'THE

INQUISITION UNMASKED:
BEING

AN lIlSTORICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL

ACCOUNT
OF THAT

FOUNDED ON AUTHBNTIC DOCUMENTS;

AlIID EXBUJrTIIfG

THE NECESSITY OF ITS SUPPRESSION,

AS A ME.4N~ OF MFOIUI AND BEG/£NEIUTlON •

•
WRITTEN AND PUBLISHED AT A TIME WHEN THE NATIONAL
CONGRESS OF SPAIN WAS ABOUT TO DELIBERATE ON
THIS IMPORTANT MEASURE,
BY

D. ANTONIO PUIGBLANCH •
•
TRANSLATED J'ROM THE AUTHOR'S ENLA.RGED COPY,

:BY

WILLIAM WALTON, ESQ.

VOL 1.

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR :BALDWIN, CRADOCK, AND JOY,
PATERNOSTER-ROW' ;
ASD 1. DOOTH, DUKE-STREET, PORTLAND-PLACE.

1816.
 TO
l •

: HISlto.Y~J., ffIGH;NES~' .

·DUKE OF GLOUCESTER,
.. '

THE exalted ~ann.e~"in which" Your Roy~l

Highness has ever been distinguisli~d as the
active friend of humanity, ..and the zealous ad.
vocate of liberal principles'in evefy quarter of
the globe, hasmaiIb. me. desirous. of obtaining
i

Y~ Royal Higbness's patronage for the Eng-

lish edition of a work which most contributed
to overthrow the Inquisition in Spain-an 0c-

currence more remarkable, if not so interesting,

as the abolItion of the Slave Trade in our own
country; for though the victims of the one
were fewer, its theory and practice were no less
shocking to humanity than opposed to the
moral acquirements of the day.
a2
lV DEDICATION.

No one would have rejoiced more cordially

than Your Royal Highness if that triumph had
been lasting: still the annals of the event, and
the means by which it was achieved, are sub-
jects of the deepest interest to everyone, and
must be particularly 80 to Your Royal High-
ness. This consideration aTone has induced
me to solicit the present honour, which, whilst
it confers on me an obligation, affords me the
opportunity of expressing the profound respect
and veneration with which
lam
YOUR ROYAL HIGHNESS'S

Most obedient and humble Servant,

WILLIAM WALTON.
Oct. J, ltJG.
 TRANSLATOR'S

PRELIMINARY REMARKS.

IN contemplating the rapid growth of the free prin-

ciples which, like a volcanic eruption, bul'llt forth from
the French revolution, it was prophetically obeerved,
" that Church Power (unless some revolution auspi-
cious to priestcraft should replange Europe in lgno-
,rance) would not SlU"rive the nineteenth century;'·
and certainly no political prediction was ever nearer
its accomplishment, when the late events in the Pen-
insula opened upon us. At the time Napoleon had
matured his plans fOl' the invasion of Spain, that
country exhibited the most abject state of political
and religious torpor and debasement, and t1le people
had acquired a settled habit of passive obedience and
slothful pre:Xligacy, hm which it seemed impossible
to rouse them. •A principle of degeneracy had spiead
over the general face of public mannen; . the mass of
the nation, immersed in ignorance' and superstition,
represented the picture of a people neither knowing
their faculties nor their wants; and, such had been
the system and successful efforts of their rulers, that,
far from promising any thing of that courage and
perseverance which afterwards impelled them lIl8IlfuHy
to reiist the iPsidious invasion ofan . enemy, their
vi PRELIMINARY REMARKS

energies appeared to have so much crouched under

the dark shade of despotism, as to induce little hope
that their imminent danger, or the stimulus of a fo-
reign alliance, would be able' to make them act on the
impulse of national resentment, or rouse them to re-
pel the wrongs and indignities with which they were
assailed.
Charles.I;V.!, lVeak and inactive prince" had then
governed aoout eighteen years; but, subserslent to an
intriguing and dissipated wife, and guided only by a
corrupt and ambitious minister, his reign had been
distinguished by no act that could endear his name to
poateritYt or tend to solace the reverses of fortune
which awaited him. On ascending the throne, he
foWld that despotic and illiberal systcin in fOrce which
had gradually extinguished the martial spirit of the
IlMi.On;.overturned the free principles and' oon8titu·
tiona! charters possessed by most of the provinces
prior totbe reign of Philip II., and broken down .the
bulwarks of civil freedom, so long the pecgliar boast
bf Aragon and Navarre. Unaware ()f,.tbat·crident
trUth, that the safeguard. of a IDOnar,.:h's: throne is
founded on the 10Te he inspires and .the good he has
dope, the preceding rulers of Spain had erected their
power on the ignorance of their subjects and the de-
gradatJ.pn of the human mind; and Charles, devoid of
&uflicient ener~ or discernment to deviate. from the
footaeps. of his ancestors, was seemingly feslful of
placing his kiJlgdom on a level 'With thoie wBich had
profited by the improvements of the age. Acting in
the fi:tUest seDIe on the principle that sovereignty is of
divine iDstitution' and that the people possess no rights,
the cwtintion of those arts which, embelliab., ennoble,
and pl'elelTe human life had been pmvented; dae eD;
joyment of those studies which enlarge the ticalti.,
 OF THE TRANSLATOR. vii
a.. uage the fiercer passions, and soften the manners
of a nation, had been proscribed; till at last, absurd
prejudices, taught in the schools and preached from
the pulpit, had led the mass of the people to believe
that civil liberty, instead of a blessing, was a curse;
and that to prononnce its name was a crime punish-
able with the severest anger of Heaven.
The remembrance of the proud days of Spain
seemed obliterated-enterprize and martial glory had
lost their attractions-the possession of the new
world had introduced effeminacy; riches, acquired
without toil and divided only among a few persons,
had engendered habits of luxury and corruption,
whilst it appeared to be the chief aim of the court and
nobility to forget the exalted and dignified character
formerly attached to the Spanish name, and to cause
the nation to assume no other than the supple and fri-
volous refinements of Italian manners introduced by
the queen. Hence the arts and sciences, which had
ntade 80 rapid a progress in other parts of Europe,
were stationary in Spain, or only pursued in 'the
greatest seelusion ; nor were any other improvements
attempted than those which the caprice or passions
of a profligate minister thought proper to dictate.
Thus, whilst the retainers of the crown wallowed in
riclles, their tenants and all the lower orders were de-
pressed by indigence, and debased by a total Want of
instruction; nor did the scanty produeeof their. la-
boars seem their own, it served· rather to feed the
pampered appetites of their lords, or tobe absorbed
in the monastic burdens of the state. The public re-
venues, destined for the defence or melioration of the
country, were spent in ostentations magnificence;
often wrested from a wretched peasantry or the
shackled and unprotected merchant, ~e1 were la-
viii PRELIMINARY REMARKS

vished by the hand of fanatical zeal, or appropriated

to support the luxury of men in power. A handful
of privileged nobles and favourites were every thing,·
and the people nothing. Consideration, power, with.
enjoyments of every kind, fell to the lot of the former,
whilst the latter had to endure hardships, contumely,
and servile obedience, without being allowed to re-
monstrate. Neither talents, courage, nor virtue,
could fill up the immense distance placed between the
only two existing classes of the community.
Religion itself had been made subservient to politi-
cal purposes and base and selfish interests, or was
only known by the Increasing profligacy of its minis-:
ters. The legislative, executive, and judiciary powers,
were held by the same hand-the administration of
justice confided to venal minions-the judges, under
regal or ministerial influence and open to corruption,
were no longer the protectors of right and innocence
against unfeeling and unprincipled power; whilst a
systematic plan of superstition and pious fraud had
poisoned all the sources of religious truth and roo-
tality,and tainted the general mass of society with li-
centiousness and vice. The preposterous union of
civil with ecclesiastical authority had armed the min-
isters of the altar with weapons of vengeance, and em-
powered them to enforce their precepts by appealing
to a penal code the most monstrous and cruel that
was ever invented. In brief bent down by. a long
series of t~ic acts, even at the beginning of the
present century, Spaniards appeared as a herd of cat-
tle, formed only to comply with the caprices of their
masters, and to supply their wants.
Nor was this state of things confined to European
Spain. In the discoveries of the great Columbus
,very thing liberal was under a·general iuterdict, and,
 OF THE TRANSLATOR. ix

a similarly degraded and benighted system existed in

defiance of reason and reiterated remonstrances.
The pressure of laws the most restrictive was there
severely felt by the community.; the various sections
were compelled to endure the galling trammels of a
government in which the inhabitants had no share,
and against which they could not appeal-a gOVE!rn-
ment wielded by men foreign to their interests and en-
joying the emoluments of extortionate acts, at the same
time that they were stained by every species of fraud
and corruption. The people were thus held submWi.-
sive to rapacious and vindictive tyrants at whose plea-
sure the laws were either superseded or perverted; nor
did they possess any means of' counteracting the dark
and dishonest intrigues of men sent among them for
the sole purpose of improving their fortunes in a
given period of time, and consolidating a conquest
which had been one continued series of indiscrimi-
nate war and plunder, whereby the country was
wrested from its ancient. possessors and their descend-
ants.
Such was the picture exhibited by the Spanish mo-
narchy, when the ruler of France threw off the mask
of friendship, and entrapped the several members of
the Royal Family. The nation was without fleets,
armies, treasury, or arsenals; public credit was ex-
tinct; a CODSiderable debt had accumulated; the press
was broken; the strongest fortresses were already in
possession of the enemy; and, as a leading Spanish
statesman of the day observed, "one of the most fa-
tal symptoms under which the revolution of Spain
early appeared, and which generally gave rise to the
most sad prognostics respecting the issue of a resis-
tance to the immense power by which the country
1f~ invaded, was, that the reputations Qf all had been
 x PRELIMINARY REMARKS

rendered suspicious to the nation. The private coun-

cil of the King, his ministers, the superior tribunals,
the council of state, finally, every public man at that
time placed in the higher hierarchy of government,
had lost the confidence of the people." ..
In such a situation, how then was it possible to
render the Spanish nation effective, and capable of
repelling the numerous armies by which it was attack-
ed, when, besides, its leading characters, chiefly the
nobles or higher orders of the clergy, had already
joined the enemy? How was it possible to suspend, if
not remove, the deadly effects of a despotism that had
chilled the finest feelings of the heart, and enervated
the best qualities of the mind? How was it possible
, to find resources for the tremenduous struggle about
to ensue? Certainly this was only to be done by re-
form, by reviving the fallen spirits of the nation, and
by giving to it a form of government legal, po.
pular, and substantial. Sunk from her rank in the
scale of nations, exhausted and invaded by a power-
ful foe, it was necessary for Spain to emerge from
the debased state into which she had been plunged,
and to dispel the dark gloom in which her inhabi-
tants had been so long enveloped. It was essential
to rouse and to inspire energies and confidence.
And was this to be done in any other way than by
assembling the Cortes, the ancient representative go.
vernment of the Country, enthusiasticelly.reeered by
.all the least versed in the annals of Spanish history,
and of which the nation had only been deprived by
despotic and arbitrary power?
In seeking, therefore, to re-establish the liberty and
independence of the nation in a legal manner, it..,a!
• Memoria dr Azanza y O.FarrlJl, lobre los hechos qDe jlJti.
politic&, desde Marzo de 1808, buta Abril, 1814.
lie&JI11I eollllacta
 OF THE TRANSLATOR. xi

necessary to recur to the ancient legislation of the

realm, and to examine the fundamental statutes of
Aragon, Navarre, and Castile. In the grand charter
called the Fuero Jusgo, which regulates the rights of
the nation, king, and people, the sovereignty of the
latter is expressly laid down; and one of its principal
clanses ordains that the crown is elective, and that no
king can reign till he has been acknowledged by the
bishops, grandees, and people, that is, by their re-
presentatives. It further establishes that the laws are
to be enacted by the delegates of the people, con-
jointly with the king, and that the latter has no au-
thority but in conformity to the laws. The princi-
palities of Aragon, Navarre, add Castile, had their
respective Cortes or parliaments, which made laws,
declared war, and granted money. These bodies
constituted the legislative, and the king the executive
authority.
In Aragon, whose institutions were freer than those
of Castile, the laws were anciently promulgated with
this remarkable heading; "TkeKittg,· .l'!l I~ .foil! tff
the Cortes, ordains," &c; and in 1283, under Peter
III. it was decreed " that the king should assemble
the Cortes once in each year." Another more recent
law enacted by John II. in 1418, is as follows.
"Whereas in the' arduous cases occurring in our
kingdoms, the advice of our subjects and people is
necessary, especially· of die .niprese~tatrves of the
cities, towns, and districts 'of oar said kingdom's,
wherefore we ordain and command that respecting all
great and arduous emergencies, Cortes shall be as-
sembled, and measures adopted through the counsel
of the three estates of the realD;l, as the kings our
predecessors did. " ..
• Vide El Especnlo, Ley 5, Tit. 16, Lib; ~.~lthoLeyes de Castilla,
Ley 3. Tit.u. Part II., et alibi.
 xii PRELIMINARY REMARKS

Numerous other passages of a similar nature migbt

be quoted from the fundamental statutes of the realm,
tending to prove that, during the prevalence of na-
tional calamities, or when the monarch died leaving
his son under age, not only custom but the laws
themselves prescribed that the lost authority should
be replaced by a meeting of the popular representa-
tives, the result of whose deliberations should have the
force of law. So sacred even in Spanish legislation
and hjstory had been that same principle which placed
the Brunswick family on the throne of England, and
so well established the acknowled~ axiom of the
chief magistrate holding his authority from the peo-
ple, that, in 1452, John II. of Aragon was deposed by
the Cortes, as well asHenry IV. of Castile in 1465, in
consequence of his mal-practices and administration.
Under the minority of John II. the Cortes of Toledo
deliberated whether the crown ought not to be trans-
ferred to his uncle Ferdinand, in which case the de-
puties of the nation founded themselves on the right
of rejecting or attainting the king, whenever he had
given sufficient room for such a measure.
True it is that the despotic efforts of successive
monarchs, as well as the ignorance of the times, had
shrouded the ancient usages of the realm in obscurity,
and its fundamental statutes were known only to the
learned few; but still they existed and were on record,
notwithstanding the late governments had purposely
prohibited the perusal of the history of the Cortes, as
well as of every thing eae that could remind the nation
of its primitive rights. The original constitutions of
the various provinces were scarcely to be found but in
the secluded archives or in the works of old commen-
tators, nevertheless they had not been repealed,. nor
was there any act on the part of the people by which
they had been alienated or abandoned. Since the
 OF THE TRANSLATOr.. JUri
time of the Emperor Charles V. and his immediate
successor, they had not indeed been in actual force,
but oppression and arbitrary power alone had caused
their exercise to cease.
Hence it appears that the assumption of despotic
power by Spanish kings evidently had grown out· of
an abuse of authority j if so, the people were doubt-
less authoriRd to claim that of which they bad been
forcibly dispossessed, and to fix such limits to the
power exercised over them as their happiness re-
quired. Our own political writers have ever been
proud to maintain that, in order to prove civil obedi-
ence to be a moral duty and obligation on the part of
the subject, a compact must exist between the latter
and the state, as a ground for the relations of both.
In no other than thill compact can the rights of mo-
narchs originate; nor is Spain an exception to the ~e.
neral rule, since government can only be instituted for
the benefit of the community and not of the indivi-
dual. Kings, consequently, are no other than the
trustees of the people, "whose rights" as Lord
Lansdowne observes, "are born with every man in
every country and exist in all alike, despotic as well
as free, though they may not be equally easy to re-
cover in all."
No further commentary is necessary to explain and
. substantiate the particular point in view, viz. that under
the peculiar dilemma in which the Spanish monarchy
was placed at the time referred to, no form of govern-
ment but that of the Cortes was legal, adequate to
the existing emergency, capable of giving ~ union
and energy necessary to the health of the body poli-
tic, and of introducing a reform such as the country
urgently required. It is moreover clear that it wsa
coDformable to the dispensations of the ancient and
xiv PRELIMINARY REMARKS

fundamental statutes of the realm, such as they ex-

istedin the proudest days of Spain, when the leading
and material parts of national legislation were enacted
by the general suffrage ofa free people. That the
adoption of the measure answered the end in new,
as far as the circumstances of the country would
admit, is proved by the result of the war, and the
manner in which the political aspect of the country
was changed. The efforts of the new legislature
would certainly have been crowned with a much
larger portion of success, if its labours had been se--
conded by more cultivated habits and regular and
correct ideas on the part of the people at large; had
they been supported by a national sense of subordi-
nation, enlightened integrity and disinterestedness;
and above all, aided by those characteristics arising
out of a discreet systelIl of education, moral, politi-
cal and religious, which can only be the work of time.
During the short existence of the Cortes, the struc-
ture and symmetry of the political edifice had never..
theless assumed a totally different aspect, the strength
of the nation was invigorated, its revenues more tltan
doubled, a spirit of investigation and tree inquiry was
encouraged, a better administration of justice or-
ganized, and, aided by good schools and the liberty
of the press, a proper influence and tendency would
rapidly have been called forth to form those habits
and principles of action which regenerateandngive
power and effect to a more en~ enter' .~
thiJWl. ' .; .
The new system or legi.ti~ adopted and pr0mul-
gated by the Cortes,' possibly required some aIteta--
nons and improvements; in some partial eases if might
ha.,ebeen theoretical, and the govemment.thereby
estab1ished was perhaps not ~y $ueh ai' it was
4 .
 OF THE TRANSLATOR. xv

desirable to attain. But, on emerging from a most

abject state of degradation, and amidst the din of arms
and revolutionary confusion, how was it possible for
perfect wisdom immediately to prevail ?Wisdom
does not dwell among ruins and tempests; and the
transition from despotism to liberty is never the
season for absolute perfection. In periods of popular
eft"eneacence and national distress, heightened by in-
furiated superstition and a degeneracy of the moral
faculty, it was difficult to cause the passions entirely
to subside, or to soothe the exasperated feelings of
the disappointed. It was an arduous task to restore
perfect order amidst the incursions of wpowerful and
active enemy, and to introduce a protecting and fos-
tering system of policy on the ruins of that restrictive
and oppressive one which had wearied the pride and
patience of the people for a long series of years, when
many of the powerful from interest and a blinded pre-
judice were besides opposed to a change. A restless
commotion existed in Spain, though greatly moderated
by the general object of self-defence, and the human
passions can never be let loose, however psrtinlly,
without producing some ravages and exacerbations.
In the collision of parties, blind fury, moreover, is not
apt to discriminate or appreciate the labours of the
legislator, particularly if they wear the aspect of
novelty.
Such, infMitjia the sad lot of all nati~ and if it
was the case in spain,; -.fimlt -camiOf &e attributed
to the Cortes. As a body, they proved themselves
faithful to their allies in the momentous cause in
which they were· engaged, and to the last acted as the '
firm advocates of the people's .rights and the guardians
of their country's honour. They gave the flrst jm';'
pulse and unerriug direction to those efforts,· which 90
xvi PRELIMINARY REMARks

greatly contributed to the common cause; as legisla ..

tors they have left a monument of their enlightened
zeal and practical capacity in the new national code
of laws, and if they had done no more than effect the
destruction of the Inquisition, the main object at
present in view, most assuredly they would have de-
served the warmest gratitude of posterity.
If the excellence of laws, or even their comparative
merit, is to be known by the more beneficial effects
they produce on the community, may it not· be asked
whether any contrast can be formed of the situation
of Spain prior to the revolution, and the period when
the authority of the country was administered by"the
new legislature? The enactments of that august body
brought about a salutary alteration in all ranks of
society, and a most important improvement was soon
perceptible in the government as well as the people.
The state and general structure of society, as well as
the relative situations of the community at large, ae-
quired a new bias; the principles of modern science
were introduced; and the lower orders, hitherto pre-
cluded from those pursuits which sweeten and embel-
lish civilized life, now found the means of protection,
redress, and advancement; and for the first time felt
that they were free members of a society govemedby
definite laws, and no longer condemned to drag the
miserable existence of feudal vassals.
The people of Spain, at the time to which we allude,
undoubtedly considered reform as the.l8COl1d grand
object for.which th~ were. fighting: this alone ren-
dered their country worth defending, and it is evident
from subsequent events, that had they conceived the
most distant idea of a return to their ancient degra-
dation, and that as a reward for all their eurticJm
they were again to become the objecb; of iDe..-
7 .
 OF THE TRANSLATOR. XVIi

violence, the bright and animating flame which burst

forth on the opening of their glorious struggle would
have been extinguished, and early despondence ren-
dered general. It was the hope and growing opera-
tion of this reform that then produced a greater com-
bination of energies; and under the administration of
the Cortes Spain was fast confirming the political.
axiom, that in human nature there is a reforming
principle which ultimately corrects and amends dege-
neracy; and that nations often pass from a state of
vicious effeminacy and mental torpor to an enthusiasm
that gradually regenerates every virtue.
This much has been premised respecting, the late
Spanish Cortes, in the first place, for the purpose of
evincing that under the existing emergencies of the
country this was the only legal and efficient form of
government that could be resorted to; and in the
second, that this was the only constitutional authority
that could revive the ancient laws and charters, re-
strain future monarchs within the circle of their duties, .
and, above all, introduce that spirit of reform and re-
generation so essential to the welfare of the state. How
great was the task that devolved upon them may be
inferred from the situation of the monarchy as sketch.
ed in the first pages of these Remarks; but that they
complied with their obligations to the best of their
power, and to the satisfaction of their constituents, will
readily be acknowledged by those who marked the
events of Spain as they passed, and particularly by
the British worthies who had so ample a share in her
eventual liberation.
Out of a Gothic and massive system of jurispru-
dence, the Cortes selected and arranged a plan of
laws cspable of diffusing as much happiness and civil
liberty as the inevitable circumstances of the times
VOI.. I. b
xviii PRELIMINARY REMARKS

would admit, and, as they hoped, competent to the

correction of its own vices and abuses. This code
was placed within the reach of every individual,
and he Spanish people who before had depended on
the will of the king or his minister, for the first time
were enabled to judge of the nature and tendency
of those laws which formed the basis of the society to
which they belonged. This code was enthusiastically
hailed by every district, town, and corporation where
the arms of France did not hold sway; and though in
the provinces its institutions were sometimes pervert-
ed, yet, founded on principles intrinsically just, it
was not the less entitled to veneration 011 this ac-
count, or because it partook of that imperfection in-
separable from the noblest contrivances of the human
mind, particularly when unaided by the sanction and
experience of time. Few countries, if any, have
witnessed a more unbiassed election than that which
brought together the late Cortes of Spain: if so, their
laws were, as far as was possible, enacted by the com-
mon consent of the community, for the preservation
and felicity of the whole. They were not directed to
promote that proud and surly independence which
renders man inattentive to the wants of others, or to
establish that impracticable equality in situation and
circumstances which overturns the most endearing
relations of life; but they defined the power of the
king and the rights of the subject, and then inculcated
a sense of duty and obedience to those statutes and
principles of subordination" in which, as individuals,
the enactors found their own happiness aud security
were materially involved, whllst at the same time they
preserved the real dignity of the throne,
The- new constitution of Spain undoubtedly infused
~ larger share of eivil freedom th~ had been kno~
 OF THE TnANSLATOn. .

1n the Peninsula for a long period of years, but this

was consonant to the ancient spirit of Spanish history,
and founded on the progressive improvements and
mental illumination of the age; for, after the inter-
course the people had enjoyed; to have endeavoured
to retain them in their past degradation would have
been similar to 8JJ attempt to shut out the broad day-
light, and to defeat the principal object of a revolu-
tion that had commenced under the most propitious
auspices. It was not because liberty had degenerated
into licentiousness in a sister kingdom, that it could
be concluded it was dangerous or unfit for Spaniards
In the mass of the people education had certainly
much to perform, but. there was no dread of a resto-
ration of rights giving riseto those Internal calami-
ties which in France were so much attributable to the
abuse of the press. As well might we deplore the
falling of the rain that fertilizes the face of nature,
because it frequently produces torrents and devasta-
lion; or pronounce the vital principle of air to be a
bane, on considering the. wrecks and ravages of a hur-
ricane or a whirlwind. No, the "partial infelicity and
opposition to the new constitution, of Spain can never
destroy the general principles on which it was founded;
andthe past and present situation of the country loudly
proclaim that, on the whole, it was far too useful and
too beneficial to have been abandoned, unless it can be
proved that na~ I,lrC better without,than with laws.
If then it seems undeniable that the Spanish Cortes,
i~ their labours for the regeneration of the State; ex-
ercised that moral force placed in their hands, with a
, view not only to restrain the effervescence ofsu' c pas-
..sions as ignorance and misfortune are too apt to en-
gender, but also togiv~ strength and unanimity. ~o
~theeft'Ql'tiof the na~o~,~.through.t~ introduction
. u2" t". •
of
xx PRELIMINARY REMARKS

a more enlightened system of policy, it may easily b.

imagined that they were fully sensible of the religious
depravity which reigned a'll0ng all orders, and
strongly convinced of the urgfmt necessity of a reform
in this particular. Religion has always been consi-
dered as the firmest bond of social union; and pos-
Bessingalso a powerful influence on the manners of
the community at large, the laws enacted respecting
it must consequently be ranked among the most im-
portant labours of legislation. In the whole of the
Spanish Monarchy, little was to be found of the pe-
culiar characteristics of the christian religion, such as
it was inculcated by its first teachers. No where was
to be seen the genuine practice of those moral precepts,
naturally productive of a virtuous, uniform, and con-
sistent character. Nothing was to be seen of that
mild and animating principle which, remote from
worldly interests and ambition, whilst it captivates,
exalts and ennobles our views, fixes and strengthens
our conviction, and inspires pure and correct mo-
tives of action.
Almost in vain did we seek for that benign and
transcendent influence which promotes the welfare of
our fellow-creatures, and secures the happiness of
the individual as well as of society in general. A re-
ligion holding forth the most effectual inducements to
virtuous actions, and conspicuous in the earlier ages
of Christianity, in Spain bore along with it all those
baneful and horrid forms of vice with which its prac-
tice is dishonoured and polluted. It had. been de-
based into pageant superstition, mental wanderings,
hypocrisy, fraud, and deceit, constituting rather a public
dispIayof abuses which pervert, and offollies which dis-
.grace, the human intellect. Instead of possessing cha-
rity as its basis, it had been supported by mercil_
 OF THE TRANSLATOR. xxi

proscriptions, defended by unjust severities and into-

lerant enactments, taught by examples of judicial
wrath; and that wise and benevolent connexion that
exists between the creator and the created had been
converted into a glaring innovation on the first prin-
ciples of nature, and used in a manner subversive of
those fundamental rules which unite men in society.
And to ~hom had the guardianship of this religion
been confided? To the Inquisition!

-----Ce sanglant trtbunal,

Ce monnment affreu x du pouvoir monacal,
Qne I'Espagne a reeu, mais qu'elle m~meabhorre,
Qui venge les autels, et qui Ies deshonore ;
Qui, tont convert de sang, de Jlallullcseutoure,
Egor"c lcs mortels avee un f~r sacre.

A tribunal interwoven with every thing great and

powerful in the state, engrafted on the strongest pre-
judices of the people, vested with a form and object
equally as awful and sacred as the reality of the reli-
gion it professed to defend, entrusted with unbounded
authority, covered with honours, and, in short, con-
sidered as of divine origin by a large portion of the
people, and as one of the firmest pillars of the state
by their rulers. To such a court, presided over by
men often seen in pursuit of every lawless indulgence,
every licentious practice, which the violence of dis-
torted imagination aided by power and opportunity
had been able to suggest, was the commission given
to compel man to a fellowship of worship by the fag-
got and the stake; to sport with and insult the ge-
nuine feelings of the wounded mind, and to diffuse
dismay and submission among the multitude.
When the sincere friend of humanity, in whose
heart education has engraved the horror of injustice
and solicitude for the happiness of mankind, casts his
xxii PRELIMINARY REMARKS

eyes on the crimsoned pages of the Inquisition, and

beholds its black code under the authentic form now
laid before the British public, he will be astonished at
the duration of such an establishment, and will won-
der that, even in Spain, it was not long ago levelled
to the ground by the rude hand of popular discon-
tent, or crushed under the jnstindignation of its num-
berless victims. The mind is lost in painful reflection,
on seeing this tremendous empire of terror charged
to superintend a religion, whose author exhorted his
disciples to diffuse the knowledge of his gos.{leland
extend its influence, by a bright display of its reform-
ing power upon themselves: nor ill it possible to con-
ceive a greater outrage on that divine system of wor-
ship transmitted to us by a beneficent Creator.
That the existence of such a huge monument of
power and fanaticism should be considered as not
onlr inimical to civil liberty, but also preposterous in
the administration of a state, was to be expected from
the nature and early features of the Spanish revolu-
tion, and the known character Of some of its leaders.
The repeated struggles of the nation to dislodge this
tribunal, as well as the revolting acts it had so fre-
quently committed, were &esh il,l the memories of
many; and others were besides sensible that to make
man amenable to the tribunals of justice. for senti-
ments. originating in and confined to his own breast,
without having committed any trespass against ano-
t};ler,'is a surrender of rights never. contemplated i~
the object of society. Early therefore did the de-
strnction of the Inquisition enter into the patriotic
views of those who had the honour and well-being of
their .country at heart; but, besides the hopes of re-
form, they were impelled by another powerful motive.
Ever subservient to the will of ~espots (one ~f ~-A
 OF THE TRANSLATOR. xxiii

main points proved in -the accompanying work) the

Inquisition had promptly espoused the interests of the
invader of Spain, and rendered itself traitorous by
the active manner in which its influence was used to
suppress all resistance on the part of the people, as
may be seen by the following circular letter from the
Supreme Council of the Inquisition to the other
tribunals of the Holy Office, dated Madrid, May 6
1808 •
•, The fatal consequences produced in Madrid by
the scandalous insurrection of the lower orders
against the troops of the emperor of the French, on
the second of the present month, loudly calls for the
most active vigilance of all the authorities and re-
spectable bodies of the nation, in order to prevent
the repetition of similar excesses, and to maintain in
all the to\H1Sthat tranquillity which their own inter-
est dictates, as well as the hospitality due to friendly
officers and soldiers who injure no one, and who have
hitherto given the greatest proofs of good order and
discipline, 'by rigorously punishing all Frenchmen
guilty of any disorders, or those who have illtreated
Spaniards in their persons or property."
" It is probable that the malignity or ignorance of
some persons easily seduced may have caused them
to commit revolutionary disorders, under the mask of
patriotism and love to their sovereign. Consequently
those who are better informed ought to undeceive
them, and draw them out of 80 dangerous an error,
by making them sensible that tumultuary commotions,
far from producing the effects of a well directed
loyalty, seem only to place the country in danger,
by breaking down the subordination which sustains
the fidelity of the people, by suppressing the senti-
ments of humanity, and destroying the confidence
xxiv PRELIlIIlNARY REMARKS

that ought to be lodged in the government to whom

it actually belongs to direct patriotism in an uniform
manner and to give impulse to its efforts.
" No one is better able to inculcate these important
truths into the minds and hearts, than the ministers
of the religion of Jesus Christ, which breathes
peace and fraternity among men, together with sub-
mission, respect, and obedience to the constituted
authorities. And, as the members and ministers of
the Holy Office ought to be, and always have been,
the first to give examples to the ministers of peace,
we have believed, Gentlemen, that it accorded with
our ministry and duties to address the present letter to
you, in order that, being aware of its contents, and
sensible of the urgent necessity of the measure, you
may be enabled unanimously to concur in the preser-
vation of public tranquillity. You will therefore
cause it thus to be made known to all the subalterns of
your respective tribunals, and to the commissaries of
their districts, in order that all and each of them
may, on his part, contribute to so important an ob-
ject with all possible zeal, activity, and prudence:
with this you will comply, and acknowledge receipt of
the present circular.
" D. CRISTOVAL Cos Y VIVEROS,
" Secretary of the Council."

With such a document on record, coming from a

body possessed of the greatest influence over the
lower orders, and ever active as the vehicle of faction, *
the Cortes, in a political point of view, would have

" The leading members of the Inqulsition, together with most of

the higher orolers of the clergy and Dobies, had early joined the stan-
dard of Joseph Buonaparf .., whence it became impossible tDBSsem
ble them ail a distinct body or HUDse of Lords.
 OF THE TItANSLATOil. xxv

been wanting in their professions made to the world,

if they had not early and deliberately turned their at-
tention to a subject so strongly presented to their con-
sideration. Under the extent of national prejudice,
much however was to be done before they could ven-
ture to make the overthrow of the Inquisition the ob-
ject of a legislative measure, but fortunately they
were aided by the patriotic labours of several who by
their writings prepared the public opinion. Among
these, the Inquisition Unmasked certainly holds the
first rank: it was the precursor of that bold but ne-
cessary step which was to give power andeffect to the
new code of laws us far as regards religion; and cer-
tainly its pages in an English dress, as well as the ob-
ject for which they were penned, will thence be duly
appreciated in a country that owes its prosperity and
happiness to those principles of civil and religious li-
berty which its inhabitants enjoy.
By the 12th article of the Constitution, promulgated
at Cadiz in March, 1812, it had been ordained, "that
the religion of the Spanish nation is, and ever shall
be, the Catholic, and that the nation protects it by
wise and just laws, and prohibits the exercise of any
other. Even this clause, intended to establish the unity
of religion as a fundamental law, to many may
'appear as not sufficiently tolerant; but it must
be remembered that in Spain the hydra of prejudice
still possessed a most gigantic power, and that it was
too dangerous an experiment to attempt at once to
change the influence of opinions forming the principal
spring that actuates the political machine, and which
it was requisite gradually to reform without producing
irritation or alarm. It was essential to abate the vi-
rulence of religious zeal, without alienating the sen-
xxvi PRELIMINARY REMARKS

timents of the people, and leave the rest to time and

education.
The above clause nevertheless paved the way to the
ulterior views of the national legislature, and operated
as a prelude to the total overthrow of the Inquisition.
Men of influence no longer hesitated to affirm, that
it was unjust and absurd to inflict a civil penalty -for
religious opinions, and that no principle of reason
or known law could authorize the magistrate to per..,
secute and oppress the member of a system of wor-
ship which the former disapproves. In the session of
Dec. 8, 1812, the committee, which had been charged
to arrange and report on various parts of the new
constitution, presented to the Cortes the result of its
deliberations on the matter proposed for its more im-
mediate consideration; viz. "'whether the establish-
ment of the Inquisition is, or is not, conformable to the
political constitution of the monarchy, as sanctioned
by tile Cortes and accepted by all the free provinces,"
It would be impossihle to follow the committee
through its report, or to convey an idea of the numer-
ous speeches afterwards produced on the subject on
both sides. Sufficeit to say that the question occupied
the house from Dec. 8 to Feb. 5 following, when the
discussions ended. In this interval of time the entire
archives of the country were opened, and many of
the members busied themselvesin laborious researches,
in order to collect materials to suit their respective
views. In justice to the work now offered to the
public, it ought to J:re added, that almost every thing
material had been anticipated by our author, and that
both the committee and individual members found the
greatest facilities ina work on whose fidelity they could
rely. On the 22d of Feb. 1~13 a decree ,, was issued,
. ~
 OF THE TRANSLATOR. xxvii

of which the three following constitute the leading

articles.
Ist, The Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman religion
shall be protected by laws conformable to the consti ..
-tution,
2d. The tribunal of the Inquisition Is.Jncompati ..
ble with the constitution.
sd. In consequence of this, the Law II, Title xxvi,
Part vii, is re-established in its primitive vigour, by
which the Bishops and their Vicars are empowered to
take cognizance of matters of the faith, conformably
to the sacred canons and common law, and the secu..
lar judges are authorized to declare and impose on he ..
retics the penalties ascribed hy the laws, or such us
they may hereafter ascribe. The ecclesiastical and se-
cular judges will therefore proceed in their respective
cases conformably to the constitution and the Jaws.
Thus ended the existence of a tribunal which in
Spain had lorded it over the people for more than
three hundred and twenty years, had been an outrage
to humanity, and a powerful engine of internal police
in the hands of despots. Thus perished a tremen-
doll." and inconsistent power, which even in Romc*
no longer held sway; and, though the triumph was
unfortunately short, the daring and enlightened mea-
sure of the Cortes will ever remain on record, as part
of that great attempt to rally round the sacred
<

standard of civil and religious liberty, as far as was

possible in a country so benighted as that over which
they presided; and, as a mcritoriousact, the destructioa

. .. It ill wortby of remark that, whilst lIaly WI\9 under the late
influence of France, the buildings of the various InqllisitioDIl sunil
as consenrieles to societies of free-mnsons, wbose meetings "ere
~e'd in the secluded part:. chiefly the Halls of Torture,
XXVIH PRELIMINARY REMARKS

of the Inquisition thence entitles them to the respect

of their contemporaries and the gratitude of posterity.
No sooner had king Ferdinand VII. been restored
to his throne, than he annulled the acts of the Cortes,
and re-established the Inquisition in its full powers, by
virtue of the following decree, copied from the Mad-
rid Gazette of Saturday, 23d July 1814.
" The past tumults and the war, which have desola-
ted all the provinces of the kingdom for the space of six
years-the residence therein during this period of fo-
reign troops consisting of many sects almost all infec-
ted with abhorrence and hatred to the Catholic reli-
gion, and the disorders these evils always bring with
them, together with the little care latterly taken to
regulate religious concerns, are circumstances which
have afforded wicked persons full scope to live accord-
ing to their free will, and also given rise to the intro-
duction and adoption of many pernicious opinions
through the same means by which they have been pro-
pagated in other countries" '"
" Wherefore I have resolved that the Council of
the Inquisition, together with the other tribunals of
the Holy Office, shall be restored, and for the present
continue in the exercise of their jurisdiction, as well
ecclesiastical-a power granted them by the Popes at
the request of my august predecessors, united with that
vested in local prelates by virtue of their ministry-
as also royal, conferred upon them _by successive
monarchs; the said tribunals in the use of both juris-
dictions complying with the statutes by which they
were governed in 1808, as well as the laws and regu-
lations it had been deemed expedient to enact at various

* This alludes to the freedom of the press which nisted duri.,

the absence of the Killg.
 OF THE TRANSLATOR. xxix

times in order to prevent certain abuses and mode-

rate various privileges." &c. &c.

Palace, July 21, 1814. PEDRO DE MACANAZ.

