami was not the first school to use drones, as UCLA
made headlines in the spring of 2014 when it did so. Tennessee and Louisville are among other
colleges using drones to analyze football practices (Reynolds 2014). In football, the advantage of
drone footage is the panoramic view of the field it provides. The NCAA, like any governing sports
body, has to keep up with changes in technology and for now it allows teams to use it at their own
practices only, not during games, and certainly not to spy at rival practices.
Drone-equipped cameras are just one of the innovations in recording sporting events; another
very popular trending type of filming is the GoPro Camera. GoPro cameras, the invention of Nick
Woodman, have been around since 2002. Woodman, who was selling 35mm cameras back when
he first created the GoPro, is now a billionaire and heads one of the nation’s fastest-growing camera
companies (Mac 2013). The GoPro camera is now the standard in capturing action sports and no
wonder as it provides panoramic, high-definition video, including film and stills (the Hero 4 cam-
era) at the same time (Mac 2013; CBS This Morning 2014d). GoPro Cameras is a multi-billion
dollar industry and nearly half of all video cameras sold in the U.S. in 2014 were GoPro brand.
Woodman created the GoPro camera because he wanted a waterproof camera that he could use
to film himself surfing. Surfing legend Kelly Slater used it shortly afterwards; he mounted a camera
on his surfboard so that viewers could get a glimpse into the wonderfully exciting world of surfing
(CBS This Morning 2014d). Snowboarder Shaun White was another one of the early action sport
stars to use the GoPro. Today, everyone seems to enjoy the GoPro as these lightweight cameras
can be strapped to anything that moves, including birds, pets, children, and sporting equipment.
The vantage point of a camera on a flying eagle is breathtaking. A GoPro camera attached to
bungee jumpers, cliff divers, and other extreme sports participants gives the viewer a glimpse into
the world of action sports. A visit to the GoPro official website provides a look at all its products
including cameras, mounts and accessories, and apps and software. The GoPro motto of “Wear
it, Mount it, Love It” sums up its usage strategy.
A few other examples of new technology in sports include:
• Equipping NFL players with tracking technology in their shoulder pads to measure how fast
and far they run in addition to analyzing the routes they run (Hirst 2014).
• The implementation of goal-line technology (via 14 cameras—seven trained on each goal

mouth—that record 500 images per second and a computer to digest and analyze the data
instantly) in the 2014 World Cup to determine whether a ball crosses the line, in an attempt to
conclusively prove whether a goal was scored or not (Wade 2014). FIFA executives believe that
this goal-line technology will end the debate on goals, as sometimes the referee doesn’t have the
best vantage point for his decision and because the human eye can only record 16 frames per
second, which is no match for a high-speed camera (Wade 2014).
• Germany, the winner of the 2014 World Cup, a regular soccer power, turned to science to
prepare for its 2014 competition. “The German soccer federation studied data on everything
from climate trends to player fitness in seeking an advantage at the tournament” (Duff 2014).
The German federation had 40 sports science students sift through data on each opponent in
order to assist its national team prepare for opponents.
• The Dutch also used scientific technology in the 2014 World Cup. “After playing extra time
against Costa Rica, Dutch players put on cooling vests to bring down their body temperature
before winning a penalty shootout” (Duff 2014).
• Most soccer teams participating in the 2014 World Cup were using all sorts of high-tech
devices to manage their players, including: having them wear a widget in the jerseys to transmit
heartbeat and other medical data to the coaches who monitored the data on iPads in order to
determine when a player was peaking or tiring; and placing a chip in players’ footwear that
transmitted the distances and speed of running (The Citizen 6/22/14).
The above discussion represents a sampling of new technology used in sports in an attempt
to help athletes perform at peak performance and/or to provide fans of sports a full and enriching
experience while viewing sports and recreation.
Fantasy Sports
In this era of virtual reality it should not be surprising to realize that many people enjoy, or
even prefer, fantasy sports over real sports. Fantasy sports are make-believe sports but treated as
real by those who participate in them. Enjoyed by men and women, young and old, fantasy sports
participants have formed a wide variety of fantasy sports leagues. The popularity of fantasy sports
leagues most definitely qualifies as a trending pop culture phenomenon. With fantasy sports, par-
ticipants are afforded an opportunity to act as an “owner” or general manager of a fantasy sports
franchise and “draft” players for their teams. The make-believe fantasy sports teams compete
against other fantasy teams via real-life statistics of the players. Thus, if someone is involved in a
fantasy NFL sports league, he or she “drafts” real-life players from all the NFL team rosters forming
their own makeshift team. Other players in the league do the same thing. The statistics generated
by players on a week-to-week basis are entered into a program that allows for a point system (based
on the achievements of the real-life players’ performances) in order to determine weekly and sea-
sonal winners and losers. That there are “losers” in a fantasy world is of itself sociologically and
philosophical intriguing; after all, the idea of escaping to a fantasy world has historically been
equated to a utopian world where all of one’s whims and desires are met. Such is not the case with
fantasy sports. How sad it is that one can be a loser in one’s own fantasy!
Fantasy sports have evolved from their humble 1960 beginnings “when then Harvard soci-
ologist William Gamson started the ‘Baseball Seminar’ where he and his colleagues would form
rosters that earned points based on players’ final statistics, such as their batting average, runs batted
in, earned run average, and wins” (Delaney 2012: 95). Each participant paid an entry fee and a
winner was declared at the conclusion of the fantasy league. Today, with the help of cyber-
technology, fantasy sports leagues are far more advanced and extremely popular. In addition, nearly
every kind of sport is available as a fantasy sport league. Some leagues allow people to play week-
to-week rather than an entire season.
As a testament to its trending reality, fantasy sports were a $70 billion dollar industry in 2013
with an estimated 32 million Americans and Canadians spending on average $467 per person to
play (Goff 2013). With so many people playing fantasy sports, host sites have made billions of
dollars in ad revenue. There is a TV show—The League—that is centered on a fantasy sports league
and its competitors and their everyday lives. In September 2014, The League had its sixth season
premiere on the FXX Channel (having originally debuted on FX). To give you an idea of the
show, the 2014 premiere featured the line, “We’ve got to get that draft board out of the coffin”
(Collis 2014: 59). ESPN regularly discusses fantasy sports leagues and allude to fantasy sports
leagues even while covering the real games. The network has a number of shows specifically on
fantasy sports, including a weekly NFL two-hour show called Fantasy Football Now that airs on
ESPN2. As a virtual reality, “what’s trending now” aspect of sport, fantasy sports league are, of
course, available in a variety of apps including one advertised in Sports Illustrated—The FanNation.
The FanNation app is an example of a specialized version of fantasy sports wherein this app allows
one “to select a set of NFL players—a quarterback, running back, wide receiver and tight end—
each week for the Football Throwdown” (Sports Illustrated 11/24/14).
Online Gambling
The advent of electronic technology would eventually lead to things like online gambling.
Gambling online, according to federal law, is essentially illegal in most of the United States (Forbes
2013). “While the 2002 Wire Act doesn’t explicitly prohibit internet wagering, the Justice Depart-
ment takes the position that it covers all forms of gambling. The 2006 UIGEA (Unlawful Internet
Gambling Enforcement Act) clarified and expanded on the 2002 Wire Act and spelled the death
knell for many internet gambling sites. In 2011, the government flexed its muscles when the FBI,
in a widely publicized sting, shut down the three largest online poker sites concurrently detaining
and charging eleven people including the site founders” (Forbes 2013). As described in Chapter 8,
the government is concerned about a great deal of activities, including potential lost tax revenue
(because gambling sites may be established off-shore to circumvent the law and regulators) and
the potential encouragement of compulsive, addictive behavior. We can also add such federal con-
cerns as bank fraud and money laundering.
Federal statutes do, however, allow for individual states to pass legislation legalizing online
gambling, and as of September 2014, Nevada, Delaware and New Jersey had done so (Heitner
2014). “The launch of online casinos in other states has been viewed as a pretty strong success in
its first year. While its brick-and-mortar casinos appear to be struggling, New Jersey began to pro-
vide licenses to a number of online casinos in 2014. Some of the licenses are for online versions
of brick-and-mortar institutions like Caesars, Harrah’s and others, which have provided those
longstanding entities with new sources of revenue” (Heitner 2014). The state of Nevada has
allowed online poker as of May 1, 2013, but it is only available to Nevada residents (Forbes 2013).
The grey area of online gambling is revealed most clearly with fantasy sports (described
above). Because fantasy sports take place via the internet and involve financial payment so that
participants can draft their team players, place a wager, and receive a payment (on the daily fantasy
sports sites), fantasy sports are a version of e-gambling. As we have already mentioned, there were
an estimated 32 million fantasy sport participants in 2013 in the U.S. and Canada alone and the
daily fantasy sports wagering options are beginning to chip away at the seasonal franchises provided
by “the ESPN’s of the world” (Forbes 2013). Most assuredly, as the popularity of fantasy sports
(and online poker) continues to grow, so too will the popularity of online gambling.
The New and the Unusual Sports