On the document from which the above is a faith-

ful extract of the material part, it would be unneces-
sary to offer any remarks, when the reader has before
him an authentic history of those dark and wrathful
daysi n which this enemy of learning and of the hu-
man race wielded his gigantic power; and when every
one with his own eyes is enabled to trace that uni-
form spirit of persecution which, in lines of blood,
has marked the fatal progress of the Inquisition in
Spain, from the period of its first assumption of se-
cular power till the recent and memorable crisis
when it was destroyed by the Cortes. I leave my
readers therefore tojudge for themselves, and to form
their own conception of the nature of a government
which requires the Inquisition as its coadjutor; and
against what nation the preceding decree is chiefly
levelled. At the time the Inquisition was re-established
in Spain, the happiness or misery of a large portion
of Europe, nay, I may say of the world, were as a
sacred deposit in the hands of Great Britain; and fu-
ture events have yet to unfold the mystery, whether
governments., reposing on bases conformable to natu-
ral right, are not more brilliant and secure than when
they rest on the degradation of the human mind. It
was to be hoped that the nineteenth century, availing
itself of past experience, would never again have
witnessed those ridiculous and horrid scenes. which
disgraced preceding eras, and that the sanguinary and
scowling storms of persecution were at an end. At a
lime when even the pretensions of Rome are so much
...
,"xX PRELIMINARY REMARKS

relaxed, it was to be hoped that the Christian religion

would no longer be irrigated with human blood, and
that even Spain would never again exhibit the afflict-
ing picture of mangled bodies and mutilated limbs,
offered in the way of incense to a beneficent creator.
We had reached a period when it was expected
that the general scale of society in all Europe would
have assumed a form more friendly to the gentler
dispositions of nature, and more congenial to the
progress of civilization. We had arrived at a crisis
when princes ought to have known that they exercised
their power over men, and that they themselves are
never so great or so secure, as when they give the
first examples of obedience to the same laws by.which
they seek to govern others. An expectation in short
was indulged, that the future systems of government
would be moulded by a spirit of liberality and justice,
that every source of complaint and irritation would
be dried up, and that the rapid advances in the arts
and sciences, even during a lon~ interval of war, would
have healed the human mind of the remainder 9£ that
prejudice and immorality which tyranny ad anarchy
had spread over so large a portion of the European
continent.
These hopes have in great measure been frustrated,
more particularly in Spain, where England might·
have done so mnch. It is a truth conclusively 'esta-
blished by every stage of the Spanish revohuion, and
proved by the labours of the Cortes, tha11 after ex-
pelling the French, the next great ,object wns internal
refonn, and a wish to prevent the prodigality and
dissipation of succeeding governments, or, in other
words, to have a constitutional king. This was ms-
nifested by the spirit of the nation, it was' due ~r
past efforts and. sufferings, and if as allies we failed t.
 . OF TIlE TRANSLATOR.

aid in the attainment, we neglected to comply with a

duty of the highest moral obligation. It was in the
Spanish people we found aid and support; if so, they
were entitled ,to all our protection. It has ever been the
pride of British sovereigns, as well as the delight of
the people, to behold our nation revered as the great
and constant defender of the rights and liberties of
mankind: why then should Spaniards be excluded
from our solicitude? ""e ourselves certainly live
under a milder system which is not likely to bring any
man to the stake; but, whilst we contemplate this
fact with a satisfaction derived from the conciousness
of self-security, as members of a community that
has done so much for the political welfare of the world,
we cannot but regret the manner in which those have
been abandoned who so lately fought in our ranks,
and helped us to acquire the laurels with which the
heads of our heroes are adorned. Every where we
have negotiated for the abolition of the Slave Trade;
in Portugal our influence neutralized inquisitorial
power; in the Brazils by treaty we stipulated that the
Inquisition should be suppressed, and in Spain could
we do nothing to prevent its re-establishment?
Much as it was to be hoped that monarchs would
have understood their real and substantial interests too
well, to allow them in the present age to renew those
barbarous times marked with the infancy of civil
societies, whan the ministers of a benignant religion
were authorized to employ terrors founded on penal
sanctions, the Inquisition was nevertheless restored in
Spain without any known demonstration of displeasure
on the part of any of the Allies, or their agents; and,
as if the respite which had intervened had infused
fresh energies, its members set to work with redoubled
yigour. Impossible aa it would be tor us to trace the
. 5
xxxii rRELIMINARY REMARK~

personal outrages committed by this tribunal since its

new assumption of power, we must content ourselves
with exhibiting its spirit and pursuits in conformity to
such official documents as we possess; and which,
whilst they furnish the best possible criteria, carry
with them a greater degree of weight than the reports
of individuals unable to scrutinize acts performed
under the greatest secrecy; as we thereby convert its
own expressions and actions into ample evidence.
The first document we deem deserving the atten-
tion of our readers, contains the Instructions trans-
mitted by the respective tribunals of European and
American Spain, to each of the confessors belonging
to their several districts, and they are as follow:
" Among the delicate and weighty matters which
worthily occupy the attention of His Majesty's Coun-
cil of the Supreme and General Inquisition, the latter
is aware that its labours ought preferably to be directed
towards the true good and spiritual alleviation of those
persons who, through natural weakness, ignorance,
malice, or perversity of heart, may be contaminated
with anyone or more ofthe heresies belonging to the
various nations which have occupied the Spanish soil.
Wherefore, availing ourselves of the opportunity af-
forded by the approach of the enjoined compliance
with the Easter precept, and being at the same time
desirous that all the faithful may prepare and dispose
themselves to fulfil this their obligation in a worthy
manner, the Council has resolved to transmit adequate
powers and instructions, in matters relating to the Holy
Office, to all secular as well as regular confessors ap-
proved by the diocesan bishop, in order that they may
be enabled to act towards those penitents who may bave
fallen into any external or mixed beresy, according
to the manner and form adopted and established by
 OF THE TRAXSLA'l'OH. xxxiii

~ilC Holy Office, with advantage to the faithful, even

though they may have prevaricated, as long as they
acknowledge their errors, hereby subjecting said con-
fessors to the following Instructions.
"First, Each one is, with the greatest efficacy, to
persuade the penitent to accuse himself before the said
confessor of all the errors or heresies into which he
may have f.'llIen, without promising him the benefit of
absolution in any other form, assuring him of the in-
violable secrecy he will keep and which is kept in the
Holy Office, and that the smallest injury shall not
thence result to him; rather that this measure will
serve as a means to prevent his heiug punished in case
he should he accused by allY other persoll or the
('HOI'S and heresies which it behoves him to munilcst,
and to which lw otherwise stands liable.
" In the second plan', ill ruse he should consent,
the confessor shall take down his declarntion under
oath to speak the truth, and the act shall bear the
following hcading:-' In the town of N., on such a.
day, month, and year, spontaneously appeared before
me the undersigned confessor ---- (expressing
his name, age, country, and profession).' The docu-
ment shall: then relate, in the most specific manner,
all his errors and their accompanying circumstances,
the time and place in which he may have committed
them, s~en,. or heard them committed; and, if any
Fcrsons were present, they are to be named, and he is
also to specify of them all he knows. He is then to
sign his declaration, if he knows how; and, if not,
he is to make a cross, but the confessor is always to
.ign it.
" In the third place, he (the confessor) shall came
him to abjure his heresy, and absolve him by recon-
ciling him to the" church: he shall moreover enjoi~
VOI.. I. C
xxxiv 1'RELIMINARV REMARKS

him secretly to confess all his errors, and impose Oil

him such penance as he may deem tit, which being
done, the whole is to be forwarded to the Holy
Office.
"Finally, if the most efficacious persuasions have
not been able to prevail on the penitent, in case he
should evince due signs of repentance and detestation
of his offences, the confessor shall absolve him from
excommunicetion in tl.-e internal form fif only, explain ...
ing this to him for his government and information.
As soon as the statement of all this has been drawn
'fip by the confessor, he is also to forward it to the
Holy Office.
"And, in order that the whole of the above mny
have its due and full effect, this Holy Office commu-
nicates the same to You, to the end that through your
means it may reach the knowledge of the confessors
of your jurisdiction and district.
" Our Lord preserve you many years, &c. Inqui-
sition of Seville, this 12th February, 1815.
" Dr. D. FRANCISCO RODRIGUEZ DE CARASA.
" Dr. D. JOAQUIN DE MunCIA Y EtrLA.'1'E.
" Licentiate D. JOSE MA1l.lA VALENZUELA.
" By order of the Holy Office,
" Ba, D. JUAN JOSE VERDUGO,
" Secretary."
The effect, naturally produced on a community by
such an authorized injunction as the preceding, may
easily be conceived by anyone the leaSt acquainted
with the country in which it 'was intended to operate;
89 effect so mach tbe greater, in consequence of the
dignified and respectable agency through which its

• 'Vhat is meant Ity this term is, thattheconfessnr is llllowefl,

to reeoncilethe IIeniteut to God, but not to e;a;clIlpt lJimfromthe
future pr~IIt1OUIi of the lIoly Olliee.
 OF THE TRANSLATOIt. xxxv

\Jbject was to be accomplished. In the anomalous

times in which we live, we have seen religion per-
verted in a variety of ways for political purposes; we
have beheld systems of espionage established under
all kinds of forms; we have witnessed state-police
under every species of refinement, still out: feelings
and judgment were never betOre revolted with any
thing so comprehensive and insidious as the above.
That fraternal and kindred principle, which unites
members of the same family, has been sacrificed and
made instrumental to party views or political revenge;
those enchanting and social ties, which form the basis
of friendship, have been converted into snares laid by
the hand of treachery; but we have never before seen
t~ ministers of the altar, scattered as they are among
their respective flocks for the purposes of spiritual
comfort, thus solemnly commissioned to act the part
of spies and informers, and to prepare instruments of
destruction f9l'lhose who had approached the sacra-
lllm:..t of penance and disclosed to them the inmost re-
cesses of their hearts. A more dexterous mode of fincl-
ing out and secliR'ing;victims was possibly never before
invented, '1101' a more-powerful means of fascinating,
through the instrumentality of terror, the enfeebled
misds of an ~ed people. This is a plan to p.o-
cure for the uses of government 1l wide ,register of the
condues, !SeIltiments, a1ld aetiens of every enlightened
individual in >the Spaaisb:mGDal"Chy. since'against snca
only is the measure 'aimed; of all ithose wtJo .have read
foreign .books, had intercourse with persons of another
nation or religion, who have entered a masonic lodge,
:or dDe.d to think or speak of the reform their country
i'equil'ed. It is not only to provide aD official re-
gister of their names, professions, and places of abode,
but also to furnish a lasting and ready instrument of
c2
XXXVI l'RELlllJINARY RE:lURKS

attainder against their persons, to suit any dark or

designing purpose. The fact could not be credited if
the document were not before us.
In further adverting to the new organization of the
Spanish Inquisition and the pursuits to which its la-
bours were immediately devoted, the next document
that strikes us is the following one, copied in the Diario
of Madrid of the 28th, 29th, 30th, and 31st of July
1815, which, though long and in some measure te-
dious, is nevertheless so important and curious as to
merit a place in these Remarks. It is therefore given
in its entire and literal form.
" \Ve Don Francisco Xavier Micr y Campillo, by
the grace of Gou and of the Holy Apostolic See,
Bishop of Almeria, Knight Grand Cross of the
Royal and distinguished Spanish order of Charles
III., Counsellor to his Majesty, and Inquisitor General
of these kingdoms and Lordships,
" To all the faithful inhabitants and dwellers therein,
of whatsoever state, quality, order, or dignity they
may be, * health.
" It has come to our knowledge and is also noto-
rious to all Spain, that among the evils brought upon
us by the hostile invasion of 1808, and the absence
and captivity of our beloved Monarch, those have
not been the least which have arisen out of the liberty
of thinking and writing in so loose a manner, that
for the space of five years our pious and Catholic na-
tion has been inundated with pamphlets, periodical
and other papers, and wicked writings, which were
found. in the hands of all persons to the ruin of their
souls, On the Holy Office being abolished ill the
provinces conquered by the impious tyrant, and its

-~It hence appears that even a foreign ambassador is not excluded

from the force of this and other decrees of tlie Inquisition.
 OF THE TRAKSLATOR. XXXVIi

functions first laid dormant in the free ones, and after-

wards entirely extinguished, the clamours and zeal of
the reverend bishops being no longer able to restrain
so grievous an evil; no mound was found capable of
stemming free minds and lovers of novelty; and the
unbridled scope for writing, authorized by the free-
dom of the press, reached such an extreme, that not
only tracts in every sense pernicious were published
daily, but works also already justly condemned by
the Holy Office were reprinted, and even some which
were so ill the judgment of the whole Church.
Wherefore, from the day on which, through the
goodness of our Catholic and pious monarch, we re-
turned to the exercise of the functions of our minis-
try, we have unceasingly laboured to' put a stop to the
evils which might be caused to the faithful by reading
so many productions of darkness. But resolved
always to proceed with the greatest delicacy, circum-
spection, deliberation, and care, usual in the Holy
Office, and it not being possible for a long period of
time to effect the examination, censure, and other le-
gal and necessary measures which ought to precede
the individual and qualified prohibition of so many in-
jurious writings; and on the other hand, pressed by
the urgent necessity of wresting as soon as possible
from the hands of the faithful, every book, paper or
pamphlet containing dangerous and rash ideas, or in
any way contrary to the holy religion we profess, and
the fidelity due to the sovereign we have adjured, after
renewing, as by these presents we, do renew, the pro-
hibitions contained in anterior edicts in the form there-
in expressed, and pointedly condemning the works
therein specified, we have also thought proper to
command in conformity to the judgment and opinion
of the Lords of His Majesty's Council of the Su-
xxxviii PRELIMINARY REMARKS

preme and General Inquisition, that all the works in-

cluded in the present edict under alphabetical order,.
shall be called in and delivered over to the Holy Of-
fice till they have been examined and qualified; their
perusal or retention being prohibited under the penal-
ties hereafter expressed ;-further declaring, as we
hereby do declare, that every other printed or manu-
script book or paper which may be comprehended on
any account whatever within the rules of the General
Index, is also included in the present list; as in fact
are all calumnious ones, those which detract from the
good reputation of our neighbour, are injurious to
persons constituted in dignity, to ecclesiastical insti-
tutions or corporations, the Holy Office, and those
which in any manner encourage l:epublican and sedi-
tious ideas, or such as may tend to disturb public
and established order. For the same reason andnot
with lighter motives than those which induced the
Holy Office to command by edict of Dec. 13, 17&9,
the calling in and delivery up of all papers coming
from France and containing revolutionary ideas, the
same is now commanded with respect to all which may
already have arrived, or may hereafter arrive, pro-
vided in the same sentiments are expressed in any
manner injurious to our government, or such as may
authorize the intrusion and tyranny of the usurpen.
of thrones and the enemies of the altar.

IVorks prohibited even for those wlw may he furnished

with licence, viz.
Breve Ensayosobre el Fanatismc. Por D. B. Y. H. P.;
falleto impreso en Madrid en 1i 13: por teme-
rario, calumnioso, escandaloso, y subversivo de
la fe y buenas costumbres.
Short Essay on Fanaticism. By D. B. Y. H. P.;
 »
OF TIlE TRANSLATOR. xxxix

a pamphlet printed in Madrid in 1813: owing

to its being rash, calumnious, scandalous, us
well as subversive of the faith and of good
manners.
Conversacion entre, el Cura y el Boticario de la Villa
de Porriiio sobre el Tribunal de la lnquisicion;
foUeto en 121110.Cadiz, 1812: por contener
proposiciones falsas, erroneas, capciosas, inducti-
vas a la heregia, ~ injuriosas al Santo Oficio,
Conversation between the Curate and Apothecary
of the town of Porriiio, respecting the Tribunal
of the Inquisition; pamphlet in 12mo" Cadiz,
1812: because it contains propositions false,
erroneous, captious, propending to heresy, and
injurious to the Holy Office.
Diccionario Critico-burlesco; impreso en Cadiz y
reimpreso en otras partes: por eontener propo-
siciones respectivamente falsas, impias, hereticas,
temerarias, erroneas, piarum aurium ofensi vas, c
injuriosas al estado eeclesiastico secular- y regular,
al Santo Olicio, &c. &c.
Critico-burlesque Dictionary; printed in Cadiz and
reprinted in other parts: because it contains
propositions respectively false, impious, here-
tical, rash, erroneous, offensive to the ears of
the pious, and injurious to the secular and re-
gular orders of the church, as well as to the
Holy Office, &c. &~•.,.

'" This work was written by Don B.:T. Gallardo, late librarian of
the Cortes, whose sportive genius and researches in Spanish litera-
ture are well known to his countrymen. Tbe object of the compo-
sition is chiefly til make war against the prejudices under w hich the
people labourl'cl ; consequently he roused all the eamity of devotees,
lUouks, and friars: but still as a proof of the reception of the work,
at well as IIf lb. prevailin; Qnxiety to read every tbing ~bat coultt
 xl PRELIMINARY UEMARK:S

Dictamen del Dr. Don Antonio Jose RUIz de Padron,

Ministro calificado del Santo Oficio, Abad de Vi-
lIamartin de Valdeorres, y Diputado en Cortes pOl"
las Islas Canarias, que se leyo en la sesion pub-
lica de 18,de Enero sobre el tribunal de Inquisi-
cion: impreso en Cadiz aiio de 1813, en la im-
prentu torrncutaria, 'ii cargo de Don Juan Do-
mingo Villegas.
Opinion of Dr. Don Antonio JOSE;Ruiz de Padron,
qualified Minister of the Holy Office, Abbot of
Vi11amartin de Valdeorres, and Deputy in the
Cortes for the Canary Islands, which was read
in the public session of Jan. 18, on the subject
of the Inquisition: printed in Cadiz in the
Artillery printing' office for Don Juan Domingo
Villegas.
Apendice al Dictamen de RUIz de Padron sobre Abo-
licion de Inquisicion: fo11eto en 4to, impreso en
Cadiz, aiio de 1813.
Appendix to the Opinion of Ruiz de Padron respect-
ing the Abolition of the Inquisition: pamphlet
in 4to, printed in Cadiz in the year 1813. *
Dictamen del Senor Don Joaquin Lorenzo Villanueva.
Diputado en Cortes pOl' Valencia, acerca de In
Segunda Proposicion Preliminar del Proyecto de
enlighten, it may he added that the first edition of 2500 copies was.
sold in one week, aud reprints were immediately issued in Spain
and France.
* Dr. Padron, the author of the two last works, tbough formerly
a counsellor of' the Inquisition -w'as one of the most zealous advo;
cates for its abolition. IIi. practical experience enabled him to
bring many important facts to light, and tlte veneration in wltich his
character was held made a powerful impression both on the Cortes
and the people. On that occasion he commenced his beautiful and
learned speech with the follnwing remarkable words from the XV til
.~bapter of St. Matthew:" Ollmi. planiatio quam non plalltClvit Peter
.tv" ciZlntis eradica6i1ur.
 01' THE TRANSLATOR. xli

Decreto sobre los Tribunales Protectores de In

Heligion, leido en las sesiones del 20 Y 21 de
Enero : impreso en Cadiz, en la imprenta de Don
Diego Garcia Campoy, aiio de 181~j.
Opinion of Don Joaquin Lorenzo Villanueva, De-
puty in Cortes for Valencia, respecting the
Second Preliminary Project of a Decree re-
lating to the Tribunals destined to protect Re-
ligion, and read in the sessions of Jan, 20
and 21: printed in Cadiz in the office of Don
Diego Garcia Campoy, year 1813."
Dictamen del SCI101' Don Francisco Serra, Presbitcro,
Bibliotccario de la Real y Arzohispnl de I:t
Ciudad de Valencia, Diputado pOl' uquclla Pro-
vinciu, sobre el Articulo Primero del Proyecto
. de Dccreto uccrca de los Tribunules Protcctores
de la Religion, expucsto en la sosion de 25 de
Enero: impreso en Ciidlz, aiio de 1813.
Opinion of Don Francisco Serra, Clergyman, Libra-
rian to the Royal Archiepiscopal Library of the'
City of Valencia, and .Deputy for that Pro-
vince, respecting the First Article of a Pro-
ject of a Decree regarding the Tribunals des-
tined for the Protection of Religion, and laid
before the Cortes in the session of Jan. 25:
printed in Cadiz, year 1813. t
* This writer is an ecclesiastic of great erudition and research,
and peculiarly distinguished by his labours in the cause of reform.
lIe is now one of the state prisoners against whom those of his own
cloth have most levelled their envenomed shafts.
t This venerable character 'Vas renowned for his ecclesiastical
science and exquisite erudition. Ill" was profound in the dead lan-
guages, and till the late revolution his whole life had been spent
among books; hut, having mer ited the confidence of his fellow.
countrymen, he was desirous of devoting the whole of his acquire-
ments to the object of reform, and ('ertainly his zeal was unabated.
As a model of virtue, he died at the ber;inning of the late persecutlon.
�lii PRiLIMINARY REMARKS

Monumento de Gratitud al Pueblo de Cadiz, con

Motive de disolverse las Cortes Generales y Ex-
traordinarias, por el Dr. DDn Antonio Ruiz de
Padron, Diputado en Cortes por las Canarias,
Dado a luz por un Amigo del Autor. Madrid,
imprenta de Fuentenebro, aiio 1813.
Monument of Gratitude to the People of Cadiz, on
occasion of the Dissolution of the General and
Extraordinary Cortes, by Dr. Don Antonio
Ruiz de Padron, Deputy in Cortes for the
Canary Islands. Published by a Friend of the
Author. Madrid, in the office of Fuentenebro,
1813.

THESE last five works arc prohibited, because they

contain propositions respectively false, erroneous, ca-
lumnious, heretical, sapientes lueresim, scandalous,
offensive to the ears of the pious, and atrociously in-
jurious to the Roman Pontiffs, to kings, the clergy,
and the Boly Office.

Eloge Historique de Nicholas Freret: por ser un texido

de errores, una mass de impiedades, y un extracto
de todas las heregias.
Historical Eulogium of Nicholas Freret: because
it is a tissue of errors, a mass of impieties, and
an extract of all the heresies.
Espanol Irnparcial (Un) a los llamados Liberales y
Serviles ; folleto irnpreso en Cadiz, 1812: por
contener proposiciones respectivamente falsas, er ..
roneas, temerarias, soepechosas de heregia, 6
que saben it ella, injuriosas al clero y obispos de
Espaiia, ii los Papas, y a su soberania temporal.
An Impartial Spaniard to those called Liberales
and Serviles; pamphlet printed in Cadiz, 1812:
 OJ,' THE 'l'RANSLATOR. xliii'

because it contains propositions respectively

false, erroneous, rash, suspicious of heresy or
propending thereto, injurious to the clergy and
bishops of Spain, to the Popes, and to their
temporal sovereignty.
Fabulas Politicas de Don C. de B. Londres, 1813:
por estar comprehendido en las reglas lOy 16 del
Indice expurgatorio, y pOl' ser un escrito revolu-
cionario e injurioso a nuestros monarcas y a las
mas distinguidas clascs del estado,
Political Fables of Don C. de B. London, 181~~:
because this work is comprehended in the 10th
and 16th rules of the Index of Prohibited
Books, and because it is a writing both revo-
lutionary and injurious to our monarchs and to
the most distinguished classes of the state.
Historia de una famosa Hechicera que escape de In In-
quisicion de Valencia, valiendose de un artificio
el mas endiablado; impresa en Madrid, 1811:
pOf ser una satira contra el Santo Oficio, calum-
niosa, infamatoria, y escandalosa,
History of a famous Witch who escaped from the
Inquisition of Valencia, by availing herself of
a most devilish spell; printed in Madrid in
1811: because it is a calumnious, defamatory,
and scandalous sstlre against the Holy Office.
Juicio Historico-canonico-politico de la Antoridad de
las Naciones en los Bienes Eclesiasticos; fol-
leto en 4to, impreso en Alicante en la imprenta de
Manuel Munoz, ano de 181 S: pOl' contener pro-
posiciones hereticas, sapientes hairesim; temera-
rias, cismaticas e injuriosas Ii los sumos Pontifices
y ii todo el clero.-
Historical, Canonical, and Political Observations on
xliv l'IlELDlINAR¥ REMAflKS

the Authority of Nations over Church Pro-

perty; pamphlet in 4to, printed in Alicant in
the office of Manuel Munoz. year 1813: be-
cause it contains propositions, heretical, sapien-
tes hcereslm, rash, schismatic, and injurious to
the high pontiffs and to all the clergy.
Soncto y Epitafios dirigidos al M. R. P. Prescntado
Fr. Antonio Verde, Excomisario del recien-
cxtinguido Santo Oficio de Ia Inquisicion, &c.;
pupel suelto, impreso en Ia ciudad de Ia Laguna
pOl' Angel Bazzanti en 1813 : por impios, blas-
feruos, atrozmentc injuriosos al Santo Oficio, e
igualmentc :i la Iglesia yal estado.
Sonnet and Epitaphs addressed to the Most Rc,'.
Father Antonio Verde, ex-commissary of the
recently extinguished Holy Office of the In-
quisition, &c.; a loose tract printed in the
city of la Laguna, by Angel Bazzanti, in 18 q:
because they arc impious, blasphemous, atro-
ciously injurious to the Holy Office, and
equally so to the church and state.
Soneto impreso en la Gran Canaria, ell la imprenta
de In Sociedad Economica, aiio de 1813, pOl'
Francisco de Paula Mavina: papel suelto : pOl'
impio, blasfemo, e injurioso en sumo grado a la
religion, al estado y al Santo Oficio•
.Sonnet printed in the Great Canary, in the Offi<;e
of the Economical Society, year 1813, by
Francisco de Paula Mavina; a loose tract:
because it is impious, blasphemous, and inju-
rious in the highest degree to religion, the
state, and the Holy Office.
en Militar Espaiiol residente en Francia a sus Com-
pniieros de armas; una hoja suelta que se dice
 OF THE TR.\NSL.>\TOlt. xlv

5Cl'impresa en Burdeos {I 12 de Junio de 1815:

pOl' revolucionaria, subversiva, calumniosa y a-
trozrnente injuriosa al rey y a la nacion Espaiiola.
A Spanish Soldier residing in France to his Com-
panions in arms; a loose sheet, said to be prin-
ted in Bordeaux, June 12, 1813: for being re-
volutionary, subversive, calumnious, and atro-
ciously injurious to the king and the Spanish
nation.
Proclama, en un pliego suelto que comicnza " Espafio-
lcs, sera possible, " &c. y acaba "vuestros genero-
sos sentimientos; May~l1 de 18]5:" sin lugarde
impresion aunquc parece impresa en Francia:
pOl' revolucionaria, impia, cscandulosn y atroz-
mente injuriosa ul rey, U la nacion, y Ii las mils re-
spectablcs corporacioncs de In iglcsia y del cstado,
Proclamation, in a loose sheet, beginning with
" Spaniards, shall it be possible," &c" mill
ending "your generous sentiments; May 31,
181.5:" the place of impression is not men-
tioned, although it appears to have been printed
in France: because of its being revolutionary,
impious, scandalous, and atrociously injurious
to the king, the nation, and to the most re-
spectable corporations of the church and state;

IVOrks ordered to be called in with the hnoiuledge and

approbation of His J.llojest!l.
Abeja EspallOla: periodico de Cadiz.
Spanish Bee: Cadiz periodical pnpcr.
Abeja Madrileiie : peri6dico de Madrid.
Madrilenian Bee: :\1adrid periodical paper.
Abeja Barcelonesa: peri6dico de Barcelona.
Barcelonian Bee: Barcelona periodical paper.
'xlvi PRELlMINAR'1: RElIIAltks

A buso introducido en la Disciplina de la Iglesia,y Po-

testad de los Principes en su Correccion: un tomo
'en 4to., impreso en esta corte, sin nombre de
autor,
Abuse introduced into the Discipline of the Church,
and the Power of Princes in its Correction:
one vol. 4to., printed in this city, without the
name of the author.
Amante de Ia Libertad Civil: periodico de Madrid.
1.1le Lover of Civil Liberty: Madrid periodical
paper.
Amigo de las Luces: periodico de Madrid.
The Friend of Learning: Madrid periodical paper.
Amigo de los Fraylcs.
11 Friend of the' Friars.
Amigo del Pueblo: periodico de Madrid,
The Friend of the People: Madrid periodical paper.
Auales de la Inquisicion de Espaiia; su autor Don
Juan Antonio Llorente: dos tomes in 8vo, impre-
sos en Madrid, aiio de 1812.
Annals of the Inquisition of Spain; written by Don
-Juaa Antonio Llorente': 2 vols, 8vo, printed
in .Madrid, 1812.
Anti-Lucindo.: foHeto impreso 'en Yalencia.
The Anti- Lucindo: pamphlet prin ted in Valencia. ~

• Tbe tract bearing the above title of Anti-Lucindo, WlllI written

ia auswer to a periodical paper commenced in Valencia after the
return of Ferdinand VII. and called Lucindo. It was Intended to
prepare bis way to tbe (::lpttal, as well astbe miuds of the people
for those events which.h,""t"flince'1HIpI'ent"d. As Bproof of tite'eII:-
alted merils of the Luciado, il may -be remarked, tbat the Pope
was prevailell upon 10 issue aBull, in which be loads its author with
indulgences-forhavin& eo zealously ·drfl"ndl.'d the 'ri,bts ·of tbe altor
and uf odie1llr_.
 OF THE TRANSLATOR. xlvii

Aviso a los Gallegos: papel impreso en Santiagoen

la oficina de Rey.
Notice to the Gallicians : a tract printed in Santiago
in the office of Rey.
Aurora MaillorquiRIt: periodico de aquella isla. !lO
The Aurora of"Majorca: periodical paper of that
island.
Banderilla de Fuego al Filosofo Rancio, pOl' Ingenuo
Tostado: papel improso en Cadiz.
A Fi ery Dart to the Filosofo Rancio, by Ingcnuo
Tostado: a tract printed in Cadiz.
Bateria para los Frayles, () el Reformador de antaiio
'es orgaiio ; pOl' A. A. C.: impreso en Valencia,
aiio de i813.
A Battery for the 'Friars, or the Reformer of last year
come again this year; hy A. A. C. : printed in
Valencia, 1813.
Bosquejo de la Revolucion de Espaiia : folleto impreso
en Madrid, ano de 1814.
Sketch of the Revolution of Spain: pamphlet print.
ed in Madrid, 1814.
Bosquejo de los Fraudes introducidos en la Religion
pOl' las Pasiones de los Hombres, pOl' M. D. B.;
impreso en Palma, aiio de 1813.
Sketch of the Frauds introduced into Religion
through the Passions of Men, by M. D. B. :
printed in Palma, 1813.
Cabana Indiana: impreea' en Valencia.
The Indian Cottage: printed in Valencia. t
• Tbis'Paper justly remarked for its free and correct pripclples "as
edited by tbe unfortunate Don Isodoro Antilloll, Deputyin the
Cor'tes for A raaon , and who died a victim to the persecution he
m e t with under the new order of things.
t This is the tmnslation oftheinoocent Aavol} of St. -Ph!rte
tROWIl by tile same nallle.
1
xlviii PRELIMINARY RE:\IARKS

Campana del Lugar: periodico de Ca diz,

The Town Bell: Cadiz periodical paper.
Carta Gratulatoria a E. E. D. P. : impreso en .Iaen,
aiio de 1813.
Gratulatory Letter to E. E. D. P.: printed in Jaen,
1813.
Cartas al Amigo de La COllstitucion: impresas en
Madrid.
Letters to a Friend of the Constitution: printed in
Madrid.
Cartas de un Religioso Espaiiol sobre el Abuso del
Poder: imprcsas en Madrid, aiio 1808.
Letters of It Spanish Friar respecting the Abuse of
Power: printed ill ~ladrid, IS08.
Cartel: periodico de Santiago.
Cartel: periodical paper of Santiago.
Cartilla del Ciudadano Espaiiol ; pOl' cl Robespierrc.
The A. B. C. of the Spanish Citizen; by the Ro-
bcspierrc,
Catecisrno Civil.
Civil Catechism.
Catecismo natural del Hombre Libro,
Natural Catechism of the Free Man.
Catecismo Patriotico,
Patriotic Catechism.
Catecismo Politico arreglado Ii la Constitucion: im-
prcso ell Cordoba.
Political Catechism regulated to the Constitution:
printed in Cordova.
Catecismo Politico-constitutional: impreso en Malaga.
Politico-constitutional Catechism: printed in Ma-
laga.
Catccismo Polidco-scntencioso, u Doctrina dCIbuen
 OF THE T~ANSLATOR. xlix

Ciudadano amante de su Religion, de su Pa-

tria, y de su Rey.
Politico-sententious Catechism; or the Doctrine of
the good Citizen and Lover of his Religion,
his Country, and his King.
Celibatismo: papel asi titulado; impreso en Leon aiio
de 1814<.
Celibacy: a tract so called, and printed in Leon, 1814.
Censor de Abusos conocidamente opuestos al Esplen-
dor y Gloria de Espana.
The Censor of Abuses evidently opposed to the
Splendour and Glory of Spain.
Centinela de Is Patria,
Ccntinel of the Country,
Citatcur (Le); pur Pigault-Lebrun : el tomo 1° y si-
gUiClltl'S.
The Quotator; by Pigault-Lebrun : the first vol,
and following.
Ciudadano: peri6dico de Madrid.
The Citizen e Madrid periodical paper.
Ciudadano por la Constitucion: periodico de la Co-
ruiia, '
The Citizen by the Constitution: Corunna perio-
dical paper.
Ciudadano (Un) del Reyno de Jaen a sus Compatrio-
tas: impreso en dicha ciudad, ano de 1813.
A Citizen of the Kingdom (OfJaen to his.fellow-
countrymen: printed in said city, 1813. .
Coleccio~ de Documentos ineditos pertenecientes a Is
Historia Politica de nuestra Revolucion : Palma,
1811.
Collection of inedited Documents belonging to the
Political History of our Revolution; Palma,
ISH.
VOL. I. d
 PRELIr.flNARY REl\IARKS

Coleccion de las Felicitaciones a las Cortes pOl' 10.Abo-

licion de 10.Inquisicion.:
Collection of the Felicitations to the Cortes on the
Abolition of the Inquisition.
Conciso; periodico de Cadi~.
Conciso : Cadiz periodical paper.
Concison: periodico de Cadiz.
The Big Conciso: Cadiz periodical paper.
Conferencia de los Liberales sobre el Papel intitulado
Vindicacion de la Inquisicion: impreso en Pal-
ma, aiio de 1812.
Conference of the Liberales respecting the Tract
entitled "Vindication of the Inquisition"
printed in Palma, 1812.
Continuacion de la Historia de Buonaparte: foUeto
en 4to menor; impreso en Valencia.
Continuation of the History of Buonaparte: pam-
phlet in small 4to; printed in Valencia,
Copia de Ill. Representacion del Reverendo Obispo de
Barbastro, dando gracias poria Abolieion de Ill.
lnquisicion; impresa en Madrid. ,
Copy of the Representation of the Reverend Bishop
of Barbastro, giving thanks for the Abolition
of the Inquisition: printed in Madrid.
Cuatro Verdades sobre la sabia Constitucion; Palma,
imprenta de Domingo.
A few Truths respecting the wise Constitution;
printed in Palma in the office of Domingo.
Cuatro Verdades iltiles a la Nacion; Palma, imprenta
de Domingo, aDo de 1310.
A few Truths useful to the Nation: Palma, in the of-
fice of Domingo, 1810.
Cuchiila del Terror: folleto impreso en cadiz.
'flit' H1.'Ule of Terror : pamphlet printed in Cadiz.
 OF 'l"HE TltANSLATOR. u
ntos en Verso Castellano, pOl' el Lie. Don Tomas
Hermenegildo de lasTorres: impresosen Valencia.
Tales in SPUUibh Verse, by Licentiate Don Tomas
Hermenegildo de las Torres: printed in Va-
Ieneia,
Decada (La): impresa en Cadiz.
The Decade: printed in Cadiz.
Defensa de las Cortes y de las Regalias de la Nacion,
contra la Pastoral de los Obispos refugiados en
Mallorea: imprcsa en Cadiz.
Defence of the Cortes and of the Sovereignty of
the Nation, against the Pastoral Letter of the
Bishops who had fled to Majorca: printed in
Cadiz.
Defensa del Pedo,
Defence of the F .• t,
De nuestro Estado, nuestros Males, y su seguro y
(mieo Remedio, pOl'Don Liberio Veranio y Es-
panoI: folleto en 4to. impreso en Madrid afio
de 1812.
Of our State, our Evils, and their sure and only
Remedy; by Don Liberio Veranio y Espniiol :
pamphlet in 4to. printed in Madrid, 1812.
De que sirven los Frayles? folleto impreso en Valencia.
Of what use are Friars? pamphlet printed in Va-
lencia.
Derechos de la Soberania Nacional; porJ. M. Palma,
afio de 1810.
Rights of the National Sovereignty; by J. M. Pal-
ma, 1810.
Desengaiios Politicos: folleto en 4to. sin nombre del
autor ni lugar de impresion.
Political Undeeeptions: pamphlet in 4to. without
the name of the author or place of impression.
d 2
Iii PRELIMINA~Y REMARK8

Diario Civico y Patri6tico de Santiago.

Civic and Patriotic Diary of Santiago.
Diario Mercantil de Cadiz.
Mercantile Diary of Cadiz.
Diario de Palma.
Diary of Palma.
Disciplina Eclesiastica Nacional: folleto impreso en
Palma.
National Ecclesiastical Discipline: pamphlet printed
in Palma.
Discurso del Diputado de Cortes Extraordinarias, D.
Jose Mexia, sobre Ia Libertad de la Imprenta,
Speech of the Deputy in the Extraordinary Cortes,
Don Jose Mexia, respecting the Freedom of
the Press,
Discurso del Diputado de las Ordinariss, Martinez de
la Rosa, de 21 de Abril de 1814.
Speech of the Deputy of the Ordinary Cortes,
Martinez de Ia Rosa, on April 21, 1814.
Discurso del Ciudadano Ledesma en Ia Apertura de
las Cortes Ordinarias,
Speech of Citizen Ledesma on the Opening of the
Ordinary Cortes.
Discurso de Don Lorenzo Villanueva a Ia Apertura de
Ia Audiencia de Valencia; impreso en dicha
ciudad.
Speech of Don Lorenzo Villanueva on the Opening
of the High Court of Justice of Valencia:
printed in the same city.
Discurso sobre la Opinion Nacional de Espafiaacerca ,
de Ia Guerra con Francia, por Don Juan Antonio
Llorente.
Speeehregarding the National Opinion of Spain on
 OF THE TRANSLATOR. liij

the subject of the War with France; by Don

Juan Antonio Llorente.
Discurso dirigido a los Pueblos del Obispado de Leri-
da, pOl' Don Jose Vidal, Canonigo Penitenciario
de aquella Iglesia con motivo del Concordato de
Napoleon con N. M. 8. P. Pio VII.
Speech addressed to the People of the Bishopric of
Lerida, by Don Jose Vidal, Penitentiary Ca-
non of that Church, on occasion of the Con-
cordat of Napoleon with Pope Pius VII.
Discurso del mismo Autor sobre la Licitud del Jura-
mento prestado al Gobierno Frances.
Speech of the same Author respecting the Lcgality
of thq Oath taken to the French Government.
Discurso de Don Juan Antonio Pose, Cura parroc«
de San Andres cn cl Obispado de Leon, sabre
la Constitucion Espaiiola,
Speech of Don Juan Antonio Pose, parish Curate
of 81. Andrew's in the Bishopric of Leon, re-
specting the Spanish Constitution.
Discusion del Proyecto de Decreto sabre ~\;Tribunal
de la Inquisicion; un tomo en 4to. Cadiz, en la
Imprenta Nacional, ISq.
Discussion on the Project of a Decree respecting
the Tribunal of the Inquisition: one vol. 4to.
Cadiz, in the National Printing-office, 1813.
Disertacion Teologico-csnonica Apologetica contra el
Papel, intitulado, "Argumento sin Respucsta, 0
Convencimiento sin Excusa," impreso en Jaen ;
su Autor Don Jose Nucete, Prior de la Iglesia
mayor parroquial de Alcandete.
Theologico-canonical and Apologetic Dissertation
against a Pamphlet entitled, " Argument with-
out Answer, or Conviction without Excuse: "
printed in Jaen, and written by Don Jose Nu,
liv PRELIMINARY REMARKS

eete, Prior of the chief parochial Church of

Alcandete.
Duende rEI): periodico de Cadiz.
The Ghost: Cadiz periodical paper.
Duende de los Cafes.
The Ghost of the Coffee-H0uses. (Idem.)
Elementos para un Diputado en Cortes.
Elements for a Deputy in the Cortes.
Elogio Funebre del Dr. Don Eugenio de Iii. Peiia.
Funeral Oration in honour of Dr. Don Eugenio de
la Pena.
Ensayo de un Dictamen sobre la Inmunidal del Clcro.
Essay on an Opinion respecting the Immunity of
the Clergy.
Escape de los Liberales de Iii.Chamusquina que se Ies
preparaba,
Escape of the Liberales from the Trap prepared for
them.
Espana Libre: periodico de Madrid.
Spain Free: Madrid periodical p!1per.
Espaii'ol.Libre.
The Free Spaniards. (Idem.)
Espejo de Serviles y Liberales.
Mirror for the Serviles and Liberales.
Examen de la Censura del Diccionario Critico-bur-
lesco, pOl' Gallardo.
Examination of the Censure passed on the Critico-
burlesque Dletiunaryby GaHardo.
Examen Imparcial de Serviles y Liberales.
Impartial Examination of Serviles and Liberales.
Exposicion del Ministro de Gracia y Justicia, Cano
Manuel, sobre Restablecimiento de Conventos.
Exposition of the Minister of Grace and Justice,
 OF THE TRANSLATOR. Iv

ClUlOManuel, respecting the Re-establishment

of Convents.
Felicitacion del Ayuntamiento de Madrid Ii las Cortes
porIa Abolicion de la Inquisicion: impreso en
Madrid.
Felicitation of the Municipality of Madrid to the
Cortes for the Abolition of the Inquisition:
printed in Madrid.
Filosofia (La) de Ia Guerra, traducida y anotada pOl'
el C. Fel; Cadiz, ISl3.
The Philosophy of War, translated with notes by
C. Fel: Cadiz, ISI3.
FilOsofo Cristiano (El): folleto en 4to.
The Chris~iall Philosopher: pamphlet in 4oto.
Fraylada del Frayle.
The Friar's Act.
Fr. Lucas: comedia,
Father Luke: a comedy.
Gaieta de Madrid desde el 17 de 4gosto hasta el 29
de Octubre, de ISh'.
Madrid Gazette from Aug. 17 to Oct. 29, 1812.
Gazeta de Valencia,
Vakllcia Gazette.
Gazeta Marcial de Santiago.
l\;Iartial Gazette of santiago.
Gazeta Politico-militar de la Coruiia.
Politico-military Gazette of Corunna.
Idea de las Heregias del Din: papel en verso sin nom-
bre de autor, ni lugar de impresion, atribuido a
un Calificador del Santo Oficio,
Idea of the Heresies of the Day: pamphlet in verse
without the name of the author or place of
impression, attributed to a qualificator of the
Holy Office.
 Ivi 'PRELIMINARY REMARKS

Impugnacion de la Doctrina Moral y Politica del re-

verendo Obispo de Orense.
Impugnation of the Moral and Political Doctrine
of the R. Rev. Bishop of Orense,
Impugnacion de las Reflexiones de Don Joaquin Mas:
impresas en Cadiz y Valencia.
Impugnation of the Reflections of Don Joaquin Mas:
printed in Cadiz and Valencia.
Incompatibilidad de la Libertad Espanola con el Es-
tablecimiento de la Inquisicion; por Ingenuo
Tostado.
Incompatibility of Spanish Freedom with the esta-
blishment of the Inquisition; by Ingelluo
Tostado.
Informe y Pedimento Fiscal sobre el presentado por
las Locos ante el supremo Tribunal de la Razon :
por Don Andres Gomeri,
Attorney General's Report and Demand respecting
that presented by the Mad to the supreme Tri-
bunal of Reason, by D. Andres Gomeri,
Inquisicion Confundida; Representacion heeha a las
Cortes por el P. M. Fr. Andres del Corral; leida
en la sesion publica de 17 de Agosto de 1813, e
inserta en las Gazetas de Coruiia y V alladolid de
9 de Nov. y 3 de Oct. del mismo aiio,
Inquisition Confounded; Representation made to
the Cortes by Rector Father Andres del Cor-
ral; read in the public session of Aug. 16,1813,
and inserted in the Gazettes of Corunna and
Valladolid of Nov. 0, and Oct. 3, of same
year.
I~QUISICION SIN MASCARA: impresa en Cadiz.
INQUISITION UNMASKED; printed in Cadis,
Inquisicion Vengada.
, The Inquisition Avenged.
 OJ' THE THANSLATOR. lvii

Insinuacion Patriotica sobre la N ecesidad de cxtinguir

los Frayles, por M. N.
Patriotic Hint respecting the Necessity of extin-
guishing the Friars by M. N.
Insinuacion Patri6tica: impresa en Palma aiio de
1812.
Patriotic Hint: printed in Palma, 1812.
Instalacion de 13 Catedra de Constitucion do Valencia;
6. cargo de Don Nicolas Gareli: impresa en la
misma ciudad, aiio de 1814.
Installation of the Professorship of the Constitution
in Valencia; by Don Nicolas Garcli: printed
in the same city, 1814. *'
Instrucciones para los Representantes de Cortes; por
J. C. A.: ifnpresoen Valencia, anode 1811.
Instructions for the Representatives in Cortes; by
J. C. A.: printed in Valencia, 1811.
Jansenismo, dedicado al Filosofo Rancio: un tomo en
410. impreso en Cadiz.
Jansenism, dedicated to the Filosofo Rancio: 1 vol.
4to. printed in Cadiz.
La Luz Publica; par el verdadcro Espafiol,
The Public Light; by a true Spaniard.
Letrillas en justo Elogio de la Coustitucion,
Lines in just Praise of the Constitution.
Loco Constltucional : periodico de Granada.
The Constitutional Madman: Granada periodical
paper.
Manifiesto de Don Simon Bergaiio y Villegas: im-
preso en Palma, aiio de 181S.
Manifest of Don Simon Bergafio y Villegas: print-
ed in Palma, 1813•
• A professorship was erect ..d in each university for the purpose
ef t..aching and explaining the chi e r prlnciples or public law iii-
,alnd ip the New Collititllli •• ,
1viii PRELIMINARY REMARKS

Mariea Constitucional; papel en verso: impreso en

Madrid, aiio de 1814.
Constitutional Song: printed in Madrid, 1814.
Memoria Can6nica sabre e1 Articulo de Roms; por
Don Angel Celdenio Prieto: impreso en Palma,
afio de 1812.
Canonical Memoir respecting the Article of Rotas;
by Don Angel Celdenio Prieto: printed in
Palma, 1812.
Minerva Constitucional: periOdico de Granada.
Constitutional Minerva: Granada periodical pa-
per.
Noches Romananas en cl Sepulcro de los Escipiones :
par el Ciudadano Ledesma.:
Roman Nights in the Tomb of the Scipios; by
Citizen Ledesma.
Noticias Historicas de Don Gaspar Melchor de Jo-
vellanos; su Autor Y. M. de A. M.: Palma,
aiio de 1812.
Historical Facts relating to Don Gaspar Melchor
de Jovellanos; written by Y. M. de A. 1\1.:
Palma, 1812.
Observaciones Historicas y Criticas, sobre el Origen
del Monaquismo.
Historical and Critical Observations on the ()l"igin
of Monasticism.
Observaciones y Glosas de un Patriota Audaiuz a
una Carta inserta en el Procurador de 22 Nov.
de 1818.
Observations and Comments of an Andalusian
Patriot on a Letter inserted in the Procurator
of Nov. 22, 1813.
Observaciones sobre los Diaristas de Espaiia; por
Don Juan Antonio Llorente: Zaragoza, aDo de
1818.
 OF THE TRA~SLATOH. lix

Observations on the Journalists of Spain; by Don

Juan Antonio Llorente: Zaragoza, 1813.
Observador de Segura: periodico de Murcia del alio
de IS14.
Observer of Segura: Murcia periodical paper for
the year ISH.
Oracion Apologetica de la Constitucion; su Autor
Don Julian Gonzalez, Canonigo de la Colegiata
de Valpuesta: impresa en Vitoria.
Apologetic Oration on the Constitution; written by
Don Julian Gonzalez, Canon of the Collegiate
Church of VaJpuesta: printed in Vitoria.
Os Rogos de un Gallego.
The Prayers of a Gallician.
Patricio Vera, contcstudo pOl' Dona Dolores Espana.
Patrick Vera, answered by Dona Dolores Espaiia.
Patriota en Cadiz (El) : comedia.
The Patriot in Cadiz: a comedy.
Patriota en las Cortes: periodico de Cadiz.
The Patriot in the Cortes: Cadiz periodical paper.
Patriota (El): periodico de Madrid.
The Patriot: Madrid periodical paper.
Poesias Patrioticas.
Patriotic Poems.
Politica Eclesiastica; Noticia de la Conducts del
Nuncio de S. S.: Palma, imprenta de Domingo,
aiio de IS13.
Ecclesiastical Policy; Remarks on the Conduct of
the Pope's Nuncio: printed in Palma, in the
office of Domingo, ISI3.
Politics Ecclesiastics sobre In Carta Circular del Vi-
cario General de Mallorca, dirigida a los Supe-
riores de las Ordenes Regulates con el fin de
FOClU'lU' la Tranquilidad de los Habitantes de
 Ix :PRELIMINARY ltEMAltKS

aquella Isla, interrumpida por los Predicadores

que convertieron la Catedra del Espiritu Santo en
Palestra de Subversion, e Inobediencia al Sobe-
rano y it las Legitimas Autoridades. Palma,
1813, en la imprenta de Domingo.
Ecclesiastical Policy respecting the Circular Letter
of the Vicar General of Majorca, addressed
to the Superiors of, the regular Orders for the
Purpose of restoring the Tranquility of the
Inhabitants of the said Island, interrupted
through the Preachers who converted the
Pulpit of the Holy Ghost into an Arena of
Subversion and Disobedience to the Sovereign
and to the Legitimate Authorities: Palma,
1813, in the office of Domingo.
Politica Ecclesiastica sobre el Juramento de Obedien-
cia que los Obispos prestan al Papa: Palma, im-
prenta de Domingo, aiio de 1813.
Ecclesiastical Policy respecting the Oath of Obe-
dience which the Bishops take to the Pope:
Palma, in the office of Domingo, 1813.
Politics Natural; dos tomos en 400. traducidos pOl'
un anciano y dados a luz pOl' Pacheco; impresos
en Santiago en la imprenta de Montero.
Natural Policy; 2 vols in 4to, translated by an old
man and published by Pacheco: printed in
Santiago in the office of Montero.
Proces-verbal d'Instalacion de la Loge de Vitoria; fol-
leto impreso en dicha Ciudad.
Proces-verbal of the Installation of the Free-masons'
Lodge of Vitoria: pamphlet printed in said city.
Proclama de un Labrador, inserta en el Numero 7I
del Periodico Politico y Mereantil deReus.
Proclamation of a-Farmer, inserted in the 71st No.
of the Political and Mercantile Journal of Reus.
 OF THE TRANSLATOR. txi

Proclama a los Habitantes de las Orillas del Tajo: im-

presa en Cuenca, aiio de 1814, en la imprenta
de la viuda de la Madrid e hijos.
Proclamation to the Inhabitants of the Banks of the
Tagus: printed in Cuenca, 1814, in the office
of the widow Madrid and sons.
Profecia que vera puntualmente acreditada la Espaiia.
Prophecy which Spain will see punctually fulfilled.
Proyecto para extinguir la Deuda Publica; pOl' Juan
Alvarez Guerra: folleto impreso en Cadiz.
Project for extinguishing the Public Debt; by Juan
Alvarez Guerra: pamphlet printed in Cadiz.
Prospecto del Diario de Valencia; pOl' Don Tomas
Vilanova,
Prospectus of the Diary of Valencia, by Don Tho-
mas Vilanova.
Publicista (EI), periodico de Granada, numero 42
del Domingo, 13 de Dec. de 1812, y 127 d~
Viernes, 7 de Mayo de 1813.
The Publiciste, periodical paper of Granada, No.
42 of Sunday, 13th Dec. 1812, and No. 127 of
Friday, 7th of May, 1813.
Pueblo Desengaiiado (El); Respuesta al Clero Vindi-
cado; suautor Don Fausto Filoteo, Cura Parroco y
Doctor en Sagrada Teologia: impresoen Madrid,
imprenta de Alvarez, aiio de 1813.
The People Undeceived; in Answer to the Vindicat-
ed Clergy, by Don Fausto Filoteo, Parish Cu-
rate and Doctor in Sacred Divinity: printed in
Madrid, in 'the office of Alvarez, yea!' ] 813.
Pueblo Gallego (El) en el Tribunal de Ialnquisici on.
The People of Galicia in the Tribunal of the In-
quisition.

"
Jxii PRELIMINARY REMARKS

Redactor General: periodico de Madrid, Cadiz y

Valencia.
Redactor General: periodical paper of Madrid,
Cadiz and Valencia.
Reflexiones sobre la Contribucion de Diezmos,
Reflections on the Impost of Tythcs,
Heflexioncs sobre los Puntos mas importantes en que
deben ocuparse las Cortes: Palma, 1810.
Reflections on the most important Points to be con-
sidered by the Cortes: Palma, 1810.
Reflexiones Sociales, 6 Idea para la Constitucion Es-
panola, que un Patriota ofrece Ii los Represen-
tantes de Cortes; pOl' D. J. C. A.
Social Reflections, or Hints for the Spanish Con-
stitution, offered by a Patriot to the Represen-
tatives in Cortes; by D. J. C. A.
Reforma de Regulares de Espana: Palma, imprenta
de Domingo, 1813.
Reform of the Regular Orders of Spain: Palma,
in the office of Domingo, 1813.
Reglemens de R. S. des Amis Reunis de S. Josef al
O. de Vitoria: impreso en la misma ciudad.
Regulations of the Lodge of the United Friends
of St. Joseph assembled in Vitoria: printed in
the said city.
Reglas de Obediencia para los Pueblos en Tiempo de
Disensiones entre las dos Potesta des.
Rules of Obedience for the People in Times of
Dissensions between the two Powers.
Relacion de la solemae Apertura de In Catedra de
Constitucion en Madrid.
Report of the solemn Opening of the School for
teaching the Constitution in Madrid.
 OF THE TRANSLATOR. lx iii

Religiosas de Cambray : comedia.

The Nuns of Cam bray : a comedy.
Hepresentacioo " ias Cartes contra el Edicto en que
se :r" ;lli6 el Diccionario Critico-burlesco ; por
IJ01. Miguel Garcia de la Madrid.
Remonstrance to the Cortes against the Edict in
which the Critico-burlesque Dictionary is pro-
hibited; by Don "MiguelGarcia de la Madrid.
Respuesta de Gallard» a la Censura de su Diccionario.
Answer of Gallardo to the Censure passed on his
Dictionary.
Respuesta del P: Fr. Andres Corral a BU Contempo-
raneo Come-pimiento y Escribe-pimiento Fr.
Veremundo Androminas de Cascalaliendrc : im-
preSQen Valladolid por los Hcrmanos Santan-
der, aiio de 18H.
(As the title of this work hinges upon n pun it can-
not be translated.)
Robespierre Espafiol; periOdico de la Isla; reimpreso
en Madrid.
Spanish Robespierre; periodical paper of La Isla:
reprinted in Madrid.
Roma Libre: tragedia.
Rome Free: a tragedy.
Seguidillas a la Entrada de la Regencia.
Verses on the Entry of the Regency.
Segunda Insinuaeion Patri6tica contra los Fray1es de
Madrid.
Second Patriotic Hint against the Friars of Madrid.
Segundo Avisa a los Chisperos,
Second Advice to the Cbisperos (nickname of the
people of Madrid).
Semanario Patriotico; desde el No. 15, periOdico de
Cadiz.
lxiv 1'ILELIMlNARY REMARKS

Scmanario Patriotico ; from No. 15, a Cadiz pe--

riodical paper.
Sermon predicado el 21 de Dec. por D. Ramon
Rullan, Presbitero, en la Solemnisima Fiesta
consagrada a N. S. del Pilar, en Is Parroquia de
San Jayme de Mallorca, por varios Amigos y
Apasionmlos de Don Isidoro Antillon, Diputado
en Cortes.
Sermon preached on 21st Dec. by Don Ramon
Rullan, Priest, in the most solemn Feast conse-
crated to our Lady of the Pilar, in the Parish
Church of St. James in Majorca, and published
by various Friends and Admirers of Don Isi-
dore Antillon, Deputy in Cortes.
Serviles y Liberales : corncdia.
The Serviles and Liberales: a comedy.
Serviles y Liberales, () Guerra de los Papeles,
The Serviles and Liberales: or War of the Papers.
Sevilla libre: Palma, imprenta de Domingo.
Seville free: Palma, in the office of Domingo.
S'i de las Ninas (El): comedia.
The Yes of the Maids: a comedy."
Sistema de la Educacion: un tomo en 8vo.
System of Education: 1vol. in 8vo.
Tapaboca al Gazetero de la Mancha: Palma aiio de
1813:
Mouthshutter to the Newsman of La Mancha:
Palma, 1813.
Telegrafo Mallorquin : periOdico de Palma.
Majorca Telegraph: periodical paper of Palma.
Telegrafo : periOdico de Santiago.
The Telegraph: periodical paper of Santiago •

• This is a beantlful Comedy filled w ith wit and morality, and

written by Don I.. Moraun, the only dramatic poet the Spani,1t
&Iltatre can aow boast,
 OF THE TRANSLATOlt. lxv

Teoria de las Cortes; por el ciudadano Don Fran-

cisco Martinez Marina, Canonigo de San Isidro:
3 tomos en 400. marquilla, impresos en Madrid
en 1813.
Theory of the Cortes; by citizen Don Francisco
Martinez Marina, canon of St. Isidore: 3 vols,
400. large paper, printed in Madrid, 1813.
Traidor (EI): folleto en 4to. impreso en Madrid, ano
de 1812, sin nombre de autor,
The Traitor: pamphlet in 'ioto.printed in Madrid,
1812, without the name of the author,
Tribuno del Pueblo Espafiol r periodico de Cadiz y
Madrid.
Tribune of the People ~.periodical paper of Cadiz
and Madrid.
Triple Alianza: periodico de Cadiz. .
Triple Alliance: Cadiz periodical paper.
Verdad (La), amargne Ii quien quiera,
The Truth, let it be bitter to whom it may.
Viejo (EI) de la Capa Azul: impreso en Valencia,
afio de 1811.
The Old Man of the Blue Cloak: printed in Va-
lencia.
'Vindicacion del benemerito Patriota Arguelles.
Vindication of the deserving Patriot Arguelles.
Vinda de Padilla: tragedia,
The widow of Padilla: a tragedy.
Universal (El): peri6dico de Madrid.
The Universal I Madrid periodical paper.
Un Consejito prudente Ii los Liberales.
A little prudent Counsel to the Liberales.

(To be continued.)

VOL. I. e
lxvi PRELlMlNAll.Y REMARKS

" Wherefore, desirous of repairing by timely reme-

dies the injury that may result to the faithful and to
the Catholic religion, from the perusal of the said
books, pamphlets, and papers, owing to their being
published and circulated in these kingdoms, we have
commanded that the same be prohibited and called
in, in order that no one may be allowed to sell, read,
or retain them, either printed or manuscript, in what-
ever impression or language they may be, under the
penalty of the higher excommunication latm sententue,
and a fine of two hundred ducats for the expenses of
the Holy Office, as well as the other penalties esta-
blished by law. In consequence whereof, by the te-
nor of these presents we exhort and require, and, if
necessary, by virtue of holy obedience and under the
said penalty of higher and pecuniary excommunica-
tion, we command, that from the day in which this our
edict shall be read and notified to you, or you may know
of it in any way whatsoever (we granting and allowing
to you the six first and successive days by way of ca-
nonical admonition, which term expired, the obliga-
tion shall be considered peremptory), that you bring,
exhibit, and deliver up to us, or to any of the provin-
cial tribunals or their commissaries residing in their
respective districts, all and any of the said books,
pamphlets, and papers, that they may forward the same
to us, and that you also declare those which other
persons may possess and hide. And on your non-
compliance therewith and the said term being expired.
all who may thus be contumacious and rebellious."in
not doing and complying with the aforesaid order,
we once for all and henceforward lodge on and pro-
mulgate against you and each of you the said sentence
of higher excommunication, and hold you as having
incurred the said censures and penalties; and we here-
 OF THE TRANSLATOR. lxvii

by notify to you that we will proceed against you in

execution of the same, and as by law we may deem fit.
In testimony whereof we decree and publish this our
edict, signed with our name, sealed with our seal,
and countersigned by the under secretary of His
Majesty and of the Council. Madrid; July 22, 1815.
cc (Signed) FRANCISCO XAVIER,
" Bishop and Inquisitor General.
" DR. CRISTOV AL DE COS ~ V IVERO,
" Secretary to the King Our Lord, and of the Council,"

Tedious as the above document may appear, it is

nevertheless deserving of being known and placed on
record, as the best possible criterion of the object and
occupations of the Inquisition, and also 88 a most
substantial proof of the credulous ignorance of its
members. Scarcely any thing published in Spain
during the revolution is excluded from the above list;
and the invisible thunder s of the Holy Tribunal are
not only launched against the readers and bolders of
any of the preceding works, even though it be a mer-
cantile advertiser, but these same penalties are more-
over declared to be on the head of him who knows
of any of them being in the possession of another,
and fails to inform against him. Was ever such a
door opened for the baneful working of enmity and
revenge? Under such a system can anyone dwell in
the bosom of his tamily divested of alarm, 811ipicion,
and distrust? And let me now ask, what iii it these
Inquisitorial censures amount to? They are nearly
equivalent to a decree of outlawry in other countries,
as in the course of the present work the reader will
have occasion to notice. From their grasp the fa-
vourite of a prince cannot escape, nay even mon&\-chs
have fallen under them. And can this be a proper
e 2
lxviii PRELJlIUNARY REMARK'

penalty for his Catholic Majesty's Supreme Couneil

of the Inquisition to decree either against the writer
or reader of columns, chiefly destined to recount the
heroic actions of his subjects in defence of their coun-
try and. his throne? Can the prohibition of such a
set of works conduce either to the honour or advan-
tage of religion? A writer of great eminence has ob-
served "that to prohibit the reading of certain books,
is to declare the inhabitants of the country to be
either fools or slaves:" what then would he have. said
if the preceding list had fallen into his hands? Me-
lancholy as the reflection must be to those who, as it
were, once held the destinies of Spain in their own
hands, the Inquisition has been re-established to make
war against the intellectual knowledge Spain had ac-
quired by her late intercourse with foreigners, and to
bury civil liberty, together with the arts and sciences,
in the grave of a false and mistaken piety. This great
work is fast advancing, as may be imagined by the
single fact we deem it necessary to mention; viz. that
during the time of the Cortes forty periodical papers
were regularly published in European 'Spain,as may
be seen from the preceding list, besides several others
therein omitted, whereas the whole have now been
superseded by the Gazeta de Madrid, published twice
a week, the Diario of the same place, and the Mercu-
rio which appears only once in each month. In ad-
dition to this every foreign paper is prohibited, parti-
eularly English ones. 1/<

.. To feDder the debasement of Spain still more complete, by a

recent decree of Don Pedro Cevarros, public education has been
confided to the nuns aud friars; and the bishops are besides busied
in teaching the subject his duties to the king, by the publication of
catechisms and pa510ralletlerl whicb would disgrace lhe ninth 1'1'1'1-
tlll1' - '
 OF THE TRANSLATOR. lxix

The way had already been paved for the preceding

edict by another addressed by the Inquisitor General
to the respective districts of all the Spanish dominions
ill Europe and America, the material part of which
we shall also insert.

" 'IV e Don Francisco Xavier Mier y Campillo, by

the grace of God and of the Holy Apostolic See,
Bishop of Almeria, Knight of the Royal and Distin-
guished Spanish Order of Charles III., Member of
His Majesty's Council, and Inquisitor General of his
Kingdoms and Lordships,
" To all the faithful inhabitants of these kingdoms.
health in our Lord Jesus Christ. We are all asto-
nished at and deplore, with the greatest reason, the
horrid ravages caused on our soil hy the barbarity
and fierceness of our enemies, which will he trans-
mitted to distant generations in the multitude of ruins
which strike the eye from one extreme of the king-
dem to the other; but however great these evils may
be, as well as the desolation to which whole towns
have been reduced, together with numberless families
of all conditions and classes, we have still to deplore
another evil incomparably greater, with which Divine
Providence has punished our sins; for, though po-
verty, misery, widowhood, orphanage, as well as
other kinds of unhappiness, justly excite pain- and
:regret, they cannot .in any way be CODlpared with
that we ought to feel-at the loss ofonr holy faith, and
of the ineffable consolations with which, in the midst
of the greatest afflictions and calamities, the religion
of Jesus Christ upholds and comforts us. We will
not say that this has abandoned sad and afHicted Spain,
nor that its holy law and the observance of its pre-
cepts have disappeared from among us; thanks to the
lxx PRELIMINAR¥ REMARKS

infinite mercies of the Lord who has punished us as a

father, he always preserved in his inheritance zealous
workmen and faithful servants who watched and la-
boured for the glory of his holy name and for the
honour of his true spouse, the Catholic, Apostolic,
and Roman Church; but we all behold with horror
the rapid progress of incredulity and the dreadful
corruption of manners which have contaminated the
Spanish soil, and of which the piety and religious
zeal of eN!' forefathers would be ashamed, seeing that
the same errors and new and dangerous doctrines
which have miserably destroyed the greatest part of
Europe, infest their beloved country, and that the
youth drink, like water, this pestiferous venom, for
the very reason that it flatters their passions and
senses.
" The compassionate heart of our Sovereign was
mosed, at his 'return from captivity, on beholding this
eur sad situation, and with a holy zeal he excited that
of all ecclesiastical and secelar authorities, in order
to extirpate so great a scandal, and, in imitation eif
him, a.ll the good deplore thatmanyof t'heir dlildren
have given ear, 05 heathen Rome once did, to the
errors of all nations;
" Under circumstances uoiJrtunstely too notorious,
it is not strsage, that all the lovers of religion should
tUl1ltheir eyes to the Holy Tribunal of'the F.ith, aDd
hope, from its zeal for the purity of doctrine and
JDaImerII,. that it will remedy, by the~e -ef its
SBCl'edministTf, SO ,manY'eWi, dtttough the ways and-
means granted to itby 11he .Apostolic and Royal Au-
thority with which it is i~sted. Nothing inore ur-
gent to the truth nor more conrormable 19 Ollf in-
stitution, for in vain should we' be ceIItioe1s of the
Hoose of the lArd, if we 'W'eteto r~Ulai8 asleep in
 OF THE TRANSLATOR. Jxxi

the midst of the common danger to religion and our

country. God will not permit us thus basely to aban-
don his cause, nor to correspond so ill to the exalted
piety with which the King our Lord has-re-established
us in the weighty functions of our ministry, in which
we have sworn to be superior to all human respect,
whether it be necessary to watch, persuade, and cor-
rect, or whether to separate, cut, or tear down the
rotten members in order that they may not infect the
sound ones.
" But, in order to proceed in so delicate as well as
important and necessary an operation, we will not
imitate the ardent zeal of the Apostles when they
asked of Jesus Christ to cause fire to rain down from
heaven to destroy Samaria, but rather the meekness
of their Master and Guide, of which certainly those
are ignorant who wish us to commence our functions
with fire and sword, by anathematizing and dividing,
as the only remedy to save the sacred deposit of the
faith, and choak up the bad seed so abundantly scat-
tered on our soil, as well by the immoral band of Jews
and sectaries who have profaned it, as the unfortunate
liberty of writing, copying, and publishing their errors,
Our resolution has been very different since we hare
mediated and carefully deliberated the matter with
the ministers of the Council of His Majesty, and of
the Supreme and General Inquisition: all having un-
animously agreed, that new as well-as ever, modera-
tion, sweetness, and charity ought to shine forth as
forming the character of the Holy Office; and that
before using the power of the sword granted to us
against the contumacious and rebellious, we ought to
attract them with sweetness; by presenting to them'
the olive-branch, the symbol of ourpncific wishes
towards those who go' 5.0 far.es to abhor peace. TO'
'lxxiv I'.RELIMINARY REMARKS

Already that sullen indolence and indifference which

exclude every principle of activity have superseded
those growing energies arising out of an extension of
just rights, and the people participating in the forma-
tion of their own laws. A dreary silence pervades the
whole community; each one is afraid of his neigh-
bour, and though mutually linked by nature, no con-
fidence prevails; every face wears the aspect of fear
and distrust." In the closet, in the-church, and in the
public square, every one is on his guard, and trembles
for the present or the past.
If such then is the situation of Spain, and if the
chief coadjutor of this fresh degradation has heen the
restored Inquisition, the British public must not only
feel sympathy for its victims, but an anxious wish
must also prevail to know the nature and tendency of
that tribunal from an authentic source. England, only
eight years ago, glowed with enthusiastic ardour at the
sight of a whole people rising in arms to repel an in-
"fader, and intent on improving the favourablecir-
eumstances in which they were placoo,·.hy eecuring to
themselves internal reform. In joWng the struggle,
Britons also hoped that the intercourse and friend-
ship which followed would hereafter be favourable to
liberality and freedom, and that, at least, cordial Wa;.
titude would be the result of the many sacrifices they
had hastened to make. If, however, the antecedent
documents are attentively noticed, they will be muod
levelled with a view to efface every moral wstige of
Britons from the soil of Iberia, and '0 excite virolent
animosity against bel' liberators, by rOOl'ingand sanc-
tioning popular prejudices of the most baneful and in-
hospitable kind. The main object of a glorious-and
necessary revolution is thence completely defeated,
and regardless of those offices of nationaL...mdeno&
3
 OF 'l'HE 'l'RANSLATOB. lxxl'

which otherwise would have resulted, that country is

now rendered impervious to the access of Britons
which lately constituted the theatre of their martial
glories; for what man could repose in quiet upon his
pillow who has heard the above inquisitorial edicts; and
others, which we have no room to insert, read &om
the pulpit, and knows their execution is confided to
the numerous and mercenary spies with which every
town and village is crowded?
Sufficient has already been said to prove that the
Cortes were the only constitutional body authorised
to adopt such a measure as the overthrow of the In-
quisition, as well as the many others undertaken to
promote the political resurrection of the country over
which they presided. The numerous felicitations
poured in on the occasion establish the fact, that the
general sense of the nation was in favour of the aboli-
tioo of a tribunal that had always constituted the most
terrible and disgraceful katw:re in the eoclesiastical
history of Spain; and it is some consolation to BOW ..
that a large portion of the inhabitants were sensible
of its defects, struggled for its proscription, and that
even Spanish authors, of course themselves Catholics,
unawed by the threats of its upholders, and despising
the personal danger to which they w.ere ~
dared to tlear the mask ir01lll tlUs accumulation of fraud
and hypocrisy .. :hidl had extinguished, or at Jeast,
aeutralized, in the people, those sentiments of justice
and probity which form the basis of secial order.
Time, the great arbiter of political calculations, haa
yet to unfold, whether to impede the restorationo€
the Inquisition in Spain would not have been an object
Qeserving of the consideration of a Protestant govern-
~and whether its accomplishment. wAUld n~
Ixxvi PREU:\fIXARY REMARKS

have stood on a parallel with the humane abolition of

the Slave Trade, and the glorious extinction of piracy
in Algiers.
Many united motives therefore concur to render
the work which chiefly contributed to the tempo-
rary overthrow of the Inquisition in Spain, accep-
table to British readers. No one composition on the
same subject is in our possession that can be deemed
complete and authentic, nor indeed could a Spsniard
have undertaken the task before the late revolution,
when the archives of the tribunal were for the first'
time opened. The Inquisition Unmasked was written
in Cadiz, during the freedom of the press, and when
nearly every thing enlightened in Spain was concen-
trated there. Its object was to prepare the minds of
the people for the deliberations of the national legis-
latare in this respect, and it certainly had the desired
effect. It supplied arguments and proofs ~n which re-
liance could be placed, because they were supported by
authorities, unexceptionable even to the most sceptic.
The present work, whilst it constitutes a correct de-
tail of facts which exhibit an enormous degree· of atro-
city, enters into the spirit of those laws and statutes by
which the Inquisition is governed, and developes the
nature as well as the extent of the ravages produced by
inquisitorial vengeance, as far as they can be ascertain ..
ed, a point established by no preceding labours. It
displays, in chronological order, the various struggles
of the Spanish nation to dislodge this potent enemy
of their domestic peace, supported by a variety of his-
torical traits to which no foreigner could have access.
The author has preferred the form of a dissertation
to that of a history, because it was more congenial to
~ views. He was aware that history is chiefly It de..
 11
i~

01' THE TRANSI,ATOlt. lxxvii

tail of facts, and its object the simple instruction of

the reader: consequently it was not capable of form-
ing the portrait of an establishment, whose nature iii
constituted more by its laws than the conduct of its
ministers. If he had treated the subject as an his-
torian, he would not have been able to examine the
iystem of the tribunal in a full and philosophic manner,
which, under existing circumstances, was indispensa-
bly requisite, since the partisans of the Inquisition
with whom he had to contend, would never have been
convinced, however its abuses had been discovered, if
the defects of its constitution had not equally been
placed in a light even stronger than that of noon-day,
History besides chiefly serves to clear up what is
ObSCUfl', but our author had to form correct notion.
of what was dubious, and, after repelling the sophisms
of his adversaries, and undeceiving the people, to inspire
them with a just odium of the Inquisition by argu-
ments which bore conviction .to their very minds.
Hence oratorial aid was occasionally necessary, and
this could only take place in a composition WIder the
form of a discourse, or academical dissertation.
If" as Britons, we beheld the downfall of the In-
quisition with feelings of joy, its re-establishment
must consequently now· be a subject of regret; but,
whilst we have occasion to lament such a gross per-
version of the word of God, and to shudder at the
cruelties of those who, with their hands red in blood,
pretend to be the disciples of a crucified Lord, our
interest must naturally make us anxious to possess an
account on which we can rely. Astonished that the
advocates of such a tribunal should have found au-
thority in the Scriptures and support in the Holy
Fathers, in vain have we looked oyer the many pieces
published on the subject; some we found filled with
5
Ixxviii PRELIMINAltY REMARKS

romance, others with the sufferings of individuals, 01'

compiled from mutilated and dubious materials. No-
&bing hitherto had given us a full and comprehensive
view, or explained the whole fabric and component parts
of this Institution, because few have had the means of
deliberately viewing it within. It is only since various
recondite" transactions of the Holy Office have been
torn down from shelves on which they had slept for
ages, that it has been possible to give an outline of
the conduct of its ministers; or from the time that
in Spain some patriotic Inquisitors themselves have
been emulous in opening authentic records, to over-
turn an establishment to which they formerly be--
longed.
The present publiqation is consequently oil'ered to
British readers with a greater degree of oonfidenee
tbaIl ..uataally ac:companies works of the day. The
translation has been performed from a MS. and en-
larged copy of the author, with all possible fidelity,
but under those difficulties arising out of occasional
peculiarities of idiom, or the stile or constmetien of
the original, particularly in quotations from old a
tbors, juridical terms, or such as are technical in an
institution with which happily we are not familiar.
In the original the subject is divided into Reflections,
but we have preferred adopting the usual denomina-
tion of Chapters. Two notes have been omitted, one
in the Vth and the other in the VIIth Chapter, owing
to the impossibility of giving them an adequate ver-
sionand their not being deemed essential. 'The
plates may be considered as the only genuine repre-
senteticus hitherto laid before the public.
W.'V.
 D. O. M.
TO THE IMMORTAL MEMORY
OF THE

GENERAL AND EXTRAORDINARY CORTES

OF THE SPANISH NATION
DEFENDERS OF THE INDEPENDENCE
AND

FO UNDERS OF THE CIVIL LIBERTY

OF THEIR COUNTRY
THIS WORK IS DEDICATED
BY ITS AUTHOR.
ANNO MDCCCXIV.
 ORIGINAL PREFACE.

W HEN I attempt radically to destroy the

Inquisition, I conceive I am complying with
one of the chief duties imposed on every
citizen by the united mandate of religion
and humanity, both hitherto so long and so
atrociously outraged by the existence of such
a tribunal. Would to God that, in exhibiting
the defects of its constitution, and the cor-·
rupt practices which have emanated there-
from, my endeavours could answer the ex-
tent of my wishes, and produce an effect cor-
responding to the manner in which my own
. sensibility has been excited on exploring au-
thentic details filled with the enormity of so
many vices and abuses. .
Notwithstanding only four months have
been expended in the investigation of docu-
ments capable of throwing light on so ob-
scure a subject, I nevertheless hope to be
able to lay before the public such a fund of
VOL. I. f
Ixxxii ORIGINAL PREFACI,;.

information as will be sufficient to determine

its OpInIOn. During this interval, as writings
have not ceased to appear, either for or
against this establishment, the authors of the
latter will have furnished me with some hints
and reflections of which I shall not fail to
avail myself when I bring my arguments to
the test of evidence. The satisfaction I
should have derived from presenting them as
new, will be compensated by the suggestion
of others arising out of these same writings,
and which possibly would not otherwise have
occurred to me. Even the apologists of the
tribunal, whom I shall occasionally stop to
refute, will contribute to elucidate my asser- .
tions; for the nature of a cause is frequently
also known by the manner in which its par-
tisans defend it.
I cannot however flatter myself with hav-
ing given all the necessary polish to my la-
bours, or therein attained more than ordinary
perfection; but if it is at any time true that
the most humble endeavours are praisewor-
thy in a good cause, this is certainly the case
at the present juncture, when the August
Congress of the nation is about to deliberate
respecting the suppression or permanency of
4
 ORIGINAL PREFACE. Jxxxiii
the Inquisition. The defects therefore of
the present work, which with some degree of
violence to my own feelings I lay before the
public in a less perfect state than I could have
wished, will, it is hoped, be attributed to
the pressure of the moment, urged as I have
been by my anxiety to co-operate, as much
as is in my power, to the happy issue of so im-
portant a discussion.
I am fully aware that numbers of plodding
writers will rise up against me, who, clinging
to. their old prejudices, will omit nothing to
retard the day which at length must arrive,
when we shall behold this Colossus dashed to
the ground; this Colossus which has ever
been the tutelar genius of all kinds of igno-
rance and vice: but their sophisms can never
cloud the face of truth, nor shall Ibe startled
by the impotent railings to which they usually
resort. The dogs bark, but the moon, mov-
ing in her celestial orbit, keeps on her majes-
tic course, nor does the audacity of her ene-
mies cause her for an instant to withhold
her light.
Cadiz, Oct. 15, 1811.
 , CONTENTS~

VOL. I.

•
Translator's Dedication ••.•. 0 •• 0 • •• • • • • • • • • • • • • iii
Preliminary Remarks by the Translator •. 0 0 • • • • • • v
Dedication to the Cortes •.••..••.••..•. 0 • • • • •• lxxix
Introduction •••....••..•..••• 0 •••••••••••• 0 • • 1

CHAPTER r.
The Inquisition being an ecclesiastical Tribunal, its
Rigour is incompatible with the Spirit of Meek-
ness which ought to distinguish the Ministers of
the Gospel •.•••••.••• " •• •• . • . . •• . . . . • . • • •• 19

CHAPTER II.

The System of Rigour adopted by this Tribunal is

opposed to the Doctrine of the Holy Fathers and
the' Discipline of the Church in its most happy
Times...... •. •. ••••.• •••• •.•• ..•. . . • • ..•• S~

CHAPTER III.

The Inquisition, far from contributing to the Pre-

servation of the true Belief, is only suited to
encourage Hypocrisy and excite the People to
Rebellion ...."."."""""" ... """""..."...."" 80
lxxxvi CONTENTS.

CHAPTER IV.
The Mode of Judi6al Process established in this
Tribunal tramples to the Ground all the Rights of
the Citizen. • • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . • . . . . . . . . . 128
 LIST OF PLATES,
(With Diremou to the Binder.)

VIG:N~TTE. The Spanish Constitution aims at

the Destruction of Tyranny and Supersti-
tion, and promotes Union between Spain
and America. • • • • • • • • • • • • . • • • • • . •. lxxix
Plate VOL. I. Pac.
J. Seal and Arms of the Inquisition. . • • • • • • 85
II. Form of Trial •..•••..••..•••.....•. ~oo
III. The Culprit recognized by masked Wit-
nesses ................•.•...•.•... 225
IV. Torture of the Pulley 251
V. Torture of the Rack................ 252
VI. Torture by Fire •.••••....••••••..•• 254-
VII. Culprits in penitential Garments...... 299
VIII. Procession preceding an Auto de Fe. • •• 8!1
IX. Grand Auto of the Year 1680 • • • • • • • • •• S24t
X. Burning Place, and Ex~tion... • • •• Front.
VOL. II.
XI. Burning Place of Sevillein 15th Century. Front.
 ERRATA.

YOLo I.
Page 22, note + line 5, firr AbrahamlP read Abrabll!.
255, note + line 5, for a half read a quarter.
259, Rote * line 2, forlleriot rIJad veri or.

YOLo II.
Page !5, liue penult. for Renate Polo rIJad Rpginald Pole.
33, line 18, for Pinel' read Prince.
33, line penult. for Teregui read Yeregui.
264, line 5, for seventh read sixth.
207, line 21, for dagger read halter.
381, third line from top, the paragraph begiDDing " In
the same year" to .. office" p. 334, .oucht to be
introduced after " perpetuated," p. S26.
381, line 20, for 151h ,-ead 16th.
 THE

INQUISITION UNMASKED.

INTRODUCTION.