Many of us who enjoy sports, leisure and recreation find ways to entertain ourselves and our
friends with made-up games; in some cases relatively elaborate rules are established and from time
to time these activities catch on with others. Tim Delaney and his brother Tom created a sport
called “roofball” many years ago. Roofball involves a combination of tennis and volleyball and the
use of a ball that is sturdier than a beach ball but softer than a dodgeball. The game can be played
as singles or doubles, like tennis, and involves the player(s) alternating hitting the ball, volleyball
style, onto a slanted roof with the alternate player or team volleying the ball back onto the roof.
If the ball hits the ground during your turn the other player/team receives a point. The game was
usually played to 15 but you had to win by 2 points, so the game could go on for a while. For a few
summers in the early 1980s the game was so popular with our friends that a recreational league
was created. It was fun to play on the road because people had different types of roofs, some involv-
ing a combination of differently angled roofs. It was very popular with a circle of friends and
resembled a summer beer league designed for people to have fun but involving some athletic skill.
We never tried to convert roofball into a sport for others to play; we just had fun with it ourselves.
Other people have created their own new sports too and, for whatever reason, sometimes
these new sports would receive publicity and catch on with others. Frisbee golf is a good example.
Many people first heard of Frisbee golf on the Seinfeld episode “The Summer of George.” In this
episode, the George Costanza character has recently been terminated from his employment with
the New York Yankees. He has received a huge severance package and decides to take the summer
off and have fun. A group of people are playing Frisbee golf or “frolf ” (as George calls it) and
invite him to play along. George is very enthusiastic to join in this sporting activity. Frisbee golf
gained in popularity but because “Frisbee” is a brand name this sport is now known as Disc Golf.
It even has its own governing body, Professional Disc Golf Association (PDGA), with sanctioned
courses across the nation, and outside of the U.S. as well. There are PDGA sponsored tournaments
and a championship. In 2014, the PDGA (2014) boasted having reached the 70,000 member
mark—a number that far surpassed roofball in its heyday! While neither Delaney nor Madigan
belong to the PDGA, Delaney regularly plays disc golf and has his own “clubs.” The “clubs” are
discs (similar to a Frisbee) and there are three primary distinct discs that most players possess, the
“distance driver” (like a “driver” in golf ), the “mid-range” (like a 5-iron), and the “putt and
approach” (like a putter). Like golf courses, the disc golf courses vary a great deal with some of
them quite challenging as players have to navigate woods, steep hills and long fairways. Scoring
is similar to golf and the “hole” is a container that players must throw the disc into in order to
finish the hole. Players can either do a 9-hole or 18-hole course, like regular golf.
Hoping to cash in on the idea of disc golf is foot golf, a combination of soccer and golf,
wherein players kick a ball onto a green and try to put the ball into a big golf hole. Foot golf began
in the Netherlands in 2009 and has quickly caught on in other parts of the world, including the
United States. As of 2014, there were at least 170 foot golf courses in the United States alone.
Claiming to be the largest governing body of foot golf is the United States Foot Golf Association
(USFGA). The USFGA is a non-profit organization designed to promote the sport. It oversees
state and regional associations and provides support to golf course operators.
Another rather obscure, but growing, sport is “Pickleball.” Pickleball is a developing fitness
trend for seniors (Tamura 2011). “Named after ‘Pickles,’ a ball-snatching cocker spaniel, Pickleball
was invented in 1965 by Joel Pritchard, a future Republican Congressman from Washington State”
and two of his friends (Tamura 2011). Despite Tennis magazine describing Pickleball as “America’s
newest racket sport” in 1976, it grew slowly but is trending now. The USA Pickleball Association
(USAPA) was founded in 1984, “the same year the first rule book was published” (Tamura 2011).
The USAPA (2014) describes Pickleball as: (1) a sport that combines many elements of tennis,
badminton and ping pong, (2) played both indoors and outdoors on a badminton-sized court and
a slightly modified tennis net, (3) played with a paddle and a plastic ball. The game begins with
an underhand serve from behind the baseline; the ball must sail over the 34-inch-high net and
bounce into the opponent’s service box to be returned by the opponent. Points can only be earned
by the serving team and the game is played to 11 points (Tamura 2011).
Although in its infancy, there are trending hints that indicate the Star Wars Workout, in all
its many variations, including Jedi Knight Training and Light Saber Combat courses, might be
the next sporting craze to make a niche in the sports world. The Star Wars Workouts are affec-
tionately designed for “nerds” who wish to combine their love of Star Wars with a legitimate work-
out. As described by Nerd Fitness (2014), the Star Wars workout lasts about 30–45 minutes and
involves the usage of the following equipment: a wall for handstand practice, a pull-up bar, a work-
out/park bench (or a box) to jump on, a place to do rowing exercises, and a dumbbell to incorporate
with the rowing exercises. It is essentially a high-impact aerobic workout but is promoted as teaching
the skills one needs to be a Jedi knight. However, if you really want to be a Jedi, you will need to
master a light saber and luckily for those so inclined, there are Light Saber combat classes that
involve combining an aerobic workout with martial arts moves, all the while handling a light saber
(Daily News 2/21/13). As silly as it sounds, the workout can be quite intense. And, with the final
three movies of the Star Wars nine-movie scheme still to be released, this long-lasting franchise
with fans young and old will be around for some time. As a result the Star Wars Workouts may
indeed become a trending phenomenon.
It really isn’t that far-fetched to think that Star Wars Workouts could become a trending
exercise regimen, especially when one considers that there are those who consider competitive eat-
ing, poker and video gaming as sports. “Competitive eating has two major leagues, the International
Federation of Competitive Eaters, also known as Major League Eating, and the Association of
Independent Competitive Eaters” (Neporent 2014). In addition to governing bodies, competitive
eating has sponsored eating events, a record book, and ranked competitive eaters. Perhaps the most
well-known competitive eater, and the number 1 ranked Major League Eater in 2014, is Joey Chest-
nut of San Jose, California (Major League Eating 2014a). Chestnut, a full-time professional eater,
earns between $150,000 and $230,000 a year and, like all elite eaters, trains to eat a huge sum of
food at one setting (Blidner 2014). Among other records, Chestnut holds the record for eating 69
Nathan’s hot dogs and buns in 10 minutes. Among the most famous eating competitions is Nathan’s
annual July 4th hot dog eating contest held on New York City’s Coney Island. The first hot dog
eating contest at Nathan’s was held on July 4, 1916 (Nerz 2006). The hot dog eating contests pit
numerous competitors against one another in a timed match to see who can eat the most hot dogs
(with buns). Competitors at Nathan’s annual hot dog eating contest compete for cash prices and
the “mustard yellow belt.” Major League Eating (2014b) tracks hundreds of eating records including
such food items as apple pie, baked beans, beef tongue, butter, corn dogs, cow brains, eggs, fish
tacos, and so on.
Some people might consider poker a sport because it does involve some level of skill (i.e., one
has to know when to hold or when to fold and one has to know when opponents are merely bluffing)
and not just luck (the cards dealt from the deck are random). People who support the notion that
poker can be considered a sport also point to the fact that it is aired on ESPN, it may draw a big crowd
of spectators, and huge sums of money can be made from playing the card game. The authors them-
selves have enjoyed a good poker game from time to time and we certainly acknowledge that some
people might see it as a sport. However, if we reexamine the definition of sport provided in Chapter
1 it is pretty clear poker is not in fact a sport, as it does not involve physical exertion or the use of
relatively complex athletic skills. Still, the idea of poker as a sport is trending at the present.
For many of the same reasons that some believe poker to be a sport, there are those who pro-
pose that playing video games is a type of sport. One thing is for sure, the popularity and contro-
versy surrounding video games is trending and deserves a closer examination.
Video Gaming
Video gaming has been popular for decades now and the once typical profile of a gamer as
a slacker, male teen has been transformed to an older, nearly equal male and female gender break-
down. In 2014, just 29 percent of gamers were “under eighteen” years of age; 32 percent were “18
to 35 years old”; and 39 percent were “36 years and older” (Statista 2014b). In addition, females
now comprise 48 percent of gamers (Statista 2014; Wingfield 2014). Furthermore, of the 233 mil-
lion active internet users in the United States, it is estimated that over half of them are active
gamers (Statista 2014b). The demographic changes of gamers have resulted in a number of sig-
nificant trending transformations in the video gaming world. For starters, the fact that more adults
than teens are playing video games indicates that the majority of gamers are not adolescent slackers.
Instead, many gamers are successful and gainfully-employed adults who view playing video games
as much more than a means of teen escapism into a fantastical world of make-believe. Gaming is
a hobby for many adults who have played video games for much of their lives. This aging demo-
graphic shift of video gamers also means that many people in decision-making positions of employ-
ment view video gaming differently than non-gamers do, who may look at gaming as a non-
productive waste of time and/or an example of conspicuous leisure.
A second implication of the changing demographics of video gamers is directly connected
to the changing gender reality of video gaming. Not only are females playing video games at nearly
the same number as males; many females are now developing games and this has led to a negative
backlash among many young male gamers. Some young males are especially upset with game devel-
opers like Zoe Quinn and feminist critics like Anita Sarkeesian who have shed a light on how
women are objectified in video games. Quinn designed an unconventional game about depression
called “Depression Quest,” a free interactive fiction game released in 2013, which in a little more
than a year was played more than one million times (Parkin 2014). Depression Quest chronicles
the distressed life of a person suffering from depression. Quinn became the initial target of
#GamerGate, a term popularized on social media in late 2014 after actor Adam Baldwin (who
does voice work for the popular Halo games, among others) “used it to describe what he and others
viewed as corruption among journalists who cover the game industry” (Wingfield 2014: B-1).
Quinn was publicly accused (via an online essay viewed by many gamers) by a former boyfriend
of having a relationship with a video game journalist. This led to claims by gamers that Quinn
was among those contributing to the corruption of online journalists which, in turn, led to Baldwin
using the term “Gamer Gate.” Since Baldwin used that term, gamers created a Twitter trend via
the hashtag #GamerGate. Soon, a large number of gamers transformed the #GamerGate to spew
hateful and life-threatening comments directed toward Quinn and feminists, such as Sarkeesian.
By October 2014, Sarkeesian had received countless death and rape threats from opponents of her
attempt to challenge the stereotypes of women in video games (Wingfield 2014).
As a $70 billion annual business, the video game industry must pay attention to the changing
demographics of video gamers. It must address the threats made against those who hope to trans-
form the video game industry into a more female-friendly business. The video game industry has
already begun to change the image of women in many of its games. “Lara Croft, the heroine of
the ‘Tomb Raider’ series, who once epitomized the exaggerated, busty stereotype of a female game
protagonist … is now more emotionally complex and modestly proportioned” (Wingfield 2014:
B-1). We would expect to see more socially-conscious changes in video games in the future.
Video Gaming and Sports

As previously mentioned, there are an estimated 100+ million Americans playing video
games; it is also estimated that there are well over 1 billion gamers worldwide, who spend over 3
billion hours a week gaming. Many of these gamers play sports-related video games. The sports
industry is aware of this fact. As a result, there are a number of sports-related video games available
for gamers. Among the leading selling video games, of any genre, is Madden NFL (discussed in
Chapter 15). Every major sport has its own version of video games; so too, do the extreme sports.
Every year, the graphics of sports video games get better and the experience of playing become
more realistic.
That the graphics of sports video games continue to improve hardly qualifies as a trending
mention here. However, the idea that video gaming is, in itself, a sport, is trending. Consider these
developments as evidence put forth by proponents of the notion of video gaming as a sport:
1. E-Sports. Video game competitions, known as e-sports, are soaring in popularity on college
campuses across the United States, including such diverse settings as a private school in the
Northeast, namely Harvard University; a large public state university in the Southeast, Florida
State University; and, a large state public college in the West, San Jose State University (CA)
(Wingfield 2014). The most popular and prestigious sports gaming league (in 2015) was
“League of Legends.” According to Wingfield, “more than 10,000 students play in the League
of Legends, a figure that is 4,400 more than last year and 4,600 more than the number of men
who play on Division I college basketball teams” (2014: B-1). The playing stakes are soaring too
as video gaming companies have begun to sponsor tournaments that offer big prizes, including
several years’ worth of tuition money. Collegiate e-sports are often relegated to club status,
meaning like any other club they are allowed practice space at their schools; but they have the
advantage of being able to avoid sports governing bodies and student regulations that oversee
traditional college sports, like grade-point minimums or time limits on practicing (Wingfield
2014). At the start of 2015, college campus athletic departments generally had nothing to do
with e-sports teams and the NCAA had not issued any formal comments on e-sports (Wing-
field 2014). Formal recognition of video gaming as a sport would involve abiding by Title IX
laws and school rules, concerns over academics, and a loss of autonomy that e-sports teams cur-
rently possess.
2. Spectators and Viewing Fans. There have been spectators, of sorts, of video gaming since the
days of teenagers congregating around a pinball machine or a Pac-Man console as some gamer
racked up points to the astonishment of their audiences. Today, however, proponents of the
idea that video gaming is a sport, point out that video gaming competitions may draw thou-
sands of spectators to top-level live competitions. In addition to these spectators there are tens
of thousands of gaming fans who will watch competitions online. For example, nearly 90,000
people watched Loc Tran lead his San Jose State team to victory over rival California State Uni-
versity in 2014, turning Tran into a local hero on the campus of San Jose State. Tran reports
that people often stop him while he is walking on campus to congratulate him on his victory, a
treatment generally reserved for stars of traditional sports (Winfield 2014). This is just one
example of a video gaming contest; in all, there are millions of people who view video gaming
online; primarily, on the social media site Twitch (also known as Twitch.tv). “Twitch accounts
for more than 43% of all live video-streaming traffic by volume” which places it behind Netflix,
Apple and Google when it comes to peak internet traffic in the U.S. (Eadicicco 2014). Twitch
provides to millions of people live and recorded footage of other people playing video games
much in the same manner as sports fans watch the NFL on CBS, Fox, or ESPN. In August 2014,
Twitch reported 55 million monthly viewers who watched over 15 billion minutes of content
on the service in July 2014 alone, making Twitch.tv one of world’s biggest sources of Internet
traffic. “The average user spends about 106 minutes per day watching content on Twitch” (Kim
2014). That 76 percent of Twitch’s users are between the ages of 18 and 49 make the online site
an attractive place for marketers to advertise. This high volume of traffic coupled with the
desired age group of advertisers, led to Amazon’s decision to buy Twitch for $970 million in
August 2014 (Kim 2014).
3. Athletic Scholarships. In September 2014, Robert Morris University in Illinois became the
first college to offer athletic scholarships for an e-sport team (Belkin 2014). Robert Morris
offered athletic scholarships to all 35 students on the school’s new e-sport program. The team
practices in its training room “decked out with jet-black walls, mood lighting and leather gamer
chairs with red piping” (Wingfield 2014). The competitors are “getting up to 50 percent of the
price of tuition and room and board, which runs about $39,000 a year, according to Kurt
Melcher, the university’s associate athletic director” (Wingfield 2014). Melcher, himself a
gamer, reported that “athletic directors at other universities have contacted him about incorpo-
rating e-sports into the programs” (Wingfield 2014). The traditional sport magazine Sports
Illustrated cited this “achievement” in its weekly example of a “Sign of the Apocalypse”
(9/15/14).
4. U.S. Government Recognition. International sport stars (i.e., Hyun-Jin Ryu, the Los Angeles
Dodgers pitcher from South Korea) in such sports as baseball, basketball and hockey, have gen-
erally been afforded special immigration status to play on U.S. teams. In 2013, Danny “Shiph-
tur” Le, of Edmonton, Canada, became the first online gamer to receive this special U.S.
government recognition (Dave 2013). Le is considered one of the world’s greatest “League of
Legends ” player. The game involves “a virtual capture-the-flag game in which two teams of fan-
tasy characters compete for a glowing orb. Le is so deft at racing down the virtual field and
opening gaps for teammates that he recently became the first so-called eSports player to be
granted a type of visa normally awarded to athletes featured daily on ESPN ” (Dave 2013). Le
needed the visa to join his Riverside (CA) teammates as the professional league mandates that
all team members must be gathered together physically when they compete—a seemingly odd
requirement for an online “sport.”
Proponents of video gaming as a sport would point to the four examples described above
(and possibly other examples) as enough evidence to support its contention. As we did with our
discussion on poker as a sport, we need to take a look at the definition of sport. First, having com-
petitions with spectators and online viewers does not make gaming a sport, and the fact that e-
sports are not governed by athletic departments or athletic governing bodies (except for Robert
Morris), to date, does not help its cause. Second, having spectators or millions of viewers is certainly
not a requirement to be considered a sport. There are millions of viewers for many TV shows,
such as The Big Bang Theory, and no one has ever considered this popular comedy as a sport.
Third, that athletic scholarships were offered to an e-sport team at Robert Morris is (as of this writing)
the rare exception; however, if this develops into a trend, we would have to reconsider its status—
or, at the very least, our definition of “sport.” Fourth, the U.S. government’s designation of Danny
Le as an international athlete is quite intriguing, and who are we to argue with the government?
This point does help the case of promoting gaming as a sport. Still, the jury is out on whether or
not video gaming involves physical exertion; but it certainly does not involve relatively complex
athletic skills. We ask the reader: What do you think? Is video gaming a sport; why or why not?
There is one more issue related to sports and video gaming we would like to discuss, the use
of a collegiate player’s image—without his or her permission and without compensation—on
NCAA branded video games. Ed O’Bannon, a former star basketball player who, along with his
brother (Charles), led UCLA to the 1995 national championship and who was a Wooden Award
winner (1995) and NCAA tournament “Most Outstanding Player,” brought forth a lawsuit against
the NCAA (O’Bannon v. NCAA ) because he believed they were using his image and style of play
as the basis for a star player on a video game. “In a landmark decision, U.S. District Judge Claudia
Wilken ruled in favor of former UCLA basketball star Ed O’Bannon and 19 others in a lawsuit
that challenged the NCAA’s regulation of college athletics on antitrust grounds. She issued an
injunction prohibiting the NCAA from enforcing its rules on money given to athletes when it
comes to their names, images and likenesses” (Associated Press 2014d). “Lawyers for O’Bannon
and the others had sought to have millions of dollars put in trust funds for the athletes, but Wilken
included a cap on payments” in her ruling (Associated Press 2014d). Wilken did, however, rule that
“schools that used players’ names on jerseys and likenesses in video games had to guarantee an ath-
lete at least $5,000 a year in licensing revenue, paid into a trust fund that could be tapped once
he used up his eligibility” (Wolff 2014). Shortly after the Wilken ruling, the NCAA filed an
appeal. (Note: No decision had been made at the time of this writing.)
In a separate lawsuit filed against “Electronic Arts [EA Sports] and Collegiate Licensing Co.,
which licenses and markets college sports, and does not include the NCAA,” a $40 million settle-
ment was completed in favor of O’Bannon and other NCAA athletes (basketball and football
players) because the video games, dating back to 2003, included the players’ likenesses in NCAA
branded video games (The Post-Standard 6/1/14).
The use of player images, whether in video games or by colleges or the NCAA for promotional
purposes, will be closely watched in the future. This issue is also likely to resurface in discussions
about whether or not collegiate players should be paid to play.
Sports for People with Physical Disabilities

and Special Needs
While many people play sports, not everyone possesses great athletic ability. Thus, there are
many readers like the authors who might be able to say, “I could have turned pro, if only I had the tal-
ent!” There are, however, other people who face more challenges (e.g., autism, blindness, or lost limbs)
than simply a lack of talent that will hamper their quest for a professional sports career. Still, like
those of us with enough talent to have played high school and collegiate sports, there are sporting
opportunities for people who face physical disabilities and special needs. Below, we will highlight
a few trending examples of sports for people with physical disabilities and special needs.
Sports for People with Special Needs

Over the past few years, a number of articles have been written and stories told about the
benefits of sport participation for children with autism. In 2006, for example, ESPN broadcast a
story involving Jason McElwain ( J-Mac), an autistic high school student at Greece Athena High
School in Rochester, New York. McElwain, a student-manager on the boys’ high school basketball
team, was sent into a game at the end of the season by his coach. The student body cheered wildly for
him. Not only that, but Jason sank one basket after another, causing a tidal wave of emotion to spill
onto the court at the conclusion of the game. Later that year (and after Jason met President Bush
and appeared on Oprah), ESPN awarded McElwain an EPSY in the “Best Moment” category, beat-
ing out his personal idol Kobe Bryant, who was nominated for his 81-point game with the Lakers
earlier in the season. Bryant was one of the first to congratulate J-Mac, who was accompanied to
the stage by his older brother Josh, whom he credited for getting him interested in sports. It was
another magic moment for Jason, his family and friends, and for countless fans and supporters.
Proponents of mainstreaming autistic children viewed Jason’s accomplishments as inspira-
tional. Others, however, cautioned that Jason is labeled as a “highly functional” autistic person
and that his experience with sport, especially being touched and lifted off the court by his team-
mates, may not be a common outcome for autistic youth who are not as “highly functional.” So,
what is autism, and can sport benefit these special needs youth? Autism is a behavioral type of
spectrum disorder that is usually detected in early childhood. Autism does not discriminate based
on race, ethnicity, or social class and is known worldwide. Autism awareness is on the rise. Thirty
years ago, there were just 4 or 5 reported cases per 10,000 people. “Today, its prevalence is estimated
at one in every 500 people” (Bruey 2004: 4). The cause of autism is still unknown, although most
researchers agree that the central nervous system does not develop normally in an autistic child.
The brain of an autistic person does not respond in the typical fashion of a non-autistic person.
The autistic person is overly sensitive to some stimuli and under sensitive to others. Among the
primary characteristics of an autistic person are impairments in social interactions; delays or
impairments in both verbal and nonverbal communication; repetitive patterns of behavior (e.g.,
flapping of hands, twisting, and obsession with specific objects); and withdrawal into one’s own
private world. Other common symptoms of autism include tantrums, lack of eye contact, and
basic lack of emotional contact with others.
Autistic children often look forward to participating in recreational activities and sports but it
is difficult for them because of possible lack of coordination and difficulty understanding what sport
entails (e.g., the rules and close contact with others). Playing sports in a structured format such as
J-Mac’s participation in high school scholastic sports presents a difficult challenge for most autistic
children. To address this concern, a trend is developing wherein sports leagues consisting entirely of
youth with autism are springing up throughout the country. In Minnesota, for example, parents bask
in the glory of their children’s participation in team sports and from their perspective, all the partic-
ipants are successful. For most of these kids, it’s their first experience with team sports (McCoy 2014).
Successful experiences with organized sport participation have a great deal to do with where a
child falls on the autism spectrum, high or low functioning. As previously mentioned, J-Mac is a highly
functional autistic person, which makes organized sport participation easier for him than for autis-
tic persons low on the spectrum. Nonetheless, recreational activities are important for autistic
children. Autistic children can develop motor skills through sport participation. Playing catch
within a group setting encourages sharing and communication. Long distance running is beneficial
for some autistic people because it is a solitary, repetitive activity that requires determination and
stamina, traits that most autistic people have. Anthony Crudale, an autistic adult, wrote about his
experiences as a long distance runner in a Sports Illustrated article. Crudale, the first autistic person
to graduate from the University of Nevada at Las Vegas, is a highly functional autistic person who
has enjoyed long distance running for most of his life. Crudale (2001) credits his sport partici-
pation for his good physical health and the close friends he has made by running in marathons.
All kinds of sports can potentially help autistic children overcome social barriers. This
includes surfing. One might think that autistic kids are afraid of the ocean, but this is not necessarily
the case. According to an ESPN report on SportsCenter (aired on March 27, 2006), Danielle and
Izzy Paskowitz gave birth to an autistic child they named Isaiah. Izzy, a care-free professional surf
champion, had a particularly tough time dealing with a son who was autistic. Danielle explains
that having an autistic child can be hard on some couples. Initially, it was easier for Izzy to find
excuses not to hang out with his often agitated autistic son. Eventually, Izzy tried surfing with his
son. Isaiah loved it. Izzy and Danielle Paskowitz decided provide a day of surfing for other autistic
children. By 2000, Surfers Healing, a non-profit group, was established to give autistic children a
free day of surf lessons and fun in the sun and ocean.
Most autistic kids panic upon their initial indoctrination to surfing. A stranger is touching
them, they are paddled out into the ocean facing seemingly insurmountable waves and they feel
helpless. The autistic children often claw at the surf instructors. And then, a major transformation
usually occurs. They ride a wave. An instantaneous and unstoppable gigantic grin and smile over-
whelms the same children that often don’t even speak. The day of surfing is day of bliss for both
the autistic children and their parents or guardians. Surfing is not a cure for autism, but it has
proven to be highly effective in bringing smiles of acceptance to over 3,000 children with autism.
Every year, dozens of Surfers Healing events are held on both the east and west coasts.
In addition to surfing, autistic children and adults have found comfort in horseback riding. In
Moravia, New York, for example, there is a program called the “Makin’ Memories Therapeutic Riding
Center” where special needs folks can ride horses (House 2014). Donna Minnoe, the person who
opened Makin’ Memories in 2009 after becoming a certified therapeutic riding instructor, felt that
she could combine two of her passions—horses and helping special education children—into one
therapeutic environment. “The horse-aided therapy is catered to each student’s needs—ranging from
physical to social and emotional therapies. With the help of a friendly horse, Minnoe said students
work on improving muscle strength, flexibility and balance, along with self-esteem and social skills ”
(House 2014). “Taking charge of a horse ” seems to provide autistic children and adults a sense of
“independence that they may not easily find in other venues ” (The Citizen 10/17/14). Makin’ Memories
also has a special saddle that allows children and adults in wheelchairs to ride horses. The partic-
ipants and their parents report that the therapeutic method of riding horses is hugely successful.
Ideally, using such innovative approaches as surfing and horseback riding will continue to
trend as these sporting activities have a great benefit for adults and children with special needs.
Autistic children, as do children with other special needs, enjoy participating in sport and
recreational activities. The Special Olympics were designed to help provide a sporting experience
for the physically challenged where participation and good sportsmanship prevail.
Sports for People with Physical Disabilities

Sports and recreational activities are enjoyed by billions of people around the world. Phys-
ically challenged people are among those who enjoy playing sports. Sports activities are available
for people with developmental disabilities, cerebral palsy, dwarfism, visual impairments and other
conditions. These sporting opportunities provide disabled athletes and non-disabled athletes an
opportunity to come together in a positive manner. Disabled athletes participate in sport and
recreation for the same reasons as nondisabled athletes do. They enjoy interacting with others,
they enjoy friendly competition, and they have fun doing it. Participating in sports assists with the
physical health of the disabled, who might otherwise lead sedentary lives. In turn, the physical act
of playing sports improves the mental health of disabled athletes. In short, sports help the disabled
find happiness through participation.
The history of promoting sports for the disabled is rooted in a hospital in England. World
War II veterans with injuries were seeking a physical form of rehabilitation. In 1948, Stoke Man-
deville Hospital created competitive games for veterans. Before long, sporting events for the dis-
abled sprang up throughout England. In 1967, the National Handicapped Sports (NHS)
organization was established by a group of Vietnam veterans to provide physical rehabilitation
and sports programs for vets ( Jones and Paciorek 1994). Over the years, the NHS has opened
chapters throughout the United States and Canada and is open to all people with physical disabil-
ities. The NHS offers such activities as water skiing, other water sports, fitness programs, and a
large number of special sporting events. The participants may include persons with visual impair-
ments, amputations, spinal cord injuries, cerebral palsy, head injuries, and other disabilities.
In the tradition of the English seeking to help wounded warriors from the armed forces
comes the Invictus Games. (Note: The word “Invictus” means unconquered.) The Invictus Games,
which are championed by Britain’s Prince Harry—thus, most assuredly guaranteeing their suc-
cess—“are about survival in the face of adversity and the strength of the human spirit. They will
send a positive message about life beyond disability” (Invictus Games 2014). The first Invictus
Games took place in London in 2014 and we expect this to be a trending event. “There were over
400 competitors from 13 different nations” who took place in this “international sporting event
for the wounded, injured and sick Servicemen and women” (Invictus Games 2014). The participants
competed in such sports as basketball, cycling, archery, track and field, wheelchair rugby, swim-
ming, and more. The Invictus Games are designed to shed a light on the value of the armed forces
but also to provide the competitors an “inspiring and energizing experience in their journey of
recovery” (Invictus Games 2014).
An increasing number of disabled persons are playing sports today because of technological
advancements. For example, biotics are being used to improve the quality of artificial legs and
arms. Wheelchairs are specially made for speed, control and stability. There are numerous organ-
izations that provide sporting activities for the physically challenged. They include:
• The Children’s Hospital Handicapped Sports Program (TCHHSP) (formerly known as The
Handicapped Ski Program), which provides resources and programs for children with physical
disabilities.
• The National Disability Sports Alliance (NDSA), dedicated to providing sporting opportu-
nities for all people with any type of disability.
• The National Handicapped Sports (NHS) program.
• The National Sports Alliance (NSA) program.
• The American with Disabilities Act, designed to help all people with disabilities to work
together to solve problems they face.
• The U.S. Association for Blind Athletes (USABA) and the U.S. Cerebral Palsy Athletic Asso-
ciation (USCPAA), which offer chances for all those seeking sporting opportunities.
• The Dwarf Athletic Association of America (DAAA), which is designed to help provide
sporting opportunities and competitions for dwarf athletes.
• Kids Enjoy Exercise Now (KEEN), an organization that encourages one on one participation
in recreational activities among individuals with disabilities.
Earlier in this chapter, we described how surfing has helped some autistic children find a day
on the ocean a blissful experience; now, we want to write about how some blind children have also
found bliss in surfing. And, just as there are a number of organizations helping special needs kids
through surfing there are a number of organizations such as “Learn to Surf L.A.” that have taught
blind children how to surf. “Learn to Surf L.A. has been providing year-round surf lessons in the
L.A. area since 2002 and started their pro bono Manhattan Beach (CA) camp for the blind at El
Porto three years ago” (Dryden 2014: 3). Anyone who has surfed understands the excitement of
first learning how to ride waves, especially that first solo wave all the way to shore; and, even if
you have not experienced the thrill of surfing imagine the challenges for blind surfers. The surf
instructors begin a surf day’s instruction with an introductory lesson on how each part of a surf-
board works “so that the kids can feel where they’ll be lying”; they are then taught about how to
put on wetsuits, then “they head right out to the ocean, where volunteers help them find the waves
and stand up” (Dryden 2014: 5). Volunteers report that the blind kids often heard the waves coming
before they did and after a few practice tries would jump up on the board on their own. The
instructors and family members marvel at the sheer, ecstatic joy that the surfers enjoy.
To add to the idea that water sports for people with special needs and physical disabilities is
trending comes another example: paddle boarding for wheelchair users. Wheelchair users have
joined in the paddleboard craze via a modified paddleboard known as an “ability board.” Created
by Hawaiian surfer Kawika Watts, who wanted to give wheelchair-bound people a chance to pad-
dleboard, the “Onit” ability board gives people a chance to participate in water sports. Further, as
with surfing, being in the water is generally viewed as therapeutic. Wheelchair-bound paddle
boarders describe their “Onit” experience as giving them a sense of “normalcy” and as an “emo-
tional” experience to be out on the water (Murray 2014).
The best-known sporting organization for disabled persons is the Special Olympics. (Note:
the Special Olympics were also discussed in Chapter 6.) The Special Olympics is an international
nonprofit organization that is devoted to providing individuals with disabilities (including autism)
an opportunity to participate and compete in sports in a “safe” environment. More than one million
coaches and volunteers run over 225 programs designed to serve over 4.4 million persons with
intellectual disabilities (Special Olympics 2014a). There are Summer and Winter Special Olympics,
similar to the regular Olympics, with many of the same events. The Special Olympics help to unite
families and facilitate positive self-esteem in participants. The games were initiated in 1968 by
Eunice Kennedy Shriver, sister of the late President John F. Kennedy, in part to honor their sister,
Rosemary Kennedy, who was mentally retarded. According to Ana Bueno (1994): “On July 19, in
1968, one thousand athletes from 26 states and Canada traveled to Chicago. On July 20th, after
breakfast, the athletes got on chartered school buses and were driven to Soldier Field for the
Chicago Special Olympics. It was the beginning of a history-making day. Just a couple of years
earlier, the idea of people with mental retardation getting together to compete in athletic events
seemed incredible. Even in 1968, parents were still being counseled to place their developmentally
disabled children into institutions and forget them” (27).
Since that time, the Special Olympics, which now features athletes from all 50 states and 170
countries, has helped to de-stigmatize the “special needs” label and provides an opportunity for
millions of children to excel. “The mission of the Special Olympics is to provide year-round sports
training and athletic competition in a variety of Olympic-type sports for children and adults with
intellectual disabilities…” (Special Olympics 2014b). The lofty goal of the Special Olympics to
assist the estimated “200 million people with intellectual disabilities around the world” is a part
of its mission statement (Special Olympics 2014b). Undoubtedly, the work of the Special Olympics
will continue to be a trending aspect of sports.
The Need for Physical Activity