UNDER a .well-constituted government

ought not the doctrine and observance of
religion to be maintained in all their Purit1
and vigour? An affirmative answer to this
question is the immediate and necessary con-
sequence of an incontrovertible axiom in
politics, viz. that there never did nor can
exist any social union deserving of that
name, unless the belief of the Divinity, mani-
fested by an exterior worship, previously
secures the reciprocal confidence of the citi.
zens, unceasingly stimulates them to the
observance of the la;W~~!lBd restraiDS their
individual passions within thel>oqlllls of gene ..
ral good. To the French alone, in the dilirium
of a revolution which began with scandal and
ended in ignominy, was it reserved to doubt
the truth of this position. It was only amidst
VOL. I. B
2 INQUISITION UNMASKED.

the anthropophagi of the convention that a

Boissy d' Anglas could have boasted that he
had banished the respect due to the Divinity
from the legislative code, or proved that
religion was foreign to social organization.
Unfortunate victory! shameful triumph! if
such terms can be applied to the temerity of
an ignorant and ferocious mind! The neces-
sity, therefore, of the existence of a religion
in every social state is undeniable; or rather,
it is amply proved by the united testimony
of history and experience. All nations of the
globe, ancient as well as modern, from the
enduring Spaniard to the ceremonious Chi-
nese, from the ungovernable Indian of Chili
to the secluded savage of Canada; all are
:filled with profound veneration at the idea of
a superior Being; all practise some conse-
crated rites to invoke his beneficence and
appease his anger? all sanction their alliances
with his mediation; and all, in short, are
possessed of religion.
And, in fact, what object could present
itself to the imagination .more melancholy
~an a people without a God? To such an
one the bonds of good faith, of justice, as
well as every kind of virtue, would' appear as
vain and ridiculous phantoms. Under such a
 INTRODUCTION. s
constitution of things how could man value
the rights of others, and hold them as sacred,
when he did not conceive himself indebted
to the supreme Being for the very existence
he had thence received? The ties which bind
mortals to the Divinity are the true origin and
supreme cause of the obligations which unite
men to each other; if, therefore, that religion
which discovers and sanctions them is taken
away, would not the most irrefragable princi-
ples of morality be rendered illusive? Besides,
in a numerous society of such a kind, who
would be able to set bounds to the torrent of
vices which impiety drags after it ? Would
not disorders increase, in proportion to the
greater Dumber of individuals of whom such a
society was composed, and to the irreconeils-
hie discordancy of wills which the increasing
divergency of interests would incessantly
produce?
The atheist is a consummate egotist, who,
obstinately disregarding the bounds "it hill
which honour and shame had -plaeed him,
Jl'techanically follows the violent impulse of
his own inordinate desires, bas no other mea •
.lUre for hisactions than the unlimited extent
of his own welfare; and, resting his whole
happiness on the pleasures of the mOllleJlt,
132
 4 INQUISITION UNMASKED.

knows no other right than force, no other

courage than' rashness. He is a feverish
invalid, who, despising the inexhaustible
streams - of Divine goodness, for an in-
stant quenches his thirst out of the cup
which his sensual appetite presents, and
immediately after again thirsts. He is a
being insupportable to himself, detestable
to others, and continually exposed to be-
come the victim of despair or the vengeance
of others. And, if the outline of the man
destitute of religion is thus gloomy, how
much more horrid must be the picture repre-
senting a multitude of similar beings? An
association of men in which the influence of
this sovereign and benign virtue has no share,
far from being considered as a people, would
be rather called a herd of tigers, more savage
than those which dwell in caverns, because'
they had degenerated from the nobleness of
their primitive nature; and because they
. would make no other use of their liberty
than to tear each other to pieces. It is, con-
sequently, an undoubted -fact that when
atheism severs the inviSible chain which unites
the human race to their Creator, from that
moment the most holy and advantageous Jaws
remain without authority; the links which
 INTRODUCTION. 5

bind each citizen to the other are broken j

and the political body, after struggling with
a dreadful convulsion, would finally expe-
rience a total dissolution."
On the contrary, how beautiful is the ap-
pearance .of a country when religion shines
in its hemisphere! Wherever this benign star
* Cicero, "De Nat. Deor." lib. i, Pietate adversus
Deos suhlata, fides etiam et societas humani generis, et
ezcellentissima 'Virtusjusticia tollitur.-The literati who,
in detriment to true philosophy, suffer atheism to enter
into their hearts, even when through the effects of
education they should not approve of the exCel8eS just
described, are not on that account more UHful to society.
J. J. Rousseau, whose testimony, in their opinion, cannot
be held as suspicious, inhis Emile, vel. 3, says of them
as follows: "Irreligion and a too philosophical spirit in
leneral attaches us to life, enervates and debases the 10ul,
concentrates all our passiODIin lIelf-interest, and thus saps
the foundations of society. If atheism be not so sangui-
nary, it is less out of a love to peace than from an indif-
ference to virtue ;-let the world go how it will, it little con-
cerns these pretended sages, provided they can loll at ease
in their closets. Their principles do not indeed excite them
to slaughter mankind, but they prevent them mm adding .
to their number by corrupting the manners which tend
to their increase; by detaching· themselves from their
species, and reducing all their affections to a selfish
egotism as fatal to population as it is to virtue. The
indilference of the philosopher resembles the tranquillity
of a state under a despotic government; it is the trail-
tluillity of death, and more deatNctive thaD war itself,"
a !NQt1tSlTION tJ'NMASKEiJ.

triumphantly reigns, reason governs with more

efficient authority, because thence she derives
her origin and power i-there nature speaks,
and is more promptly heard, because religion
makes her voice more sonorous and pene-
trating; and the right of property is generally
more respected, because God, to whom all
creatures belong, by the seal of religion
Iegalises the titles which the wisdom of legis-
lators introduced to acquire it. Thus man,
under the auspices ill this transcendant virtue,
whether he is considered in the different
periods of life, or viewed in the various situa-
tions of fortune; whether he is eontem-
plated asa private individual or beheld as a
member of the civil body; in his actions and
in his person, at all times emits some rays of
,that clear light issuing from the throne of the
Supreme, and partieipates, in some degree,
of the immense happiness which surrounds it.
Yet these benefits would in vain be sought
where impiety wields her iron sceptre.
The tender infant reclined on the maternal
bosom feasts on the milk which, by giving
vigour to its delicate. members, is to crOWD
the yet impertect work of generation; and
smiliog quits its hold OIl the Howing breast,
whilst ita lips, still bedewed with t.he sweetest
 INTRODUCTION. 7
nectar, exercise the power of speech by the
articulations religion hastens to inspire; which,
if it does not yet comprehend, its innocent
heart already repeats with pleasure. The
robust youth, whose passions like an ungo-
vernable horse threaten to dash him down
the fatal precipice, and on every side shut
out the road to happiness, in religion finds
an internal voice that gives him comfort,
another soul that animates his own, as well as
an irresistible arm that restrains and directs
his passions till their ferocity is at length
broken. The weak old man, bent do'Wll by
the weight of years and fast approaching to
the end of his career, discovers in religion
a staff to support his trembling steps; and thus
comfOrted descends to the grave.shat he may
rest from the fatigues ofa long journey.
Finally, every citizen, in whatever conflict
his country may be plunged, finds ample
sources of consolation in the temple of the
Divinity. If the venerable magistrate, pros-
trate betOre the altar, raises to the throne
of the God of mercies the pra,ers and sighs.
of a people labouring under the ravages of a
desolating plague, he soon returns their joy-
ful and respectful homage on the re-establish.
ment of public health. If the city was lately
 S INQUISITION UNMASKED.

pressed by a powerful enemy and filled with

consternation, the war-like conqueror, borne
in triumph amidst the martial pomp and,
festive acclamations of his fellow citizens and
the solemn canticles of the ministers of the
sanctuary, bows his laurel-crowned head
before the God of battles, and offers to him
the trophies due to his protection, by erecting
them into an eternal monument of piety and
gratitude. Man, in short, in whatever state
he may be considered, as well as in every
period and vicissitude of life, experiences in
religion an efficacious antidote against the
ills which oppress him, a shield that blnnts
the darts of his enemies, and an asylum into
which they can never enter. In every event
of fortune it excites in his soul a sublimity
of ideas by pointing out to him the just
Judge, who, as an attentive speetatorof his
conBicts, is about to reward him with his
inestimable approbation. Religion, also, in the
darkest tempest appears to man as the Iris
of peace, and, dissipating the dark and angry
storm, restores the wished-forcahn,and brings
him to the pod of safety""
In ~onfo~.d J ,..,.the experience
of every age 8ndnatibn as well as in strict
accord with reason, we may justly conclude,
 INTRODUCTION.

that no well-organised system of legislation

can possibly exist capable of guaranteeing
the protection of the Citizen, or indeed any
society deserving of that name, without a
conscience, morality, and religion; and that
it is particularly the latter which abundantly
pours down the most inestimable benefits on
the political body at large, as well as on each
of its members. And, if religion ought to
form the first foundation of all civil institu-
tions; if the means which are to preserve it
in its native purity and splendour ought to
go hand in hand with the laws by which it
is established; and finally, if in the new order
of things to which Providence calls a great
nation, one that has sworn eternal hatred to
despotism and its long-endured grievances,
the Christian and Catholic religion main.
tained with becoming dignity is to add lustre
to national improvement and liberty; is it to
the Inquisition, as heretofore, that the guar-
dianship of such a religion ought to be 'con-
fided? Are the governing plans on which this
tribunal is founded, and the method therein
adopted for the trial of causes, such as to
deserve the confidence of the Spanish people?
Are they conformable to the spirit of Christi.
anity, to the maxims at sound policy, and tho
 10 INQUISITION UNl\USKED.

dictates of justice and equity? and are they,

for that same reason,capable of conferring
honour on religion, as well as on the members
who profess it? Does the conduct it bas ob-
served from the period of its establishment
render it deserving of this confidence? Most
assuredly no; as we shall amply prove in the
subsequent reflections, which may be classed
under the following heads:
1st. The Inquisition being an ecclesiastieal
tribunal, its rigour is incompatible with the
spirit of meekness which ought to distinguish
the ministers of the Gospel.
zd. The system of rigour adopted by this
tribunal is opposed to the doctrine of the
Holy Fathers, and the discipline of the Church
in its most happy times.
sd. The Inquisition, far from contributing
to the preservation of the true belief, ia only
suited to encourage hypocrisy and excite the
people to rebellion.
4th. The form of trial used in this tri-
bunal tramples on all the rights of the
citizen.
,5th. The. Inquisition has Dot only ob-
stmcted the progreStl of science in the .coun..
tries wherein it has been established, but has
also propagated pernicious errors.
2
 INTRODUCTION. 11

6th. This tribunal has supported the des-

potism of kings, and has itself exercised it.
7th. As the Inquisition owes its origin to
the decline of the discipline and remissness
of the clergy, it opposes obstacles to their
reform, which is indispensably necessary if
the nation is to prosper.
From the general results of the above
reflections we shall prove the necessity of
suppressing the Inquisition, in like manner as
what we have already said tends to demon:
strate how essential it is that religion should
be worthily protected. In order, however,
that the reader may be better prepared to
follow us through so vast and unknown a
subject, we shall prefix a short account of
the establishment and government qf this
tribunal, which will greatly facilitate the other
points we are about to elucidate.
The tribunal of the Inquisition was esta-
blished in I ~04, by Pope Innocent III. a
monk of the order of St. Benedict, for the
purpose" of persecuting heretics, hut most
especially the Albigenses. I pointedly ad ..
vert to this Pope, being a regular priest;
though I shall afterwards notice that it was
others who most promoted this establishment,
as this accords with my object in view. The
 12 INQUISITION UNMASKED.

criminal code of this institution is founded on

the laws of the Decretals, which, respecting
crimes of heresy, are peculiar in themselves.
In the course of time the cognizance of other
crimes was added to it, in consequence of
their being supposed to have some affinity
with, or bearing suspicion of, heresy: such as
heretical blasphemy, witchcraft, belief in
omens, confessional seduction, and even po-
lygamyand sodomy. It also vindicates the
injuries done to its dependents, as well as any
attempts against the free use of its jurisdic-
tion, which, besides being privileged, is, at
the same time, spiritual and temporal, as
being delegated jointly from the sovereign
pontiff and the king. It likewise promotes,
by means of .civil process, and formerly by
ecclesiastical censures, the seizure of property
confiscated by itself; and delivers over con-
demned and excommunicated culprits to the
secular magistrate, in order that he may exe-
cute upon them the sentence of death pre-
scribed by the law, when they have been
pronounced contumacious, or have relapsed
a second time.
Under this plan the Inquisition was esta-
blished in Thoulouse, in 12!9, where it was
lirst given· in charge to the monks of the
 INTRODUCTION.

Cistercian order, and afterwards, in 1233, to

the Dominicans. Innocent IV. extended it
to all Italy except Naples. where its intro-
duction was always opposed. In Italy and
even in Rome itself, it soon declined, till in
1545, it was restored by Paul III.~ who cre-
ated the Congregation of the Inquisition com-
posed of Cardinals presided by the Pope. In
the same year, (1233) it was brought from
Thoulouse to Spain, by the Dominican Ray-
mond of Penafort; but did not go out of the
kingdom of Aragon, till after its union with
that of Castile, when in the year 1480, it was
established in Seville by their Catholic Ma-
jesties Ferdinand and Isabella, under an au-
thority from Sixtus IV., of the Franciscan
order. Fathers John de San Martin and
Michael Morillo, both Dominicans, were
named the first inquisitors; and in 1483, fa-
ther Thomas de Torquemada, confessor to the
queen and prior of the convent of Santa Cruz
de Segovia, also of the same order, was made
inquisitor general. It was he who, in an as-
sembly convened for that purpose, formed the
inquisitorial regulations, which are yet in force,
but with some variation. Portugal adopted it
in 1536, not through the intrigues of a false
Nuncio, as is generally believed, but at the
 14 INQUISITION UNMASKED.

request of John III., and by grant of

Clement VII. It was admitted into Venice,
though under certain limitations, in 1289,
and afterwards extended to Germany and
other European states; and latterly, in 1571,
Philip II. introduced it into America. At
present, it only exists in the monarchies
of Spain and Portugal; and indeed in
the latter -it may be considered as almost
abolished, since the reform it underwent
in 1774, during the ministry of the :Marquis
de Pombal.
This institution has a council established at
court, under the title of Supreme and General
Inquisition, and the other provincial tribunals
ate dependent on this council. This is com.
posed of a president, the Inquisitor General
of Spain and the Indies, who is generally a
bishop or archbishop, and of eight ecclesiasti.
cal counsellors as members, six belonging to
the secular clergy, of whom the youngest
officiates as fiscal-proctor in behalf of the
bench. Of the other two, one is always a
Dominican, according to privilege granted to
to that order by Philip III.; and the other is
chosen by turns out of the other religious
orders, as regulated by Charles III. Besides
the above, two counsellors of Castile attend
 INTRODUCTION'. u
when they are called, which is only in cases
purely civil. Its officers and subalterns are
a fiscal-proctor; two secretaries , two,and
sometimes three,reporters; a treasurer, usually
called receiver; an accomptant; one chief, and
two inferior bailiffs; and also several theolo-
gians called qualificators, who decide on mat-
ters of faith, and examine all doctrines and
propositions. The provincial tribunals have
three and sometimes four inquisitors of the
secular clergy; one proctor, who is always the
youngest of the above; . three or four secre-
taries of the chamber of secresy; another for
sequestrations and all civil matters; a receiver
of treasurer; one accomptant ; one chief bail-
iff; and two inferior ones; together with other
dependents called commissaries and fami-
liars, who, scattered throughout the district
of each of the tribunals, serve to fulfil their
orders. They have also qualificators, similar
to those described as belonging to the su-
premecouacil, as well as counsellors, who are
lawyers, and are consulted on points of'Iaw ,
however, at present, these only are on the
establishments of America, and are generally
members of the Audiencias or high courts of
justice in that country.
16 INQUISITION UNMASKED.

Of these tribunals there are sixteen in Spain,

viz. the territorial one of Madrid, also called
that of the court; one in Seville, Toledo,
Cordova, Zaragoza, Barcelona, Valencia,
Santiago, Murcia, Valladolid, Cuenca, Gra-
nada, Llerena, Logrono, Majorca, and the
Canary Islands. In America there are three,
viz. in Mexico, Lima, and Carthagena.
The Inquisitor General is named by the
King, and confirmed by the Pope; but the
simple approbation of his Majesty is sufficient
to confer the dignity of counsellor or member
of the supreme council; and the inquisitors
themselves, without any previous consulta-
tion, elect their own officers and other de-
pendents. The. diocesan bishop also sends
his coadjutor, or some other ecclesiastic, to
the tribunal within his district.as his own re-
presentative, who acts in the quality of as-
sociate judge, jointly with those named by
the Inquisitor General." Such, in substance,

* For the historical facts of the above, vide LUd

Paramo, De Origine S. Inquisit. Jib. ii, tit. ii. cap. 8,
D. 2.-Sol1l!a, De Orig. Inquisit. Lusit.-Juan de Solor-
zano, Politica Indiana, tom. ii. Jib. iv. cap. xxiv.-Fra
Paolo Sarpi, Discorse dell' Origine, Forma, Leggi ed Uso
dell' Officio della Inquisizione nelIa citta e Dominio eli
6
 INTRODUCTION. 17
is the origin and form of the establishment we
are about to consider, under the various heads
pointed out.

Venezia.-FIeury, Hist, Eccles. liv. vii. n.54; and Don

Juan Antonio Llorente, Anales de Ja Inquisicion, tom. i.
cap. it n. 2S and 69.

VOL. I. c
 CHAPTER L

The Inquisition being an ecclesiastical Tribunal,

its Rigour is incompatible '{vith the Spirit if'
Meekness which ought to distinguish the Mi-
nisters of the Gospel.

IF establishments, which by their nature

are destined to extend their influence to the
most remote nations and posterity in the
means they adopt for their preservation, can
never deviate fro~ the rules under which they
w-ere :first formed without losing sight of
their primitive object, and incurring inevita-
ble ruin, it becomes an indubitable fact that
no other than measures of meekness and per"
suasion ought to be adopted worthily to sus-
tainthe religion of Jesus Christ ; and that, en
the contrary, roerciep awl rigQUI', f~rfrom
contributing to its suwort, only render it
«lious. Nothing is more palpable in the
Gospel, and other books of the New Testa-
ment, than the benignity therein breathed;
this is the virtue that renders their langt.Ul&e
c 2
20 INQUISITION UNMASKBD. [CHAP. J.

SO pleasing, that gives to the new law so much

lustre over the old ones, that forms one of its

most prominent features, and communicates
to it an attraction so powerful that the hu-
man understanding can no longer resist, when
it is examined with candour.
" Learn of me," said Jesus Christ, when he
proposed himself as a model for his disciples,
" for I am meek, and humble of heart,">
Could he have given to the world a more
striking proof that meekness was the basis of
his religion, than by presenting himself as an
astonishing example of this virtue, in his own
sufferings on the cross? Affixed to that ele-
vated instrument of pain, our great master
of morality, with extended arms, and as if
anxious that all nations of the eartb, from
either pole, should hear his last practical
lesson, invokes pardon for tbose who crucified
him. And if Jesus Christ, in the face of all
nature, bestowed kindness on his very mur-
derers, and if he evinced such predilection
for this virtue as to seal his last farewell with
this lesson, and used it as a .most energetic
epilogue to his long and painful preaching,

• S. Matth. cap. xi. ~. 29. "Diuile " m~, pill mitis

,.". ella.milU etl7de." .
 CHAP. I.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. !ll

must it not evidently follow that the rigour

practised against those who have strayed from
the fold is opposed to the spirit of his church?
On the contrary, and in accord. with his prin-
ciples of mildness, our Redeemer commanded
his apostles to shake the dust off their shoes,
when they were not admitted into any city;
thus protesting to its inhabitants, that they
had, on their part, complied with their mis-
sion, and announcing to them the chastise-
ments of God for having despised his word."
On this account, when James and John sought
to call down fire from heaven on Samaria, as
a punishment for not having received them,
he reproved their indiscreet zeal, by ob-
serving that they did not know the spirit
which animated them, for certainly such a
spirit of vengeance was not suited to the
truths they were about to preach. t In order,
also, that it may not be understood that this

.. S. Luc. cap. x, v. 10. "In quamcumque ardem

cioitatem intraooeritu, ttl non llUCeJ'erint WI, Ue.Jl1llel in
plateas tjlU dicite: Etiam pul'Oerem. qui adJuzliJ nobis rU
civitate oestra, ertergimus in vos; ta7llen hoc Idtote gWa
appropinquavit regnum Dei."
t S. Luc. cap. ix, v. 55. "Nescitis eujus Spiritlll
~st;'. . FiliI" homin;, non venit animas perdrre, 1ft!
saltxzre. "
22 INQUl8ITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. I.

plan or meekness is confined to those who

have not yet embraced the faith, it ought to
be remarked that the punishment assigned by
Jesus Christ to the apostate is no other than
that of excluding him from the church, and
reputing him of the same class as the heathen
and publican.s .
In proof of this, when some of his disciples,
scandalized at hearing that his body and
blood were real food and drink, ceased to fol-
low him, believing him an impostor, he neither
obliged them to return nor sought to retain
those who were left behind, but left all at full
liberty. Addressing himself then to St.
Peter, through him he asked the whole of
his disciples, "Do ye also wish to go away?"
as if he had said-it is entirely optional whe-
ther /ye go or stay, for e~n. if men were
-wantingto follow me, from these stones would
God raise up sons to Abraham, [that is, pro.
fessors of his faith. t] The answer of St. Peter

• S. Matth. cap. xviii. v. 17. ccSi auten. ecdesiam non

iiudierit, sit tibi suut ethnicus et pu&licanus.»
t S. Joban. cap. vi. v. 66. " Ez hoc malti di8capulorum
ejus alJierunt retro, etja'" non cum ilia ambulal1ant.-v. 67.
Dizit 4utem Jesus ad duodecim : Nu1tlquiiI et 'I!as wllis
"bire ?-8. Luc, cap. iii. v, 8. Patens est Deus de lapitlilJas
ill" 6Ulcitarefilio$ Abranama."
CHAP. I.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. ss
is not less favourable to the object in view.
" Lord," said he, " to whom shall we go, since
thou hast the words of eternal life ? We be ..
lieve and are convinced that thou art the
Messiah, son of the living God.~'" Ca,n a more
evident testimony be given that the .,~terl)
of the ch. 'stian religion, if they are to follq.w
the steps or' its divine Author, ought never to
devise or inflict any other punishment on
those who, to their own perdition, stray
therefrom, than to make this aberration pub.
licly known, as a precaution to others? In
like manner also Christians, if they seek to
imitate the most faithful of the apostles, ought
to persevere in the faith, for no other motive
than the firm conviction that every U,Ung is
truth which it teaches, and that in i~ .lpp~
man finds health and refreshment.
Equal benignity is discovered in the other
books of the New Testament, when speaking
of the punishments religion inflicts on apos-
tates. St. Paul, writing to Titus respecting
the conduct he is to. observe with the hereti~
who, after a timely warnmg,9oes
-
DDt amend,
.
• S. Johan. cap. vi. v. 69. &C Domine (ld quem ibimus'
Verba 'Vitte etemo: kalH:s.-v. 70. £t 7lQI credim.lI.Set &Opp·
'Uim.mguia tu Q Chrntus.filius p,i."
 24 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. I.

informs him that heis only to consider him as

a perverted character, and already condemned
by his own judgment; that is, that he declare
him separated from the church, the benefits
of which he had lost by his unbelief.s Con-
sequently the church, in its condemnation of
the obstinate heretic, may and ought to
extend its rigour to this public exclusion,
amounting to an excommunication, but not
to any other kind of chastisement. This is
also confirmed by St. John when he says,
" He who remains not in the doctrine of Jesus
Christ, and relapses, has not God as his pro-
tector; but he who abideth in the same hath
both the Father and the Son as his support.
And should there come anyone unto you
not having this doctrine, receive him not into
your house, nor salute him, for fear you par ..
take of his evil deeds."} And in these pas-

* Ad. Tit. cap. iii. v, 10. "HiPreticum hominem post:

unam et secundam correptionem devita.-v. 11. Sciens quia
suhversus est, qui tjusmodi est, et delinfJuit quum sit proprio
judicifJ condemnatus,"
t S. John. Epist, ii. v. 9. "Omnu quireeetlit etnon
~rmanet in doctrina Christi, Deum ft01I habet, qui pennane{
in doctrina, hie et patrem et filium hahet.-v.IO. Si qu~
'Venit ad'Vos, et hanc doctrinam non qjfert, nolite recipere
eum in tlomum, nee ave dizmtis.-v. 11. Qui enim didl
;lli ave, ccmmunicat operibus ejus malignis."
 CHAP. I.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 25

sages is there any other punishment men-

tioned against apostates than ecclesiastical
interdiction? can any authority be found in
scripture, by which the church can inflict any
other? I do not here allude to the temporal
power possessed by princes in states where
the catholic religion prevails, of restraining
heretics by means of corporal punishments;
yet it cannot be denied that, on the part of
the church, man is in every sense free from
penal restraint, not only with regard to his
being forced to enter the pale thereof, but
also remaining therein when he has once en-
tered. Hence is it inferred that the authority
. vested in an ecclesiastical tribunal to perse-
cute heretics by means of corporal punish-
ments, far from being supported by the Holy
Scriptures, is diametrically opposed to that
mildness which distinguishes them all, and so
strongly recommends them with their very
enemies.
The defenders of the .Inquisirionjunmind-
ful of the proofsjust alleged, or rather, without
having ;fully weighed their merits or examined
the matter with due consideration, pretend to
find in Jesus Christ and his apostles examples
to authorise this rigour. Our divine Saviour, .
say they, with a scourge drove the traders from
26 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. I.

the temple who bought and sold therein."

After his ascension to heaven, he also ap-
peared to Saul when persecuting the Chris-
tians, and struck him down from his horse,
leaving him without sight. t It really appears
incredible that reasons so weak as these
should be alleged in opposition to. the testi-
monies and examples above quoted. Can the
measure resorted to by Jesus Christ against
those who profaned the house of prayer, and
which ought to have been done by those who
were charged with the care and good order
thereof, be compared to the confiscation of
property, perpetual imprisonment, and stigma
of in fumy, used by the Inquisition against its
victims? not to speak of the torture it also
inflicts, nor the punishment of death, for
which by its sentence it givC$the signal,al-
though executed by the civil magistrate.
The argument drawn from the conversion of
Saul, besides amounting to no conclusive evi-
dence in consequence of the above answer
being also applicable to it, if.,ur~ at all,
.ouldprove that the ¢bur~ ean el'e.r~ thi,
I'igour againlt those who ~ea' ent.er4d iate

'l\l s. Jo\1an. ~. ii, v, l~.

tAct. AiJost. cap. ix. v.40.
CHAP.I.J INQUISITION UNMASKED. 21
its bosom, an error which our opponents
themselves will not admit."
Simon Magus, add they, raises himself up

'" Some of the writings which have appeared in de-

fence of the Inquisition give the term of whip to the
scourge with which Christ drove from the temple those
who profaned it; when, according to the text, it was no
other than certain cords found there, and which he formed
into a bundle, something like a discipline. " Et lJUum
fecisset quasi flagellum de funiculis!' Great stress haa
been laid on thia occurrence by a recent author in favour
of the Inquisition, who observes that Jesus Christ him-
sell~ as if forgetful of his meekness, formed the whip,
chastised severely with his own hands, and with a ahout ()f
fury that alarmed the whole people," &c; Certainly this
is a picture more applicable to the case of a slave-driver
punishing a parcel of galley-aJaves witk his thong, than to a
God-man, such as Jesus Christ is represented in the GOlIpel,
always accompanied by benevolence and majesty. Similar
expressions are used by the same author respecting the
conversion of Saul, which, he says, "our Saviour effected
by punishing him severely, with a terrible fall from JUa
horse aud blindllellJ, aad by obliging him to eoter m~ the
church and the apostleship." Nevertheless t~ fall of
Saul cannot be called a punishment, not was it terrible, for
he received no other stroke d.lan that of tight, which
'blinded him by its greatness. N~ther was it the fall or
bliodness he experienced whioh obliged him to enter into
the church, and much less into the apostleship; since most
MSuredly both were effected by the &ppell'Nfice of Jesus
Christ, by the illumination IX tt. undcrstandiW( and the
power of persuasion. '
 28 INQUISITION UNi\IASKED. [CHAP. I.

into the air by the aid of infernal spirits, and

St. Peter by means of prayer, causes him to
fall down, by which both his legs are broken."
Ananias and Sapphira lie to the Holy Ghost,
and die when reproached by the same apos-
tle. t Elymas, the false prophet, impedes the
fruits of the gospel, and St. Paul, by means of
prayer, punishes him with blindness.j From
these prodigies it is that the enemies of meek-
ness deduce that corporal punishment, even
though it amount to death, is not opposed to
the spirit of religion. In answer it might be
retorted, let the inquisitors do as much them-
selves, and we shall then be convinced that
these arguments in the present question
really possess the weight it is pretended to
give to them. Nevertheless, how great must
110t be the confusion experienced by a go-
vernment that seeks to regulate its ordinary
administration by acts out of the common
order of things? Those who first introduced,
as well as they who for centuries sustained,
.• in the tribunals of Europe, the use of ordeals
for the discovery of truth, which they termed
the judgments of God, defended this practice

* OraL Hist. Eccles. tom. i.Jib. ii. cap. xix.

• tAct. Apost. cap. v. v. 1, &c.
t Act. Apost. cap. xiii, v. 6.&c.
CHAP.l.J INQUISITION UNMASKED. 29

on the trial by bitter water, established by

Moses in order to prove, by a miracle, the
crime or innocence of the woman accused of
adultery. If, as pretended by the apologists
of rigour, it is prudent and just to appeal to
reasons of this kind, it would follow that the
writers, magistrates and prelates who sup-
ported the above practice were correct in the
principle laid down. Yet, in the lapse of
time, knowledge and better judgment suc-
ceeded to ignorance and prejudice, and those
proofs and ordeals which till then had been
considered not only as reasonable, but also
as supported by religion and adapted to
strengthen the piety of the people, were pro-
scribed as absurd, because they answered no
purpose whatever; as unjust, because they
implicated the property, reputation, and life
of the innocent; and as impious and sacri-
legious, because by them God was mocked,
and his worship dishonoured. In speaking
of these ordeals I ought to observe, that the
middle ages, in which they most prevailed,
was precisely the period which gave birth to
the Inquisition." Besides this answer, which

* Every onethe least versed in church history know,

bow much the ordeals or trials for the inveatigatioD of
 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. I.

may be indistinctly applied to all arguments

founded on miraculous occurrences, it would

truth by cold and boiling water and hot iron were formerly
used and authorized. Even a mass was for that purpose
established, called the Mass of Judgment, in which, after
several prayers, invoking God to concur with his special
aid in the discovery of what was desired, those who were
to be tried received the communion, at which the priest
pronounced these words :-" Corpus hoc et sanguis Domini
nostri sint tibi ad probationem hodie;" When the mass was
ended, the priest went to the spot where the trial was' to
take place, and there blessed the water which he gave
&hem to drink, saying,-" HtXC aqua fiat tibi ad proba-
lionem;" adding a deprecation suited to the probation
about to be made. It is evident that in this last ceremony
allusion is made to the law of jealousy, as explained in
Numbers, chap. 5. Thus a practice even so inconsistent
til this was at length considered as established by God,

approved by the Holy See, as well as confirmed by expe-

rien~ and as such recommended in $e ritual in the
.foUowillg words:-" Hoc qutem judicium crea'Vit omni-
potens Deus, et verum est, et per Dominum Eugenium II.
Apostolicum inventum est, ut omnes Episcopi, Abbates,
Comites, seu omnes Christiani per universum orbem id ~-
servaT~ studeant; quia a multu proiJatum est el 'lIeT1lmi.-
'lJeRtum est." Vide Van Spen, "Jur. Eccles." piu14.
tit. ix. cap. iv,
The ordeal, or a form of trial for the discovery of inno-
cence ex guilt, was also practised i~ England, from the
time of Edward the COllfessor till it was abolished by
Henry Ill. Vide BI~~s <;ommeId8rio, book iv.
chap.XPii.-Ta.
CHAP. I.] IN'lUISITION UNMASKED. Sl

otherwise be necessary further to grant, in

conformity to the facts already quoted, that
ecclesiastics, independently of the civil
power, are allowed to execute the sen-
tence of death against those who have
abandoned their religion, or even against
persons who have simply been wanting to
the truth.
The object of Providence in the punish-
ment inflicted by the apostles is manifested.
in Scripture, immediately after the passage re-
lating to the death of Ananias and Sapphira.
" And great fear came upon all the church,
and upon as many as heard these things. Of
the strangers, no one dared join himself to
the apostles .; bQt the people8JagnUiett
them :". that is, the admiration of the .d()lCo.
trin e announced by the apo8tles, and rt-l. the
spect paid to their persons were the two
great sensations excited in the people by that
singukr eloqueace, tin 'thet!unknown. ,The
same .sign. is visibie iR the blindness of
Elymas, ~ I.totlte following words: .....

• Act. Apost. cap. v, v. 11. "Etfactus est timor

mag"u6 in universa ICClesid,et in omnes quiaudierunt luec.
--Y. 13. Ceterorum autem nemo Q1ttlelJat se .ctmjungere :illi"

(apostolia) led magnificabat eOI populu8."

1
 �2 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. I.

" Then the deputy, when he saw what was

done, believed, being astonished at the doc-
trine of the Lord."> Let those who quote
similar passages in defence of their 'argu-
ments candidly answer, and tell us, whether it
was rigour that drew forth this admiration
and respect, or rather whether it was not the
power of God miraculously employed on
these occasions. And-since the rigour of the
Inquisition does not possess this circumstance
in its favour, will the effects it produces be
those of admiration and respect for the doc-
trine of Jesus Christ and his ministers? Will
not rather the whole fruit of this rigonf be the
discredit of religion, and the odium of those
who in this manner defend it? There can
be no doubt that the faith of Jesus Christ
ought to be sustained and propagated by
the ordinary. means he himself established,
and that, consequently, the reasons brought
forward in defence of a practice so incompati-
ble with his meekness must ever be con-
sidered as frivolous and unfounded. It may
be replied, that the Inquisition overcomes this

* Act. Apost. cap. xiii. v. 12. cc Tunc proconsul tjuum

'fJidiuet factum, credidit atlmira1&lsuper doctri1I4 D0-
mini."

7
 ClIAP.I.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 3j

objection, by the entreaty or rather protest it

makes to the civil magistrate, purporting that
it is not its intention to co-operate in the
death of the eriminal- it delivers over, to him
for execution. . How insignificant. this out-
ward ceremony is, and it certainly.meritsno
better a name, will be seen in its proper
place. In the mean time, it must appear evi-
dent that such a precaution can be held in no
other light than as illusive, notwithstanding
the Popes thought proper to dispense with
this irregularity incurred by the inquisitors,
a dispensation which would have been en-
tirely unnecessary if the functions annexed
to this institution were not accompanied by
a severity little conformable to the sacer-
dotal ministry," It ought not, however,

• Boniface VIII. granted a dispensation to prelate.

exercising criminal jurisdiction, in the quality of lords over
vassals, in order to remove all. irregularity Oil their part.
Innocent III. did the same in behalf ot bishops delivering
over clergymen to the civil magistracy, on condition that
they should forthwith pray earpestly for them.· Under "-
both these provisions the inquisitors suppose themselves
comprehended; but Urban IV. besides granted them the
power mutually to absolve each other of any irregularity .
.Pius V. extended to the inquisitors as well as to th ...ir com-
missaries and counsellors, the same dispeasation from irre-
VOL. I. D
$4 INQUi~ITIONUNHAIKE'D. [CH P. t.

hence to be inferred, that these ·functions

are now less opposed than fo~ly to th
doctrine of Jesus Chrisc : the law '1'naysus-
pend the effects which emanate fto1Vl its
authority, but not tnose Which ia'l'iiseout of
the nature of'things,
But why dwell on this point, when each
ODe of us in his own experience is possessed
of the .most convincing :proofS of this rr th?
!A-re'th'e formidable ideas we from 'childhood
entertain of the Inquisition, and the terror
with which 'this 'tribunal ,has filled all Europe,
America, and part of Asia, the effects of its
meekness, or of its ligour ? Terror is the
term given by Mariana to the sensations pr~
dnced .in the minds of dIe Castilians by the
bloody 'scenes which accompanied the intro-
duction of the tribunal into Castile, and
Zurita testifies that the same 'was .exclted in
the breasts of the Aragonese. Sandoval
also asserts that, in 'order to terrify the

guTarity,which his predecessor Paul 'IV. -granted to thOse

who give their opinion to the 'Pope, in i!'aU!eS relating 'to
torture, mutilation of members, or ealiital punishmente-«
De V-erbor, signif. cap. xxvii, and DeHom, cap. ii, in 6.-
Pefia, Ad Direct, Inqwsit. part 5, 'Cbm. lxii. and part
2,~om. n.
.&UAP. I. J INQTJ'ISITIO)f UNMASJaD. S5
oors and converted Jews, it was transferred
hy Charles V. from Jaen to Granada And
!Fuenmayor, adding, that it was not .alone
aUlong the common people that the name of
this tribunal infused terror, but also among
'all classes." Were .any one, ignorant of -the
spirit of Christianity, 10 hear that the most
terrible tribunal ever known was under the
charge of priests, calling themselves the most
zealous ministers of religion, how would he
be induoed to believe that this me reli ion
is pre-eminent fO,1" its meekness, and that its
author, God, in order to give us the mo t im-
pressive lessons of this virtue, be arne rna.
and died on a cross? The existence of the
Inquisition is a calumny against the Christian
1~ligion, and a scandal to public morals; for
it excites .in those who profess any other
worship, as well as .in 1ihe unlettered part
of the faithful, mistaken -notions with re-
gard to one of its most eminent qualities,
viz, meekness; and, besides, obliges the

.. Geronimo Zurita, Anales de Arllgqn, lib. xx, cap.~5.

-Juan de Mariana, .Hist, de E~pana, lib. xxiv, cap. xvji.
-D. Fr. Prudencio Sandoval, Historia del Emperadoe
Carlos V. lib. xiv. § xviii.-Antonio de Fuenmayor, Vida
-1 Heehoa de Pia V.lib. i.
D .2
,36 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. r,

learn-ed to stigmatize the conduct of ecclesi-

.astics, as being incompatible with the mo-
.deration they preach in the pulpit, and
which they ought more forcibly to teach
by example.
It would argue a misconception of the
.religion of Jesus Christ, and a complete
:ignorance of the theory and practice of the
.Inquisition, to maintain that any analogy
exists between them. To what a length 'this
tribunal has carried its violence will be fully
seen jn the course of this dissertation. The
meekness of the Christian religion, sufficiently
proved by the arguments already adduced,
is thus elegantly described by a modern
.author : " The religion of Jesus Christ," says
'he, " has inits nature the love of order 'and
justice. It abhors theexces~es .in which the
:impic)t]s (ariclhe might, have-added thepa-
-trons of the Inquisition) attempt to implicate
it, by 'confounding it with fanaticism'. It
detests persecution, and' highly reproves the
false zeal of those who pretend to propagate
'and defend it by force and terror. In pro-
,portion' as it :is strong and powerful, it is
loving and compassionate; its irresistible
power being the effect of this same benevo-
CiIAP. I.J INQUISITION UNl\IASKED.. 37·

lence. It disdains violent measures, for it has

others much more efficacious. The empire;
of which it boasts is nottha.,t which is exec-:-:
cised over, the body, .leaving the,' soul .sti~t
mote -rebellious and corrupted. It_~,in t!le
understanding and the heart that it delights~
to reign, and persuasion and love are the.
only means by which it therein establishes,
its throne. It looks for children, and not.
slaves. Religion does not stand in need of
appeals to force, since it is composed of hum.
ble disciples, of docile hearts, and sincere
adorers, actuated by a mild but powerful
principle which triumphs over every obstacle,
and converts its most cruel persecutors into
fervent apostles. At the same time that it is
firm, severe, and inexorable against sin, it is
full of sweetness, beneficence, and of charity
towards the sinner. The Christian religion
unceasingly repeats to its children, and above
all to its ministers, that the spirit of the
Gospel is a spirit of patience, of mildness,
and forbearance; that its ministryis the mi-
nistry of peace, of reconciliation, and of
health; and moreover, that they should never
forget that they are the disciples of a God
who died for his enemies, as well as the sue-
53 ~<tt1XII't:Ml' 't1l"MARE:D. [e:lu,~.
r,
cesSOlS t1f 'Venej'ab}~.melt who, sealing with
their blood the truths' of the faith, prayed
for their persecutors and exectidbYt5. In
shott, religion, far from being the author and
accomplice of the disasters which fan~ti~iSI11
has caused to the world, detests them with
mOte siIicetity. and <!MdemIi& them with
JMr-e" firmness; than the iUc~ulemthem.
~hteS."·

* Apologie de la Religion Chretienne, 'Printed in Pari ..

i1' year of the Republic.
 CHAPTER Jr.

The System of Rigour adopted hy thisTribunal

is opposed to the Doctrine 0/ the Holy Fa-
thers and the Discipline of the Church in
its most happy Times."

IT suffices to know that meekness is one of

the virtues that shone most in Jesus Christ

• The discipline of the Church constitutes a science

which most of the partisans of the Inquisition, not with.
litllodiog they are ecclesiastica, know not even by name,
and which others who have heard of it only ~ ioto their
mouths for the purposes of blasphemy. AmOlig the latter
may be reckoned the authors of the periodical work called
El Filosofo Rancio, and, under this title, Father Francisco
.Alvarado, whom the inquisitorial party seem to have
chosen as another Hereales, not for the purpose of destroy-
ing the ~o hydra, but to defend it with 8wOrd and
buckler. This Father, in hj.sLetter I. observestbat " good
faith, not to use _other tenD, c:ausetl our former govern-
ments, under a with to enlight~ theaation, to give vogue
to that iofiWte number of novelties which the French
introduced among us in matters of philcsophy, law, ecole-
aiastica1 discipline," &c. Some writers, for the want of
correct information, sometimes condemn as anti-religious
novelties the very practices used in the Church long
04.0 INQUISITION UNMASKE~. [CHAP. II.

and his apostles, in order to remove all doubt

of its being equally possessed in a high
degree by the ancient Christians. The disci-
pline of the Church in the first ages was near
its origin, and consequently must have been
preserved pure, in like manner as the stream
is clearest when least distant from the foun-
tain-head. The meekness, therefore, taught
and practised by the legislator and promul-
gators of the Gospel must forcibly point out
to us the lenity which so much distinguished
the writings of the Holy Fathers. Their
doctrine, and' the examples by which they
confirmed it, are additional proofs of the de-

before those were introduced which they now venerate for

their antiquity. Others again, better informed, and sensi-
ble of the weight of this observation, nevertheless assert,
that it is not just to revive antiquated customs, as being
incompatible with the political system of modern nations.
This is by no means at what we now aim; yet they ought
never to lose sight of the flourishing ages of the Church,
in order that the virtues of our fathers may serve as exam-
ples to their children; and they ought moreover to watch
that the exterior legislation of the church, notwithstanding
it is made suitable to the present times;. does not degene-
rate from the spirit of the early ages. This is what is 80

strongly inculcated i~ all the ecclesiastical councils, and

also forms the chief basis of this .dissertation, in which the
truly new abuses introduced among us by the Inquisition
will be fully exhibited.
CHAP. II.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 41

generation of the after ages, since such an

establishment as that we are about to depict
then found patronage and support.
St. Cyprian, pointing out the difference
between the sentiments which .ought to ani-
mate the ministers of the church of' Jesus
Christ and those which directed the priests
of the Synagogue in their conduct towards
the refractory, considers each profession ac-
cording to its nature, and states as the chief
reason of this difference, that in the Syna-
gogue every thing was material and figurative,
whereas in the true Church every thing is 8pi~
rit and truth. "God," says he, " commanded
the punishment of death to be inflicted on
those who refused to obey their priests, as
judges constituted by himselfi which might be
advisable at a period when the circumcision
was carnal; but now that the circumcision is
spiritual, the proud and contumacious servants
of his house, which is the Church, ought to be
exterminated with a sword in like manner
spiritual, by their. being cast out therefrom,
and thus deprived of life; for the true house
of God is no other than one, and no one
unless in it obtains salvation."?

'* S. Cyprian, epist, lxii.