Physical fitness is one of the best and easiest ways to protect one’s health and reduce the risk
of nearly every major health problem, including heart disease, cancer, diabetes, and Alzheimer’s
disease. Unfortunately, there are many people who do not participate in regular physical activity.
Just how much physical activity should people get? According to the CDC (2014c) adults need
at least 150 minutes of moderate intensity aerobic activity (e.g., walking fast, doing water aerobics,
riding a bike on level ground or with few hills, or playing doubles tennis) per week or 75 minutes
of vigorous-intensity aerobic activity (e.g., running, swimming laps, riding a bike fast or on hills,
or playing basketball) per week. A number of people claim that they don’t have time for 150
minutes per week, but if we break it down, all one has to do is work out for 30 minutes per day
times five days a week, a figure that equates to just 2 percent of the total workout days. The average
Facebook user spends 21 minutes per day on the social network site, the same amount of time one
should be engaged in physical activity. So, clearly, people can find time to do things they want to
do, they just have to want to engage in physical activity.
Regular physical activity is very important for children and adolescents as well as it “improves
strength and endurance, helps build healthy bones and muscles, helps control weight, reduces anx-
iety and stress, increases self-esteem, and may improve blood pressure and cholesterol levels” (CDC
2014d). Regular physical activity for young people means at least 60 minutes per day (CDC 2014d).
In 2013, survey data was collected and it was revealed that just “27.1 percent of high school students
surveyed had participated in at least 60 minutes per day of physical activity all 7 days before the
survey, and only 29 percent attended physical education class daily” (CDC 2014d). An alarming
“15.2 percent of high school students had not participated in 60 or more minutes of any kind of
physical activity on any day during the 7 days before the survey” (CDC 2014d). Survey data also
found that in 2013, high school males were far more likely to participate in physical activity and
physical education than females. Data compiled by the CDC (2014) indicates that 36.6% of males
engaged in physical activity for at least 60 minutes per day compared to 17.7 percent for females;
and, 34.9 percent of males attended physical activity education classes daily compared to just 24
percent of females. Survey data (2013) also revealed that as high school students progress through
school their participation in physical education classes also decreased: 64 percent of 9th graders
but only 35 percent of 12th graders attended physical education classes in an average week.
Like the CDC, the authors are firm believers that all schools should require physical education
classes or, at the very least, “promote physical activity through comprehensive school physical
activity programs, including recess, classroom-based physical activity, intramural physical activity
clubs, interscholastic sports, and physical education…Schools can also work with community
organizations to provide out-of-school-time physical activity programs and share physical activity
facilities” (CDC 2014d).
According to the CDC (2014d), there are many benefits to regular physical activity includ-
ing:
• Helps build and maintain healthy bones and muscles.

• Helps reduce the risk of developing obesity and chronic diseases, such as diabetes, cardiovas-
cular disease, and colon cancer.
• Reduces feelings of depression and anxiety and promotes psychological well-being.
• May help improve students’ academic performance, including: academic achievement and
grades; academic behavior, such as time on task; and factors that influence academic achieve-
ment, such as concentration and attentiveness in the classroom.
Many studies have shown that there are many people “out of shape” and physically “unfit.”
For example, treadmill tests on a representative sample of more than 5,300 Americans 12 to 49
years old found poor cardiovascular fitness in 20 percent of participants. There were far more
teenagers physically unfit (33 percent) than adults (14 percent) who were out of shape. Based on
these results, there are an estimated 7.5 million adolescents and 8.5 million adults out of condition
(Stein 2005). Teens and adults with poor fitness were two to four times more likely to be overweight
or obese than those considered moderately or highly fit (Tanner 2005). The American Heart Asso-
ciation/American Stroke Association (AHA/ASA) (2014) reports that “around the globe, children
are about 15 percent less fit than their parents were when they were young [and] in the United
States, kids’ cardiovascular endurance performance declined about 6 percent per decade between
1970 and 2000.” Kids today do not run as far or as fast as their parents, the AHA/ASA (2014)
reports.
The AHA/ASA (2014) also makes a very important point that should be emphasized: there
are different ways to be fit, but not all types of fitness are related to good health in the future.
People can be “strong like a weightlifter, or flexible like a gymnast, or skillful like a tennis player
[but] the most important type of fitness for good health is cardiovascular fitness, which is the
ability to exercise vigorously for a long time, like running multiple laps around an oval track”
(AHA/ASA 2014).
There are many negative consequences to physical inactivity, including:
• The decline in running fitness may indicate worse health in adulthood (AHA/ASA 2014).
• Unfit youths are more likely to develop conditions like heart disease later in life (AHA/ASA
2014).
• Physical inactivity leads to a sedentary lifestyle (AHA/ASA 2014; CDC 2014).
• Physical inactivity leads to being overweight or obese, which can increase one’s risk for dia-
betes, high blood pressure, high cholesterol, asthma, arthritis, and poor health status (CDC
2014d).
• Physical inactivity increases one’s risk for dying prematurely (CDC 2014d).
In sum, the lack of physical activity leads many people into a sedentary lifestyle which, in
turn, has contributed to the obesity epidemic and a slew of future potential health problems. The
sedentary lifestyle has many contributing causes, including a general fear among many parents that
it’s not safe to let their kids go outside and play without their supervision; a growing obsession
with playing with electronic devices such as video games; watching television; and surfing the
Internet.
Earlier in this chapter, we discussed the increasing number of people playing video games
and the corresponding increasing amount of time spent playing gaming, but it is worth mentioning
here that if gamers cut their gaming time in half and engaged in physical activity just how beneficial
it would be for their health and well-being. The trending phenomenon of those who are trying
to convince others that video gaming is a sport does not include any attempts to promote gaming
as a beneficial example of physical activity.
The alarmingly inadequate amount of time that youth spend engaged in school physical edu-
cation programs is a contributing cause of obesity. In Chapter 13, we provided CDC (2014a) data
on the growing rates of obesity for both children (17%) and adults (34.9%) in the United States.
The percentage of obese persons was just 15 percent in the late 1970s (CDC 2007). In addition
to the concern over obesity is the related concern over overweight persons. How are categories of
“overweight” and “obesity” determined? The formula used by the CDC in determining obesity is
based on a body mass index (BMI). BMI is calculated by converting the weight of person into
kilograms, divided by an individual’s height in meters squared. A BMI over 30 is considered obese.
This formula has (at least) one major flaw, in that it is not a good indicator for someone who is
muscular and works out a lot. Despite the fact that the BMI is not 100 percent accurate, it is,
generally-speaking, a very good indicator of what any “eye test” (just looking at someone) would
confirm. The CDC (2014e) points out that the obesity prevalence varies across the U.S. states and
territories. In 2013, no state had a prevalence of obesity less than 20 percent; 23 states had a preva-
lence of obesity between 25 percent and 30 percent; 18 states had a prevalence of obesity between
30 percent and 35 percent; 2 states, Mississippi and West Virginia, had a prevalence of obesity
over 35 percent; the South (30.2%) had the highest rate of obesity followed by the Midwest
(30.1%), the Northeast (26.5%), and, the West (24.9%); and Guam and Puerto Rico had an obesity
rate at 27 percent and 27.9 percent, respectively (CDC 2014e).
Mandatory Physical Activity and Physical Education

at School and Home
The trends of an alarming, growing rate of obesity; an increasing percentage of juveniles
and adults who are physically unfit; a general lack of physical activity among youth and adults;
and sedentary life habits are alarming and further justify the promotion of physical activity and
physical education in school. Despite warnings for years about the obesity problem in the United
States, there had been a disturbing trend among many schools to eliminate mandatory physical
education classes. In the first edition of our text, we quoted O’Shea (2005b) who described this
trend in eliminating physical education programs across the United States, “Illinois is now the
only state in the nation that makes physical education classes a requirement for grades K-12. As
for recess, as many as 40% of our elementary schools no longer set aside time for play. The end
result has been a sharp increase in obesity among youngsters” (8). In 2014, Illinois was just one of
many states that require physical education for all students, so that is a positive trend (Illinois
State Board of Education 2014). In 2012, Illinois was joined by Hawaii, Massachusetts, Mississippi,
New York and Vermont as the only states to require physical education at every grade level, K-12
(Huffington Post 2012). In addition, 26 states required some form of student assessment in physical
education and 28 states require physical education grades to be included in students’ grade point
average (Huffington Post 2012).
These examples of a positive trend in mandating physical activity in school are offset by some
negative aspects. For example, in Illinois, officials have found that while PE is required, the actual
amount of class time spent on physical activity is consistently low, just 11 minutes in a typical 30-
minute K-6 class. Thus, such a PE class is doing little to ensure that students are meeting the 60
minutes per day of exercise recommended in the Physical Activity Guidelines for Americans (Illi-
nois State Board of Education 2014). There were 33 states in 2012 that allowed students to sub-
stitute other activities in order to meet the physical education requirement (Huffington Post 2012).
It is a tragic shame that physical education is not mandatory in all schools for all grades. This
must be corrected or the obesity epidemic will continue to expand. The related health care costs
will become a burden to all, including physically fit persons. Parents must demand that their schools
utilize a physical education program. Because of economic budget concerns this may mean that
some parents will have to volunteer their time and serve as physical educators (assuming they have
the qualified background). Ideally, it should be mandatory that all schools hire at least one full-
time physical education instructor.
Participating in physical activities is not limited to the school environment. Parents can
organize walking, running, or biking groups with their children (as well as with children whose
parents are busy working). Adults can also organize physical activities with other adults. It is not
necessarily to join a gym or health club to work out, one merely needs to step outside and start
walking. Treadmills are responsibly priced and allow people to work out year round despite poten-
tial inclement weather outside. Those who can afford to join a health club should take advantage
of the facilities and personal trainers available. Dr. Gail Saltz (2005) recommends these five prac-
tical tips to help motivate parents and their children to exercise more:
1. Lead by example. Children are more likely to be motivated to exercise if there is a positive
role model to pattern behavior after.
2. Take a non-negotiable position. Just as parents will not put up with children who refuse to
brush their teeth or swim without supervision, the same logic applies to keeping children from
being sedentary.
3. Promote the concept of personal best. Physical exercise is not the same thing as competitive
sports. Children can participate in physical activity (e.g., bike riding, dancing, yoga, and aero-
bics) without the worry of being compared to others. To keep themselves motivated they can
attempt to meet and beat their own personal best performances. Parents should give positive
feedback to their children who surpass previous performances.
4. Limit sedentary activities. Parents must limit the amount of time their children spend in
front of the television, computer, and video screen. One hour of physical activity should be the
goal for every child and teenager.
5. Make it “cool.” If the fitness program is viewed as relatively entertaining (e.g. combing music
with a workout, promoting diverse activities such as martial arts) it is more likely to be looked
upon in favorable terms.
In sum, children and adults should engage in physical activities on a regular basis. Physical
exercise along with a proper diet will increase the likelihood of a healthy, long life. Most people
who exercise regularly actually find it difficult to miss a workout routine. This is why some people
exercise while on vacation while others simply overeat and pursue sedentary activities.
The need for physical activity is trending not because so many people are heeding the impor-
tance of physical activity, but rather, because the problems associated with inactivity (e.g., a seden-
tary lifestyle and obesity) are trending.
Sport Studies Programs

The popularity of the study of sport has led to a trending development of sport studies pro-
grams across the United States and throughout the world. In 2013, there were over 880 colleges
in the United States that offered a sport studies degree program; there were an additional 115-plus
accredited graduate sport studies programs. Tim Delaney researched this because he and a colleague
were in the process of developing a sport studies program at the State University of New York at
Oswego (there is already an existing degree granting program at Tim Madigan’s institution, St.
John Fisher College). The program will offer a minor degree; some colleges offer a major degree.
The Oswego program, described (in part) below, was modeled after a review of many other pro-
grams across the U.S.
Sport Studies examines sport in the contexts of historical and contemporary culture. It exam-
ines sport’s cultural relationship with education, the economy, families, the media, psychology,
and politics, and considers race/ethnicity, class, and gender differences in the sport experience. As
an interdisciplinary program, Sport Studies examines sport in a global context, fosters a spirit of
inquiry and calls on students to broaden their perspectives. The program of study emphasizes
skills in multi-cultural analysis and critical thinking and offers a focus on the experiences of mar-
ginalized groups. The Oswego Sport Studies program is intended to provide an excellent founda-
tion for pursuing careers in sports management, sports journalism, sports information, and for
those who want to pursue a graduate degree, or combine their sport studies interest with their
major.
Combining the interdisciplinary design of Sport Studies programs with America’s love affair
with sports helps to explain why Sports Studies programs are trending.
Sportsmanship
At SUNY Oswego, the Sport Studies minor involves coursework and a requirement to give
a verbal presentation on the topic of sportsmanship at the Sociology Department’s annual Sports-
manship Day Symposium (SDS). The purpose of the Sportsmanship Day Symposium is to provide
a multi-disciplinary look at sportsmanship. Faculty, students (including some who are student-
athletes and some who are not) and sports administrators from multiple academic disciplines pro-
vide a description of sportsmanship from their academic and sporting perspective and then give
examples of either good sportsmanship or poor sportsmanship. Such a broad perspective on sports-
manship is quite enlightening as we soon discover that, while everyone seems to assume to know
what “sportsmanship” means, not everyone agrees on its parameters. (Note: We provided our defi-
nition of sportsmanship in Chapter 6.) Before addressing the parameters of sportsmanship, it is
important to note that the SDS was created to coincide with the annual “National Sportsmanship
Day.”
National Sportsmanship Day (NSD) was established in 1991 by the Institute for International
Sport (IIS), which in turn, was founded in 1986 by Daniel E. Doyle, Jr. In addition to creating
NSD, the Institute has also established a number of programs including the “Scholar-Athlete
Games” and the “World Peace Summit” (Institute for International Sport 2014a). As for National
Sportsmanship Day itself, the program has several important objectives:
• To promote ethics, honesty, and fair play in athletics and society through education and
sport.
• To designate a day each year during which student-athletes, coaches, administrators and par-
ents engage in thoughtful and reasoned discussion about the role of sportsmanship [in sport].
• To provide participating schools, clubs and athletic organizations a template to successfully
celebrate the day with sportsmanship themed activities, discussion topics, etc.
• To make participation in National Sportsmanship Day an anchor event that fosters good
sportsmanship on a year-round basis [ISS 2014b].
As a sport sociologist, and a professor who has regularly taught sport sociology courses,
Delaney became concerned by how few people, especially student-athletes, and coaches, are aware
of National Sportsmanship Day. Furthermore, given that ESPN has multiple networks of 24-
hour-a-day sports coverage, why don’t they make a big deal of National Sportsmanship Day?
Delaney decided to create the Sportsmanship Day Symposium (held on the first Thursday of
March) at SUNY Oswego to help draw attention to this day reserved to promote sportsmanship
(the 7th annual SDS was held March 5, 2015). Tim Madigan is a regular presenter at the annual
SDS event and we have come to learn that IIS does not seem to have a set day for their annual
Sportsmanship Day (March 2016 will be the 25th annual NSD), thus making it difficult to establish
a routine by which to base future planning; and, we have also learned that the concept of “sports-
manship” really is not promoted enough in society. This is odd when one considers that almost
everyone involved in sports—participants, parents, spectators or fans—seems to agree that good
sportsmanship is better than poor sportsmanship; and yet, we quickly brush the topic of sports-
manship off the table and move on.
In light of all the problems, big and small, in sports, sportsmanship is not as highly regarded
as it should be. Think of all the examples of coaches and parents out of control at youths sporting
events discussed in Chapter 6, the deviant behaviors discussed in Chapter 8, and all the violent
incidents discussed in Chapter 9; if sportsmanship was truly cherished and revered as much as
most people say it should be, we would not have as many problems in sports. There are also all the
countless small examples of poor sportsmanship, like taunting, refusing to shake the hand of the
opponent, disrespecting a referee or game official, and so on. Once again, this is why we promote
sportsmanship.
We may have, seemingly, made an argument against our own inclusion of sportsmanship as
a trend in sports but we believe that there is hope for a positive turnaround in attitude by the
majority of those involved in sports. Sportsmanship is being promoted in the trending Sport Stud-
ies programs and that is a good sign. Furthermore, the authors are involved in a multi-disciplinary
book on sportsmanship with contributing authors from multiple countries around the world. The
book (still untitled and to be published by McFarland) will, ideally, serve as a major contributing
force in the trending of sportsmanship in the sports world.

Box 16: Sportsmanship in Popular Culture
In regards to popular culture there are no lack of stories about poor sportsmanship which
dominate the news and social media. Here is just one such example. In January of 2015 Michael
Anderson, coach of the Southern California Arroyo Valley high school girls’ basketball team,
was suspended for two games for a remarkable reason: winning by too large a margin. Anderson
allowed his players to rack up points against their woefully overmatched opponents from Bloom-
ington High School. This in-and-of-itself is a not uncommon occurrence. But it was the scale
of the uneven points that boggled the mind. At halftime the score was 104 to—one. And the
second half wasn’t much better for the Bloomington team, which went on to lose by 161–2. Ander-
son feigned surprise when asked about the, to put it mildly, lopsided victory, arguing that he had
never intended things to get so out of hand, and had even benched his best players during the sec-
ond half. Dale Chung, the coach of the losing Bloomington team, was not appeased. He was
quoted as saying, “People shouldn’t feel sorry for my team. They should feel sorry for [Anderson’s]
team, which isn’t learning the game the right way” (Fox Sports 2015). He went on to add about
Anderson: “He’s a great X’s and O’s coach. Ethically? Not so much. He knows what he did was
wrong” (Fox Sports 2015). The headline of the local paper’s article about the debacle said it all:
“Arroyo Valley Girls Basketball Blows Out Bloomington 161–2, Sportsmanship Questioned” (Mar-
shall 2015).
Still, we’re glad to report that popular culture also has some feel-good stories that can help
us appreciate the ways in which good sportsmanship inspires and touches our hearts. One nationally
discussed example occurred in April of 2008 during a college softball game in Ellensberg, Wash-
ington, between archrivals Western Oregon and Central Washington. In a game that would deter-
mine which of the two teams would advance to the NCAA Division II tournament, Sara Tucholsky
of Western Oregon hit what appeared to be a three-run homer (the first home run of her career).
But in her excitement she missed first base on her homerun trot, and in turning back to tag the
bag she twisted her knee. The two runners who had been on base had already crossed home plate
as Sara lay on the ground just a few feet away from first base but still a long long way from home
plate.
As sportswriter George Vescey of The New York Times reported: “Pam Knox, the Western
Oregon coach, made sure no teammates touched Tucholsky, which would have automatically made
her unable to advance. The umpires ruled that if Tucholsky could not make it around the bases,
two runs would score but she would be credited with only a single” (Vescey 2008: C13). Tucholsky’s
teammate, first-base coach Shannon Prochaska, checked to see whether she could crawl back to
base, but it became clear that this would not be possible. The umpires declared that Tucholsky
would have to be replaced at first base by a pitch runner, and the hit recorded as a two-run single
rather than a three-run homer.
But just then, much to everyone’s amazement, Mallory Holtman, the first baseman of the
rival Central Washington team, asked the umpires if it would be okay if she and some of her
fellow teammates carried Tucholsky around to touch each of the bags. “The umpires,” Vescey con-
tinued, “huddled and said it would be legal, so Holtman and the Central Washington shortstop,
Liz Wallace, lifted Tucholsky, hands crossed under her, and carried her to second base, and gently
lowered her so she could touch the base. Then Holtman and Wallace started to giggle, and so did
Tucholsky, through her tears, and the three of them continued this odd procession to third base
and home to a standing ovation” (Vescey 2008: C13).
Holtman, a senior star athlete herself who knew that this would be her last chance for a post-
season appearance, was asked why she did what she did. “Honestly,” she replied, “it’s one of those
things that I hope anyone would do for me. She hit the ball over the fence. She’s a senior; it’s her
last year…. I had been playing longer and knew we could touch her, it was my idea first. But I think
anyone who knew that we could touch her would have offered to do it, just because it’s the right
thing to do” (Hays 2008). When asked what motivated her to come up with the idea, Holtman
credited her coach, Gary Frederick, who had taught her that winning isn’t everything. And, it
should be noted, Tucholsky’s team, Western Oregon, went on to win the game 4–2. But in this
case, it’s clear that all the participants were winners.
In this case as well, the headlines were rather different than that of the previous story. For
instance, the Orlando Sentinel’s headline read “Players’ Selfless Act was Epitome of Sportsmanship”
(Owens 2008). Holtman (who is currently the coach of the Central Washington softball team),
Wallace, and Tucholsky received a great deal of media attention, appearing on such programs as
The Early Show, Inside Edition, ESPN First Take, and SportsCenter, and the three were recipients
of the 2008 “Best Moment” ESPY Award.
A similar example also occurred that same year, in May of 2008, in a baseball game between
the St. John Fisher Cardinals and the State University of Oswego Lakers (coincidentally enough,
the home schools of the two authors of this book). In the top half of the ninth inning, in a game
that would decide who would win the NCAA Eastern College Athletic Conference tournament,
host team Fisher was trailing by 9–5. The Lakers’ player Dan Pecora, a junior at Oswego, hit a line
drive down the third base line. The ball hit Oswego manager and third base coach Frank Paino
on the side of his head, dropping him to the ground, where he instantly lost consciousness. Fisher
coach Dan Pepicelli was the first person to reach him, and immediately called for an ambulance.
Paino was taken to a nearby hospital, and the Fisher players and coaches huddled together. After
a few minutes of discussion, they agreed to concede the game to Oswego. “The gesture,” wrote
Kevin Oklobzija of the Rochester Democrat and Chronicle newspaper, “which ended Fisher’s season
and NCAA Tournament hopes, truly defined amateur athletics. The Cardinals finished with a
25–14–1 record. ‘It was a lesson in the rules of the game of life,’ said Marilyn Montesano, a teacher
at New Hartford High School near Utica, whose son Marc was playing in the outfield for Fisher.
‘My son learned a life lesson I could not have taught him’” (Oklobzija 2008: A3). Indeed, it was
a lesson that soon swept through both campuses. “For the players,” Oklobzija continued, “the minutes
and hours that followed—from the time Paino was struck to the time they learned his injuries
weren’t believed to be serious—were traumatic but precious. Players cried. Parents cried. Players
prayed. Parents prayed. And college baseball players grew as people” (Oklobzija 2008: A3). Luckily,
Paino was fine, and was soon back on his feet without any lasting injuries. But news of the game
spread throughout the upstate New York area.
The story also received national attention, and was featured on ESPN, which quoted Fisher’s
pitcher Justin Lutes, a graduating senior whose pitch had been the one Pecora connected with,
and—like seven other of his fellow seniors—whose college career thus came to an end: “It isn’t
exactly the dream I had about how I wanted to go out. But there was a lesson that we all learned.
People may think that sports is their life. But when you see somebody’s life flash before you, you
realize there are bigger things in the world than a baseball game” (Drehs 2008: 3).
In 2008 the NCAA Committee on Sportsmanship and Ethical Conduct (CSEC) selected
softball student-athlete Mallory Holtman of Central Washington University and the St. John
Fisher College’s baseball team as the national 2008 NCAA Sportsmanship Award winners, for
their exemplary behavior. It’s important to point out that sometimes good sportsmanship does
receive the recognition it deserves.
Summary
In this chapter we’ve looked at current trends in sports. As mentioned in Chapter 15, “trend-
ing” is a term that came into vogue via social media. It refers to that which is currently popular,
as noted through social media such as Facebook or Twitter. Among the primary challenges with
trying to identify (in a textbook) social phenomena that are trending is the realization that after
a relatively short period of time, the referenced activity is likely to no longer be trending. Still,
there are a good number of trending activities in sport at the present time which are likely to have
staying power. Some of these are already having a major impact on how various sports are played
and perceived.
Technological innovations are particularly noteworthy when it comes to trending. New tech-
nology in sport is utilized when there is a perceived benefit in doing so. For instance, the combi-
nation of inexpensive toy drones (small unmanned aerial systems) and cameras have provided
coaches and players with new opportunities for studying film with more precise and close-up van-
tage points. This technological advancement is almost assuredly going to remain an important
part of coaching’s tool box, but there will have to be rules developed regarding when it will be
allowed and when it will be banned so as to avoid spying on rival practices. Drone-equipped
cameras are just one of the innovations in recording sporting events; another very popular trending
type of filming is the GoPro Camera. This provides panoramic, high-definition video, including
film and stills at the same time, of sporting events. Other technological trends include better track-
ing devices; goal-line technology to prove whether a goal was made or not; and cooling vests to
control a player’s temperature.
In this era of virtual reality it should not be surprising to realize that many people enjoy, or
even prefer, fantasy sports over real sports. Fantasy sports are make-believe sports but treated as
real by those who participate in them. The popularity of fantasy sports leagues most definitely
qualifies as a trending pop culture phenomenon. With fantasy sports, participants are afforded an
opportunity to act as an “owner” or general manager of a fantasy sports franchise and “draft”
players for their teams.
The advent of electronic technology has also led to increasing types of online gambling.
While many aspects of sports are trending away from the traditional, there is still something magical
about attending a ballgame on a sunny afternoon at one’s favorite stadium (courtesy Kristen Konopka).
While, according to federal law, such gambling is essentially illegal in most of the United States,
there are growing arguments that it should be legalized and regulated rather than forbidden. As
the popularity of fantasy sports (and online poker) continues to grow, so too will the popularity
of online gambling.
Another popular trend is the growing number of new and unusual sports, which social media
makes people more aware of and allows them to participate in, either physically or virtually. One
of the most popular is video gaming, which is even becoming a team sport on various college cam-
puses. A positive trend is the way in which technological innovation is making sports more available
for people with physical disabilities and special needs. This relates to individuals as well as tradi-
tional organizations such as the Special Olympics and the more recent Invictus Games, an inter-
national Paralympic-style event for wounded, injured or sick armed service veterans. The increasing
need for people to engage in physical activities for health reasons is an impetus to encourage people
to overcome sedentary lifestyles by engaging in sporting events. The need for physical activity is
trending not because so many people are heeding the importance of physical activity, but rather,
because the problems associated with inactivity (e.g., a sedentary lifestyle and obesity) are trend-
ing.
The popularity of the study of sport has led to a trending development of sport studies pro-
grams across the United States and throughout the world. In 2013, there were over 880 colleges
in the United States that offered a sport studies degree program; there were an additional 115-plus
accredited graduate sports studies programs.
Sportsmanship is a topic that is also starting to trend. National Sportsmanship Day (NSD)
was established in 1991 by the Institute for International Sport (IIS), to promote ethics, honesty,
and fair play in athletics and society through education and sport. Social media are increasingly
reporting about both good and bad sportsmanship in professional and amateur sports, and the
promotion of good sportsmanship is trending in part thanks to the growing number of Sports
Studies programs.
Sports mirrors society; it is not bigger than life or separate from life, it is a part of life.
Key Terms
Autism A developmental disability that begins in early childhood, characterized by marked
deficits in communication and social interaction.
Body Mass Index Calculated by converting the weight of person into kilograms, divided by an
individual’s height in meters squared.
E-Sports Also known as “Electronic Sports.” Organized video game competitions.
Fantasy Sports Games where participants act as “owners” by choosing “players” based on real
athletes. They compete against other “owners” based upon statistics generated by the actual
players.
Invictus Games Founded in 2014, an international Paralympic-style competitive multi-sporting
event for wounded members of the armed services.
National Sportsmanship Day A date in early March, founded in 1991, to promote ethics, hon-
esty, and fair play in athletics and society through education and sport.
Personal Achievement Realizing one’s potential and limitations.
Sedentary Lifestyle A lack of physical activity leading to one becoming out of shape or physi-
cally unfit.
Sport Studies College programs which examine sport’s cultural relationship with education,
the economy, families, the media, psychology, and politics, and considers race/ethnicity, class,
and gender differences in the sport experience.
• What new trends do you think are occurring in sports right now?
• In your opinion, are video game competitions sporting events? Why or why not?
• Do you agree or disagree with the claim that participating in sports is basically a positive
experience?
• Are people with various physical disabilities more able to participate in sporting events than
they were in the past?
• What are some reasons why Americans are leading sedentary lifestyles, and what might be
done to counter this trend?
• Do you think that physical education should be mandatory in school and at home? Why or
why not? How might such a policy be implemented?
• What is “sportsmanship” and how can it be promoted?
• What sort of topics do you think a Sports Studies program should address?
Glossary
Academic Admissions Requirements Certain minimum standards that must be met for admission
to a college or university.
Achieved Status A social or economic standing achieved through high levels of education or suc-
cessful personal and economic decisions.
Acute Injuries Sports injuries which occur quickly as a result of a traumatic event and are followed
immediately by a pattern of signs and symptoms such as pain, swelling, and loss of function.
Agents of Socialization The people, groups or institutions that teach us what we need to know in
order to function properly in society.
Aggression Behavior which leads to personal injury, or the intent to harm others.
Aggression in Sport Verbal and physical behavior grounded in the intent to successfully accomplish
a task even if it means to dominate, control, or harm, physically or psychologically, an opponent.
Amenorrhea The complete loss of menstruation. It can be termed as three or fewer menstrual
cycles in a year or no cycle for six consecutive months.
Animism The earliest form of religion, it maintains that everything has two aspects, a physical
manifestation and a spirit or soul.
Anomie Theory Developed by Robert Merton, the premise that society encourages all persons to
attain culturally desirable goals, but the opportunity to reach these goals is not equal for all mem-
bers of society.
Anorexia An eating disorder characterized by a purposeful weight loss far beyond the normal range.
Apartheid Government-sanctioned separation of races.
Ascribed Status Social or economic standing inherited by those born in wealthy families, higher
than those born in poorer families.
Athlete A person who trains to compete in athletics.
Athletic Director A person who has full control over all aspects of college athletics, including the
department’s employees (staff, coaches, and student-athletes).
Athletic Scholarships Either full or partial, these provide financial assistance, usually in the form of
room and board (paying for admissions, textbooks and school supplies) as well as per diem (meal
allowance).
Athletic Stress Forces that cause bodily or mental strain.
Athletic Trainers Professionals who specialize in proper health care for athletes and in prevention,
evaluation, management and rehabilitation of injuries.
Athletics Exercises and games that require physical skill, strength and endurance.
Attachment Theory The emotional bond we form with others that helps to provide personal identity.
Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) A behavior disorder identified by three charac-
teristics: inattentiveness, impulsiveness, and hyperactivity.
Authoritarian Coach An overbearing coach obsessed with winning who may ruin the sport experi-
ence of participants.
Authority According to George Homans, a person who has influence over the thoughts and behav-
iors of other members of a group. Authority is considered to be a type of legitimate power.
419
420 Glossary
Autism A development disability that begins in early childhood, characterized by marked deficits in
communication and social interaction.
Babe Ruth Baseball/Softball Program Using regulation competitive baseball and softball rules,
this program teaches skills, mental and physical development, a respect for the rules of the game,
and basic ideals of sportsmanship and fair play.
BASE Jumping Parachuting from stationary objects (e.g., buildings, bridges, steep mountains).
BASE is an acronym for building, antenna, span and earth.
Beliefs Things that people presume to be true, whereas they may or may not be true.
BIRG (“Basking in Reflected Glory”) Individuals reflect positively about themselves through a
bond and identification with successful people and teams.
Blood-doping Introducing a surplus of an athlete’s own blood into his or her body in the hopes of
improving performance.
Blue Laws So-called because they were once printed on blue paper, these are laws restricting activi-
ties or sales of goods on Sundays or holy days.
Bodily Strain Physical impairment caused by excessive demands on the body.
Body Mass Index Calculated by converting the weight of person into kilograms, divided by an indi-
vidual’s height in meters squared.
Bookies People who take illegal bets.
Boosterism Efforts to engender pride in one’s hometown. Having a major league sports franchise
can be a means to show pride in one’s hometown.
Boycott A form of collective action, in athletics involving withdrawal from participation, intended
to pressure the target group to change its position or behavior.
Bulimia An eating disorder characterized by repetitive cycles of dieting, then overeating—bing-
ing—followed by behaviors that get rid of, or purge, the food eaten.
Bullying An intentional act of aggression that is meant to harm a victim either physically or psy-
chologically.
Cal Ripken Baseball Division Part of the Babe Ruth Baseball/Softball Program, this division is for
kids 12 and under.
Catastrophic Injury A sports injury which involves damage to the brain or spinal cord, or both, and
is potentially life threatening or permanent.