 (OS lNQUISJTroN UN'Jd.ASKE}). [CHAP. JL

When the Fathers of the Council of Sar-

dica prayed Constantius to restrain the fury
of the Arians, who, availing thelllSelves of
the influence their sect had gained over
the mind of that Emperor, resorted to every
species of persecution in order to destroy the
Catholics, they thus expressed themselves:
t.f We ask prong beyond the Uberty of our
Creed, and consequently that wo be not
compelled to contaminate ourselves with
Arianism, by persecution, prisons, and tri-
bunals, under all the forms of terror, together
with the invention of exquisite torments,
being employed against us. Jau, Christ
t6ught, rather than exacted, the knowledge of
himself; and exciting admiration and respect
.for the precepts of his faith by means of IOU....
.des, he never forced allY one to belifie it•.
If violence of this kind was appealed to on
the part· of the Catholics the bishops would
be the first to declare against it, on the pie.
that God being the Lord of the Unive,.e
stands' in need of no one, muoh •• of •
'beart that refuses to kp(w him. They wooW
M,., dIat God itt not to be deceived by di$-
simulation, but that his grace i,to be merited
by a true submission; that if he commands
us to offer him our homage, it is not for his
CItAP. II.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 48

good, but for ours; that be cannot receive

anyone who does not tender himself, hear
any but him who prays, nor mark as his 01f11
anyone who does not cordially profess his
religion. They would say, that candour is the
only road by which he is to be sought; that
he is to be. known by the diligent study of
the faith, and that he can love him only who
has charity. Finally, they would add, that his
good-will is obtained by filial fear, and the
only means of retaining it is probity."·
The maxims of mildness towards heretic.
are inculcated by St. Chrysostom in many
passages of his works, particularly in the
following: " We ought to fight against here-
tics, not to throw down those who are up- '
tight, but to raise up those who are fallen;
for the war which is incumbent on us is not
that which gives death to the living, but that
which restores life to the dead, seeing that our
arms are meekness and benignity. In thia
contest we ought therefore to rely not so
much on acts as on words, fur it is not the
heretic, but the heresy, which we persecute;
and we detest not him who errs, but the error,
which is the only thing we are to persecute

* S. Hilarius, lib. ad Constantium August.

7
 4o.f. INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. II.

and extirpate. Our war is not with men, the

work of- God,' but with opinions which the
devil has depraved. The physician, when he
cures a patient, does not attack the body, but:
the disorder under which it labours. In the
same manner dealing with heretics, we ought
not to injure them in person, hut seek to
remove the error of the understanding and
the evil of the heart. Finally, we ought
always to be disposed to submit to persecu-
tion, and not to persecute; to suffer griev-
ances, and not to cause them. It is in
this manner Jesus Christ conquered, since
he was nailed to a cross-he did not crucify
otbers.">
St. Hilary highly extols the delicacy of the
Church in this particular, and even makes a
contrast of the state of discipline during the
three ages which preceded him with that of
his own time, when, owing to the opinions
of some bishops, it was verging towards that
decline afterwards experienced. " Above all,"
says he, " it wrings the heart and causes the,
tears to flow to behold the weakness of the
present generation in adopting certain absurd
opinions already prevailing, one of which is,
that men ought to patronize God by concili-
" S. Johan, Chrysost. De S. Hiero Martyre, JI. ii.
CHAP.II.] INQUISITIO:S UNMASKED. ofdS

ating the power of the age,in order by this

means to sustain. the Church of Jesus Christ.
Tell me, ye bishops who are of this way of
thinking, of what aid did the .apostles avail
themselves when they preached the Gospel;
or to what great ones of the .earth did they
recur in order to convert, as in fact they did,
-almost all nations from idolatry to the wor-
ship of the true God? Was it in palaces that
they sought favour, when under the scourge
and in chains, they sang hymns in praise to
the Lord? Was St. Paul perchance authorized
with imperial decrees when, through hi8 great
labours made the object of astonishment to
the whole world, he allured nations to the
Church of Jesus Christ? Did he find patrons
in a-Nero, a Vespasian, or a Decius, when it
was their persecutions that so much fructified
the seed of his preaching? Did not the apos-
tles' hold, as we now do, the keys of the king-
dom of Heaven, although they were obliged
-to live by the work of their hands, and 'under
the necessity of celebrating .the divine mys-
teries in cenatories and other solitary places,
travelling by sea and land through various
countries, visiting even villages and farms;
and this in direct contravention to the de-
crees of the senate and Emperor? Is it not
 �6 JNQUl!ITION UNiMAUED. r CHAP. II.

certain that the Gospel was then preached

with the greatest courage and success, and
that the more obstacles were opposed to its
effects the more did its power triumph over
that ef tyrants? But now what an unfor-
. tunate reverse! It is now pretended to SIJP"
port the .divine faith 'by means of human
authority; .and whilst it is ostentatiously
so~gbt to add to the name of Jesus, his power
is tOOllflidered las diminished. '['he same
Ohunoh, that fOl'lmerIiY thr.o..ugh'the endurance
of -ohains, persecations, and 'banishment, ex-
eeaded .its 'ifaitlI~1Il00v diffuses -tereor lby means
of preeoriptiens and :prisons, seeking to lDe
believed ,tmmIgh '1lhcJeffucts afforce. lIt now
seeks ,to -ewe tiltslpfiI'Illlanenc}':to .the power of
-those ·who ase -of its own eommunion, when
it was through ,the fury of those who were
its persecutors that tit was formerly .censnli-
dat~. It now ·banishes -the priests ,of rthose
same .seets which anciently drove its fawn
ministers inte exile. JIn short, that same,
Church now .seeks to be applauded by the
world whioh only by being hated of men can
be pleasing to her spouse. When, with such
scandalous abuses before me, I compare the
Church of the present times with that which
Jesu-s Christ confided to our ancestors, J
(lHA-~.-iI.J INQu'J:tITION. UNMASKED; 4'7

~nnot 'bat exclaim 'that it has undetg<me

the most deplorable change," *'
. St. -Jerome, commenting on these wor-ds
~f the Larnentations cif Jeremiah. '" Recedite
pol/uri ,tlama'oerunt -eis,'" thus observes: c'SU'Ch
~s the 1anguage of those proud shepherds who
take under their special care the choice -of
-th'e.'flock,and leave the weak pottions thereof ,
%.l a neglected state, without taking care that
Jtbe lean sheep regain their strength, or that
(the distempered recover from disease. Keep
at a distance.say they,ye who are infected,de-
part, disappear, nor ever dare to approach and
'Communicate ,\v}1Jh us; your wounds are mer-
,tal, your SOl es are gangrened, ye are unworthy
11f Christian in'terconrse anll of the Holy
Ghost -again 'returning te dwell within you.
Conduct like this, instead of 'giving sigbt to
the 'bli", health to :the invalid, and 'of in-
Ifusing :roilrageand Vigour.into -him Who is
~ismayed, -eccasions deat!h, by impelling him
to d:espair. The prelates who fulla th~·llut'y,
-andmeasure the weakness of It heir neighbour
by itheir own, endeavour to disentangle sin.
-ners 'from the snares of error by means df
humility and meekness, 'rather than 'by their

'. CS.-Hilar.lib,'contra 'Amcedtium. .

 ·8 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. II.

harshness to precipitate them down the abyss

ofcondemnation," '* It is indeed true that
St. Jerome here speaks of the charity and
sweetness with which all sinners ought to be
treated, but for the same reason he does not
exclude those who have sinned against the
faith. .., . '
The .Ietter of St~Augl,lstin, to Donatus,
proconsul of Africa,' deserves. to be 'copied
,here entire, for it clearly demonstrates what
was the spirit of the Church with regard to
the punishment of heretics at the time it was
written. It is as follows: " It is indeed pain-
.ful to reflect that the Church of Africa is in
such a situation as to require the aid of civil
authorities. But, on the other hand, there
,being, according to the apostle, no power on
earth which does not emanate from-God, it
.may truly be said that when ye who' are in-
vested with dignity use it in defence of our
mother the holy Catholic Church, our aid is
then in the Lord who made heaven and earth.
For who, most illustrious sir and son deserving
of our praises, can avoid discovering amidst
the many ills which afHict us that, from the bril-
liancy of your talents and your great zeal for

.. S. Hieron, COlD. in Jerem. Thren, cap. iv, v.xv.

CHAP. II.] INQUISITION UNl\IASKED. 49

the religion of Jesus Christ, providence has

placed you at the head of the government in
order to restrain, by means of power and good-
will, the enemies of the Church in their wicked
and sacrilegious attempts? It is my duty,
nevertheless, to caution you against one thing,
which is that your very justice makes us
apprehend, that as all grievances caused to
the Christian society by these ungrateful and
impious men are more criminal than those
done to the state, you may be induced to
punish them with every rigour, urged rather
by the enormity of their crime than bearing
in mind the meekness of the religion against
which they have sinned. Let not this be the
case we beseech you for the sake of Jesus
Christ, since we do not seek to be avenged on
earth; nor is it just that the persecutions we
suffer should make such an impression on our
minds as to cause us to forget the commands
of our Redeemer, for whose faith and name
we endure them, and for whom we actually
love our enemies and unceasingly pray for
them. We desire, it is true, that the severity
of the laws and of the judges may be em-
ployed for their reform, but not to deprive
them of life; that the government watch
over their conduct, but without applying
YOLo I. E
50 INQUISITIONUNMASKED.[cHA:p.n.

against them all the punishment they deserve;

that their excesses may be restrained, but not
that they be placed in such a situation as to
prevent repentance."
" We beseech you, 'therefore, that when
anyone of us shall represent to you that the
'Church has been grievously injured, or you
may in any other way; have learnt her afflic-
tions, that you do not remember 'that 'you
are the arbiter of life and death '; but, on the
contrary, that you be ever mindful of this
our petition. Attend, oh! illustrious and
much-beloved son, to our mediation in favour
.of Ute lives of those to whom ''We'beseech
God to grant .'amendment; for besides its
being the duty of us ecclesiastics never to
desist from the practice of overcoming evil
with .good, it is necessary you should con-
sider, 'as from prudence we hope you will,
that nO'enc, except ourselves, informs you of
the injuries done to the Church. For this
same reason, if you think of inflicting death
on those we denounce, you prevent us frOID
applying to your tribunal, and they will then
i_come more..insolent ;'s~nce, at all events,
'we-"uuw!d prefer to be:sacrificed ourselves
J'atbel1than be instrumental to their suffering
capital p1lDishment."
 CHAP. II.] INQUISITI<>N UNMASKED. 51

" I, in short, for my own part, again

beseech you kindly to receive this my ex-
hortation, or this my remonstrance and hum-
ble request; and I flatter myself that I am
authorized to expect this favour, eventhough
you were invested with a higher dignity and
I no other than a private individual. Never-
theless cause it, as soon as possible, to be
made known to the Donatists that the pro",
clamations you issued, against them, and
which they .consider no longer in force, arc
still in full vigour, to the end that, t;!ley allow
the Catholics to remain quiet. As for the
rest, the means of rendering our exertions
fur their conversion effectual will be by
re&tr~u.ing in such manner, through you~
own measures, this proud and petulant s~
th~t they may never be able to boast enduring,
fol' the good cause, the vexations aimed
. against it; since it is rather indispensably
nece&S~, when they have been convicted
ot their crim~lJ in your tribunal, or any other
Inferior one, th:~t ever,y exertion ,h~uld be
I;O:J.deto convince them of the truth of the
faith, by causing them to reform their opi-
nio.n~and to contribute to the conversion of
i' . ,

the others. Because it cannot be denied that

it is a fruitless task to seek to compel a man
£2
.52 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. U.

to' embrace good and withdraw from evil,

however great this may be, unless it is
through the way of persuasion.t'" So far St.
Augustin.
It is unnecessary to add more testimonies
from the Holy Fathers, in support of my
argument. Those already quoted are more
than sufficient to prove, that the meekness of
jesus Christ towards the wayward, and as
practised and promulgated by the apostles,
was also the countersign of all the doctors of
the Church, who transmitted it in numerous
passages of their writings as an edifying lesson
to posterity. These writings amply testify
that the conduct of the ministers ofthe gos-
pel, with regard to persons straying from the
fold, ought to be very different to that ob-
served by the ancient priests towards those
who abandoned the law of Moses; that the
most pure zeal for the Christian religion ought
always to be accompanied by genuine and
beneficent charity; that the mild empire of a
crucified Lord unceasingly calls for freedom
in favour of those who submit to it; that the
acquisition of new believers, and the retention
of'old ones, is only appreciated by the Church

• S. August. Epist, C,
 CHAP. II.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 55

when they enter and remain in the bosom

thereof, by means of divine unction and per-
suasion; and finally, that if at any time it
should be necessary to appeal to the powers
of the earth, in order to check the wicked in
their career of self-perdition, it ought only to be
done when the natural defence of the church
requires it, or the amendment of the refrac-
tory, by means of a correction so
moderate
as truly to deserve the name of paternal.
Notwithstanding, however, the words of
the above-mentioned Holy Fathers are so
clear and decisive in favour of my object,
those of a different opinion nevertheless con-
ceive that their authority may also Ire alleged
in a contrary sense.· It is in St. Augustin,

• However, I here except the author of the Nuevo

Reflexionador. who, in his letter to the Anti-apologist of
the Inquisition. enraged that the latter should make .use of
the Scriptures and Holy Fathers in order to prove that
the Inquisition ought to be abolished, replies to him in the
following words: " Are you in your right senses? What!
could the sacred writers impugn an establishment with
which they were not even acquainted l" Hence am I in-
clined to infer. that the Nuevo Reflextonador w~uld not
wish to join with those of his own party when they quote
the Scriptures and Holy Fathers in favour of the Inqui-
'ition, for in this case the same retort might be made.
How dGes it happen, I would ask him, that a religious
54 1N'Qt1I8tTION't1l1tMAIlDD. ( CHAP. II.

'more particularly, they pretend to find inoon-

-trovertible proofs that the church, without
being wanting to the duties of mildness, may
'avail itself of the zeal of the civil power, and
Tesort to corporal punishments, in order to
restrain heretics committing violence against
her ,as well as for the purpose of obliging
them teeeek reconciliation. It is indeed
trnethat this Holy Fathet" comesses of him-
self, that being formerly of opinion that the
Donatists ought not to be persecuted with
any other arms than those of argument, the
examples of conversions effected by the rigour
'of the laws as presented to 'him by some of
'he hislropsof Mrica, were so numerous and
80 striking, that they obliged him to alter his

sentiments. I am fully sensible of the force

of -this objection, but far from being thereby
convinced, I believe with Bayle, :Basnage,

establishment cannot be defended or impugned by argu-

ments taken from the sacred writers, because they were
anterior to it~ foundation? How is it, I would again ask
him, that the Inquisition has been able to proceed in cases
of new sectaries, unless it has recurred to scripture and
tradition in order to decide on ,their doctrines? Is it, per-
c:banl:e,that in .its judgments it bas been guided by the
prevail,iqgopinions of the age, or rather by the caprice of
tho.sein power? This, undoubtedly, has been the case,
but the time is now arrived for remedyil!gthe evil.
CHAP. II. ] INQUISITION UN1\IASKED. S5

Le Clerc, Barbeyrac, and Mosheim, that, on

this occasion, St. Augustin rather consulted
the apparent utility resulting to the Church
fWID an. unlimited protection on the part of
kings, than the true piety and justice on which
this protection ought to be founded. It is
not probable, I again say, that a man of the
first talents, who so openly maintained that
the conversion of the heart is the work of
the grace and goodness of God, should ever
wish to affirm, in the sense above argued,
that heretics ought to be converted by
means of fines, banishment, and, capital
punishments,
In order, however, to destroy the argu-
ment wb,ip4 the ~voca,tes of J:igoQ.~deduce
from this retractation of St. Augustin. and do
a;~ay with the imputation of par:ty feeling
alleged by the above-mentioned authors
against him, it would suffice to examine the
reasons which induced him to pronounce the
conversion of the Donatists as sincere, and
which, in fact, were the only ones that
obliged him to change his opinion. I say the
only ones, because those he quotes from the
Old and New Testament cannot be considered
so much in the Iight of solid proofs of the
truth of his proposition, as amplifications and
56 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. II.

embellishments of the idea it contains; since

they are all equally weak, as must appear to
anyone who reads them with an unprejudiced
mind. In a word, St. Augustin makes use of
these proofs not as a logician but as an
orator, more attentive to the elegance of his
statement than to the weight they might add
to an opinion which, in his own mind, was
alreadyproved by experience." In this point
of view, he thus replies to the Donatist Vi.
centius, who had reproached him for his new
way of thinking.
H I was formerly of opinion that no one
ought to be compelled to return to the bosom
of the church, under the impression that we
ought not to use any other arms than words;
that our contest ought to be 110 other than
argument; and that such only ought to be
esteemed as a victory which is gained through
the force of conviction; for otherwise those
would become feigned Catholics who before
were avowed heretics. But some of my com-

• The arguments St. Augustin takes from Scriptures, to

prove that it was lawful to use corporal punishments to~
wards heretics, in order to oblige them to return to the
bosom of the church, are re-produced by the apologists of
the Inquiaition, hut not in their true sense; the chief ones..
however, hne been answered in the preceding chapter.
CHAP. II.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 57
panions have since pressed me closely, not
with reasons but with facts, which they quoted
to me in great numbers, whence I have been
induced to adhere to their opinion. For they
argued with me from the example of the city
of my own residence. (Hippo,) which, having
formerly decided in favour of the heresy of
Donatus, was afterwards restored to the Ca-
tholic unity by means of the decrees of the
emperors; and this so cordially, that it now
hates the above heresy, and even appears never
to have belonged to it. They quoted similar
examples of other cities to me in such man-
ner that I conceived that what is said in
Proverbs may also be understood in this
sense : give instruction to a 'Wiseman, and he
will beyet wiser."·
" How many of them had we not among us,
as I afterwards was informed, who were de-
sirous of being converted, from a conviction
of the truth of 001' religion; nevertheless they
delayed it, in order not to expose themselves to
the animosity of their own party! How many
were withheld, not by a supposition that their
sect was founded in the truth, which most as-
~uredly they left out of the question, but by

• frov. cap. ixt Y. 9.

58 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. n.
a blind custom which rendered them callous,
so that it might be said of them, a servant 'Will
not be corrected 'lVith zoords : for though he
understand, he will not answer.~ How many
weFe there not who lived persuaded that
among the Donatists the true Church was to
be found, but through no other motive than
a natural carelessness, which rendered them
dun and sluggish to find it out! How, many
were kept back from entering therein by the
calumnies of certain malevolent persons, who
imputed to the Catholics the introduction of
I know not what novelties into religion!
How many, in short, who, believing it was of
DO consequence to be a Christian in this or
the other sect, continued in that of Donatus,
because they had been therein born, and be-
cause there was no one to withdraw tbe~ from
it, and lead them to the true Church! ..Hence
do they now rejoice with us that, in conse-
quence of the grievances they then suffered,
they were roused from the lethargy of in-
veterate habits, in which they would other-
wise infallibly have perished. It may indeed
be said that with some such measures do UQt
a~ To this 1 will answer, that the in-

*" Provo cap.uix. v. 19.

CHAP. n.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 59

curable diseases of some ought not to cause

the refusal of remedies to others seeking the
re-establishment of their health. We ought
not to be foiled by the obstinate, unwilling to
yield to persuasion, and of whom it is written,
in 'Cain did I chastise my children, tluzt they
might be welt educated. '*' It is necessary also
to attend to many others of whose amend-
ment we bear witness, to the great consolation
of our heart. Finally, I agree that it would
be exercising a tyrannical power to terrify
heretics without convincing them of their
error; but it is also undeniable, that their
inveterate habits will not suffer them to in-
cline to conviction, and will obstruct their
being led, unless it is very slowly, towards
the road of salvation, unless they are moved
by terror."t
This is the passage' of St. Augustin on
which the partisans of the Inquisition lay so
much stress, and which, from our desire to
throw every previous light on the question,
we have copied at full lengtlL This is the
memorable passage which, by not being pro-
perly understood, caused torrents of blood to
How during the dark ages, when religious
• Jerem. cap. ii, v. 30.
t S. August. Epist. cxiii.
 60 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. II.

wars were SO frequent. Wretched fate of

man, who seems destined to stumble on
error and death, where he ought to have ex-
pected the benefits of truth! However, if I
am not greatly deceived, it does not require
much penetration to discover the true mean-
ing of St. Augustin in this place, which, if
his words are only well considered, is the
same as that of the other Holy Fathers and
Sacred Writers, although in consequence of
the different circumstances of the times it is
presented with some degree of diversity. It
is, in the :first place, necessary to establish,
that the conduct of the Donatists towards the
Catholics was at length rendered so criminal,
and the persecutions excited against them so
cruel, that it became necessary to recur to the
protection of the laws, in order to withhold
men, who, impelled by a furious passion which
they termed religious zeal, had actually sub-
verted the order of society. They not only
forcibly re-baptized the Catholics, but they also
sacked and demolished their temples, assas-
sinated the clergy and bishops at the very
altars, burned out the eyes of others with
qmck;'lime, and even prohibited broad from
being sold to them in the- public places.
Under such conflicts, how the:refore cau it
CHAP. II.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 61

appear strange for the Catholics to implore

the protection of government; a protec-
tion which could not be denied them, even in
the quality of private citizens. As proof of
this, the first edict issued by Theodosius
against the Donatists, in the year 382, is
founded on the many acts of violence the,
had committed, and which undoubtedly would
have continued, if the authorities. had not ap-
plied an efficacious remedy." And as it was
perfectly just for the Catholics to appeal to
the safeguard of the laws, without their being
for that reason accused of persecuting the
sectaries, contrary to the spirit of religion,
when personal security was their only object,
why might not the same be allowed to St.
Augustin?
But, to pursue the argument. The Donatists
were the first who, refusing to abide by the
sentence of the bishops, before whom, at that
time, all differences arising among Christians
were carried, recurred to the emperor Con-
stantinns, complaining of Cecilianus, Bishop
of Carthage, respecting certain irregularities
they attributed to 'him, though their com-
plaint was attended with no other fruit than

it Vide Encyclopedie, Art. Donatistes.

6
6~ lNQUlSmm~ UN)U!lUD. [CHAP.U.

their own punishment for not substantiating

the accusation! preferred. What irregularity,
therefore, was there in the Catholics recur-
ring in their own defence to the very civil
tribunal which, in some measure, the heretics
had pointed out to them] By this testimony
of St. Augustin it appears, that the heretics
were the first who had recourse to the civil
authorities in order to avenge irtiuries arising
out of religious matters, a point to which
I particularly call the attention of the parti-
sans of rigour.?
This Holy Father does indeed maintain
that it is advisable to use some coercion
towards apostates, in order to induce them
to return to the bosom of the Church. This
new difficulty, however, disappears in the
same manner as the first, if the r~D. which
also Jed him to change his opinion in this
particular are maturely weighed. Many of
the Donatists here alluded to belonged to
that sect, not from any system or adhesion,
but because they dreaded the vengeance of
_ own sectaries if tbey abandoned them;
aa .ilnpedimeJ1t which ceased from the sao-
• 8. Aaptt. Epiat. cxiii. D. IS. " Quid no/1i.I o¥ci'U,"
illY' he to Vkentiua and his companions, .. qu04'llestrorum
(ww,jorJl.fll) pr .... io primillU fecit 'I
7
CHAP.n.] INQUISITION t:N~ASKED. 6'

ment the civil authority was on their side.

Others were retained undecisive, by a false
idea of certain practices admitted into the
Catholic Church, and which necessarily va-
nished as soon as they had received adequate
instruction. Others, in short, were held in
a profound lethargy hy a sluggish spirit,
addcd to a total indifference tor their own
well-being, from which it was impossible to
rouse them, unless active remedies were
tor that purpose employed. J t therefOre
results, that the J Jonatists, whom St. Augustin
aflirms to have returned within the pale of
the Church on being put in fear by the civil
power, scarcely suffered any coercion what.-
ever; or at least it was not such as to
authorize the violent measures of the JD-
quisition.
In the aforesaid passage it is, moreover,
manifested that the conduct of the ministers
of the Church towards apostates ought. to
resemble that of a physician in the ease of a
lethargic diseue,-of a father 'tVJlo seeb to
educate his children; that is, a moderate
rigour ought to be exercised agai1lst them,
Corresponding to the object in view, which
is not- the death of the patient, but his health
and.happiness. It is, infact, the persuasion
640 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. II.

of the mind and the amendment of the heart

that St. Augustin has in view in the persecu·
tion of those who have wandered from the
faith, without which their conversion would
only be apparent. It is the persuasion of
the understanding, I again repeat, without
which all dominion over' the will would be
tyrannical, which the Holy Doctor so un-
ceasingly inculcates ;-that same persuasion,
in short, by which he himself had been con-
verted from the sect of the Manichees to the
Catholic Church, was the means he wished
to be employed with regard to others.
However, should anyone not be sufficiently
convinced by the arguments just alleged, that
St. Augustin was, at all times, in favour of
meekness towards heretics, in the sense al-
Iuded to, let him listen to his own words
contained in that same letter to Vineentius,
in which the advocates of the Inquisition
impute to him a change of opinion. " There
is no doubt," says he, "that a moderate
rigour, accompanied by much benevolence,
ought to be used towards those Christians
who may have erred through the seduction
orwi~ed men, because they are possibly
sheep of Jesus Christ which have gone astray,
(that is, without great walice in their hearts,)
 CHAP. II.] INQUISITION UNM~SKED. 65

consequently it is only necessary to collect

them into the fold, causing them, by banish ..
ment and other corporal punishments, to
enter into themselves, to reflect on the cause
for which they suffer, and also to learn not
to give more credit to the vain opinions
and calumnies of man than to the Scriptures.
With regard, therefore, to the chastisement
to be inflicted on you, (speaking to the
heretics,) it is rather intended as a warning
to you than a real punishment."> 'rile Holy

• S. August. Epist. xciii, n.10. No pains can be too

great in order to clear \lP the opinion of so great a doctor
of the Church, which, from being misunderstood, had
caused so much injury. For this reason, as well as because
the passage above quoted furnishes a full confirmation of
toy text, I have thought it best to copy the original words
in this place: "Sed plane in eis qui SllO nomine Christi
errant,seducti a peroersis, ne forte oues Christi sint errantes,
et ad gregem taliter reoocanda sint, temperate seceritas, et
magis consuetudo servatur, ut coercitione esiliorum, atque
damnorom admoneant1lr ctmsiderare quid, quaFe patiantur,
et discant prt1!p01U!Ti!romorious, et calumniis kominum smp-
turas, quas legunt. QuU enim fIOd"",., .rpUs 'fJestrum non
kUdat leges ao imperatoribus dsla, tulwrSUI sacri.ficia pa-
ganorum f Et eerte longe ibi JUZna seoerior constituta est;
illi," rpiippe impietatis capitale supplicium est. De 'Vobis
autem corripiendis, atque coercendis !laMta ratio est, quo
potius ad",cmeremini ab errore di,cedere, quam pro seeter.
;puniremini. Pault enim fortaue dUun d, vobis dicit "".
YGL. I. F
66 INQUI ITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. II.

Doctor, on the same occasion, also affirms

that the name of Christian, borne by every
one who has been baptized, is an additional
motive for his being treated with more
benignity than was used in his time towards
idolaters, because the same are less distant
from the true Church; an opinion diametri-
cally opposed to that of the friends of the
Inquisition. It consequently becomes evi-
dent that the passage of St. Augustin, on
which the partisans of rigour lay so much
stress, does not so much contain a retractation
as a limitation of his former opinion, in which
he consents to the adoption of a certain
degree of corporeal punishment towards here-
tics, inducing them by the way of correction
to enter into themselves. Such was 'the state

ait Apostolus de Judeis : " Testimonium iUis perkibeo,

quia zelum Dei habent, sed non secundum scientiam. Igno-
rantes enim Dei justitiatll, et suam volentes eonstituere,
justitim Dei n01J sunt subjecti." (Ad Rom. cap. x, v.
!lll S.) He continues making a parallel between the
heretics and Jews, with regard to their mistaken ideas, and
he only excepts those who are " Scienies quid 'Verum sit,
et pro animositate sum pt'f1"I1eTsitatiscontra 'Veritatem, diam
ubi notissisnam, dimicantes; Horum quippe impietas etiam
idololaJriam forsitan superai, Sed quia non facile eDn'llinci
possunt (in animo namque latet hoc malum) omnes tarn-
qlUlm a nobis min-us alieni, le'IJioriseveritate coercentur:"
 CHAP. II.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 67
of ecclesiastical discipline, with regard to, the
treatment of apostates, at the beginning of
the fifth century,' the period at which St.
Augustin wrote; a state of discipline cer-.
tainly less brilliant than that which flourished
in the middle of the fourth age and during the
life-time of St. Hilary, but still incomparabfy
more perfect than the one which existed in
the. succeeding ages. And shall it be just
for the patrons of the Inquisition to quote
the discipline of the fifth century in support
of their establishment, when the records of a
brighter era are equally preserved? Thi tri-
bunal might even have been entitled to our
thanks, if it had not extended its rigour
beyond the limits prescribed by St. Augustin;
whose authority it is in vain to bring forward
in favour of such an establishment, since it
alone suffices to overturn it. The trial for
heresy approved of by this Holy Father was
public, and, as such, offered to the culprit all
the advantages publicity affords. The sen-
tence absolved the accused whenever he
solicited reconciliation; it was only in cases
of obstinacy that he 'was condemned to a loss
of property or banishment, but capital punish-
ment was never inflicted upon him. If the
latter was ever pronounced against here ics
F~
68 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. n.
for outrages committed against Catholics,
the bishops always interceded with the magis-
trates till they obtained their pardon. Thus
did St. Augustin himself intercede with Count
Marcelinus in favour of Donatists who had
killed a Catholic priest and mutilated ano-
ther; and with equal zeal, in the preceding
age, did St. Chrysostom intercede with the
people of Constantinople and' the Emperor,
in a discourse he pronounced in the patri-
archal church of that city, on behalf of Eu-
tropius, a patrician and consul, at that time
persecuted for his political and religious ex-
cesses. • According to the practice of those
very times if any bishop, forgetful of the
duties of his profession, attempted to punish
heretics with death, the others refused to hold

* S. August. Epist. cxxxili.-This discourse of St.

J. Chrysostom, which, notwithstanding it was extempore,
ill a master-piece of eloquence, I have translated from
Greek into Spanish, and shall lay it before the public as
soon as its attention can be called to objects unconnected
with the war and the formation of a new constitution. To
this version I will add another in Latin of an inedited
Greek panegyric in praise of St. Peter Philoptocus, or the
friend of the poor, found annexed to ~n old parchment
(,lOpyof the works of the above Holy Father. with as much
fidelity 88 .the injUry of time wiD admit, and to each
I lihall jein the original \ext.
CHAP.n.] IN~UISITION UNMASKED. 69

communication with him. This, in fact, hap-

pened to the two Spanish bishops, Idacius
and Ithacius, whom, for that very reason, St.
Ambrose and St. Martin of Tours excluded
from their communion." And has the Inqui-
sition, perchance, acted in this manner? If,
then, its system is so much opposed to that
practised in the Church during the time of
St. Augustin, on what grounds can the au-
thority of that Holy Father be now employed
in its support?
The argument thus taken and applied from
the authority of the above Holy Father, and
which may truly be called the key-stone of
the arch on which the edifice of the Inqui-
sition had been raised, is thus completely
destroyed. I shall therefore omit the minor
texts of the other Holy Fathers, which the
advocates of this tribunal equally allege in
their own favour, inasmuch as none of them
present the same difficulties as the preceding,
and, besides, the same solution is applicable
to all. Neither shall I take notice of the
objections which may be raised from the au-
thorities of the writers who flourished from
the {1thto the 13th century, the period when

* Fleury Disc. iv. sur L'H ist, Eccles. chap. xiv.

70 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. II.

the Inquisition was established, for they all

of them 'experienced the twilight which pre-
ceded or followed the 9th and 10th centuries.
In fact, so great was the haste of the clergy
to wander from the path of the Apostles and
primitive Christians in this particular, and so
great also their deviation, that the fourth
council of Toledo, held so early as the year
683, ordained that the Jews baptized by order
of Sisebutus should be compelled to remain
within the Catholic religion, notwithstand-
ing it was sensible of the violence with
which the above ceremony had been per-
formed."
An era, therefore, in which the discipline
of the Church had so much degenerated, it
cannot be expected could furnish models
capable of reforming that of our own time;

ito The LVI. cancn, as inserted in Dist, xlv, cap. v., is

as follows:-" Qui auiem jam pridem ad Christianitatem

coacti sunt 'Venire (sicut .factum est temporibus religiosissimi
principis Sisebuti) quia Jam constat eos sacramentis divinis '
sociato« baptismi gratiam sltScepUse, tt cArilmate ll1lefos
elfie, et corporis et sungHinis Domini eztitiue partiapel,

.tpOrtet ut ./Ult74 quam etiunwi 'Del necessitate lUSee-

fM'*nt, tenere cogantllT." The reason alleged by the
Council is very singular, riz. " Ne nomen Domini blos-
phemettlT, eI fides quam SIUCt!peTUnt 'lIilU et coiltemptibilis
ha6eat.r."
s
CHAP. II.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 71
nor, for the same reason, ought the opinions
which then prevailed to be of such weight as
to prevent us from now making the necessary
reforms.
I ought not, however, to pass over another
argument unnoticed, which does not so much
tend to arraign the truth of my position as
to elude the strength of the reasons on which
it is founded, or rather to destroy one of the
principal grounds of credibility the Christian
religion has in its favour. The friends of the
Inquisition argue that the faithful of the first
ages did not exhort monarchs to' proceed
against the enemies of the Church, because
the cross of Christ had not been yet placed
on their diadems; whereas persecution was
extremely frequent in those times, in which,
nevertheless, no other language could have
been adopted than that of forbearance. But,
add they, as circumstances altered by the
conversion of the Emperors to Christianity,
church-discipline also partook of another
form. By this, certainly, must be meant
that if the Christians of the primitive Church
displayed meekness and charity, even towards
their persecutors, it was because they had not
yet acquired sufficient strength to make
themselves feared, A chimerical evasion
72 IJI1QUISITlON tJNMASi{ED. [CHAP. It.

indeed, and as contrary to the truth of his-

tory as it is injurious to the memory of the
martyrs, whose intrepidity and serenity un-
der death and torments, as well as generosity
towards enemies:, at the same time that they
manifest the divine character of the religion
they taught, also contradict the calumny with
which it is attempted to tarnish their heroic
virtues, by giving them the appearance of
hypocrisy and weakness. If such sentiments
could be supposed to have existed in the
ancient Christians, and if it could be argued
that it was their intention to put the enemies
of the Church to death, under a belief that
they thus rendered a service to the faith, I
do not see how the death of a martyr had
any thing in it more admirable than that of a
malefactor, nor how it could be affirmed of
them that they were " lambs sent among
wolves," according to the expression of Jesus
Christ himself, since the propensities of nature
cannot be disguised; for the cub of· the
lordly ranger of the forest, though his talons
are not yet grown, in his temper cannot be
mistaken for the offspring of a milder race.
At least St. Augustin avails himself of this
cotnparison against the Donatists, who, when
persecuted for their opinions, boasted of
CHAP. I1.:l INQUISITION UNMASKED. 'S
meekness and toleration towards the Catho-
lics, against whom if they did not then
employ their fury, it was not so much for the
want of good-will as of power.s This contra-
diction of principles, for such at first sight it
appears, is a new confirmation that the mean-
ing of the Holy Doctor, in the whole of his
letter to Vincentius, is no other than that a
certain degree of correction may be used
towards heretics. Nothing, however, can so
effectually destroy so absurd an answer as
the testimony of two celebrated writers of
the ages of persecution, who concur in
stating that the Christians were not devoid
of means to avenge themselves of their ene-
mies, if they had so wished to act, but that
their spirit was that of meekness as received
from the Apostles and their Divine Master.
The first of them is T ertullian, who, address-
ing himself to the Gentiles, uses the follow-
ing words:
" Whom is it we can hate, when, by the
principles of our religion, .we are bound to
love even our enemies ?Whom is it we Can
offend, who are not allowed to avenge injuries,
because we consider revenge as the greatest of
crimes? Of this benignity I call on you to hear
• S. 1\ugust. Epist. cxui. n. 11.
7+ INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. II.

witness, ye magistrates, who have so often

aggrieved us, partly in order to fulfil the
laws, and partly at the instigation of your
own ferocious inclinations. With such inhu-
man treatments, say, what conspiracy plotted
by the Christians have ye discovered? or
what vengeance has been sought by men so re-
solved to die? And certainly it is not through
the deficiency of means, since torches are
not wanting to burn the whole city in one
night if we wished it. But far be from us
such an alienation of mind as to act as if
a religion which has God himself for its
author were to be avenged with fire lighted
up by the band of man; or that we refuse
to bear injuries, since by them virtue is best
purified. I will even add more. If it was our
wish tll avenge ourselves as declared enemies
should we be deficient in armies to effect eur
purpose i It was only the other day that we
appeared among you, and we already fill the
whole empire,-the cities, islands, castles,
towns, villages, camps, tribes, decurions, pa.-
lace, senate, and forum; in short, the temples
alone we leave unoccupied. to you. What ~
fliet could ensue, even with unequal forces, in
which courage would be wanting to men whe,
under torments,suffer themselves to be torn to
CHAP. II.] INQ.UISITION UNMASKED. 75
pieces with the greatest serenity, if our mili-
tary discipline did not enjoin us to die rather
than kill another ?".
Such was the language of the Christians,
and such the spirit of meekness which ani-
mated them in the second and third ages of
the Church, the period when Tertullian lived.
This virtue, therefore, cannot be denied them
without a great share of levity being attri-
buted to this celebrated writer; for it would
have been unpardonable to proclaim senti-
ments as being prevalent which were contrary
to the general opinion. These same senti.
menta are, besides, expressed by St. Cyprian,
a cotemporary author, and also confirmed by
St. Augustin. t
With regard to the fourth age, let us listen
to Lucifer, bishop of Caller, and a writer of
that time. Addressing himself to Constantius,
in the name of all the faithful, he thus ad-
monishes him: " Let angry waves and violent
whirlwinds be raised up against us by thy
order, oh! Emperor, we will still.remain more
stedfast , and, far from being alarmed at the
horrors of the storm, we shan derive fresh
* Tertul. Apolog. cap. xxxvii.
t S. Cyprian. Ad Demetrianum.c-S. Augus. De Civit.
Dei, lib. xxii.
 76 IXQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. If.

courage in proportion as the dangers in-

crease; for the Christian does not easily
yield to the evils by which he is assailed, but
rather discovers more grandeur of soul when
tyrants are most jealous to oppress him. The
persecution increases, so does the glory of the
soldiers of Jesus Christ; and torments, instead
of drawing us from the contest, cause us
to return to it with fresh ardour. Thyself wilt
confess the truth of this, when thou seest us
step forward and defend the faith with the
same courage throughout the whole empire;
neither shall we be deceived by thy detest-
able caresses, discouraged by thy threats, or
overcome by the cruelty of torments; for
we are fortified by that same Lord, who
promised to be with us even to the end of
the world.
':' We will therefore proceed till thou shalt
have destroyed our bodies, as we have hitherto
travelled on under the shield of Jesus Christ,
clothed in the armour of his piety, guided
by his spirit, and maintaining ourselves in-
flexible to every suggestion intended to make
us forget our own dignity. We undoubtedly
suffer when our bodies are exposed to tor-
. ments, but we also teach, by our example,
that no violence is sufficient to wrest the wise
8
CHAP. H. ] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 77
man from his opinion and purpose to the
detriment of his character; and that it is
highly advantageous to suffer for God, who
is truth itself. As for the rest, it concerns me
little whether thou causest me to die, by
piercing my head with a nail or my breast
with a lance; my hands bound, or unbound;
my face downwards, inclined, upright, or
raised from the ground; that thou command-
est me to be killed in my bed, my head
severed from my body with a sword or sabre,
or reclined on a block; that thou impale me,
fix me in the form of a cross, or consume me
by a slow fire ; that thou bury me alive, hurl
me down a precipice, or plunge me into the
bottom of the sea. I care not whether my
body afterwards becomes a prey to the birds
of the air and the dogs of the field, or whe-
ther, in thy presence and with cruel com-
placency, it is torn to pieces by wild beasts
and devoured; for in the end I shall be safe
and unhurt before God.":II:
Such were the sentiments of the faithful,
respecting their conduct to enemies of the
Church, in the first ages of its establishment.
And, let me now ask, could men who uttered

• Lucifer Calar. Moriendum eue plIO Filio Dei,

 78 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. II.

such language as this harbour in their breasts

any desire of superior power, or wish they
were possessed of the means to oppress? No
greater absurdity could be set forth to the
world than to suppose that the martyrs who
braved all the horrors of death with such
great courage, in order thereby to prove the
divine origin of the religion they professed,
would have authorized persecutions under a
plea of that same religion? Can any greater
outrage be committed against their memories
than to affirm that, for religious purposes,
the use of dungeons, torments, and execu-
tions, (for of such, in fact, is the Inquisition
composed,) could be approved of by men
who considered it their duty to endure them,
and who confidently expected that the de.
gree of happiness which awaited them
would be proportionate to the atrocity of
their sufferings?
Maltyrs of religion! Heroes of Christia-
nity and philosophy! Ye gave to your own
age, as well as those which were to come, the
most irrefragable proofs that the doctrine of
Christ crucified enlightens the understanding
and inflames the heart. Ye also bore witness
that if the most sacred property of man con-
sists in his opinions, the most inviolable of all
CHAP. II.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 79
is his religion. Eternal praise be to you, who
knew how so worthily to defend it. Eternal
execration be the portion of the wicked, who
pretend to govern the understandings of
others by means of force and terror. Re-
ceive, noble souls, the homage offered to the
sincerity of your sentiments, by an impugner
of the Inquisition, and of which its advocates
in vain seek to deprive you.
 CHAPTER 111.

Tile Inquisition, far from contributing to the

Preservation cif the true Belie], is only
suited to encourage Hypocrisy and ercit«
the People to Rebellion.