Character Individual personality and behavioral traits, both good and bad, which define who a per-
son is.
Character Development Gaining qualities that will make a person better able to deal with life’s
problems; many believe sports enhance character development.
Cheating In school sports it can take multiple forms (e.g., violating rules of sportsmanship, taking
performance-enhancing drugs), all of which undermine the idealism of sport as an institution of
character building.
Cheerleader A person who leads, calls for, and directs organized cheering at sporting events from
the sidelines of the field or court.
Chivalry The qualities idealized by knighthood in the Middle Ages, such as bravery, courtesy,
honor, and gallantry toward women.
Chronic Injuries Sports injuries which linger and develop over an extended period of time and are
not tied to a single traumatic event.
Chronic Traumatic Encephalopathy (CTE) A progressive degenerative disease of the brain found
in athletes (and nonathletes) with a history of repetitive brain trauma, including symptomatic
concussions as well as asymptomatic subconcussive hits to the head
Cigarette Cards Believed to have originated in France around the 1840s, these were cardboard stiff-
eners used as promotion.
Coaches Individuals who guide athletes on the rules of the game, methods of training, and ideally,
help to develop the athletes’ skills.
College Conferences Collective units which serve for instilling standards in college sports.
Collusion A secret undertaking by two or more people engaged in for the purpose of fraud.
Commitment Involves an emotional attachment to the object of loyalty.
Glossary 421
Competitive Cheer Squads Groups which compete against other cheer squads in front of judges
rather than cheering for a sports team.
Conflict Theories Theories which examine the role of and imbalances in power, especially in light
of economic and social inequalities found in all societies.
Conspicuous Consumption A term coined by Thorstein Veblen; it refers to spending money, time
and effort quite uselessly in the pleasurable business of inflating the ego.
Conspicuous Leisure A term coined by Thorstein Veblen; it refers to living a lifestyle where the
pursuit of leisure and the appearance of privilege are used instrumental in one’s behavior. In other
words, it involves participating in nonproductive activities.
Consumer Culture Using consumer goods to express cultural categories and principles, cultivate
ideals, create and sustain lifestyles, construct notions of the self, and create (and survive) social
change.
Consumerism The economic theory of an increasing consumption of goods and services as eco-
nomically desired.
Contest An organized competition. It may be between two individuals, between two teams,
between an individual and a group, between an individual or team and inanimate nature, between
a person or group and animate nature, or between an individual or team and an ideal standard.
CORF (“Cutting off Reflective Failure”) Individuals distance themselves from unsuccessful people
and teams.
Cultural Diffusion The spread of cultural aspects of one society to another.
Culture The shared knowledge, values, language, norms, and behavioral patterns of a given society
that are handed down from one generation to the next and form a way of life for its members.
Development of Self The result of a number of interactions with others over a period of time in a
variety of social and cultural contexts.
Deviance Any act or behavior that is likely to be defined, by some members of society, or specific
subcultural groups, as an unacceptable violation of a social norm and elicits negative reactions
from others.
Deviants Those who stray from the norm by committing acts of deviance.
Differential Association Theory The view that it takes continued association and reinforcement in
order for a behavior to be indoctrinated.
Direct Upward Mobility A rise in socio-economic status that is accomplished when an athlete signs
a lucrative professional contract.
Discrimination Behavior that treats people unequally on the basis of an ascribed status, such as race
or gender.
Disrupting Play Generally takes place in the form of a spectator(s) running onto the field or court.
Diversity of Culture The result of each society’s adaptation to their specific natural environments
(e.g., climate and geography) and a number of traditional customs, habits, values and norms that
develop over time to form a way of life for people.
Economic Dimension A stratification system involving two key variables: income and wealth.
Economics The social science that studies economic activity in order to better understand the
processes involved in the economy.
Economy The social system that coordinates a society’s production, distribution, and consumption
of goods and services.
E-gambling Gambling on the Internet.
Electronic Media Includes television, radio, motion pictures, and the Internet.
Elite Athlete Someone who has reached a level of competition at or near a national standard. He or
she is considered the best in their sport; they are often shown special favor by coaches and schools.
Elite Deference Refers to the special privileges that are afforded athletes.
E-Sports Also known as “Electronic Sports.” Organized video game competitions.
Ethnic Group A category of people who are recognized as a distinct group based on social or cul-
tural factors.
Ethnocentrism The tendency for members of a society to use their culture’s norms and values as
standards for judging other cultures.
422 Glossary
External Social Control (sometimes called direct social control) Regulation of behavior comes
from “outside” social control agents, such as coaches, trainers, administrators and referees and
umpires.
Extreme Sports A collective idiom used to describe a number of relatively newer sporting activities
that involve risky, adrenaline-inducing action. Features of extreme sports may include speed,
height, danger, peril, stunts, and illegality.
False Consciousness A term used by Marxists to signify the inability to clearly see where one’s own
best interests lie.
Fantasy Sports Games where participants act as “owners” by choosing “players” based on real ath-
letes. They compete against other “owners” based upon statistics generated by the actual players.
Feminist Theory An attempt to highlight the importance of women in society while providing evi-
dence that gender differences are socially created rather than inherent to any sexual classification
system.
Folk Games Popular and traditional games, primarily played in rural areas and passed along from
one generation to another.
Fraternal Bond A process whereby members of a group foster and reinforce team camaraderie and a
commitment to group goals.
Function A contribution, service, or behavior purposive to society.
Functional Imperatives A term coined by Talcott Parsons, who argued that there are four basic
“system needs” (adaptation, goal attainment, integration, and latency; or AGIL) necessary in order
for any society (club, organization, team, etc.) to run smoothly.
Functional Theory The idea that there is a general consensus in values and norms of society and
that the social institutions found within a society are integrated into a functioning whole.
Gamer A person who plays video games.
Gender This refers to socially determined expectations placed on individuals because of their sexual
category. Males are expected to act masculine, while females are expected to act feminine.
Gender Roles A social by-product of cultural expectations. Gender role expectations extend to all
realms of the social life, including mannerisms, behaviors, attitudes, styles of dress, and activities,
including sports, that are deemed appropriate for men and women.
Generalized Other A person’s conscious awareness of the society that he or she is a part of; the
community or communities one belongs to.
Genocide The intentional attempt to exterminate a race of people by a more dominant population.
Genomics The use of genetic engineering to enhance athletic performance.
Globalization A social process in which the constraints of geography on social and cultural
arrangements recede and in which people become increasingly aware that they are receding.
Government The political unit that exercises authority via laws and customs.
Harm Principle Philosopher John Stuart Mill’s view that the only justification for interference with
personal behavior is to prevent harm to others.
Hazing An all-encompassing term that covers silly, potentially risky, or degrading tasks required for
acceptance by a group of full-fledged members.
Hegemonic Masculinity Typecasting males to a masculine ideal.
Hero Someone who is admired for his or her achievement, courage, skill, dedication, or integrity.
Heterogeneous Societies Consist of people who are dissimilar in regard to social characteristics
such as religion, race, ethnicity, politics, and economic backgrounds.
Homogeneous Societies Consist of people who share a common culture and are generally from
similar social, religious, political and economic backgrounds.
Homophobia Fear and dislike of homosexuals, often leading to persecution and discrimination
against them.
Hypermasculinity The belief that ideal manhood lies in the exercise of force to dominate others.
Identity Involves those aspects of one’s life that are deemed as essential to the character and mainte-
nance of self.
Ideological Sexism The belief that one sex is inferior to another; it stresses gender-appropriateness
based on gender roles.
Glossary 423
Illegal Recruiting Tactics These may include rival recruiters spreading misinformation, lies or innu-
endoes to prized athletes in such ways as suggesting the other school is about to be placed on pro-
bation, they are going to raise admissions requirements, or that the head coach is about to quit or
be fired.
Income The amount of money that a person, or family, receives over a period of time; generally a
calendar year.
Indirect Upward Mobility A rise in socio-economic status that occurs when an athlete earns a col-
lege degree and finds gainful employment because of his or her educational credentials.
Industrialization The process of transforming an agricultural (farming) economy into an industrial
one, through an increase in large factories, rapid population growth, and urbanization.
Informal Sports Those which are player-controlled, free from governing bodies and adult supervi-
sion, and allow the participant an opportunity to have fun in a self-expressing format.
Institutional Sexism Systematic practices and patterns within social institutions that lead to inequal-
ity between men and women.
Instrumental Aggression Behavior that is non-emotional and task oriented and driven by the quest
for achieving some nonaggressive goal.
Instrumental Relationships Those relationships based on pragmatic principles that assist individu-
als in their pursuit of goals.
Intimidation Behavior that involves words, gestures and actions that sometimes may threaten vio-
lence or aggression in an attempt to pressure and put fear in the opponent.
Invictus Games Founded in 2014, an international Paralympic-style competitive multi-sporting
event for wounded members of the armed services.
Jousting Competition between two knights in full armor who ride at high speed directly toward one
another with the object to unhorse one’s opponent with a long tilting spear.
Labeling Theory The theory which examines the effects of a “label” being placed on a person and
his or her subsequent behavior.
Language A set of symbols that can be strung together in an infinite number of ways that expresses
ideas and abstract thoughts and enables people to think and communicate with one another.
Leisure Unobligated time that is free of work or maintenance responsibilities.
Leisure Class A term used by Thorstein Veblen to describe people who engaged in non-productive
economic behavior.
Letter of Intent Treated as a legal contract, this states that the athlete promises to attend a particu-
lar school for four years.
Licensing Profits from merchandise sales.
Little League Baseball A program for youth, geared to provide a safe and healthy environment
where they can learn the fundamentals of baseball while becoming good and decent citizens.
Little Leaguism A term used to describe youth sports that have become bureaucratic, standardized,
efficiency-driven, rationalized, calculated, and predictable.
Lockout Occurs when negotiations between players and owners have deteriorated to the point where
owners simply close down operations and keep players from playing.
Marquis of Queensbury Rules Set of rules agreed upon in the 1860s which became the standard of
modern boxing, including requiring boxers to wear padded gloves and limiting rounds to three
minutes.
Mass Media The medium by which large numbers of people are informed about important happen-
ings in society.
Material Culture The physical, tangible creations of a society, such as clothing, merchandise, foot-
ball stadiums, sporting equipment, automobiles, and art.
Medium A means of communicating information.
Mental Strain Distress caused by internal pressure that the youth places on self-performance.
Middle Ages A transitional period between a time when a large, unified nation or civilization (the
Roman Empire) had disappeared and a later time when nations regained strength and stability
(the Renaissance).
Mixed Martial Arts An extreme combat sport in which contestants are allowed an amalgamation of
424 Glossary
fighting techniques including bare-handed boxing and a variety of martial arts such as kickboxing,
judo and karate.
Mob Mentality Collective thinking and action that develops when a group reacts nearly simultane-
ously to a stimulus.
Modernization Changes in society characterized by growth in technology (especially a reliance on
the application of scientific knowledge); advances in agriculture (e.g., commercial production of
corporate-run farms); the use of machinery (human and animal power being replaced by
machines); and changing ecological arrangements (e.g., continued population shift from rural
areas to urban ones).
Monopoly A single firm that supplies a market.
Monopsony A situation where a seller (the player) is limited to only one buyer (the owner who the
athlete is currently under contract with or who has drafted him or her). The buyer controls the
market because the seller is not allowed to sell his skills elsewhere in a free and open market.
Muscular Christianity A term used to describe the religious philosophy of teaching morals and val-
ues through sport.
National Collegiate Athletic Association The NCAA supervises the organization of college sports,
the conduct of athletes, coaches and others involved with college sports, and the academic qualifi-
cation to which athletes must adhere. It attempts to act in the best interests of college athletics.
National Sportsmanship Day A date in early March, founded in 1991, to promote ethics, honesty,
and fair play in athletics and society through education and sport.
Natural Sciences Disciplines such as astronomy, biology, chemistry, geology, and physics, which
focus their studies on the physical features of nature and the manner in which they interact and
change.
Negro Baseball A collective term used to describe the various teams and leagues that existed from
the early 1900s until the 1950s.
Nonmaterial Culture The more abstract creations of society, such as beliefs, values, ideology, and
norms.
Oligarchy A power structure in which control is in the hands of a few.
Option System An arrangement in which a player is free to seek employment with another team
one year after his contract has expired if the original owner did not re-sign him.
Organized Play Activities which are bound by rules, in which there are designated time limits and
boundaries and nearly always a clear winner and loser.
Osteoporosis A condition of decreased bone mass that can lead to bone fractures.
Other-regarding Acts Behaviors which may cause harm to others and, therefore, fall outside the
dominion of acceptable forms of violence.
Pankration A Greek word that means “complete strength” or “complete victory.”
Patriarchy A male-dominated society or ideology.
Performance-enhancing Drugs Substances used to improve performance; this term often refers to
anabolic steroid use in sports by professional and amateur athletes. Other substances include
human growth hormone (hGH), stimulants, and diuretics.
Personal Achievement Realizing one’s potential and limitations.
Phenomenological Approach A type of symbolic interactionism which examines sport through the
senses and emotions of the player.
Ping Pong Diplomacy A phrase coined during the Nixon Administration to describe the use of
sports as a means of bridging the political gap between the U.S. and the People’s Republic of
China.
Play An activity that is performed voluntarily during leisure.
Politics According to Max Weber, the methods or tactics of government, or governing, of a society,
and the administration and control of its internal and external affairs.
Pop Warner Football The most recognized formal and organized youth football program.
Positivism A way of understanding the world based on science. Positivists believe that the social
world can be studied in the same manner as the natural sciences and believe that “laws” exist that
apply to the human species; they merely have to be discovered by social scientists.
Glossary 425
Power According to Max Weber, the ability to exercise one’s will over others, despite their resist-
ance.
Practice Any meeting, activity or instruction involving sports-related information and having an
athletics purpose, held for one or more student-athletes at the direction of, or supervised by, any
member or members of an institution’s coaching staff.
Prejudice Can be defined as negative beliefs and overgeneralizations concerning a group of people
involving a judgment against an individual based on a rigid and fixed mental image applied to all
individuals of that group.
Preperformance Routines Learned behavioral and cognitive strategies which are deliberately used
by athletes in order to assist physical performance.
Primary Group An intimate association where members share a sense of “we-ness”—a sort of sym-
pathy and mutual identification for which “we” is a natural expression. The primary group is rela-
tively small, often informal, involves close personal relationships, and has an important role in
shaping an individual’s sense of self.
Print Media Includes newspapers, magazines, and books.
Profane Items The ordinary, mundane, commonplace items of society.
Proportionality In Title IX, the total number of varsity male and female athletes must be propor-
tional to the gender division of the general student body.
Race A group of people who share some socially recognized physical characteristic (such as skin
color or facial features) that distinguishes them from other groups of people and are recognized by
themselves and others as a distinct group.
Racism Any attitude, belief, behavior, or social arrangement that has the intent, or the ultimate
effect, of favoring one group over another.
Reactive Aggression Actions with the primary goal of inflicting bodily injury or physical harm to
an opponent.
Recreation A leisure activity designed to refresh the mind and/or body.
Recreational Gambling Gambling among friends and co-workers.
Recruitment A college’s act of seeking out an athlete, rather than the reverse.
Religion A system of beliefs and rituals that serves to bind people together into a social group
while attempting to answer the dilemmas and questions of human existence by making the world
more meaningful to its adherents.
Religious Beliefs Ideals to which members of a particular religion adhere.
Role Exit A process of leaving a role through being socialized into a new role.
Sacred Items Objects and behaviors that are deemed part of the spiritual realm and are set apart
from the ordinary; they are worshipped.
Scientific Method The pursuit of knowledge involving the stating of a problem, the collection of
facts through observation and experiment, and the testing of ideas to determine whether they are
right or wrong.
Secondary Group A collectivity whose members interact with one another formally and impersonally.
Secularism The process of moving from a religious orientation toward one that is focused on the
world.
Sedentary Lifestyle A lack of physical activity leading to one becoming out of shape or physically
unfit.
Self-fulfilling Prophecy Occurs when people take to heart the labels bestowed upon them, come to
see themselves in regard to those labels, and then act correspondingly to those labels.
Self-regarding Acts Behaviors that may cause harm only to the individual performing them and,
therefore, fall within the realm of acceptable violence.
Sex This refers to one’s biological classification. Males and females differ biologically in regards to
their internal and external reproductive organs and genitalia, types and levels of hormones and
chromosomal structure (females have an XX and males an XY design).
Sexism Behavior, conditions, or attitudes that foster stereotypical social roles based on sex and lead
to discrimination against members of one sex due to preferential treatment aimed to assist mem-
bers of the other sex.
426 Glossary
Sexual Harassment Deliberate or repeated unsolicited verbal comments, gestures, or physical con-
tact of a sexual nature that are unwelcome by the recipient and create an intimidating or hostile
work environment.
“Significant Others” Those specific individuals with whom a child interacts with on a regular basis,
generally the child’s immediate family members and friends (a term used by George Herbert
Mead). Those persons play a major role in shaping a person’s self.
Soccer Mom Someone who drives her children to soccer games and watches them compete.
Social Institutions A set of organized beliefs and rules that establishes how a society will attempt to
meet its basic social needs.
Social Learning Theories An individual learns behavior through interaction with others; whether
directly (being taught) or indirectly (through observation).
Social Media Includes cyber-communication and internet based tools and platforms that increase
and enhance the sharing of information. This new form of media makes the transfer of text, pho-
tos, audio, video and information in general increasingly fluid among internet users.
Social Norms The rules that govern behavior.
Social Prestige A dimension of social stratification that is tied to what people think about others.
Social Sciences Disciplines such as sociology, anthropology, economics, history, psychology, and
political science, which concentrate their study on the various aspects of human society.
Social Stratification A ranking system of members of a social system into levels having different or
unequal evaluations; it reveals patterns of social inequality.
Social Structure The organization of society—its social positions and the ongoing relationships
among these social positions, the different resources allocated to these social positions, and the
social groups that make up the society.
Social Theory Focuses on interactions, patterns and events found in the social environment and
attempts to explain such observed phenomena.
Social Worlds Group members who share a subcultural perspective and are held together through
interaction and communication.
Socialization A process of social development and learning that occurs as individuals interact with
one another and learn about society’s expectations of acceptable behavior.
Socialization into Sport A process whereby an individual is encouraged by the agents of socializa-
tion to partake in sport either as a participant or as a spectator or consumer.
Socialization out of Sport A desocialization process where an individual leaves sport and experi-
ences a modification of sense of self. For professional athletes, exiting sport can be very difficult.
Socialization Process The ways in which individuals learn cultural norms, values, beliefs and expec-
tations.
Socialization via Sport The social processes and significant others that influence an individual’s
decision to remain in sport.
Society The largest collection of a group of people who interact with one another as members of a
collectivity within a defined boundary. A society also consists of a number of highly structured
systems of human organization and this organized system helps to form the social structure of
society.
Socio-economic Status A composite term that includes a person’s income, wealth, occupational
prestige, and educational attainment.
Sociological Imagination A term coined by C. Wright Mills. Sociological imagination stresses the
importance of the historical social context in which an individual is found, and the ways in which
our private lives are influenced by our social environment and existing social forces.
Sociology The systematic study of human society and social interaction. Note the difference from
page 4, where sociology is defined as the systematic study of groups, organizations, social institu-
tions, societies, and the social interaction among people.
Sociology of Sport The systematic study of the processes, patterns, issues, values and behaviors
found in the institution of sport.
Spontaneous Play A type of play which is voluntary, flexible, and uncertain with latitude for inno-
vation.
Glossary 427
Sport An institutionalized, structured, and sanctioned competitive activity beyond the realm of play
that involves physical exertion and the use of relatively complex athletic skills.
Sport Books Legally placed bets on a wide variety of sporting events, allowed in some casinos.
Sport Specialization Concentrating on just one sport, year-around, instead of enjoying participating
in multiple sports.
Sport Studies College programs which examine sport’s cultural relationship with education, the
economy, families, the media, psychology, and politics, and considers race/ethnicity, class, and
gender differences in the sport experience.
Sport Superstitions Ritualized routines that are separate from athletic training and that are per-
formed by athletes because they believe such behaviors are powerful enough to control external
factors (e.g., the talents of opponents).
Sport Violence Intentional aggressive physical behavior that causes harm, occurs outside the rules of
the game, is unrelated to ideals of sportsmanship, or which destroys the property of another
sportsperson.
Sports Cartel An economic body formed by a small number of teams within the same league that
make decisions on matters of common interest (e.g., rules, revenue-sharing, expansion, schedul-
ing, and promotion) and exchange money as resources.
Sportsmanship Conduct and attitudes considered as benefiting participants, especially in regards to
a sense of fair play, courtesy toward teammates and opponents, game officials, and others involved
in sporting contests, as well as grace in losing.
Stereotypes Oversimplified and exaggerated beliefs about a category of people.
Streaming A technological advancement in sport broadcasting that allows sports fans to watch the
game “on the go” or while they are at work online.
Subculture A distinctive group of people within a greater culture who possess distinctive cultural
values, behavioral patterns, ethnicity, or some other trait that distinguishes it from dominant
groups in the greater society.
Superstitions Beliefs or practices resulting from ignorance or fear of the unknown, or a belief in
magic or chance.
Symbolic Interactionism The view that that human behavior involves choices and that choices are
made based on meanings, or definitions of the situation.
Symbols Items that represent something else by association, resemblance, or convention to a people
in a society.
Tailgating Hosting or attending a gathering held in a parking lot of or near a sports stadium where
food and beverages are served from the back of a parked vehicle.
Tall Tale The oldest form of storytelling is the result of oral accounts of great feats of accomplish-
ments, usually exaggerated.
T-ball A game designed to indoctrinate young children (starting around age 5) into the game of
baseball.
Terrorism The unlawful use of—or threatened use of—force or violence against individuals or prop-
erty to coerce or intimidate governments or societies, often to achieve political, religious, or ideo-
logical objectives.
Theory A statement that proposes to explain or relate observed phenomena or a set of concepts
through a logically-based system of general propositions. It involves a set of inter-related argu-
ments that seek to describe and explain cause-effect relationships.
Totemism As described by Emile Durkheim, a primitive form of a religious system in which certain
things, particularly animals and plants, come to be regarded as sacred emblems.
Tournaments Public contests held in the Middle Ages between armed horsemen in simulation of
real battle; these were restricted to the upper classes.
Traumatic Brain Injury (TBI) Head injuries (e.g., concussions) brought on by a severe blow to the
head that lead to temporary or permanent brain damage.
Trending A process that occurs when a social media site suddenly sees a huge spike in common-
themed posts or tweets.
True Story An approach to sportswriting which reveals the frailties and failures of athletes.
428 Glossary
Urbanization The process by which a country’s population changes from primarily rural to urban. It
is caused by the migration of people from the countryside to the city in search of better jobs and
living conditions.
Vandalism The willful or malicious destruction or defacing of public or private property.
Verbal Assaults The use of obscenities, vulgarities, and threatening words directed by sports specta-
tors at the targets of their scorn.
Verse Refers to the poetic-style writing of sportswriters.
Violence Entails great physical force used intentionally by one person(s) to cause another person(s)
harm or aggressive behavior which destroys the property of another.
Walk-on A nonscholarship athlete who tries out for a sport.
Wealth The total value of everything that a person or family owns, minus any debts owed.
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Index
aesthetic fitness 242–245, 256 BIRG and CORF theories 43– conflict theory 7, 33–34, 177
agents of socialization 95, 98, 46 conspicuous consumption 7, 17,
102, 104 Blind Side 121, 139–141 73, 292
aggression 40, 119, 166, 203– blood-doping 187–188 conspicuous leisure 7, 73, 292,
207, 212, 218, 419; instrumen- blood sports 58 399
tal 423; reactive 425 Blumer, Herbert 37 consumerism 291–294
Amateur Athletic Union (AAU) bobbleheads 21, 23 contests 19
237 bocce ball 278 Cooperstown, Major League
amenorrhea 244–245 bowling 19, 20 Baseball Hall of Fame 61, 82,
ancient sports 50, 235 boxing 51, 52, 57, 59, 210–211 84
animism 346, 369 Brand, Myles 310 culture, defined 72
Anomie/Strain theory 201 Brian’s Song 22, 284–286 cup stacking 11
anorexia 130, 190, 244–245 broadcasting, sports 294, 377– Cutting Off Reflective Failure
anvil shooting 10 378 (CORF) 42–46
archery 14, 50–51, 56–58, 235, Brown, Jim 95, 327, 330
336, 405 bulimia 130, 244–245 de Coubertin, Baron 62, 199,
Armstrong, Lance 90, 190, 263 buzkashi 14–15 237, 318, 355–336
Association for Intercollegiate “Deflate-Gate” 180
Athletics for Women (AIWA) Cal Ripken Baseball Division development of self 27–29, 98–
238 126 99
athlete, defined 15–16; elite 100 Campbell, Ben Nighthorse 325 deviance 174; and coaching
athletic director 30, 33, 39, 149, cartels, sport 299–301 179–180; off-the-field 182–187;
159–160, 177 Cartwright, Alexander 61 on-the-field 177–179; and ref-
athletic scholarships 133, 153, character 58; good 107, 119–120, erees and officials 181–182;
156–158, 171, 252, 269, 401 124, 142 spectator 182
athletics, defined 16 Chariots of Fire 22, 342–343 discrimination 235, 238, 245,
authority 19, 32, 36, 59, 163, Chief Illiniwek 276 259, 261–262, 266
232, 316–317 Chief Osceola 272–273 diversity of culture 75
autism 403; and sport 403–404 chivalry 56 domestic violence 217–220,
auto racing 20–21, 204, 216, Chronic Traumatic 386
224, 293, 321, 378 Encephalopathy (CTE) 111, Donaghy, Tim 181–182
212 Doubleday, Abner 61
Babe Ruth Baseball 126 Clemente, Roberto 85, 281 Durkheim, Emile 81, 175, 271,
BASE jumping 66 coaching 161–163; authoritarian 297, 349, 369
baseball 60–62, 64, 73, 125–127, 145 dysfunctional acts 29
237–239, 267–268, 279–280 cockfighting 14, 58
basketball 20, 60, 128, 268 college sports 151–160; scholar- e-gambling 196, 198, 396
Basking in Reflected Glory ships, recruitment, eligibility economics 250, 290–291
(BIRG) 42–46 and academic requirements Edwards, Harry 6, 16, 102, 327,
“Battle of the Sexes” 240 155–158; student-athlete 158– 333, 349, 350
Belichick, Bill 180–181 159 elephant racing 11
bicycling 236 Comte, Auguste 4, 27 endorsements 293–296, 313
Big Fan 46–47 concussions 111, 118, 139, 211– ESPN 8, 21–22, 298, 371, 372,
billiards 64 215 376, 382, 386, 387, 390
457
458 Index
ex-athlete 111, 313 hockey 207–210 Merton, Robert 29, 31, 175
extreme sports 64–67, 74, 130, homosexuality and homophobia Middle Ages 55–57
378, 394 247–250 Mill, John Stuart 215
hooligans, soccer 182, 224–225 Mills, C. Wright 4–5
false consciousness 34 horse racing 19, 58, 60 Mixed Martial Arts (MMA) 211
fantasy sports 84, 196, 395–396 Human Growth Hormone mob mentality 224–226
female sport participation 232– (HGH) 151, 191, 340 modern sports, characteristics
239; early history 235–237; hypermasculinity 225, 383 of 63
early 1900s 237–238; myths modernization 297, 379
233–235; post–World War II identity, sports 100–101 Moneyball 311–312
238–239; Victorian Era 235– imitation stage 28 monopolies, sport 299–302, 313
237 income 290 Morgan, William 60
feminist theory 40–42 Indian imagery 271–276 Muscular Christianity 123, 318
Flood, Curt 306–309 industrialization 17, 59–60
Flutie, Doug 23, 161 informal youth sports 130–131 Naismith, James 60
folk games 55, 57, 70 International Olympic Commit- National Association of Inter-
football 14, 20, 57, 64, 127, 207 tee (IOC) 62, 326, 331, 334, collegiate Athletics (NAIA)
former athletes in politics 323– 337, 383 147, 152, 154
326 international sports 330–331; National Collegiate Athletic
Foxcatcher 198–200, 311 political uses 331–335 Association (NCAA) 152–
franchise relocation 78, 271, intimidation 167, 169, 204–205 154, 171
302–303 Invictus Games 405 National Junior College Athletic
Freeth, George 72 Association (NJCAA) 152,
Friday Night Lights 148, 169– jinxes 366–368 154
171 Jordan, Michael 16, 96, 182, Native American nicknames,
functional imperatives 32 282, 291, 297, 297, 327–328, logos, and mascots 272–276
functionalism 29–33, 48, 347, 367, 390 Negro Leagues Baseball 267
348 journalism, sports 385–386 nonmaterial culture 73
jousting 55, 56, 318
gambling in sports 194–196; Obama, Barack 207, 260, 320,
problems associated with kickboxing 67, 211 324
196–198; see also e-gambling kite fighting 14 obesity 132, 318, 383, 407–410
game stage 27, 28–29, 48 Oher, Michael 139–141
generalized other 28, 99 Labeling theory 176–177 Olympics, ancient 53, 235
genetics and sports 97, 260, lacrosse 15, 21, 80, 148, 283, Olympics, modern 53, 62, 322,
262–263 284, 324 335–337; political problems
genomics 193–194 lawn jockey 266–267 337–342
Gladiator 67–69 A League of Their Own 238, 255 O’Neal, Shaquille 40, 82, 87,
gladiator games 54–55 leisure 16–18 391
globalization 296–299, 313, 331, letter of intent 155–156 option clause 307
344 Little League Baseball 125–126 Orwell, George 203
golf 13, 16 London, Jack 112 Owens, Jesse 84, 86, 267–268,
Goodell, Roger 180, 187, 207, Lopez, Nancy 281–282 286, 332
218–219, 274 Lupica, Mike 78–79 owners 299–302
government in sport 317–320
Greek festivals 53 magic 383–364 pankration 51, 52, 211
manifest functions 31 Parsons, Talcott 30, 32
Harm Principle 215 Marinovich family 117–118, 134, Paterno, Joe 38–39
hazing 164–169 263 patriarchy 232–233
Hera 53, 235 Marquis of Queensbury 59, 229 Pepe, Maria 239
heroes 81–81; categories of 85– Marx, Karl 33–34, 316, 317 Performance-Enhancing Drugs
88; functions of 84–85; as material culture 73 (PEDs) 134–135, 151, 187–194
representatives of culture 83– Mead, George Herbert 27–28, play 18–19
84 29, 98, 99 play stage 27, 28, 29
high school sports 145–146; media 371; ethics 384–385; player endorsements 295–296
academic requirements 146– functions of 375–377; institu- politics 31, 316–317
147; athletic training 149–150; tion of 371–372; negative Pop Warner Football 101, 127,
economics 150; negative aspects on sports 379–384; 130, 142
effects 150–151; participation positive impact on sports positivism 4
and administration 147–149 377–379; technology and the power elites 34, 35, 36, 177
Hoch, Paul 7, 34 future 387–390 prayer and sport 356–362
Index 459
preindustrial sport 57–59 social system 9, 29 Title IX 41–42, 239; compliance
prejudice 247, 259, 261–262 social theory 26–27 250–251; fair and necessary
primary group 97–99 social worlds 95 253–354; reactions 251–252;
print media 372–273 socialization into sport 104–105 unfair to men’s sports 252–
socialization out of sport 107– 253
race 259–261 110 totemism 271
racinos 194 socialization process 28, 31, 95– trending 389, 393
racism 261–262; in sports in the 96
past 266–269; in sports in the socialization via sport 105–107 ultimate fighting 51, 67, 211
present 269–271 socioeconomic status (SES) 323 upward mobility 286
radio and sports 8, 21, 374–375 sociological imagination 4–5
Redskins 76, 273–276 sociology, defined 4 vandalism 222
Relaxation theory 40 Southern California Browns Veblen, Thorstein 7, 17, 292
religion 21, 32, 34, 98; defini- Backers Association (SCBBA) video games 83, 98, 132, 393,
tion of 347; differences 44 399–402
between sport and 354–356; Special Olympics 128, 332, 404, video streaming 388, 401
functions of relationship to 406 violence 203–204; domestic
sport and 349–350; similari- specific performance clause 78 217–220; spectator 220–227;
ties with sport and 350–354; sport 3, 10, 18; consumers 100– sport violence and the law
sociological perspectives on 101; defined 12–13; as a social 215–217
347–349 institution 9–10; sociological volleyball 60
Requiem for a Heavyweight 112– perspective 3
113 sport heroes 81–88 Walton, Bill 163
reserve clause 306–309 Sport Studies Programs 410–411 wealth 1, 05, 291
resocialization 110–111 sports agents 309–311 women’s sports: aesthetic fit-
Rickey, Branch 279–280 sports entertainment 293 ness 242–245; homosexuality
Robinson, Jackie 84–85, 87, sports marketing 294–295 and homophobia 247–250;
267, 276, 279–280 sportsmanship 3, 55, 75, 86, lack of women in power posi-
Rocky 22, 113–114 106, 137–138, 332, 411–412 tions 241–242; myths associ-
Roman spectacles 55 stadium deals 77, 303–305 ated with 233–235; obstacles
Roman sport 54–55 stereotypes 233–234, 259, 261, to continued growth 241–242;
rounders 57, 61, 64, 297 282 patriarchy’s influence on 232–
rowing 60, 62, 105 steroid use 134, 152, 189, 190– 233; quest for equality in the
191 male preserve 247; sexism
sacred emblems 271 stick fighting 51 245–246; sexual harassment
Sandusky, Gerald “Jerry” 38– stoolball 57 246–247
39, 183 Subcultural/Cultural Deviance Woods, Tiger 16, 64, 86, 184,
school spirit 160–161 Theory 175–176 282, 296, 379
secondary groups 97 subcultures 76–77 World Cup 14, 21, 79–80, 178,
secularization of sport 55, 346, Super Bowl 76, 180, 194, 248, 214, 241, 256, 332
362–363 262, 293, 353, 375, 384
sex, defined 233 superstitions 364–466 X Games 65, 378
sex sells 76, 243, 383 Symbolic Interactionism 27,
sexism 245–246, 256 37–38 youth sport: benefits of 118–121;
The Simpsons 91–92, 232 symbolism 38, 241 criticisms of 130–131; disturb-
skateboarding 65 ing trends 133–137; evalua-
snowboarding 65, 67 tailgating 22, 46, 62, 80–81, 91– tions of 138–139; origin and
soccer 14, 21, 51, 79–80, 128, 92, 363 development of 123–124
210 tennis 20, 64, 127–128
social learning and differential terrorism 206, 223 zebra hunting 12
theory 176–177 theory, defined 27 Zeus 53, 235
social media 371, 389–390 Thorpe, Jim 282, 324 Zevon, Warren 228