EVEN if meekness were not one of the

characteristic virtues of the Christian religion,
it nevertheless ought to be esteemed as the
best means of extending and preserving it in
all its purity. Meekness tends to aid truth
'in her conquests; and whenever both act in
due concert scarcely any understanding can
resist their united power. He who possesses
the celestial gift of sweetness makes the uni-
verse his own, for no heart is so jealous of
its freedom and independence as not to be ..
come its tributary. It is in this sense I
understand the happiness Jesus Christ pro-
mises to the " mild of heart," when he says,
" they shall possess the land," as a reward'
CHAP. III.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 81

for this divine quality." The tranquillity

with which they enjoy the fruits of their
virtue is equal to the facility with which they
acquired it; for there is no one so unjust as
to disturb it, as David, in fo.mer times, gave
his assurance.r Monarchs themselves, accord.
ing to Seneca, make their thrones more
secure whenthey found their empire on the
principles of mildness.
" Quisquis plaeide potens,
Dominusque vitre, servat innoeuas manus, -
Animreque parcit, longa permansus diu
Felicis eevi spatia vel coelum petit,
V el leeta felix nemoris Elysii loca." t
-,--What man of might with favour leads his land,
And of his own lifes-lord reserves his hurtless hands to good,
And gently doth his empire guide without the thirst of blood,
And spares his soul, lie- having long led forth the ling'ring
daya .
,
Ofhappy age, at length to heaven doth either find the ways,
.
.
Or joyful happy places else of fair Elysius wood.

And if this observation holds good in all

l:!asesin which it is intended to conciliate the
• S. Mattlu cap. Y. V. 4. Beati -mites, quoniam ipsi
posside6unt terrem,
t Psalm. xxxvi. v. ·U. Mansueti autem htereditahunt
erram, et deledabuntur in multitudine pacis.
':t: Lue. An. Seneca, Here. Furens, Act iii. v.738.-
Ttl1nslation by Jasper Heywood,15SI, black letter.
VOL.L Q
 82 INQUISITION 'l1NMASJt.ED. [ CHAP. III.

affections and opinions of mankind in favour

of truth and justice, will it not have a double
effect in maintaining the belief of religion?
It is therefore useless, or at least difficult for
the understanding, that is, the most inde-
pendent part of man, to yield to the impres-
sions it is attempted to excite in favour of
the faith, if, at the same time, its natural
companion, the will, is ruftled by irritation.
In this case the victory would be ideal, and
the insensate man who should flatter himself
with thus having obtained one, would reap
no other fruits from his labour than a
satisfaction equally vain and criminal. In
welcome, let the Mahometan professors of
divinity boast their ignominious right of
forcibly sustaining and propagating their
tenets, in default of prudence and reason;
let the Arab&, who intruded into Europe,
. ruined Greece, and trampled science under
their feet, establish the credibility of their
dogmas by means of the scimitar; but the
ministers of a religion like that of Jesus
Christ, founded on enlightened principles
and requiring a rational worship, can never
promote its respect and defence by measures
of violence and rigour.· Can any enlightened
* Rom. ~. xii. v.L ff OlJuoro 'D08,,ftatru,per mistri-
8
CHAP. m.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 83

Spaniard be found to exist who, jealous of

the glory of his nation, which having at
length reached the happy day when the
chains of despotism are broken asunder and
the voice of truth heard among us, shall fail
to cry out against a tribunal that wears the
cross of Jesus Christ accompanied by the
sword of Nero as the boasted emblem of its
authority? Is there anyone so prejudiced as
not to discover, on the slightest reflection,
that a tribunal which presents the monstrous
aspect of meekness supported by terror, far
from doing honour to the Gospel and human
reason, only deserves to find a place in the
book of Mahometan precepts.
The coat of arms used by the Inquisition .
is a green cross on a black field, with an
olive-branch on the right side and a naked
sword on the left; and this motto, taken
from Psalm lxxiii. v. 22, placed round:
f' Eaurge, Domine, judica causam tuam,"
Arise, Lord, plead thine own cause ;-the-
original text however is Deus and not Domine.
Whoever was the author of this motto could
never have read in the Gospel that God did
not send his son to condemn the world, but
cordia", Dei ut ezhi6eatu corpora sestra hostiam .'Vi'Ventem
.aneta", Deo plar:entem, rationabil« Qbsequium oestrum;"
G2
84 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IH.

to save it; since, otherwise, he must have

discovered the great contradiction contained
in the above motto, and its entire want of
analogy with the doctrine whose defence is
alluded to.'*' This application is not less
improper than the use frequently made in
the same manner of the words of Galatians,
chap. vi. y. 14. "Nobis autem absit glori-
ari, nisi in cruce Domini nostri Jesu Christi,"
But God forbid that I should glory, save in
the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ ;-since
St. Paul, in the same chapter, recommends
mildness towards those who may have erred. t
How could the Apostle ever have imagined
that his authority was, in time, to serve to
uphold such a system of rigour, when <the
same was so contrary to his intentions? And,
if the Inquisition has thus so wrongly inter-
preted the Scriptures, why should it appear
strange that there is so little conformity be-
tween the two? I ought not, however, to

*
S. Johan, cap. iii. v, 17. Ct Non enim misit DeusFilium
suurn in mundum, ut judicet mundum, sed Ilt salvetuT mun-
dus peT ip,um."
t Ad Galat. cap. vi. v.1. " Eratres, et SiPTO!occupatus
fierit homo in aliquo delicto, 'VOl qui spirituales estis, hajUl'
modi illStrllite in spiritu lenitati" consid"'Qnt te ipsum, ne It
tu t61lteriB/'
r.:» .J~"~' ,>/:0/1
y//!< ,JUII .; a'Yl/'
, -
p, dIn!.? //.1,,<1 ~1//":,
..hl/"I'(I.~tii;>/I./il/'/Il
;;/WI N/I I ?.-1/ ~/NI (~~;/ U'/~;/(:{/~Z1 h-,

//!~./t It'hl/li/;w 7' /"'(l./J, .I:m%/Iy /he

, "
/Nhl/hl/ 1// h ~"{/It, ("/( Y/, ~ . "j(j'(7fJ.
CHAP. III.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 85

forget to notice that the green colour,

so much in vogue with the inquisitors,
is also held sacred by the priests of Ma,
hemet." .;
Truth requires no foreign aid for its sup-
port, and the means by which it makes rapid
progress is to announce it with dignity. Simi.
lar to the stars which shine by their own
light, it borrows no aid to dissipate the dark.
ness of error, whereas the latter only gains
ground by dark intrigue or violent practices.
Truth, by merely hewing her face, gains all
hearts; and her empire is so sweet as to
resemble the most perfect freedom. Tyrants,
to whom the accents of truth are unknown,
derive from error the grounds by which they
'I/< Vide plate No. 1. The original edict of the Inquisi-

tion from which this plate is taken, besides the mistake of

Domine for Deus, which of itself proves how little the
inquisitors handle the Bible, contains two other traits
of the ignorance so peculiar to this tribunal, which we
have conceived it our duty to correct on the present
occasion, since no less than three blunders occur in five
words. The first is an hispanism in the verb eJ:urge, con-
formably to which it is by them written esurge, with s
instead of :c, as pronounced in some provinces of Spain,
where the genius of the language tends to avoid double
and compound consonants. The second is the insertion of
et judica, instead ofjudica alone, in conformity to the text,
b which means the sentence is greatly enervated, -
S6 tNQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. W.

call themselves lords over great empires,

when, perhaps, they rule over no other than
vast wildernesses, since they cannot conciliate
the affections of a single heart. The heart of
man does not yield to base or violent means;
its innate nobleness obliges it to detest every
thing that is surprize and coercion. Even sup-
posing it was at length persuaded by this
eloquence of tyrants, it would reach the con-
queror sad and dejected, and again escape
from his power, as soon as its trammels of
confinement were broken.
'Vhat then are the arms which ought to
be employed in the defence of the religion of
Jesus Christ? Ought they to be those of
truth or of error? If we were to say the
latter, all the examples presented in history ,
of conquest made by the faith would rise up
in judgment against us. No one can be
pointed out that has not been owing to the
demonstration of truth, and the moderate
manner in which it has been displayed. It
may, therefore, be affirmed without rashness
that the sincere conversions made by the Inqui-
sition have been none, or very few, from their
having originated in terror rather than persua-
sion. Inexorable punishments employed in
the support of a doctrine most assuredly must
 £I-IAP. III.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 87

render it suspicious; for, according to what

has already been laid down, it conveys the
idea that the understanding would not other ..
wise embrace it, notwithstanding its natural
propensity to the truth. For this same reason,
if it were credible that this tribunal had ob..
tained the conversion of the many thousand
victims it has condemned to grievous corpo ..
real punishments after they had been recon ..
ciled, it would also result, that the means
least analogous to influence the understanding
and will were the best to attract man to the
Catholic faith; and, consequently, that the
latter was not the true religion, inasmuch as
the arms of truth would not appear so well
suited to sustain and propagate it as those
. of error.
Whatever be the intention with which we
apply means to obtain an object, it is evident
that these ought to be proportioned to the end
in view; for, as all have a natural tendency
towards their object, we shou~d. otherwise
attain this by using means contrary. to those
we at first proposed. Under this supposition,
when the violence employed for the attain ..
ment of an object is diametrically oppos-d
to the means connected therewith, instead
of carrying us to the point in view, it would
88 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. III.

lead us to the opposite one, as the nature of

things, in this case, would have more power
than the caprice of the agent. And, as the
conversion of a heretic consists in the change
effected in his ideas and sentiments with re-
gard to religion, and fresh ones being inspired
into him, whenever violence is used' it will
only serve to make him adhere more perti-
naciously to his first opinions. It would really
be a phenomenon in the moral feelings of a
man who, being outraged under pretext of
his happiness, should not avenge himself, by
denying to his oppressor that satisfaction he
would derive from a victory, Thus would it
happen, that he who has sufficient courage
to brave death will remain unalterable, will
sport with the impotence and cruelty of his
persecutors, and run to the place of execu-
tion as if to a triumph. On the contrary, the
weak man, terrified by the idea alone of tor-
ments, will externally abjure his errors under
as many forms as may be prescribed to him,
and in his heart will detest the authors of
his oppression and perjury. The strong, in
these cases, support the whole weight of the
persecution, but the hypocrites fare best,
and, for that reason, will always be most
numerous.
nIAP. III.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 89

Since man is a creature 3,S noble for his

understanding as he is unhappy for the fa..
cility with which he is carried away by his
passions, with what circumspection ought
he not to treat his fellow-creatures, when he
is sensible of the great condescension he
himself requires? The undeniable principles
in which we all agree are very few in number;
but the consequences derived from them are
infinite; because the manner in which we
view their relations is infinitely varied. Edu-
cation, the beings which surround us, and a
thousand other causes, imperceptibly act
upon us, and hold powerful influence over
our judgments, by modifying in numberless
ways our perception of objects, and present-
ing them perhaps under every shape but the
primitive and natural one. Do we not fre-
quently see propositions meet with contra-
diction when they appear to us palpably
clear, by merely being combated by objec-
tions almost as strong as the proofs on which
they rested? On the other hand, the intellec-
tual faculty of man having no precise and
exact measure of the vigour with which he
exercises its operations, neither has he any
of the quantity of light he requires to call
90 ~ INQl1ISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. III.

them into action; so that what.to one man

appears simple' and evident to another seems
complicated and obscure; and even with
respect to the understanding itself, it often
happens that that is absurd to-day which yes-
terday bore the aspect of truth. Conse-
quently, to pretend to convince others by our
own judgment is to endeavour that they
should see through our own eyes; or rather,
it is to oblige them to be led on blindfolded,
and without any other plea than force. It is,
speaking of religion, to make them victims
of their own' ingenuousness, if they have
the courage to confess they are (lot con.
vinced; or of hyocrisy, jf they are divested
of this courage, which is most commonly
the case.
It must therefore be deemed self..evident
that the system of rigour adopted by tho
Inquisition, in order to oblige those to return
to the Church who have wandered therefrom,
besides being useless from the means being
inadequate to the object in view, produces a
eODtrary effect by causing them to continue
UlOrc obstinately firm in their primitive re-
solve .. hen they appear most to give. it up_
It equally follows that the Catholic religion,
CHAP. III.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. ~l

by being sustained by false zeal, experiences

real injury; for the dogmas of faith are in a
certain degree confounded with error when
they are defended with its arms; and the
faithful also are mistaken for those who
only feign to be such, when the latter, instead
of being excluded from Christian communion,
are obliged to continue therein at the risk
of scandalizing the rest by that luke-warmness
so natural to one who acts from compulsion
and not conviction.
Strange, indeed, are the contradictions dis-
covered in the proceedings of this tribunal.
It has subjected culprits to an examination
under torture, in order to wrest from their
mouths the truth with regard to their belief;
and, at the same time, has placed them on
the scaffold when they have refused to com-
mit a falsehood, not to act treacherously to
their own-sentiments and to the truth. Such
conduct would be pardonable if a forced and
purely mechanical 'Worship was pleasing to
the Creator; but if it is the intention that
gives value to human actions--« if the prefer-
able worship is that of the heart,-if it is the
spirit of those who adore the Celestial Father
which makes their adoration real,-what
glory can result to this infinite Being by such
92 INQUJ.$ITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. III.

outrages ?llo How can he have been pleased

with those offerings made to him by the
Inquisition of somany unhappy victims, terri.
fied by its threats, or exterminated by its
rigour? The priests of ancient Mexi'co were
impressed with the idea that they appeased
their deities by ,offering to them the hearts
of the wretched persons chosen for these
horrid sacrifices, torn by main force out of
their entrails.t And, forsooth, do not our
Inquisitors resemble them?
Examples are not wanting in this tribunal
to confirm the inutili~y of.all violent measures

• s. .roh~. cap. iy. y. 23. f< Sed venit hor« el nrme ut,
quando 'Veri adoratores arlorabunt Patrem in spiritu et
seritate. Nam et Pater tales qUtErit qui adorent eum.-
v.24.0. Spiritus est Deus, et eos qui adoranf eum in spiritu
ri writate typortet adorare."
t The mode of offering sacrUice among the ancient
Mexicans was by placing the human victim Of} a large fla~
stone or slab, which stood on the upper area of the tem-
ple, when the Topiltzin or high-priest dexterously opened
his side with a knife formed of flint, and tearing out the.
heart, whilst yet bleeding, he offered it to the sun, and
afterwards threw it at tile feet of the idol invoked. (Vide
Clnvigero, book vi.) This was done under the idea that
the Divinity was most pleased with the offering of the
heart of man; and hence was it common among the
Mexicana to say, that aburning heart w88 moet acceptable
to God.-TJl.
CHAP.m.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 93

in matters of religion. One of them is evinced

in what happened, about the year 1334, with
a clergyman of the name of Benanat, a resi-
dent of Villafranca del Panades, in the princi-
pality of Catalonia. Whilst a prisoner, and
condemned to the flames together with
two companions, he consented to be-placed
on the faggots rather than retract from his
errors; but when one of his sides was
scorched, and the pain had become so great
that he could no longer endure it, he cried
out to be removed from thence, for he was
ready to abjure. He was, consequently, taken
down, and, on abjuring, was reconciled to
the Church; but, fourteen years afterwards,
it was discovered that he had continued un-
der his former erroneous maxims. Imprisoned
a second time, and placed on the burning
pile, as in consequence of his having relapsed
he had now no pardon to expect, he died
persisting in his contumacy, as most proba-
bly he would have done the first time if'
that sentence had. been, like the second,
irrevocable. •
What interesting but galling truths, what
just but 'poignant reproaches, would not
•. Eymeric, Director. Inquisit, part ii. qu<c&t.:xi. D. 5;
part iii. n. 204.
94 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. III.

the tribunal of the Inquisition have heard

from the mouths of the victims it so untimely
immolated to the faith if they had been al-
lowed to pronounce them? Now, at least,
we may figure to ourselves one of them
remonstrating, from the place of execution,
with the members of that tribunal, in' con-
formity to the very principles of the Ca-
tholic faith, and indeed as one of the Holy
Fathers might have done, under the follow.
ing terms:
" What is it ye require of me, ye judges
who thus defend the religion of Jesus Christ?
Is it that I renounce' my own opinion and
acquiesce in yours! This command might be
proper if it rested with myself to change my
understanding, in order to decide on the
reasons you comprehend" but whith. to me
it is not given even to 'perceive. When tny
lips were to pronounce the truth ye propose
to me, and which till now I have not known,
would it depend on my own will that my
sentiments were not conformable to my
words? Why then would ye force me to
mOck your credulity, if ye hold my protests
as sincere; or why should I be perfidious
before God, and become ridiculous in your
eyes, if, as prudent men, ye consider them
CHAP. rn.] INQUISITION UNl\IASKED. 9S

as suspicious?* If I act with can dour and

good faith I draw down upon me all the
inexorable vengeance of the law; but, by
making use of duplicity and dissimulation,
I become, in your opinion, deserving of par-
don. As ministers of the God of truth, how
is it ye think to increase his glory, by giving
to him as adorers the weak and perjured?
Suffer me to tell you, your conduct ought
to be very different with me. If I em-
brace error, because I am dazzled by its
appearances of truth, I shall be no other
than an impostor, and, at most, deserving of
your contempt; whilst if I embrace it with
a full knowledge before me, I shall be a
madman, entitled to your pity rather than
your indignation.'~t
" Thy opinions," ye answer me, " deserve
punishment, because they contradict the in.

* Thus Tertullian, speaking of the persecutions which

the heathens raised against the Christians for their opi-
nions in matters of religion, in his A pol oget. cap.JCxvn. n.I,
observes: " Sed 1J"idmtt. demt:lJli4ff11 uUtifft(J1I# •. qupd ,Mum
poanmru d sacrijicaTt! ill prmle1lli, eI ilta!8i abiTe, manente
apad anim,un proposito, obstinationem ·saluti pTtl!feramus.
Datis scili«t COtfsilium (jUO vobis alnaamur:"
t The same Tertullian, Apolog. cap. xlix. n.2. "&d
ira 4J#rumodi error si .tique irrisione judicandum est, 1I0a
gltnliis If ;g"i!Jus, crucilnu et ben;is."
 96 INQUISITION UNMASKEIJ. [CHAP. III.

fallibility _of God himself in the dogmas of

religion;" but, I would ask, is it by fire and
sword that these dogmas are rendered more
credible? If the most obvious truths become
obscure under the sensations of pain, will
those which exceed our capacity be then ren-
dered more perceptible? And even granted
that I am unfaithful to the Divinity, is it ye
who are' charged to avenge his cause? May
it not rather be said, that it is your own
interests and not those of God; a spirit of
faction, and not a zeal for religion, which
impel you to anticipate his justice ?* And if
the virtue most pleasing to him is charity;
can an holocaust be gratefu) t<? him, in which
ye so egregiously infringe,its precepts? Who
will De induced to believe that ye pity my
aberrations when ye_hasten my ruin, which,
t
possibly, at a futur time I might have

* S. Johan. Chrysos, Homil. xxix; in Mattb. C'ap. ix,

v, 1, n.B, "Multi dum Deum vindicare videntur, suis
indulgent ajJectihus, quum oportet omnia cum mansueiudine
tractare. Etenim universorum Deus, qui fulmen vihrare
potest in eos qui ipsum hlasphemiis impetunt, ~olem suum .
orin curat, imbres emittit, ceteraque omnia largiter sup-
peditat; quem imitari nos oportet, yogare nempe, monere,
insiluere, cum mansueiudine non irasci, non tdf'terari. Neque
enim ex blasphemia quid nocumenti ad Deum accedit ut
tu eacandescas, sed qui blasphemavent ipse'Vulnus accepitl'
7
 CHAP. III.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 9"1
escaped? How is it ye can feel an interest
for my salvation when ye cut short that time
God had, perhaps, granted me for my con-
version? Neither does it suffice that ye
should consider my' malady as incurable,
since the Church, as a tender mother, never
despairs of the recovery of her children,"
If I merit death, because I object to- truth
from not knowing it, what punishment ought
not ye to undergo, who, knowing it, treat it
with no less regard than ye do error? Confess
rather that it is distrust in that religion whose
eternal duration ye blazon forth, as promised
by its author, and not its belief, that impels
you to sustain it in a manner so foreign to
it The saine S. John Chrysostom, commenting. on the
parable of the wheat and the tares, in his Homil. xlvi. on
Matth. cap. xiii, v, 24, observes; "ilis autem duobus •
ratiociniis mouetur (Pater familias) ad illos servos cohi-
eendo~: primo quodfrumentum non lcederent ; secundo quod
ini (haretici ) incurabili morbo laboraniis, luituri essent,
Quapropter si 'Vii illoe puniri sine frumenti noxa, expecta
tempus oportunum, Quid autem aliud sihi 'Vult quum dicit :.
Ne eradicetis simul et triticum, quam hoc quod dicimus?
Si anna mooeaiis ut hareticos occidatis, multos etiam sane-
tOtum una occidi necesse est, 'Veletiam multi ex istis zizaniis
ut 'Verisimile est, cbnvertentur in .frumentum. Si ergo prius
illos eradicetis, frumento etiam venturo nocebitis, si iUos
qui mutari et boni tjJici possunt eradicetis, Non igitu,
prohihet hcereticos reprimere, sed occidere uetat:"
VOL. I.
 IN Ul81'fION U TMASKED. [CHAP, Ill.

the wl)rk qf Godl and so much opposed to

the sentiments of humanity." [may perhaps
have erred in not giving my assent to dogmas
it was difficult for me to understand; but ye,
:&8 ministers of a religion it is your duty to
uphold, discredit it by means of terror: nay,
ye even deny it in a solemn manner by attri-
buting to it a character which only belongs
to sects founded by men, whereby its falsity
is argued."!
" Cease then, and cease, also, ye miserably
deluded people, to celebrate among your-
selves as a triumph the punishment ye

"" St, Athallusius, in some measure excusing the Catho-

lic bishops who, compelled by the Arians, had embraced
their sect, in his Hist. Arian. ad Monach, 11. 33, observes:
.. Quod si indecorum. omnino fuerit, Episeopos quosdam
horum (danmorum) ftrmidine senteniiam mutasse, multo
IUIne indeceniius, hominumque sua: senteniia diffidentium
est, vim i7iferre. ae ,in'Vietos cogere. Non esim gladiis aut
telis, non militum manu veritas pradicatur, sed suasione
et consilio. Quamam autem ibi suasia ubi Imperatoris
flrmido' Aut, quodnam consilium ubi 'qui almuit exili~
tandem 'Velmorie mulctatur? "
t The same 8. Athanasius says of the sect of Arius,
ibid. n. ,67: " Quos serbi« nequit ad .suam adducere senten-
tiam, has 'Vi, has plagis, et ccrceribus ad se trahere nititur,
propalamque facit se quid'IJis potius, quam religionelfl
esse. Religionis quippe propriU11l est non cogere 3ed
persuaders;"
 CHAP. III.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 99

prepare' for my constancy, or, if ye choose,

my obstinacy, since it has even rested with
myself to deprive you of this exultation. At
least spare to the Catholic religion, if ye
really seek its respect and increase, the shame
that its victories should depend on the will
of its enemies." Rather declare that it has
not been the rights of the Divinity, but the
law of the strongest, which has braced your
arm to vengeance; and this not for the pur-
pose of doing good, but to sustain hypocrites,
and add to their number."-With reasonings
of this kind might anyone of the many vic-
tims which have perished in the hands of
the Inquisition have remonstrated with his
judges, if the authority lavished by kings on
this tribunal had-suffered him to utter his
sentiments. It is forced dissimulation then,

• Tertullian, reproaching the Roman people for the

'pleasure with which they witnessed the execution of the
martyrs, in his Apologet. cap. xlix, D.2, uses the following
words: h De 'lua iniquitate sa:vititE, non modo Cl6cunl hoc
'VUlgusesultat, sed et quidam oestrum; quibus favor vulgi
de ini'lmtate captatur, gloriantur, qUilli non tatum quod
in nos 'POteltis nostrum sit ar/;itnum. Certe Ii velim Christi-
anus sum; nunc ergo me damnabis si damnari oelim.
Quum vera quod in file pates, nisi velim, 110npates, jam mea
'lJoluntatis est quod pates, non tua potestatis:"
H 2
100 I QUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. m.
and not the sincere conversion of the heart
that is produced by measures so inconsistent
in themselves. *
Nothing, in short, can better prove the
violent system on which the Inquisition is
founded, and, consequently, its inefficacy to
'" The Author of tire work entituled " The Tribunal of'
the Holy General Inquisition of Spain vindicated from the
sophisms of false philosophy," speaking of the just reasons
the Church mayor may not have to oblige the wayward
to return to its bosom by means of corporal punishments,
and what influence this may have over the understanding,
thus observes: "Since all the corrections and chastisements
used to sustain the honour of religion have not even been
sufficient, would spiritual arms alone suffice for the Church
to triumph over the whole power of Hell ? Would persua-
sion of itself be sufficient to propapate truth and dissipate
error? 'Would reasons suffice for the understanding, the
only means of defence and attack used in spiritual wars?
What ignorance! In the king's tribunals do we not conti-
nually see most severe punishments in recent executions?
Do we not also meet with some cruelties in the administra-
tion of justice which exceed the bounds of humanity and
right reason? Are the punishments inflicted by the.Inqui-
sition different from those used by these tribunals? Does
not the only difference consist in the execution being
changed into other hands? And shall a circumstance so
merely formal as this become an object of indignation ?"-
I shall refrain from making any comment on this multitude
of inconsistencies, for it is sufficient to present them iill
rder to prove their futility.
tHAI'. III.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 101

maintain the faithful in the belief and reduce

apostates to their duty, than the frequent
disturbances it has caused among nations,
either at the time it was erected or after its
functions' had commenced. It is in these
cases, that the natural repugnance which man
has to force being exercised under pretext
of religion displays all its activity. Hence
the history of this tribunal is, on the one
hand, a continued series of insurrections on
the part of nations which have either opposed
or sought to throw off its yoke; and, on the
other, of the assassinations of inquisitors, of
whom the aggrieved took secret vengeance
when they found it impossible totally to
emerge from their slavery. Omitting the latter
cases, as less relevant to my subject, I shall
confine myself to the mention of popular
insurrections, and only insert such as are
most deserving of notice. .
In Parma, in the year 1279, after the In-
quisition had sent numberless persons to
the flames, the indignant people rose and
liberated a lady of rank whom its officers
were one day carrying away to prison. They
immediately proceeded to the convent of
the Dominicans, who had charge of the tri-
bunal, sacked it" beat the friars, and turned
]02 INQUISITION UNMASKED: [CHAP. 111.

them out of the city." In 1420,a~ommotion,

which lasted three days, broke out in Valen-
cia, in consequen e of Alphonsus V. attempt-
ing to introduce the Inquisition there, when
the military resisted its establishment the
most.t Another popular commotion took
place in Zaragoza, in the year 1485, when
their Catholic Majesties Ferdinand and Isa-
bella established it there according to the
new plan of Torquemada.t The Aragonese,
• Paramo, De Orig, S.Inquisit. lib. ii. tit. ii, cap. xxx.
n.13.
t Ibid. lib. ii. tit. it cap. ix. n.5.
t Juan de Torquemada was the chief founder of the
Inquisition in Spain. He was a Dominican friar, and
confessor to Queen Isabella before she ascended ebe
throne. Previous to her marriage with Ferdinand be
bad made her promise if ever she attained the crown
to use all her exertions to extirpate heretics and infidels.
On the union of Aragon and Castile the power of their
Catholic Majesties was so much increased, that they re-
solved to expel the Moors from Granada and the other
points they still held in the Peninsula. Success crowned
their efforts, and a considerable number of the Moors
were forced to cross over into Africa. Many, however,
remained behind, and the king and queen agreed they
should retain their property, on condition they renounced
their own religion. These miserable people, as well as
the Jews, who then abounded in Spain, were thus obliged
to turn Christians; but this was only in exterior form,
in heir hearts they still dung to heir ncient reJigioJ\
CHAP. III.] n QUISITION U'MASKED. lOS

flying to arms, refused to admit a tribunal

of such a nature, on the plea that its judicial
forms were opposed to the constitution and
privileges of the kingdom; and, notwith-
standing they were afterwards compelled to
consent to its erection, it was only for a given
time, and under certain restrictions. * The
Catalonians did the same, when Lerida and
other episcopal cities- rose uP,. so that the
inquisitorial establishment was not imposed
on Barcelona till two years afterwards.t An-
other insurrection likewise too place in

and 'rltes. Torquemada, under pretext of the injury

religion and the state would experience from this dissimu-
Iation, solicited from the queen a compliance of her
promise. Her remonstrances had their due influence over
the mind of the king, and they consented to receive the
Inquisition into all the dependencies of their two crowns.
Pope Sixtus IV. issued the necessary bulls, and made
Tosqeemada a cardinal in return Cor his services. The
king and queen named him Inquisitor General, and his
conduct perfectly corresponded to their choice. During
the fourteen years he enjoyed this dignity, historians report
that lie caused 100,000 persons to be tried, of whom 6000
"ere condemned to the flames. From this time (1684)
the Inquisition prospered in all Spain, and uniformly
followed in the rear of her conquests.c-Tn,
* Z\lfita, Anales de Aragon, lib. xx, cap. In.-Antonio
Pere2. " Relacion del 2+ de Mayo, y 24 de Sep."
t Llorente, Anales de la Inquisicion, cap. iii. n.12.
 104 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. Ill.

Zaragoza in the year 1590, to which the

Inquisition equally gave rise. to
In 1506, whilst Father Diego Deza, who
had been confessor to King Ferdinand the
Catholic and a great favourite of his, of the
Dominican order, and also Archbishop of
Seville, filled the chair as Inquisitor General,
a tumult took place in Cordova, in conse-
quence of the proceedings of this tribunal.
. Rodriguez Lucero, Inquisitor of that city,
persecuted the converted Jews in so cruel a
manner that the people felt for their hard-
ships, and rose in their behalf. So great was
his bitterness and fury against those unhappy
people that, ina boasting manner and by way
of a proverb, he used to say, "Give me a
Jew, and I'll render him back to thee burnt,
( Damele Judio, '!J dartele. he quemado.)" The
mob proceeded to the Inquisition with the
Marquis de Priego at their head, who patron-
ized them from being the lord of the country;
and, bursting open the doors, set aU the pri-
soners at liberty, but Lucero escaped on horse-
back. The King, being informed of the event,
caused Deza to give up his office of Inqui-
.. Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola, Infol'lD8eion de
los SUcel108del Reina de Aragon, en los ADos 1590 y
1591, cap. ;q:s:. '
CHAP. III.] I~QUISITION UN)!ASKED. 105

sitor General, and conferred it, on Cardinal

Ximenes de Cisneros, ordering him, at the
same time, to commence a prosecution against
.the Inquisitor of Cordova. On the latter being
arrested and brought to the castle of Burgos
the proceedings were re-instituted, and tha
witnesses examined of whom he was said to
have availed himself tor the perpetration of
so many outrages. The sentence merely
deprived him of his office of Inquisitor, and
he was afterwards sent to fill a canonry which
he obtained in Seville; but there is no doubt
that the recommendation of the. king to
Cisneros powerfully contributed to his being
treated with this humanity, for, on naming the
latter as judge, his Majesty· gave him an in-
junction to spare the honour of Deza,and
consequently of the Inquisition."
In the republic of Venice, in the valley of
Camonica, the territory of Brescia, in the
year IS 18, the inquisitors tried several persons
for the crime of heresy, contrary to the sti-
*. Alvaro Gomez, De Rebus ge8tia Fran~. Ximenii,
lib. iii.-Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, ~uerra de Granada
contra 106M:oriscos,lib. i, The above saying of Lucero
appears from an ancie't manuscript note, placed in. the
margin of the said passage of Alvaro Gomez in the printed
copy possessed by the inquisitor and bishop of Ca~. DOD
JozeEscaJzo Miguel.
106 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. III.

pulations entered into between the Pope and

the Venetian government, by virtue of which
these causes appertained to the civil power,
from which circumstance serious injury arose
to the parties concerned. In consequence of
this affair a great ferment was excited among
the people; and the Council called Of the
Ten, having ordered the inquisitors to appear
before it for the purpose of rendering in an
account of their conduct, the magistrates
annulled the proceedings and named fresh
judges, and even after this it was with the
greatest difficulty that the sedition was ap-
peased.?
In Majorca, about the year 1525, and
during the war of the Comunidades, t the
patriots under the direction of the Bishop of
Elvas, who happened to be there, flocked to
the Inquisition with an intention to bum it
to the ground, undoubtedly because they
considered such an establishment as inimical
'" Sarpi, Discorso dell' Origine, Forma, Leggi, ed Usa
delI' Offiziodella Inquisisione ,&c.
t Comunidades (Communities) mean the Juntas or
assemblies of the deputies from each town of 'Castile,
which, on the part of the people, they represented, op·
posed the views of the Emperor Charles V. whence a war
originated between the monarch and his subjects, to which
the above name was given.-TR.
CHAP. III.] INQUISITION UNMASXED. 107

to civil liberty, but the bishop of Palma, capi-

tal of the island, who was a royalist, arrived
in time and was enabled to restrain them.
The inquisitors, not considering themselves
safe, secretly fled from the island, whither
they did not return till the endeavours of the
people were frustrated by the adverse fate
of arms, when the commotions ceased, and
the ancient system of oppression was again
established."
However one of the most terrible commo-
tions caused by the Inquisition was that of
Naples in 1546. I shall here extract the cir-
cumstantial account given of it by Bishop
Sandoval, retaining, as much as I can, his
own words: " Don Pedro de Toledo was at
that time Viceroy of Naples, a man more
ennobled by birth than the qualities of his
mind. The Emperor Charles V. had ordered
him to create an Office of the Holy Inquisi-
tion there, under the same forms as those
adopted by their Catholic Majesties in Spain. .
This measure was attended with great diffi-
culty, because the Neapolitans, as well as
every other nation except the Spanish, con-
sider this tribunal as insufferable, and more

,. Paramo De Orig. S. Inquisis.Iib. ii, tit. ii. cap. ii. n, 40.

I
108 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP.lIf.

than rigorous. Before the Viceroy proposed

his determination to the council, he managed
to put several persons into office on whose
concurrence he could rely. When he thought
the propitious moment had arrived for bring-
ing forward the matter, he proposed it with
all possible moderation, magnifying to the
people the great service that would thereby
be rendered to God and the Emperor, and
how much his Majesty desired it for the good
of the kingdom. The alteration produced in
the minds of everyone, on hearing that it
was attempted to introduce the Inquisition
among them, was very remarkable. All cried
out that they would rather suffer themselves
to be torn to pieces than consent to a mea-
sure so harsh and dangerous."
" The Viceroy was under the necessity of
temporising, owing to the difficulty he met
with, and at first judged it would be impossi-
ble to carry the measure into execution, so
great was the opposition among all the
people, nobles as well as lower orders. But
afterwards, that it might not appear as if he
had. been forced to yield, he again insisted on
the measure proposed, and named the in-
quisitors. One day, early in the morning, the
people assembled in the square, and in order
 cmr. III.] INQUISITION UN:\L\SKED. 109

that no division might arise between the

nobles and people, which it was feared the
Viceroy was plotting, they formed among
themselves a league and termed it Union, by
which they bound themselves by oath to
favour andhelp each other against any person
whatsoever who should attempt to alter the
state or interfere with their liberties. Whilst
things were in this crisis it happened that a
man was carried prisoner through the streets,
who cried out that they were taking him as
a prisoner to the Inquisition. The inhabitants
rushed to arms, and, taking a crllcifixfor
their standard, cried aloud, " Union in the
service of God and the Emperor, and courage
in defence of our city." The Viceroy ordered
a party of musketeers to advance from the
castle, and directed them to .kiH every one--
found under arms. At the same time the
three castles commenced a fire of heavy guns
against the city, which did the most material
injury to the buildings. They fought three
days successively, and when each party was
tired of slaughter a truce was agreed on, and
emissaries were sent to the Emperor. During
this commotion all the people were so in.
censed against the Spaniards that even the
smallest villages rose up against them, so

\
110 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP.m.

Dluch was the whole kingdom agitated.

Capua, Nola, Aversa, and all the grain
country round, were declared in a state of
rebellion. "
"Placidio Sancho, one of those who had
been sent with a report to the Emperor, at
length arrived at Naples, and declared that
it was the will of his M~ty for them to lay
down their arms, and, pub~i8hingJL general
pardon, he executed thirty of the vehiefs,
whom the Viceroy was particularly ordered
not to spare. Twenty-four galleys also ar-
rived, and in them tOOO Spanish troops.
In consequence of this the principal ring-
leaden led away together wita many others,
and the city was left half deserted. Of the
persons implicated in this affair, some passed
over to France, losing their property and
eountry for ever '; others, to .the greatest
number, in six years' time obtained full par-
don. The Emperor condemned the country
to pay a fine of 100,000 ducats, besides the
expenses and damages occasioned by this
iBSUrrection; and further ordered that N~ples,
tOr 40 miles round, should be entirely dis-
arined. The inhabitants of Naples were
greatly afllicted at these events. and many
abandoned the country, judging it an un-
CHAP. III.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. III

happy lot to remain there, notwithstanding,

in the opinion of everyone, it is the most
agreeable residence in the world.".
So far our historian Sandoval, Who is
there, on beholding the evils brought upon
the Neapolitans by their resistance to the
Inquisition, and reasoning according to the
policy of the age, will venture to assert that
princes ought to be sole judges of the nature
and tendency of religious doctrines, and that
the people are implicitly bound to obey
their dictates? 'Vhat compact exists between
both, as a basis of their respective relations,
to authorize an assumption of power so mon-
strous as this? Rather may it not be said
that ~ ruin of nations is inevitable when,
abandoned to the caprice of him who go.-
verns, they have no will of their own; when
they arc divested of a constitution, or are
deprived of the means to cause it to be
respected? Wretched however as ·was the
fate of the Neapolitans, Charles V. waanever-
theless obliged to desist from his purpose of
establishing' the Inquisition among them;
nor was the attempt attended with any other
Consequences than those of adding hatred to

* Sandoval, Historia del Emperador Carlos V. Jib. xxix.

§ xxxiv.
112 INQUI~ITION UNMASKED. [cItAt'. Itt.

his own name, and exciting' in the people

of Naples fresh proofs of that same horror
they had evinced against the tribunal in
time of Ferdinand the Catholic, and which
they again repeated during the reign of
Philip II.'*'
Another circumstance occurred at Rome
in 1559, also occasioned by the Inquisition.
The people hated Paul IV. roi-"several rea-
sons, but principally for the great encourage-
ment he gare to this tribunal, which Paul III.
had just established. So great was the zeal
with which the above pontiff patronized the
new institution that,whilst he was yet cardi-
nal, he hired a house to serve as a prison,
secured the doors with strong locks and
bolts, and procured an assortment of stocks,
manacles, and other instruments, at his own
expense, notwithstanding he lived .in a very
economical manner, On his death the people
rose out of gladness, cast down and broke
his statue, and ..threw the pieces into the
Tiber. They instantly proceeded to the
Inquisition, and, forcing open the doors,
ill-treated a Dominican friar, commissary of
it PiraIno, De Orig. S. Inquisit, lib. ii, tit. ii. cap. x.

n. 50-Luis Moreri, Diction. Histor, Art. {}tuna, (D~

Pedro do Giron primer Duque de.)" -
CHAP. III.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. II S

the tribunal, leaving him for dead; and next

burnt the archives, doors, windows, and every
thing else they found in the building. They
then directed their course to the convent of
La Minerva, in. order to plunder and. burn
it; which they would have done, had. not
the authority of respectable persons inter-
fered to restrain their fury. I ought here to
observe, that it was not the populace of
Rome that thus displayed their animosity
against the tribunal; persons of the greatest
distinction were also its enemies, among
whom were several prelates and ecclesiastics,
who complained that Cbristian liberty was
thereby trampled upon. oil:
In Milan .likewise, in the year 156~, an
insurrection took place from motives of a
similar nature. Pius V. proposed, and even
Solicited, Philip II. to establish the Inqui-
sition in that kingdom, on the same plan
under which it existed inSpain. The King,
whether or not because he was fond of keep-
ing the people in subjecoon, or was desirous
of obtalnlng fr~m the Pope a grant of the

: • DomeWco Bernini, Istoria eli tune l'heresie, tom. iv,

leCul. xvi. cap. vi.
VOL. I. I
) 140 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. III.