The Sociology of Sports - An Introduction

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ALSO BY TIM DELANEY AND TIM MADIGAN

Beyond Sustainability: A Thriving Environment (2014)

Tim Delaney and

McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGUING -IN-PUBLICATION DATA

ISBN 978-0-7864-9767-6 (softcover : acid free paper)

BRITISH LIBRARY CATALOGUING DATA ARE AVAILABLE

© 2015 Tim Delaney and Tim Madigan. All rights reserved

No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form

On the cover: (top) President Calvin Coolidge and Washington Senators

Printed in the United States of America

McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers

Tim Madigan dedicates the book

1. The Sociology of Sport 3

The Sociology of Sport

The Sociological Perspective

The Sociology of Sport

The Sociology of Sport Deﬁned

Why Do We Study Sports?

Sport as a Social Institution

tutionalized physical competition occurring in a formally organized or corporate structure” (3).

Universal and Regional Sports

The most popular sport in Afghanistan is the traditional game of buzkashi—jostling on

Distinctions Between Leisure, Play and Sports

The Most Popular Sports in the United States

The Most Popular Sports in the World

Connecting Sports and Popular Culture

Social Sciences Disciplines such as sociology, anthropology, economics, history, psychology,

Social Theory and Sport

The Importance of Social Theory

George Herbert Mead and Play

Functionalism Applied to Sport

Conﬂict Theory Applied to Sports

Symbolic Interactionism Applied to Sports

Feminist Theory Applied to Sports

Attachment and BIRG and CORF Theories

BIRG and CORF Theories Applied to Sports

Table 2.1. Birg and Corf (in percent [N = 502])

Connecting Sports and Popular Culture

A Brief History of Sport

Ancient Sports (Circa 1400 bce–800 bce)

Sports in Ancient Africa

Sports in Ancient Asia

Sport and Ancient Greek Culture (800 bce–100 bce)

Sport and Roman Culture (100 bce–500 ce)

Sport in the Middle Ages (500 ce–1500 ce)

The medieval sport of jousting is reenacted at a Renaissance Faire.

Jousting became obsolete as gunpowder became increasingly prominent in warfare. Today,

Sport in the Pre-industrial Age (1500 ce–1750 ce)

Sport During the Early Industrial Era (1750–1900)

The Formation of the Modern Olympics

Sport in the Twentieth Century

The Post-Modern Era: An Interest in “Extreme” Sports

Sports in the Future

Connecting Sports and Popular Culture

The Impact of Sport on Culture

• Ticky-tack. A foul not worth calling

Professional Sports and Their Relation to the Community