Cruz ada and Subsidio, *' as well as the revenue

of the mitre of Toledo to enable him to con-
tinue the palace and convent of the Escurial,
complied with his wishes; though some per-
sons affirm that the first project originated
with Philip himself However, as the aver-
sion of the Milanese to this tribunal was
notorious, and they had besides just lodged
their complaints before the Pope and the
King, by means of deputies sent to them, as
.". Crusada, or Crusade, was formerly a military expedi-
tion promoted by the Pope against infidels by granting
indulgences to those who therein enlisted. By this means
numbers flocked to the holy wars, wearing a cross on
their clothes, whence they were called erose-bearers.
Notwithstanding these romantic wars have long ceased,
the Pope's bulls are still issued and in force in Spain, by
which certain other indulgences and dispensations are
now granted; and, as each individual is in great measure
bound to purchase one annually, the price of which is
fixed according to rank, their sale in Spain and America
produces a large revenue, for the ,receipt of which a parti-
cular court is established, over which a CommissaryG~neraJ
presides. SUDsidio, also called Escusado, was an impost
granted originally by Pius V. to Philip n., and since con.
tinued to the kings of Spain, by which they were allowed
to appropriate to themselves the tythes of the largest
tate of each l'arish throughout all the Spanish domi-
lIioDl. This fund WAil alao originidly intended against
infidels.- TK.
 CHAP. Ill.] INQUISlTION UNMASKED. 115

ell as before the Council of Trent, through

the medium of their own bis-hops, it was
judged advisable for some artifice to be used
for its introduction. The means adopted
were, that the archbishop of Milan, a. dignity
at that time held by Cardinal Charles Barro-
meus, should arm all his dependants, in order
that the people might be thus accustomed
to see an ecclesiastical c-ourt among them
on a royal footing. I ought not to omit men-
tioning that the prelates of Lombardy also
laid a remonstrance before the Pope, pointing
out to him the great power the said e tablish-
ment would give to Philip in those state ,
influenced as they were by an apprehension
that if it was allowed there it would soon
be brought into all Italy: and they also made
a representation to the archbishop, reminding
him how much his authority would be cur-
tailed; but all their efforts were without effect.
As Soon as the senate observed these mi-
nisters in the city with their arms, they seized
one of them, and disarming him in the pre-
sence of his master, they proceeded to inflict
the torture upon him. The cardinal received
this act of justice performed on the person of
his servant as an outrage committed against
his dignity, and ordered (though he not
I~
116 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHA? m.
obeyed) the magistrates of the city, including
the Duke de Albuquerque, its governor, to
appear before him; fulminating at the same
time excommunications out against them.
In the mean time the people took up arms,
protesting they would never endure so tyran-
nical a yoke as that of the Inquisition. They
cried out, that if it was tolerated in Spain, it
was owing to the converted Jews and Moors,
who abounded there; but, as this was not
the case in Milan, such an establishment was
an insult to a Catholic kingdom like theirs.
King Philip, being informed of the difficulties
attending the execution of his project, gave
it up altogether; by which means he pre·
vented a great contention which the above
affair was about to produce in the Council
of Trent.s Referring to this commotion in
Milan, the inquisitor Luis del Paramo con-
fesses that it was common for countries to
rise up when attempts were made to intro-
duce the Inquisition into them.r

Luis Cabrera de C6rdoba, Vida de Don Felipe II.

lib. vii. cap. xii,
t These are his words: " Mediolant;nse 'Vulgus, ui carll-
",,,niter fit, commO'lJeriac obstrepere ctEpit, paulatim ad
anna concurritur, unioersaque civitas valde tumultuata
,sl." De Orig, Inquisit. lib. ii, tit. ii, cap. xxx, n, 20. .
 CHAP. III.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 117
Finally, everyone is aware that the Low
Countries rebelled against Spain in conse-
quence of the same king Philip persisting to
give activity to the Inquisition, which had
been established there by his father Charles
V., though it had remained in a state of
suspense, owing to the opposition of the
inhabitants; and also to introduce it into
Brabant, where it had hitherto been irnpossi..
ble to effect its erection." In the year 156'7,
he consequently sent inquisitor Alonso del
Canto to superintend its organization, under

* In 1550 Charles V. issued a decree for the establi •

ment of the Inquisition in the Low Countries; but his sister
Mary, queen of Hungary, then governess of these pro--
vinces, feared the consequences of its being carried ip.to
execution. The measure therefore was not carried into
effect till his son Philip II. came into power. The Low
Countries then contained a number of leamed divines
. who sought a reform in the Church, and had also become an
asylum for various sects. The States remonstrated against
the establishment, but Philip would be obeyed. The people
at length broke out into open resistance, and commenced
a revolution, the longest as well as the most obstinate and
'heroic that was' ever known. The war lasted 60 years,
was filled with numerous traits of valour and suffering, and
eventually ended in favour of the people. The Inquisition
consequently was the original cause of these horrors,
and of the' great loss that thence ensued to the Spaniih
c;:rown._Ta.
11 S ~NQUJ&ITION UNMASKED. [CRAP. m,
the rigorous form the institution had assumed
through the efforts of Torquemada, The
Flemish, who till then had lived under a
constitution somewhat liberal, and therefore
trembled at the bare name of the Inquisi-
tion, seeing their privileges trampled t~ the
ground, and their remonstrances disregarded,
appealed to force as the only refuge left them.
All orders of society, from the hardy rustic
to the highest nobles and clergy, rose up
against the establishment with an enthusiasm
only equ lied by the implacable hatred with
which they detested so monstrous an institu-
tion. They considered it contrary to divine
and hum n laws, more cruel than the greatest
tyrants of history, and an infernal invention
intended to build up the fortunes of a few
wretches, insatiable in avarice and ambition,
out of the spoils of honourable families and
at the expense of public happiness. They
next proceeded to form a regular con-
spiracy, binding themselves to each other's
aid and defence, and calling down the anger
of God and man if they laid down their
arms before they had completely secured
their liberty. .
The Duke of Alva, Don Fernando Alvarez
de Toledo, a good soldier but a sanguinary.
 CHAP. III.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 119

character, proceeded to suppress this rebel-

lion at the head of an army chiefly composed
of veterans. The people, inexperienced in
the art of war and badly equipped, were
overthrown in the first onsets, being unable
to withstand the impetuosity and guard
against the stratagems of the Spanish general.
But neither these misfortunes, nor the atro-
cious punishment inflicted by the duke on
Counts Egmont and Horn, as 'well as on the
other persons of distinction whom he ordered
to be beheaded; nor the consternation I
spread throughout all the provinces by con-
demning thousands of citizens to the sword,
gallows, and flames, were able to induce the
people to submit to the Inquisition; nor did
this parade of violence produce any other
effect than )to confirm the idea they already
entertained of its cruelty. Daily irritated still
mere, misfortunes only added to the courage
of the insurgents, ,and they acquired ne
. energies when the heavy chains which the
conquered, had to endure rushed upon their
minds, The result of the inconsiderate and
oppressive plans of the Spanish govern-
ment was the dismemberment of the Seven
Provinces which afterwards constituted t e
republic of Holland, by which means the the
120 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. Ill.

colossal power of Spain was so greatly dimi-

nished and the national character tarnished.
But, in a political point of view, it is not
this loss alone to the Spanish monarchy that
calls for our particular attention, when we
examine the insurrection excited in the Low
Countries through a detestation of the Inqui ..
sition. It is besides necessary to advert that,
about the same time, this tribunal, refusing
to allow the Moors of the kingdom of Gra-
nada to retain the Arabic language, dress,
and other usages received from their ances-
tors, (things so difficult to wrest from a
prejudiced people) had the impolicy to ha-
rass them in such a manner as at length to
force them into a general insurrection. In
conseqllence of this, Philip II. had to divide
his forces, and was unable to disengage a
sufficient strength to insure the pacification of
the Low Countries, whereby the flame ac-
quired so strong and wide a spread that it
was afterwards impossible to extinguish it.
By these, events, religion also suffered the
most material injury, as well with regard to
the inhabitants of the above states as those
of Granada; for the first, justly scandalized at
the unfeeling and violent spirit which actu-
ated the Inquisition, galled by the ill-treat.
 6HAP. III.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. '121

ment they had experienced from the army,

and confounding under the same idea the
Hames of Spain, Catholic religion, and Inqui-
sition, gave greater latitude to all kinds of
sects, which from that time acquired higher
credit and authority. On the other hand,
many of the Moors of Granada who survived
the field of battle were compelled to forsake
the land of their forefathers and cross over
to Africa, where those who were Christians.
in their hearts were obliged again to embrace
the faith of Mahomet as a refuge from further
. persecution. >II:
Pius V. was also the promoter of the above
expedition against the Low Countries, by
admonishing the King of Spain not to suffer
the Catholic religion to meet with any injury
in the above provinces, telling him that he
ought rather to go there in person to punish
the seditious. In like manner he encouraged
thei~ governess, Margaret of Austria, by offer-
ing her money and whatever else was within
his reach, assuring her that the matter was
of such great moment that, according to his
own words, he would not hesitate to risk his
• Famian Estrada, De Bello Belgico, Decad. I. lib. ii.
& v.-Guido Bentivoglio, Relazioni di Fiandra, part. i,
lib. ij.-Hurtado de Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, lib. i.
] 22 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. III.,

diadem upon it. On occasion of the victo-

ries of the Duke of Alva over the rebels,
the Pope sent him a hat and sword, deco-
.rating him with these insignias as a defender
of the faith. It then appeared that the ex-
treme ardour of Pius V. which so much
indisposed him with the people when he wa
a simple inquisitor, was by no means miti-
gated, but rather increased, after his accessior
to the Pontificate. Whoever, on the one
hand, reflects on this circumstance, and, on
the other, directs his attention, not so much
to Philip II. whose exertions in favour of
the 'Inquisition beyond doubt originated
merely in political views, but rather to
Charles V., whose religious zeal has been so
much extolled, will readily admit that in the
16th century there existed a mania and rage
in favour of this tribunal. Nothing is a
stronger proof of this, at least with regard
to the latter prince, than the regret he
expressed, during his retirement among the
monks belonging to the convent of Juste,
of having kept his word to Luther, to whom
he bad promised a safe passage to the diet of
Worms , alleging that such promises ought
not to be kept with heretics, but that the
injury done to God ought to be avenged,
4
CHAP. III. ] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 123

and a timely stop put to the evil by causing

them to die. For this same reason he en-
joined the inquisitors not to be indulgent
towards heretics, but in cases of impeni-
tence to deliver them over to the flames,
for no good could be expected from them,>
Should there be anyone in the present
day of this same way of thinking, I would
ask him, what Charles V. would have gained
by destroying Luther, particularly as it must
have been done by the greate t po sible out.
r ge on honour nd good faith! Undoubt-
edly the s me a the Emperor igismund
obtained by the death of John Bus, who,
after being condemned by the Council of
Constance, was cast into the flames, notwith-
standing passports and a safe conveyance
had been formally granted to him, when the
re ult was, that out of his ashes a civil war
arose. The truth of my assumption is strongly
confirmed by the ohservations of Legate
Contarini ; who; writing at that time to Pope
Paul IlL and the college of Cardinals res.
pecting the state of Lutherani m in Germany,
observes, that even when all the heads were
to die or be converted, persons of distinction
• Sandoval Historia del Emperador Carlos v, lib. xxxii.
ix,
1241 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. nr,

s well ~s the common people would not

change their sentiments, in consequence of
interested motives and the habits of contra-
•
diction. " When those disturbances first took
place they might have been easily calmed, if
the rights of the altar and of the throne had
been better understood, and if the Catholics
had acted with more moderation and the
sectaries with less precipitation. But, as the
evil was not then remedied, will it be just to
continue to add irritation to it ?
Such have been the enterprises of the In-
quisition and such its victories, as well with
regard to individuals whose wills it has sought
to overcome, as entire nations when threat-
ened with its iron sway. Yet, how many of
its crimsoned pages are we obliged to pass
over without notice l To exasperate and
embitter the mind by inspiring it at the.same
time with duplicity; to carry dread and ter-
ror throughout the land; to spread turbulence
among nations and misery among fa~ilies,
are the fruits which have been gathered from
this baneful tree, from the very time it was
first planted. Introduced and alternately:
expelled by force, oppression has been its
motto in every country where its head was
• Valcarce Desengarios filQllOficos, tom. iv. cap. iv. j v.
CHA? III.] INQUISITION 'UNMASKED. ;125

reared, and execration the compani(;>llof itt;

growth. In all times as well as in all ages,
without even excepting Italy and Rome
itself, the higher as well as lowest classes;
the most indifferent secular as well as the
zealous prelate, all have opposed to this
institution, notwithstanding it was the work
of the Popes, a firm and decided resistance.
All have equally shuddered at its approach,
and all have uniformly dreaded the destructive
influence of its poisonous shade. And after
the numerous testimonies of odium to this
tribunal exhibited in the pages of history,
and after the uniform sentiments of whole
nations tending to confirm its reprobation,
shall anyone yet venture to assert that its co-
operation is the best defence of true religion,
and the most adequate means of bringing
back the wayward to the path they had for-
saken ? Even if this institution had no other
argument against it than the horror in which
it has always been held, would not this alone
be sufficient to convince us that a religion
easentially mild, as is that of Jesus Christ,
and instituted to captivate the whole universe
by the attractions of truth, far from progress-
ing under its influence, can only be attended
with disaffection and contrariety?
J!6 INQUISITION UNKASKED. [cHAP.m,

It may, however, be objected, that popular

commotions prove nothing against the Inqui-
sition, since they equally existed against the
apostles, and were excited for the purpose of
counteracting the effects of their preaching;
such, for example, were those of Ephesus
and' of Jerusalem against St. Paul." .A most
material difference, however, will be dis-
covered in the two cases, if they are only
impartially examined. The apostles pro-
mnlgated the gospel by leaving the liberty of
the people to admit or reject it entirely UIl:-
controlled, and without availing themselves
of any other means than beneficence and per-
suasion. The interruption, consequently, of
public tranquillity did not result from the
doctrine they preached, but from the machi-
nations of individuals interested in its perse-
cution; more especially of the sectarian
priests. Thus was it that the commotion of
Ephesus was occasioned by the silversmiths
who worked for the temple of Diana, because
they discovered that through the prevalence
of the new religion they would lose all their
customary profits; and that of J erusalern
:waspromoted by the High Priest of the Sy,.
nagogue and his ministers. For this reason,
* Act. Apost. ~p. xix. v. 23, and cap. xxi. v. 9:1, &c.
CHAP.IU.] IN"Q.UISITIONUNMASKED. 127

in none of the commotions which the Scrip-

ture says originated in the preaching of the
Gospel, do we find any of those horrid symp-
toms which uniformly accompany the insur-
rections of the multitude when impelled by
a sense of outrage. The contrary has been
the case with regard to the Inquisition; this
inexorable tribunal, from its nature as well as
the terror by which it is distinguished, has
introduced alarm and dismay into every
country where a spark of public spirit yet
remained, and where the love of liberty had
not become totally extinct.
Of the hypocrisy, as far as regards that
false devotion which has so much thriven
under the shadow of this tribunal, and which,
properly speaking, is the effect of ignorance,
we shall speak when we come to consider
the war which the Inquisition has always
carried on against the sciences.
 CHAPTER IV.
The Mode qf Judicial Process established iti
this Tribunal tramples to the Ground all
the Rights qf the Citizen,

OF no avail would be the wisest laws es-

tablished for the order and government of
society, if the latter is divested of the autho-
rity and necessary force to promote their
exact fulfilment; and since men have sub-
mitted to public power in order to enjoy
under its protection the benefits of which
they would otherwise be deprived, the hope
of these benefits and the dread oflosing them
, will always be a strong means of restraining
mankind within the bounds of duty. The
primary instincts of man are rather of a dis-
orderly nature, and it is reflection only that
leads us to sacrifice our passions to the in-
terests of public order. Hence then have
hope and fear always been considered as the
principal bases on which social establishments
rest, and the chief links by which human
society is held together. Therefore, whilst
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 129

the laws of economy give impulse to the first

of these passions, by leading the citizen to-
seek his own happiness, and causing him to
promote that of the political body" criminal
legislation derives advantages from the second,
by "threatening those with punishment who
should attempt to disturb the quiet of the
rest. Nevertheless, neither the punishments
assigned to crimes nor their prompt execution
will ever suffice to maintain public tranquil.
lity, if the avenues leading to Courts of Jus-
tice are not closed against the arbitrariness
of Judges and the machinations of calumny,
and unless the law afford an equal remedy
to all. Punishments would, otherwise, be as
much dreaded by the innocent as the guilty;
and even were they only inflicted on the de-
linquent, they would not answer the purpose
for which they were instituted, since the jus.
tice of the punishment would be equally as
dubious as the existence itself of the crime.
In this case, man in society, far from ex-
periencing that complacency which the laws
inspire when they insure his protection,'
would be dismayed at the apprehension of
being unjustly condemned; criminal legisla-
tion, consequently, ought to combine the
VOL.I. K
130 INQUISITION UNMASKED. LCHAP. IV.
dread of him who transgresses the law with
the security of him who thereby regulates his
actions. In a word, that tribunal can only
be called just in which the delinquent does
not hope to go unpunished, the innocent
fears no injury, and the judges are deprived
of every means of acting in an arbitrary
manner.
In conformity to these principles, what
idea are we to form of the Inquisition? Does
the plan on which it is founded exclude all
the inconveniences Just enumerated? Un-
fortunately it rather possesses all these, as
well as many others. The mode of conduct-
ing the criminal process, viz. that part of'the
legislation which ought to be most simple and
clear, in this tribunal is a confused labyrinth,
from the mazes and windings of which the
honour and life of the accused can scarcely
be extricated. An impossibility; almost ab-
solute on the part of the culprits to substan-
tiate the justice of their cause, and a facility
almost boundless on the part of the Inquisi-
tion to aggrieve them, are the two principal
hinges on which its judicial examinations
turn in criminal cases. Like an abortion,
which it in fact is, of the ignorance and fana-
2
GHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 1~1

ticism of the middle ages, its judicial forms

in 'no way differ from the impurity of its
origin; and its code is an assemblage of all
kinds of barbarous legislations, till even ille-
gality is therein reduced to system. A tribu ..
nal which, regardless of every thing man
holds sacred, such as good faith and respect to
the Divinity.forces him to utter the sentiments.
of his heart in order that they may serve as a
motive of condemnation-a tribunal which,
surrounded by darkness, rests the issue of the
most important affairs of which it takes cog-
nizance on the impenetrable seer cy of its
proceedings-a tribunal, in short, .which fears
no one on earth, for to no one is it answer-
able, not even to public opinion, whose cen-
sure tyrants themselves have not escaped, of
what horrors must it not be capable, what
monsters must it not harbour in its bosom?
-It is therefore no longer a subject of wonder
that such a multitude of enormous crimes
have been committed by this tribunal, and
rendered its name so odious-crimes so much
the more revolting-and abominable, because
they have been committed under the sanction
of religion.
What I have already said in the preceding.
chapters to impartial minds might suffice to
K2
132 ,INQUISITION UNlIASKED. [CHAP. IV.

eonvince them of the defects and oppressive

system of this inexorable institution; but
there are others so' blinded by prejudice as
only' to be moved by positive facts laid before
them. Yet I am fully aware of the necessity
of strong arguments, such as are founded on
historical records, in order to strike the
senses and undeceive a certain class of men,
in whom, from the strength of prior impres-
sions fortified by custom, the imagination
holds despotic empire. It will consequently
be, in great measure, facts that will hence-
forward be presented; and in the first place I
shall proceed to examine the plan on which
this tribunal is founded, and its method of
carrying on judicial process. This task is
the less painful, because it will in a certain
degree evince that the obliquity of this insti-
tution has emanated not so much from the
excesses of its ministers as the defective ele-
ments of which it is composed, and the pecu-
liar essence of its form of government. It
will, besides, tend to point out the merits of
some, who, notwithstanding the difficulties of
their vicious ministry, 'have conducted them-
selves therein with probity. And, as it is not
my wish to wound the feelings of anyone,
particularly of persons who from their cha-
 CHAP. IV.] . INQUISITION pN.MA!SKED. . 183

racter are worthy of th'e greatest veneration,

I will speak with all that confidence and free-
dom which a good cause inspires; but my
attacks will be directed against the establish-
ment, and not against the members of which
it is composed. In like manner, in pointing
out the practices which are now no longer in
use, I shall do full justice to the comparative
moderation by which of late years its affairs
have been conducted; or rather I will trace
the philosophy of our own age, whose lights,
noswithstanding every effort to exclude them,
have been able to penetrate into the gloomy
precincts and dreary abodes of this Gothic
establishment.

AUTHORITY 0/this Tribunal, under 'Whick

Title are comprehended the JUDGES and their
JpRISDICTION.

JUDGES are those who, under another name,

are called Inquisitors. Of these it is only
necessary to advert that the canon law re-
quires in them the age of forty years, not-
withstanding they only exercise part of the
episcopal ministry, for which that of thirty
suffices. Undoubtedly the popes prescribed
this more advanced age in the inquisitors,
4
134 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IY.

because they foresaw how easy it would be

for them to abuse the authority confided to
their charge, unless they were possessed of
discretion and divested of the impetuosity of
youth. The same assumption makes it
jj<

likely that the errors of this tribunal have, in

general, rather originated in the want of
talent in its members, than in a decided in-
tention to act wrong. Indeed the idea com-
monly entertained of their abilities has not
been very advantageous; nor is there a foreign
author, out of the many who have declaimed
against the Inquisition, that has failed to at-
tribute to them this same defect. The fol-
lowing testimonies will tend to substantiate
my charge.
With regard to the inquisitors of Italy,
I

John Calderini positively asserts the fact, and

exhorts them to take counsel of experienced
men, as most of them are ignorant of the
principles and practice ofpub1ic law; adding,

*' De hseret, cap: Nolentes in Clement. "Nolentes,"

says the Decretal, "splendorem solitum negotii fidei, per
actus inducreto« # improbos quorumvis Inquisitorum hare-
tice pravitatiS'fJ!«lsi tcnebrosi fumi caligine obscurari, sta-
tuimus nullis ex nunc, nisi qui quadragesimum atasis
annum attigerint, Wficium Inquisitionis -Fadicta: commi(#
;n'luisitorilJus."
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 135

that otherwise they would be in danger of

absolving the guilty and condemning the in-
nocent," Judges who are unacquainted with
the principles of right and the precepts of the
canon law,-l make no hesitation to say, can-
not know their obligations, or be fitted to sit
on the bench. Respecting those of Portugal,
Tavernier furnishes us with proofs, in what
he relates of a capucbin friar of the name of
Ephraim' de Nevers,' who about the year
1600, was a prisoner in the Inquisition of
Goa. When he was set at liberty, notwith-
standing his great virtue and reserve, he could
not refrain from complaining that no incon-
venience he experienced was so great as that
of seeing his fate in the hands of such ideot
judges. Dr. Dellon affirms that he noticed
this circumstance some years afterwards,
when he was a prisoner in the same .Inquisi-
tion.t Hence do the Portuguese noblemen
say, when they wish to joke about the back.

* Johan. Calderini, Tractatus de Heereticis, cap. vi. D. 1.

C' Quia Inquisitores ul plurimum sunt juris ignari, et pas-
sent ftciliter sic decipi ut absoloerent condemnandem, vel
damna rent forsitan absoloendum, !Jebent circa occurrentia
processus communicare conslJ,iaperitorum in jure.
t Dellon, Relation de l'Inquisition de Goa, chap, xxviii.
136 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

wardness of their children at college, that

they will put them into the post of inquisitors
or canons."
Relating to the inquisitors of Spain, we
have the testimony of the two Attorney Ge-
nerals belonging to the Councils of Castile
and of the Indies, Don Melchor Macanaz
and Don Martin de Miraval, (nor is this the
only one of this kind I could quote,) who,
in compliance with the orders of Philip V. to
draw up a report respecting the Inquisition
and the means of its reform, make use of the
following ~ords: "Notwithsanding it usually
occcurs that in this tribunal there are many
learned men, still it has happened that not a
few, devoid of both learning and experience,
have given rise to many repeated and gros~
blunders, which in former times, as well as at
present, would have required that restrictions
-should be placed upon them."t Another

.. Narrativa da Perseguicad de Hippolito Joseph da

Costa, written by himself, tom. i.
t Consulta de los Fiscales de Castilla y Indias tocante
alas Materias de Inquisicion, part i, art. i, This is a large
quarto work containing 357 leaves, a d now before me, in
the hand-writing of Macanaz, and signed by him.elf at
Montalvan, in France, Feb. 16, 1720.
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 18'7'

proof of this is found in the upper colleges of

Spain, which are now extinguished. It is pub-
. lic and notorious that everyone who crossed
their threshold expected a rich prebend or a
good gown at the end of his literary career,
even when his progress pad not been great.
But if there was anyone of so little talent,
that according to the vulgar saying, he
wanted common sense, the dignity of Inqui-
sitor of the Faith was obtained for him; so
much so, that in this very acceptation the
. two following verses of the hymn Pange Lin-
gua, sung in the prayers of Corpus Christi,
passed into a proverb among the collegiates,
Prastet Fides supplementum
Sensuum difectui.

What our weak senses can't descry,

Let stronger faith the want supply.

I am fully sensible, as were the two Attor-

ney Generals above named, that the Inquisi-
tion has possessed some men celebrated for
their learning as well as their virtue. Such
among others, and without going out of
Spain, have been the two Inquisitor Generals
Ximenez de Cisneros and Sarmiento Valla-
dares; but this will merely argue that the
stigma of ignorance attached to the body at
138 INQUISITION' UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

large ought not equally to extend to all its in-

dividual members. Neither does it prove that
the tribunal has failed to persecute literary
characters because some few of its chiefs have
patronised them, as Sr. Sandoval y Roxas did
Cervantes, Espinel, and Salas Barbadillo;
and Cisneros still more by the foundation of
an university. It is, besides, necessary to
advert that many of its judges, even when
sensible of the defects of their institution and
convinced of its abuses, have been under the
necessity of temporising, not to clash with
the prejudices of their companions; for as
prejudices are extremely dangerous in matters
of religion, they are considerably more so'
in a despotic tribunal, whose members are ne-
cessarily tyrants and slaves one of the other.
The same may he said of the qualificators and
counsellors; for when the court, through
mistake has sought the report of anyone di-
vested of prejudice, the latter has been
obliged to adapt his language to the palate of
his employers, or otherwise he exposed him-
self to their anger as a promoter of heresy, of
which several examples will be brought for-
ward in the course of this work. In short,
nothing is more frequent than for man to
give himself up to indolence when nothing
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 139

stimulates him to labour, and this has cer-

tainly happened with the inquisitors. For
this reason, even supposing that when they
entered on the functions of their office they
were possessed of sufficient learning, it is to
be feared they might lose it in the course of
time. And, indeed, what was there to oblige
them to retain it, when they were fully
persuaded that their sentences, whatever
they might be, would be received as so many
oracles; and that no one could approach to
examine them without incurring their ana-
themas, and becoming an object of their
fury?* .
* Even the common people, amidst the illusion in which
they lived under the yoke of this tribunal, at length became
sensible of the great ignorance that prevailed in its dark
conclaves, This is l'roved by the following saying, to be
met with in the mouths of everyone.
Preg, Que cosa es Inquisicion!l
Resp, Un santo Christo, dos candeleros,'!J tres majaderos,

Quest. What constitutes an Inquisition?

Answ. One crucifix, two candlesticks, and three blockheads;
alluding to the form and parade of its sittings, and the
number of judges present thereat. The same common
people of Spain also agree on this point with the nobles of
Portugal, as above alluded to, in placing the canons and
inquisitors OD' the same scale, as may be seen from the fol-
lowing adage-Biena'IJcnturados los tontos, porque elles
l;('() INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

Although it is true that the canon law pre-

scribes for inquisitors the age before stated, I
ought not to omit mentioning that persons of
a much lesser age have been invested with
this dignity, either through a proper dispen-
sation or abuse, without any other restriction
than that of not holding a vote till after the
age of thirty, and in the mean time acting as
proctors on behalf of the court. I. also con-
ceive it necessary to state that the judge
named by the diocesan bishop as his repre-
sentative, besides being allowed only to COD·
cur in two acts, enjoys a consideration in-
finitely inferior to that of his companions; for
instead of alternating with them in the order
of seniority, the least that could be granted to
him, he takes the lowest seat and signs the
last of all." The reason of this is, that the
seralJ canonigos.-BleSiCd are the "fools,for they shall be
eanons.
* Thus is it laid down in the Compilation of the Instruc-
tions of the Office of the Holy Inquisition, done in Toledo,
in the year 1561, also comprising those of the year 14840.
They are inserted by D. Jose de Covarrubias, in the ap_
pendix of his work entitled " Maximas sobre recursos de
fuerza y proteccion." The same is also ordained in
VlIrioua partI of the work entitled " Order generally ob-
served in the Holy Office of the Inquisition, respecting the
&Inn of precesa in causes instituted therein, in confonnity
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKBD. 141

judges chosen by the Inquisitor General con-

sider themselves as deputies from the Pope;
but let this be as it may, the measure proves
the representation to be extremely trifling,
and by no means decorous to the episcopal
character. In consequence of this, some
bishops, as if disdaining to send their co-_
adjutor, have commissioned a lay-person, or

to what has been enacted by the ancient as well as modern

instrU'ctions. Compiled by Paul Garcia, Secretary to the
Council of the Holy and General Inquisition, Madrid
1622." The copy of which I make use, besides the mar-
ginal notes of the author, contains other MS. ones by
Don Antonio Galvez, Secretary to the tribunal of Madrid,
which place he held about the end of the last century.
The same may also be observed in the work used as the
manual of the Italian inquisitors, called Sacro Arlienale
Ovvero prattica dell' Uffizio della Santa Inquisizione, by
Father Eliseo Massini, a Dominican and inquisitor of Bo-
logna, part viii. The copy of which I am possessed was
printed in Rome, 1730, and contains some rules of Father
Thomas Menghini, also an inquisitor, as well as various an-
notations by Dr. John Pasqualone, proctor of the Supreme
Inquisition of the above city. Finally, the same is likewise
ordained by the Instructions of the Portuguese tribunal for
1640, called Regimento do Santo Officio da Inquisi'rao
dos Reynos de Portugal, orden ado por Mandado do Illus-
trissimo e Excellentissimo Senhor Bispo, Dam Francisco
de Castro, Inquisidor Geral do Conselho de Estado de S.
:Mag. Impreso nos Estaos (in the palace of the Inquisition)
par Manuel da Silva.
142 I qUI I'rION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

delegated their powers to the senior inquisi-

tor. The latter, in my opinion is what all
prelates ought to do who have a due sense of
their own dignity. when they do not person-
ally claim their own rights, which most
'assuredly would most contribute to their
honour.
Finally, the inquisitors and other de-
pendants of the Inquisition, before they are
admitted to their respective offices, are sub-
jected to what are called proofs of the purity
of their descent; by which they are compelled
to prove, by the examination of their gene-
alogy, that they do not descend from con-
verted Jews or Moors, nor from ancestors
who have incurred any inquisitorial censure.
By this absurd practice, which has also been
extended to the military orders as well as to
some monastic ones, and even to colleges and
other establishments, the conversion of here-
tics and infidels, instead of being promoted,
has been changed into a title of infamy, and
bas created frequent disputes among families.
This practice is both absurd and contra-
dictory ; because, as the report of the candi-
date has only to ascend to the fourth degree,
his origin still remains uncertain; and because
the same is exacted from a mere bailiff of the
·HAP. IV.] Ir-QUISITION U.::\1 ICED. HS

tribunal, and not from bishops, nor even pa-

triarchs or primates, whose influence in the go-
vernment of the Church is infinitely greater,"
JURISDICTION relates to persons, places, and
matters. 'Vith regard to persons., it may be
said that the jurisdiction of the Inquisition
resides in the Supreme Council thereof; for
that of the provincial courts is merely pre-
carious, nor can they be called courts or
justice, without a degree of impropriety. I
. ay thi b cau e, if they ar only 10 1y
e amined, it will be fo ud th t they hay
other than p rm ncnt 0 nmi ir n , at ] , t
in matters of moment, inc th y ar n t
authorized to commence any uch, and much
less to terminate one, without the concurrence
of the Supreme Council, whom they are bound
to consult before any sentence is executed,
and from whose verdict they cannot deviate.
On the other hand, the Supreme Council,
even granting that it has an undoubted right

• The inutility and inconvenience of these proofs are

fully pointed out by Father Augustin Salucio, who wrote
about the beginning of the reign of Phillip III. in his .. Dis-
CUriO acerca de la Justicia y buen Gobierno de E pafia, en

los E513tut05 de Limpieza de Sangre, y si conviene 0 no

alguna Limitacion en elias." Published in 1785, in the
S~manario Erudite, vol. X\'.
144 INQ.tJISITION UNMASKED. [C1lA~.lV.

to a decisive vote, a point by no means agreed

on, if the effects are only examined, ought
rather to be called an assembly with a con-
sultative voice, than an effective tribunal,
from the powers of the Inquisitor General
being so ample, or rather so exorbitant, that
they in great measure paralyze its authority.
According to these powers, the Inquisitor
General, as well with regard to the Supreme
Council as the other inferior courts, can pre·
vent cognizance being taken of any particu-
lar matter, he may also order any process to
be stopped; and, besides, bring before him-
self any cause in whatever stage it may be in ;
this, at least, is the existing practice. He
can futher modify and alter all sentences
of condemnation, in the terms and in the
manner he may judge proper, even when
they have received the authority of judgment,
except the sentence which delivers the cul-
prit over to the civil authorities; undoubtedly,
because' as this is pronounced among the
ceremonies of the Auto de Fe, and ought to
be executed actu continuo, to revoke it were
to make the arbitrary measure too flagrant
and public." Finally, he even possesses the
character of legislator, inasmuch as be is
* -Pena, lid Director. Inquisit, part iii. com. xliv. n. 19+.
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 145

authorized to interpret the canon law in

matters relating to. the government of the
court; a prerogative which in the Church,
the same as in society that of enacting laws,;
belongs to the legislative power. *
It is therefore evident that the jurisdiction
of the district courts, properly speaking, is
vested in the Supreme Council, and that the
authority of the latter is again absorbed by
the Inquisitor General. It also follows, that
the authority granted by law to a bishop in
the Inquisition of his own diocese is not real
but only apparent, since the vote of his re-
presentative possesses no other value than
that given to it by the Supreme Council or
the Inquisitor General. Consequently this
institution has stripped the bishops of one of
their principal rights, or more correctly
speaking, it embarrasses them in one of their
chief obligations, which is, to watch over the
preservation of the faith. This objection is
by no means answered by the Inquisitor Ge-
neral being sometimes a bishop himself, for
besides its being possible that he be not pos-
.sessed of that dignity, of which there are many
'* Eyroeric Director. Inquisit, part iii. queest. lxxxv.
" Quando occurrit dubium circa leges et statute contra
hareticos, possunt inquisitores illud interpretari:"
voL.L L
146 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

examples on record, a dioacesan bishop, when

treating of the exercise of one of the most
august functions of his ministry, neither can
nor ought to abide by the verdict of a strange
judge, in whose nomination he had not in-
tervened. Neither can it be said that the
rights of the bishops are secured by its being
argued that they are not prevented from
taking cognizance of the crime of heresy in
their own ordinary tribunals, at the same time
the Inquisition is acting thereon, since it is
the sentence of the latter that will always
prevail; and in Rome, whenever the bishops
have made an appeal in which the Holy Office
was implicated, it has always been usual for
the preference to be given to the latter.
The jurisdiction of this tribunal extends to
all -classes of persons excepting bishops,
whom it denounces to the pope, when it be-
lieves they have incurred the charge of
heresy," In America the inquisitors were
restrained from taking cognizance of the
crimes of Indians; since to have subjected
the natives of that country to a tribunal of
this nature in their rude and unlettered state,
• De Heeret. cap. Inquisitor. in 6, conformable to this
regulation i another of the COUD-:il of Trent, Sess, xxiv.
cap. v.
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 141

would have been to sacrifice them in an in-

. human manner. Hence their causes of
heresy were committed to the care of the
bishops, in the same manner as their offences
of witchcraft were confided to the secular
judges. '* With regard to the places where
the influence of this tribunal can reach, it
happens that a person persecuted in "one
kingdom can be equally so in another where
an Inquisition is established, whenever the
first makes an application, a measure that,
in all probability, would not be neglected.
Neither will the tribunal fail to avail itself of
kingly mediation, if this be considered ne~
cessary, in order to seize on and wrest the
culprit from another country, under the plea
of high treason, as it did with the Spanish
protestant, Francisco de Roman, who having
been arrested by command of Charles V. in
Ratisbon, for disobedience to his' orders, was
conveyed to the Inquisition of Valladolid and
delivered over to the flames.t

* So16rzano, Politica Indiana, tom. ii, lib. iv, cap. xxiv.

n.18.
t D. Juan Antonio Pellicer, " Ehsayo de una Bi-
blioteca de Traductores Espafioles," Art. Encina. Pope
Innocent VIII. by bull dated April 3, 1487, commanded
:1.11Catholic kings and princes, when applied to by aa
L2
 148 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP: IV.

As to the causes which come within the

judicial notice of this court, it must be allowed
that the crimes of polygamy, witchcraft, so-
domy, and even of confessional eduction,
ought to be considered as foreign to its com-
petency, to which heresy alone ought to
belong. On this point I shall merely observe,
that the Inquisition has arrogated to itself
the cognizance of the other crimes from
principles of self-accord; or from that pro-
pensity generally found in all privileged
courts, particularly in th~ ecclesiastical ones,
to draw into their own bands as many matters
as they possibly can. Certainly the suspicion
of heresy attributed by the Inquisition to a
person married more than once is devoid of
all foundation, when he might have been led
into this crime by a thousand impelling
causes, without trespassing against the faith. *

Inquisitor General or any of his delegates, for the

arrest and delivery of any fugitive, to cause the same to be
arrested and delivered up. Llorente, Anales de la Inquisi-
cion, tom. i, cap. iv, n. 6.
.. Charles III. by royal decree of Feb. 5, 1770, com'
manded the inquisitors to confine themselves within the
limits of their jurisdiction, taking cognizance of the crimes
of heresy and apostasy alone, and not to interfere with the
king's courts by proceeding in cases of polygamy. In con-
sequence of this, the Supreme Council of the Inquisition laid
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 149

With regard to witchcraft, I am persuaded,

'and will hereafter prove the fact, that the
Inquisition in former times powerfully con-
tributed to spread an opinion among the
common people that many' persons really
practised this art. Indeed how could this be
otherwise, when they beheld a tribunal that
filled them with so much respect, and to
which they attributed the perspicacity of the
lynx, so seriously employed in persecuting
them? But thanks to the declamations of
certain philosophers, the Inquisition, now-
a-days, has fewer opportunities of parading
its zeal against witches and charms, and the
nation has also less occasion for laughter and
grief Strange as it is, we have nevertheless
a remonstrance before the king, when his Majesty declared
that the ordinary ecclesiastical jurisdiction might likewise
take cognizance of the above-mentioned crime, in conse-
quence of the deception practised on the parish curate who
assisted at the second marriage. He also granted permission
for the Inquisition to prefer charges in this case, but only
when unbelief with regard to the Sacrament has been pre-
viously proved j for if. under the possibility of its existence,
(the very reason alleged by the decree,) the tribunal should
arrest the person of anyone, it brings upon him the stigma
of infamy, unless he should appear fully to have deserved
it. With regard to the excessive extension of ecclesiasti-
pal jurisdiction on grounds purely specious, vide Domingo
Cavalario, Institut. Jur, Canon. part iii. cap. ii, , 12.
2"
]50 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

yet to mention another species of crime of

which this tribunal likewise takes cognizance,
~ crime which, however opposed to nature,
has not the smaliest affinity with heresy. No.
one better than those who have been called
to the ministry of the altar, and are sensible
of the' purity it requires, will be able to
declare whether it would not have been more
adviseable to have waved all judicial inter-
ference with an offence which reduces the
perpretator to a rank inferior to brutes. In
a word, the Inquisition not only punishes as
a crime against the faith any aid given to
culprits, whether it may have been on the
part of respectable characters, or originated
in friendship or affinity, but also imposes
punishment on those who censure its acts,
even when a love of truth and good order
had been the sole instigation. *
In conformity to this regulation, when
Aonius Paleario, formerly professor of the
Greek and Latin languages in Sienna, Lucca,
and Milan, censured the rigorous persecu-
tions of this tribunal against Lutherans, as
well as every man of talent, he was imprisoned
by the order of Pius V. and carried to Rome,
where, according to some, he was burnt after
'it Bull" Si de protegendis," of 1st April, 1569.
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNl\USKED. lSI

having been hanged, and according to others,

burnt alive." Without entering into the
other charges which might be alleged against
such a proceeding, I shall merely observe
that if the above was a crime, Clement XIV.
must equally be considered as guilty, since
writing to a Protestant minister he expresses
his sorrow at the times when such things oc-
curred, to which times he gives the term of
"stormy, when each one," as he observes,
"borne away by his own impetuosity, had
deviated from the rules of Chri tian modera-
tion. No one ,regrets more than my elf,"
adds he, "the injury we experienced in the
last century: the spirit of persecution is ex-
tremely odious to me.t" What a difference
between one century and the other, as well
as between the talent and greatness of soul .of
Ganganelli compared with many of the popes
who preceded him!
Notwithstanding at first sight this tribunal
appears to be exclusively destined to act and
give sentence in criminal cases, it has never-
theless been frequently occupied in matters
purely civil. This, in some measure, has ori-
* Diction. Hist. Art. Palearius; vide also the preface
annexed to the Amsterdam edition of'his works, 1690.
t Clement XIV. letter cix.
1S! INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

ginated in the sequestrations and confiscations

of property to which criminal matters give
rise; as well as in that active and passive privi-
lege enjoyed by the inquisitors and their de-
pendants in all kinds of suits, by which they
are authorized to bring the latter into their
own court, and cite before them any individual
whatever. In pecuniary matters it is not to be
wondered that the defendant is often obliged
to appear before the Inquisition, and as it were
at the mercy of the plaintiff, from such little
consideration being paid to anyone arraigned
before it, and because the well-known princi-
pIe of right which is founded on humanity
and justice, viz. that the accused under a pa.
rity of ircumstances ought to be favoured,has
little or no weight with the judges. Finally,
it is only necessary to remark that, although
formerly the civil suits in the Inquisition
were. conducted in nearly the same manner
as the criminal ones, and consequently ex-
perienced the same illegalities, at present
they undergo the same forms practised in the
other courts of justice.

FORM OF PROCESS.

The judge proceeds by virtue of his office,

or at the suit of the party. In the first case
tHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 15S

it is called by Inquisition, or Judicial Inquest;

and in the second, by Denunciation and Se-
cret Impeachment. Of these three modes of
proceeding, the two first only are in use in
this tribunal, viz. Inquisition and Denun-
ciation.
By INQUIS1TION OR JUDICIAL INQUEST.-
When I observe that the Inquisition was es-
tablished in the 13th' century, I mean as a
regular and ordinary tribunal, with a fixed
residence, on the basis it now stands; for,
taken in its full ~cope and under the various
forms it has assumed, it is evident that it
origin must be of a much more remote date,
since it commenced about the period when
the secular power for the first time sent out
searchers after heretics, in order to deliver
them over to the magistrates for punishment.
This period was about the 4th century, when
the discipline of the Church began to de-
cline) and the first record in which the term
Inquisition occurs, signifying the search or
judicial inquest made for those who after
beine baptized dissented from the Catholics
b •
'in matters of faith, was a law of Theodosius
promulgated in 382*. From the period of
.. Codex Teodosian. lib, xvi. li, 28, 29, and 40.-Justi-
pian re-assembled the contents of these laws in bis code
 154 INQUISITION UNMASXED. [CHAP. IT.

this law and others of a similar tenor, ap-

plauded, and possibly dictated, by some,
bishops, and afterwards confirmed by succes-
sive monarchs; the history of the Church is
filled with blemishes, which considerably take
from its splendour. '
The 8th century more especially furnishes
us with convincing proofs how much 'man
may be deceived by a mistaken zeal for reli-
gion, or rather by a desire of revenge against
those who in this particular are of a dif-
" De Heeret." leg. iv, in the following words: " Manicha:os
sea Manichaas, et Donatistas meritissima seoeritate perse-
quimur. Huic itaque hominum geneTi nihil ex moribus,
nihil ex legibus commune- sit cum ceteris. Ac primum
quidem oolumus 6Ssepublicum crimen, quia quod in religionem
divinam committunt, in omnium .fertur injuriam. Non
donandi non emendi, non postremo contrahendi cuiquam
conoicto relinquimus .facultatem. In mortem quoque inqui-
sitio extendatur: Nam si in criminibus majestatis licet me-
moriam accusare defuncti, non immerito et hie debet subire
tale judicium. Ergo et suprema illius scriptum irrita sit,
si{ic codicillo, sice epistola, sioe, q!wlibet alio. genere reli-
querit voluntatem, qui Manichaue fuisse convincitur."
All heretics were comprehended under these penalties,
even when their opinions were only proved by we~ argu-
ments, as may be seen by law ii. of the same code, in the
following words, " Hcereticorum auiem oocabulo continentur,
et [atis adversus eos sanctionibus succumbere debent qui vel
.levi argumento a judicio Catholica: religion is, et tramiie
\ ,zetectifllerint deciare;"
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 155

ferent opinion. Charlemagne, more inhuman,

towards Pagans in France than Sisebutus:
towards Jews in Spain, .gave a perfectly new
appearance to the Inquisition, which strength-
ening itself by degrees from the time of
Theodosius to that of Frederic II., at length
destroyed the happiness of the people among
whom it was established. That prince, after
conquering Saxony, not content with forcing
the inhabitants to embrace Christianity, and
finding that many returned to the worship of
their gods, deputed searchers deserving of
the name of inquisitors, to go throu h the
country and put all such to death. They
formed an association founded on certain
statutes, to the observance of which they
bound themselves by oath, without their
power having any other restrictions than those
of their own pleasure; for they were autho-
rized, not as formerly to seize heretics and
bring them .before the competent tribunals,
but to judge them themselves in a summary
manner, and even to make away with them by
means of public or private executions, with-
out any responsibility being attached to them.
In order to strike their blow more effectually
and with greater security, these assassins, and
most assuredly they merit no better a name,
}!)G INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

adopted a certain alphabet and signs by

which they were known to each other, but
which were occult to .every one else. Such
were the steps pursued by this strange tribu-
nal from the time of its origin, till Pope Inno-
cent III. and Frederic II. gave it the form
under which it has since continued." I think
that no one, on reading that in ancient times
the inquisitors were formed into a secret soci-
ety to whose statutes they were bound by oath,
and that they had an alphabet and. particular
signs for the purpose of knowing each .other,
will fail to think of the order of Free Masons;
nor is this the only point of affinity I observe
between the two institutions.
As soon as the tribunal was erected into a
regular and permanent court, the process of
inquisition was changed into that of denun-
ciation; notwithstanding, however, it still re-
tains in its practice vestiges of what it origin.
1lt Paramo, De Orig. S. Inquisit. lib. ii, cap. xxv, n. 1.
" Leges denique secretes, et notas occultas etjuramenti./or-
mam eis prascripsit (Carolus M.) quibus in judicando et
puniendo juste procedereni, sibique mutuo noti alios laterent,
et necessarium in terra Sasonica judicium perpetuo conserva-
rent. Alphabetis etiam certis inter se utebantur ad
tempus." It is here meant by the latter words, that they
changed the alphabets from time to time, in order to ren-
der their interpretation the more difficult.
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNl\<IASKED. 15~

ally was, which evidently prove that the spirit

by which it is actuated is the same now as in
former times, in like manner as its denomi,
nation is also u.nchanged. As such I consi-
der the two edicts, one called "Of the
Faith," and the other "Of Grace." The
first is read every year on one Sunday of
Lent, during the performance of divine office,
" in all towns where a tribunal is held, and in
it a general injunction is laid to denounce
everyone who may have sinned against the
faith within the space of six days. The c-
cond is issued with great pomp and parade
by the inquisitors on. their establishment in
any city, or when they go on a circuit; and
by it those are invited to give information
against themselves who may be under any
apprehensions of being denounced by others,
for. which a term of thirty or forty days is
given, and pardon offered on condition of
their compliance within the time prefixed,
otherwise the delinquents are threatened with
the confiscation of their property and the
other penalties of the law."
Undoubtedly a plan of such a nature is of
all others the best adapted, not so much to
• Instrucciones de Sevilla, de 29 de Noviembre de J 484.0)
j iii.
158 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

excite in the people 'a servile respect towards

the Inquisition, as to fill them with selfish and
malevolent principles, and form society into a
horde of trem bling and abject wretches. By
these two edicts the prejudices and mutual
odium of two individuals become the common
cause of this tribunal, and the vilest passions
of human nature, through its recommenda-
tion and influence, acquire the highest degree
of authority. Hence did it happen that, in
the first years in which these edicts were is-
sued in the provinces of Andalusia, our an-
cestors were in such haste to become their
own accusers, that from the year 1481 to
152.0, no less than 30,000 persons informed
against themselves.s And in truth, under
such dilemma, who would not prefer to un-
dergo a momentary, although undue and re-
pugnant humiliation, to remain for ever under
the stigma of defamation? Or rather, who was
there that did not endeavour to call to mind
every thing he had said during the whole
period 'of his life; the expressions of his
countenance on hearing a conversation, or
even his silence, for fear this might have ren-
dered him suspicious, hen he was aware
.. Paramo, De Orig. S. Inqui it. lib. ii, tit. ii, cap. iv,
n.12.
. CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 159

that by presenting himself voluntarily he

escaped all molestation, whilst through any
inculpable forgetfulness he brought ruin on
himself and family. Even thus, everyone
who escaped might be considered fortunate j
since, according to the ordinances of Portu-
gal, the invitation of the inquisitors, as well in
their circuits as at all times, was a mere lure,
as they were able to throw the self-in-
former into a dungeon if they choose, under
pretext of his not having confessed all he was
obligated to do. >If< This same was experienced
by Marc Antonio de Dominis, Archbishop of
Spalatro, who having embraced the Protestant
religion passed over to England; he after-
wards returned to Rome, whither he had been
invited by the Pope and the Inquisition, both
of whom had offered him pardon. He never-
theless died in prison, as is generally under-
• The above Ordinances, lib. ii'. tit. ii, n. 4. contain the
following words: Parescendo aos inquisidores que a pessoa
que se appresentou nad faz inteira e verdadeira confissad
de sus culpas, sera reteada em uma caza fora do carcere,
e se vera seu processo em meza peIos inquisidores, c to-
mandose nelle assento que seja preza asi se executara, e
ainda que satisfaca logo depois de preza nao ficara go-
zando do previlegio de apprezentado, posto que em seu
despacho se podera ter ii isso algum respeito."-The
term processo, is here taken for the declaration or con-
4
 ] 60 IN'QUISITION UNl\IASKED. [CHAP. IV.

stood, through the effects of poison adminis-

tered to him by his own relations, in order to
spare him and themselves the shame of his
being brought out in an Auto of the Faith."
There is, however, still another reason why
so great a number of persons stepped for-
ward, on the re-establishment Of the Inquisi-
tion under the new shades offerocity added to
it by Torquemada, in order to accuse them-
selves of crimes which in all probability they
never dreamed of 'Committing, and this is,
the strong sensations caused by the alarming
spectacle of the frequent punishments at that
time inflicted; since there is no sacrifice, too
great for man when agitated with terror.
Hence at no time and in no place have so
many witches been seen as in the duchy of
Lorrain in the 14th century, when they
were persecuted in the most inexorable man-
.....
ner, and the alienation of mind caused by the
terror of punishment in some persons was so
great, that they confessed crimes which they

fession made hy the culprit against whom there is no

testimony or denunciation alleged.ssince it had been thus
previously laid down in n. 2. "E nao havendo contra a
tal pessoa testemunhas posto que a noticia procedc!se de
sua propria confissao," &c.
• Diction, Histor. art. Dominie,
CHAP. IV;] INQUISITION UNMASKED. t61

never could have .committed, even if they

had wished it; crimes which, as soon as' the
prejudices of the common people were dissi-
pated, and their persecutions at an end, have
entirely ceased." In like manner in Italy,
when the Inquisition was re-established, he-
retics sprung up in every quarter; because
-the ignorant upstarts of those days, elated
with their learning and devotion, conceived
that in every man who was not entirely of
their own way of thinking they saw a Cal-
.vinist or a Lutheran, just as those of the
present age behold no others than Jansenists
and unbelievers. Princes and princesses,
entire colleges, priests, friars, bishops, and
even cardinals, were then metamorphosed into
sectaries. .Paul IV. himself, who by the pro-
tection he gave to this institution, might be
considered as the principal author of so many
extravagancies, was satisfied with a compro
mise on the part of Cardinal Polo when
accused of Lutheranism, and of whose cause
he was personally taking cognizance, con-
senting that the papers drawn up by the
Cardinal in his own defence should be burnt,
and the affair buried in oblivion; fearful that
-if they were published he would be in a worse
* Feijoo, Teatro Cr'itico, tom. ii, disc. v, n, 58, &c,
VOL. I. M
 102 Jlf :tl't~1'ION tl'lntltUD. [eRA)? 1'V.

plight. than the accused. But this frenzy

did not stop here; it even became necessary
to till up many of the places of the Inquisition
- "Wit.hIaymen, for it was discovered that num-
bers of thecclesiastical inquisitors were
themselves heretics.· ,
In .combating the vulgar error respetting
wit'Ches Feijoo observes U'that it frequently
happens that persons of a lively imagination,
but de oid of courage, on contemplating any
'enormous crime whilst under the influence of
terror, particularly if the town has been dis-
turbed and the police under alarm, experience
such A ~trange perturbation of the brain, that
this receives the most unaccountable and
chimerical impressions. The horror of crime
and the severity of punishment disorder the
tnitnll.l spirits so much, that the dread of in-
tutting blame drives the imagination to fear
the actual commission; and from 'Pl'ofuundly
meditating this as possible, the mind at length
COmes to the actual transition of being eon-
vinced ill guilt. The strong apprehension of

• Bemihi,lltor. di Tufte Vheresie, tom. i•.!eClll. xvi.

cap. Yii. These are his words: " Qu:esttJ risoluzione in
seT'Virsi di secolari fit presa, perclte non solo molti vescO'lJie
vicarii e fralri e preti, ma anco molti Jell' idessi inquisi-
tori eh2nf) lin-etici."
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 16$

the idea which, at the beginning was only

considered as abstract, imprints itself so deep
and under so lively a form as to render its
real existence no longer dubious. The blind
imagination rushes on those objects which the
terrified will seeks to avoid, in like manner as
the head strikes the very spot from which the
feet attempted to wander; or, as the anxious
wish of one travelling over a precipice not to
fall perturbates him so much that he can no
longer keep on his feet. For this reason it
is," adds our author in a sporting tone," that
I venerate that most discreet lentitude with
which the holy tribunal of the Inquisition
proceeds in its resolutions." Besides the ob-
stacles which the malice and ignorance of
men oppose to the examination of truth, in
the crimes judged by that tribunal the most
to be feared is that a fool ffi!1ypass for a real
delinquent. Heresy, blasphemy, and supersti-
tious rites are certainly horrid crimes; but in
them it is still easier for the exterior act to
proceed from the depravation of the under ..
standing, than from the perversion of the
~ill.·
* Feijoo, Teatro Crltico, tom, ii, disc. v, D. 58, &c. As
this author, from having carefully examined the matter, "as
"ell aware that the persons condemned by the Inquisition
M2
104 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAt'. IV.

How great, therefore, must have been the

terror infused into the minds of the people
by the first appearance of the Inquisition at
Seville! and how alarming must have been
the perturbation of the mind, when even
such strong symptoms were visible in the
very persons who introduced it, and were the

fur witchcraft amounted to many thousands, he could

hardly allude to its lentitude and discretion in judicial pro-
ceedings, unless he meant that lentitude which it ought to
have had, and not that which in reality it possessed. He
only who is unaware of the irony of Feijoo, can doubt the
keen manner in which he criticises the proceedings of the -
tribunal in the passage above quoted; nor can it be denied
that he exhorts its members to act with more circum-
spection, a circumstance that must appear obvious to every
one who considers how much this wise man laboured to
diminish the evils ignorance causes to humanity. In the
1;tyle of this criticism we discover others in several of our
classical writers who combated the abuses of their own
time, of which I shall make mention as, they occur. Their
opinions with regard to the Inquisition, although disguised
with the enigmas of fable and tempered with jests, are too
palpable for me to omit doing justice to their judgment in
this particular, and thus strengthen my own assertions by
the weight: of their authority: I shall be happy in mani-
festing to the whole world that, notwithstanding the
tyranny of this tribunal, persons have not been wanting
in Spain, who, while they sheltered themselves from its
vengeance, nevertheless impugned it in such a manner 3J
to deserve the ~ratitude of posterity.
ClIAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 1616
depositaries of its authority! Let the multi-
tude of those who by its means hastened to
be reconciled to the Church no longer be
quoted as a proof of the utility of this tribu-
nal; for it is to be conjectured that they
rather sought-to elude its resentful rage than
lay aside their errors, if in reality they had
any., The objections against a general inqui-
sition or search are too clear not to have been
known to legislators; for this reason it has
been banished from all codes, whenever super-
stition and despotism have had no interest in
sanctioning them. Indeed, as long as crimes
are so hidden as to produce no external effect,
equity prescribes the belief of their non-ex-
istence, for in this case it is the same as if they
really did not exist; otherwise the magistrate
would be in continual search of delinquents
on whom to vent his rage and vainly display
his power, and not of vices, in order to effect
their reform. Hence when a law containing
a renewal of that of Theodosius already men-
tioned, yet aggravating it with capital punish-
ment, was about to be published in Africa
against heretics, St. Augustin and other
zealous bishops of his time represented to the
government the evils that would thereby
1
 166 INQPISITION UNM4SKED. [CHAP. IV.

ensue. However the importunate suggestions

of others who were ill favour of Inquisitions
prevailed over the remonstrances of these
prelates, and the publication of the law was
carried into effect; but when the evil conse-
quences predicted by St. Augustin came to
be verified, Pope Gregory the Great some
years afterwards solicited its revocation, and
obtained it.. But of this I will adduce fur.
ther proofs: the Emperor Trajan, notwith-
standing the system of intolerance he adopted
against Christians, and his orders to punish
them whenever accused, forbade that any
search or inquisition should be made after
them, reprobating this measure as cruel.t
How different has been the conduct of the
Inquisition with regard to sects! It i!t cer-
tainly a melancholy circumstance that nations
possessed of the Gospel, and consequently in
no need of Iearning from the excellent
treatises of moralit¥ handed down to US by

*' Van-Spen, Jur. Eccle8iast. part iii. tit. iv. cap. iv.-
S. Gregor. M. Registr. EpistoI.lib. v. epist. viii.
t Pliny, lib. x. epist. xcviii.- Tertullian, in his Apologet.
cap. ii, considers the measure of Trajan as contradictory,
possibly, because he was not aware of the political reasOJli
of the Emperor.
 CRAr.IV.] I~QUlS!l'lO~ l,I~!l(l4&nD~ 1~7 .
the heathens, should still in their conduct,
• have 0 many examples worthy of their imi-
tation among them!
It would be impossible to view in any
~her light-than as barbarous an institution
which~ besides ordering and lJ.uthQri~ing lU1
odious search or inquisition, has made thi~
even its chief motto, and out of it formed its
very appellation, No 'better name can bQ
bestowed on the Emj«esta, ~ species of crimi-
nal court used formerly in Aragon, and-which
ail well in the origin as the signi6c tion of th,
term is nearly allied to the Inqui ition. Thi'
court excluded from the protection of the I Wi
any citizen who Ill;ght have exchanged this
title for that of a servant of the king, and en ..
tirely sUbjected'him to the caprice of his lord.
'I'bus bss it happened that one of the
king's household W(lS called QPto the palace
eee.wingly for business connected with his
duty, and perhaps an hour afterwards was
seen a corpse &lung on a beast of burden and
carried befor~ bi» Qwn bouse to be buried."
The ErlfJuesta was possibly quicker in dis-
patch than the Inquisition, but the latter h~
,urpassed it in ferocity .
• Allloxlio P rH, RtlaQq otl ~4t ae M~o.
168 INQUISITION
UNMASKED.[CHAP.IV.
By DENUNCIATION
ANDSECRETIMPEACH-
,
MENT.-This is the most usual mode of pro-
ceeding in the Inquisition, in preference to
that of accusation.· The reason is obvious:
the denunciator or simple informer does not
bind himself to ·prove the charge he prefers,
and is under no apprehension of punishment,
unless calumny is the result; whilst the
accuser obliges himself to follow up the suit
to its-issue, subjecting himself to the penalties
of retaliation, or the others prescribed by the
law against those who are unable to prove the
crime they have alleged. Why then should
anyone pretend to lodge an accusation in
the proper forms, when the Inquisition was
always ready to' admit an informer? The
operation of accusation is, however, included
in that of denunciation, at least with regard
to its effects, and when the whole process is
well considered, it will be found that even
the agency of inquisition or search is equally
blended therewith. To oblige the faithful to
lodge information against any expression that
'may sound ill, besides the secret emissaries of
the tribunal, is to create as many spies as
there are members in society. To oblige
.
those who live under. the same roof. and eat
.
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 1.69

at the same table, to discover crimes which

could not be pryed out but by resorting to
the, most atrocious felony, is to carry es-
pionage to a most unexampled height of fury.
In .short to oblige persons to inform against,
themselves, in order that their names may be
eternally inscribed on the infamous records
of the Inquisition, is to wield superstition and
tyranny in such a manner that it alone was
capable of inventing.
It has been established among theologians
that he who proffers an heretical proposition,
although it may have been heard by and i
known to no one, is not less subject to the
excommunication reserved to the inquisitors
than if he had pronounced it in public; for
notwithstanding it is true, add they, that the
Church in quality of a visible association
does not judge secret offences, the case in
question is rende~ed so per accidens, and not
_per se. Confessors know better than myself
that some penitents, refusing to appear before
the Inquisition for the purpose of obtaining ,
the absolution of the censure incurred, have
cleferred sacramental confession to the hour
of death, when all reserve ceases. Either
this was because they could not persuade
themselves that the external ju.risdjctiOJ~of
 ,
110 INQUISITIO~ UNMJ\SI\En. [CHAPdV•

the Church extended so far, Of else they

wished not to ex:pose themselves to have their
names some day Of other publicly stained
with SQ foul a blot, as has now happened by
the irruption of the French into the kingdom,
who have taken out all the documents they
CQu14find in the 'Inquisition, and distributed
them to everyone who wished to pick them
up. I have nothing more to add on thi'
head, except that the tribunal of penance i
not that which has least suffered f{()ID the
tribunal of the Inquisition, nor under less
titles ...

• The obligation which even those are under, whose

crimes are hidden, of soliciting from the inquisitors a dis-
pensation from ecclesiastical censures, and the necessity
of the intervention of the notary in the granting of it is
acknowledged, though with a certain de~reQ of dovbt, by
Ip.cia Lupo de Bergamo, in his work f:l)titJecl"NoY~
Lux in edictum S. Inquisit," part i, lib. viii. art. iv. diff. ii,
This same is, however, enjoined by the Instructions of the I

Inqusition of Seville for 1484, the fouth article ordaining

as follows :-" Those persons who, under the duratiOil of
the edict of grace, or at any time ~terwlU'c1I,MILY appeJT
and express a wish to be reconciled. shall pre~~t their
confessions in writing tc the inquisitors, whilst the court is
sitting, certified by the notary and two witnesses, or three
of the officers belonging to the same, or else other respect-
able persons."-That the delinquents her alluded to ar~
~omprehendecl under thit g~eral rw. is fuUy pr9 by
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISITIQN UNMMKED. IT1

It cannot be denied that the discovery of

crimes made to a magistrate for the purpose
of punishment in conformity to the laws, has
ever been held as an imprescriptible' right of
the citizen by the most celebrated nations of
the universe, viz. the Hebrews, Egyptians,
Greeks, and Romans, More especially among
the latter, and in the most 'flourishing times
of the republic, this proceeding far front-
being deemed dishonourable, was held in the
light of a service done to the country, and
considered as the firmest support of liberty.
For this reason many illustrious personage
appeared then in the forum in the character
of accusers; this was even the avenue that
led to merit and celebrity. Thus Cicero
owed to the office of accuser great part of hia
glory; and Cato, who had been accused
the fifth article, in which they are exempted from the same,
but only as far as regards public abjuration. The Ordi-
Dances of the Portuguese Inquisition, lib. ii, tit. i, n, IS!
enjoin all confessors to USt! every exertion in order t" iIJ~
duce secret heretics to make a personal avowal; yet it is
nevertheless true, that the same Instructions empower.
confessors to absolve them in case they persist in re~usin~
to appear, a 'practice which lately has been received among
us, from its having been necessary for the tribunal to aqak,
the I!JOlit oHhe penitent,
 172 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [ CH1\P. IV.

forty-four times, and as many times absolved,

deemed it glorious to his grey hairs to be-
come an accuser. But it is necessary to
recollect that theirs was not. a denunciation;
it was a true and formal accusation, and in
this sense the impeacher, no less than the
impeached, submitted to the penalties res-
. pectively imposed by the law. By this means,
among the above nations public tranquil-
lity and private security were conciliated,
both -having for their basis the mutual vi-
gilance of the citizens, and the severity
of the punishments ordained against the
calumniator.
To this well-equilibrated plan of accusation
the Roman laws still added certain restric-
tions, which were the more laudable because
they prevented calumny rather than punished
it. They denied the right of accusing to all
persons suspicious for the weakness of their
sex, the want of age, the lowness of cha-
racter, known bad faith, or their prepon-
derance. In like manner also, for reasons
equally just, they did not suffer members of
the same family to accuse each other. "The
13\v~" says Filangieri, " beheld a suspicious
accuser in the man who does not respect the
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMAsIrnD. 173

sacred ties of blood or the obligations

derived from gratitude."?" An accuser of this
nature would have been covered with the
confusion and contempt of the tribunal itself,
even before he had received the stigma of
public opinion. Besides, if the laws have
established prescription in civil cases in order
to avoid uncertainty in the dominion of
things, with how much greater reason ought
they not to establish it in criminal accusa-
tions, in favour of liberty , honour, and the
life of a citizen? Criminal accu ations had a
determined duration, for which there was a
motive not less just than the former. Time,
which buries facts in oblivion, still more
quickly effaces from the memory their ac-
companying circumstances, and consequently
deprives the accused of the means of his own
justification" leaving to the calumniator, by
an inverse ratio, fresh opportunities of dis-
guising his falsehoods. In conformity to this
the accusation not only became extinct by
the death of the culprit, but also by the lapse
of twenty years in some offences, and of less
in' others.
The Inquisition does not however act in
* Filangieri, " pella Scienza della Legislazione," lib.
iii. part i, cap. ii,
17+ INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHA;P. IT.

this manner'; for, taking rather from the simple

denunciation whatever is favourable to the
informer, and from the rigorous accusation
what is contrary to the culprit, it has created
a new judicial process which it is impossible
to class or define. In it the rancour and ven-
geance of those who traced it seem emu-
lously to shine; and it is difficult to discern
whether their blows are most levelled against
the rights of justice or of humanity; for who
can defend himself against calumny when
stimulated by the law, and accompanied
with almost a certain hope of impunity?
This bane of society, by means of secrecy, is
converted into an arm that wounds at ,an
immense distance.
The informer, although he may have acted
inconsiderately, besides being exempt from
punishment, in consequence of the sophistry
that the impeachment is directed to produce
the amendment and not the punishment of
the accused, is a treacherous enemy who
strikes in an unguarded moment when he
proceeds with bad faith, since the accused
is never informed of his name, i~ order that
he may be enabled to state his objections and
exceptions; rights which are conformable to
nature, to the good order of society, and
"HAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. US
which the Inquisition alone has dared to
refuse, On the other hand, a wide field is
hot only left open to informers to establish
and carry .on their malevolent and false
criminations, but they are even invited and
compelled to become accusers. 'What then
is the check which thi; tribunal- places on
the informer? Certainly no other than the
prudence of the judges, which is the same
as to say their rbitrariness, '!t
With regard to restrictions, none are to
be expected in a denunciation actually com-
manded and ordained by the tribunal; for
even insensible beings would be compelled
to inform, if it was in their power, or else
• Popes Alexander IV., Urban IV., and Clement IV.,
granted. three years' indulgence to everyone who may
give aid to the inquisitors, and consequently to 'every
seceet itlformer.~Eymetic, Director. Inquisit, part iii.
qurest. cxxviii. Pius V.moreover enacted, that no regular
prelate, either by way of chastisement or peDlUlce, shall,
be allowed, for any fault whatever, to trouble any secret
informer, being one of his subjects, during the period of
five years from the date of his information laid, unless the
Inquisitlon should agree thereto, for which purpose he i&
previously to consult it.-Lupo de Bergamo, Nova Lux
in edict. S. Inquisit, part.r. lib. iv. diff, ix, art. iv. The
penalty against the negligent and tardy, according to
several pontifical decrees, is excommunication, and their
being considered lli abettors of heretics.
6
 176 INQVISITlON UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

incur the penalty of the highest excommuni •

.cation. Unable to extend its jurisdiction
over the physical order, for the purpose of
carrying its scrutinies into effect, it overturns
the moral order of things by silencing the
dictates of reason, and stifling the purest sen-
timents of humanity. At the same time that
it attaches infinite importance to a word, and
deems the persecution and death of him who
uttered it as the only means of preserving
religion 'and the state, it eagerly grasps at
any instrument however weak it may be, any
slight surmise, although it 'may have the
strongest presumptions of right against it,
and holds them in the lightof props to the
edifice it endeavours to sustain. Not only
females and striplings under age, on whose
judgment little reliance can be placed, but
the infamous, those who are pronounced
banes of society, and even the perjured, who
are publicly known to disregard the sacred
solemnity of an oath, are all admitted, and
~ven enjoined, to lodge informatioris before
this tribunal, without any other restriction
than being bound to swear that they have
been induced to this measure by no other
impulse than a zeal for the faith and the.
dread of punishment. The Inquisition does
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 17'7
not stop here. It believes, or feigns to be.
lieve, that the excommunicated, the heretic
himself, nay, even the infidel, takes a true
interest in religion when he subscribes to an
impeachment and is admitted. *
Legislators
who thus unblushingly trampled on the rights-
of justice could not be expected to pay any
regard to the tender ties of domestic piety.
Among us therefore one brother is not secure
against another; the mother is rendered sus-
picious to her own children; and the spouse,
or father of a family, busied in daily labour
to provide sustenance for the objects of his
tender love, in all of them has a continual
spy, because it is thus the pharisaical inqui-
sitor ordains. t
Whilst the Pharisees were extremely scru-
pulous in matters of' religion, they at the
same. time omitted other virtues without
which this becomes mere hypocrisy. Those
very persons who punctually paid tithes on
mint,anise, and cummin,-who compassed
both sea and land to gain one proselyte to

* De Heeret. cap. Accusat. in. 6. What is said in

this decretal of the witness is also to be understood of the
secret informer; for in fact he acts both parts.-Eymeric,
Director. Inquisit. part ii, cap. xiii. et part. iii. n.68.
t Eymeric, Director. Inquisit, part ii, cap. xx,
VOL. I. N
178 INqUIsITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

the Synagogue, and persecuted Christ and

his Apostles as innovators of the faith,-did
not hesitate to affirm that the succours which
a Bon owes to his parents are better employed .
when offered to the ministers of worship.
Such were their ideas of the obligations by
which they were bound to the very persons
who had given them birth.s This, however,
was not the opinion of St. Paul, although
he had been a pharisee; nor would many of
the prelates of the church have been of this
way of thinking if they had remembered that
they also were apostles. The above great
expounder of the Gospel observed: " If any
provide not for his own, especially those of
his own house, he hath denied the faith, and
is worse than an infidel." t Since then St.
Paul considers the neglect of our own as a
crime of which the religious man is incapable,
what would he have said of him who, under
pretext of religion, brings upon them infamy
and death? In short, the little regard paid
by this tribunal to the love by which kindred
persons are united is clearly manifested by

* S. Matth. cap. xv, v. 5.

t Ad Timoth. I. cap. v. v.8. «s: quis autem suorUlII,
et ma:zinte d()mIJsticorum curam non hahet, fidem negavit,
et est infideli dacrirJr."
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION tJ-N1trASK$D. 17
the Instructions OJ the Portuguese Inquisi-
tion, By them no notice is taken of a culprit _
secreting an accomplice who is his relation
in a transversal degree, or even a stranger,
but he is forbidden to secrete his parents, his
children, or his wife l"
Finally, the death of the accused is not.
barrier against the fury of the Inquisition, or
the grave an asylum against its inexorable
persecutions. The memory of' hi who die
upright in the opinions of all i pursued it
alignity, even a century after he had ceasea
to exist, if after that lapse of time anyone
seeks to avenge himself, or takes an interest
i~ his defamation. His bones are dug out of
his grave and burnt, unless already mouldered
into dust; hilst his property is wrested from
its present possessors, whatever be the title

* RegirnentQ do Santo Oflicjo de Portugal, lib. iii.

tit. iv. n, 1. " Quando 0 reo que confesson as culpas de
heresia por que foy prezo estever diminuto ern sua con-
fiua~ e- a diminuisao for ern cornplicidade que esteja
legitirnarnente prosada com a1gum sen ascendente 0
deseendeete, ou COni; marido ou molher, DaD 100 sera a
con&sao recebida; e por quanto se deve ter per simulada
eera relaxado a curia secular; e si a complicidade for de
,enoa parenta sua no prbaeiro grao transversal ficar&
~1Il biril» 011 inq • Idores ha erie de recebir _ aa"
ser ruebida con_o."
 180 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CRAP.IV.
I

by which they have acquired it, becoming

subject to confiscation fi'om the moment the
deceased committed a delinquency. In this
particular, we Spaniards may complain of
the Inquisition as the Romans did of Do-
mitian, and even with greater reason; since,
by the confiscation of inheritances under
the most frivolous pretexts, no security
exists in the testaments of the deceased,
neither have the heirs or legatees been
allowed to enjoy their. privileges, nor have
the slaves who had been manumitted by the
testator known whether they were really free
or not." In former times at least these spoli-
ation laws only lasted as long as the life of the
tyrant, which fortunately was always short,
and the reputation of the deceased was un-
hurt; but under this tribunal the possession
of property does not enjoy the rights of pre-
. scription till after forty years, but the me-
mory of its original possessor never.t
From these premises it must result that
the exhibition of crimes made to the Inqui-
sition is very different from that usually made
in the tribunals of the nations of antiquity,
and extremely opposed to the duties of
.* Plin. Paneg.
cap. xxxiv. Suetonius Domitian. cap. xii,
t Eymeric, Director Inquisit, part iii. quas,. Ixiii,
4
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 181

society. The heinousness of this practice will

still appear in stronger colours, if it is only
compared with that observed by the Church'
in'this particular during its happier times.
Our' own Council of Elvira ordered that
co~munion should be refused to informers
till.' the end of their lives, if anyone had
been put to death or banished in conse-
quence of their impeachments.s Above all,
the cruelty with which this tribunal has pro.
moted denunciations, and the facility with
which these have been effected, is evidently
opposed to what our Saviour ordains through
St. Matthew, viz. that every practicable means
are to be employed in order to induce him
who has erred to enter into himself before
he is cited before a tribunal. t Even among
the Jews, whose legislation was so heavy a
yoke that they were scarcely able to bear
its galling weight, a propensity to denuncia-
tion was held as extremely odious, and as
1I Canon. lxxiii,
-t s. Matth. cap. xviii. v. 15. "Si au/em peccaoerit in
tefrater tuus, vade, et corripe cum inter te, et ipsum solum :
si te audierit lucraius erisfratrem tuum."-v. 16. "Si autem
te non audierit, adhibe tecum adhuc unum, 'Velduos, ut in ore
duorum 'Veltrium testium stet omne verbum."-v. 17." Quod
sj non audierit eos, die eccl;sice: si autem ecclesiam nan
eudierit, sit tibi sicut eihnicu« et puhlicanus."
182 QUISI'I'lON UNMASltED. LCHAP. n.
"-
such condemned in the Leviticus." Trajan,
the Spaniard, of whose moderation I spoke
in treating of the process of inquisition or
.search, is not less deserving of raise with
egard to denunciations. At the same time
'th-at he preserved to the people the liberty
f accusing, combining with 'it the difficulty
• Levit. cap. xix, v. 16. ~'Non eris criminator, nee su-
,mt'ro in populo. Non sta'bis cMltra sanguinem pToximi tul.
Ego Domin'Uli!'-v.17. tC Non oderis.frat1"em tuum ill cottle

suo,sed ptIhlice argue eum, ne habeas super illo rp6eedtum."-

v. 18. "Non fjUt#ras ultionem, nee memor eris injurit8
eivium tuorum. Diliges prosimum tuum sicut te ipsum. Ego
Dominus." These are the words of' the Vulgate, which
llart1y difters from toe Hebrew t)riginal. M ich the
~u~rnt and the other ldIcient versiorl'l are more
.confoemeble, The original, in. verse 16, .is as follo1Vl~
~':J' ':1~n ~~ Thou shalt not ~o about the place as a
trader, (that is carrying tales from one place to another.)
'Thou shalt not incline to accuse anyone for injul'Y that
may deserve capital punisbmebt. 1 -the Lori forbid it to
tbee.-v. 17. Far from conducting thyselftowarus tay
neighbour in so odious a manner, n':ln n:nl1 remon-
strate with him, endeavouring to make him feel the force
of reason, for otherwise thou wilt be guilty of sin.-v. 18.
"'ll!ln N~ Thou -ihalt not g-o -nbout like him who seeka
revenge, prying out the eonduct of thy fellmv citizens,
but rather thou shalt love him as thyself. 1 the Lord
command this to thee. Rabbi Ben-Maitnon also under-
ctands this passage in the same sense of secret denun-
ciation, in his book entitled "I'm ", treatise nl1' n"~i'l
cap. vii. n, 1, ~, & 3.
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. I 3

of calumniation, he chastised informers with

extraordinary severity. By the first being
condemned to the block, and the second to
the gallows, the Roman people rejoiced to
see avenged the cruel alarms by which they
were formerly agitated, and that they had no
longer any thing to fear but the law••
The manner in which the Inquisition com-
'mences its principal prosecutions being such
as we have just described, the apologists of
this institution argue in its defence that, as
heresy is a privileged crime and st nd on
parallel with high tr ason, it ou ht not to b
subject to the same regulation th r
offences. They further add, that it is of urgent
necessity to keep the denunciator secret, for
otherwise his person and reputation would
be endangered; and in that case no one
would step forward to denounce, whereby a
crime of the deepest dye would remain with.
out condign punishment. Thus is it that the
most certain and fixed maxims of criminal
legislation are confounded, and the rights of
the citizen trampled to the ground, under
the pretext of zeal for the glory of God and
the good of society! Those who argue in
this manner do not advert, that this is the
'" PJinr, Paaeg, cap. xxxiv et xxxvi,
1840 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [ CHAP. IV.

very same objection Tiberius alleged to the

senate when Rome was more than ever
infested with informers, and the senate re-
quired of him to deprive them of the fourth
part of t~e property confiscated through their
means. The Emperor, filled with rage on
hearing such a proposal, replied, that the.
empire would be infallibly lost. if any inno-
vation was allowed with regard to denuncia-
tions; for that in such a case it would be
better to throw down the laws altogether,
since they would be of no avail as long
as this stimulus to watch over them was
wanting.
In relating this passage, filled with asto-
nishment Tacitus thus exclaims: "In this
manner were men encouraged with rewards,
who in fact are the ruin of the state, and
whose wickedness is such that no infliction
is sufficient to punish it." *' When the tyrants
of Rome, according to the same Tacitus,
declared all transgression against the law to
be a crime of high treason,-when, according
to Suetonius, they punished as such any irre-
verence committed against their statues,-
in a word, when, according to Pliny, they
pronounced every man guilty of high treason
* Tacitus, Annal. lib. iT. cap. sxx.
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 185

whom ,they wished to ruin,-then secret im-

formers became necessary; for without them,
not the majesty of the empire, but the lives
of those who had usurped it, ~ould have
been endangered. Thus did it principally
happen during the time of the Dictator
Scylla, and the Emperors Augustus, Nero,
and Caligula, when secret impeachments
were extremely frequent: but under the
government of other more humane princes,
who had the generosity to 'share with the
people the rights of which they had been
stripped, no other than accusations under-
taken and carried on with good. faith met
with encouragement; denunciation was e -
pIoded, and informers exterminated. And,
since the Inquisition has adopted this prac-
tice, after the pattern of tyrants, can it
thereby contribute to the safety of the state,
-and maintain the dignity of religion? *

~ Tacitus, Annal. lib. iii. cap. xxxviii.-Suetonius,

Neron. cap.lii.-Pliny, Paneg, cap. xlii.-Don BIas Osto-
laza, in his pamphlet entitled " Letter on the Establish-
ment of the Tribunal of the Inquisition," addressing
himself to his reader, by whom he feigns to have been
consulted, uses the following words: " But it is extremely
odious, you tell me, to force every citizen to denounce
what may be contrary to religion. Do you perchance
believe that this is an invention of the inquisitors? Is it
186 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CItAP.IV.

SUMMAHYIMPEAcHMENT.-When' the in-

quisitors are of opinion that the information
lodged furnishes sufficient grounds to pro-
ceed against the person impeached, they
prepare a summary statement of the crime,
in order by virtue of the same to effect the
arrest. For this purpose the informer and the
witnesses are heard; and, on their ratifying
their first report in the presence of two or

not true that the Apostle enjoined the Romans to guard

against those who stirred up dissensions in order to pervert
the faith handed down to us 1" The passage quoted by
this writer is the following: "Rogo auiem 'lI0S, .fratres, ut
bOservetis eos qui dlssensiones et qffendiclIla prater doctrinam
'11U1m 'DOS didicisti.s faciunt, et declinate ab iJ,lis. Ad Rom.
cap. xvi, T. 17.-But, let me ask, does the Apostle here
say that the faithful ought, or not, to denounce heretics?
Is it the same to exhort them to be on their guard respect-
ing their doctrine as to oblige them to lodge secret infor-
mations against them? "Well-cemented republics," he
adds, co command every citizen to denounce instigator.
of novelties, traitors to their country, and disturbers of
the public tranquillity. And does not the national belief
deserve equal consideration ?"-As this last objection
exactly coincides with that of Tiberius, for I suppose it
mull allude to an approval of secret informations, the
main point here in dispute, the lame answer may also
be applied to it; yet we ought besides particularly to bear
in mind how enormous that preponderance is which
despotism attains by the union of superstition, to what i
becomes when accompanied by false policy alone.
 (;HAl? .] INQtUSITION UNMASKED. 187

more respectable persons, silence is 'imposed

-upon them by the same oath under which
their declaration 'Was made. If the person
about to be arrested has resided in various
towns, it is customary to send to the tribunals
of th~ir district letters of 'Scrutiny, (called
e Recorreccion.) in order to discover whe-
ther any charge can be therein found to add
ro the process."
III the crime of heresy, the proposition!
o which information has been lodged then
fMSs to the qualificacors or skilful men, who
:herein give their opinion and motives; and
although at first sight this would appear the
safest way for the judges to proc ed rightly,
in general it only serves to add to their
confusion, and to endanger still more the
application of justice. This is because
each qualificator <.>T censor gives hi'S opinion
tmdel' a separate form , and the judges,
especially in Spain where they are usually
3 rists, being unable to appreciate the reasons
on which this is founded, sometimes decide
in favour of the report that has most votes,
and at others adhere to the judgment of the
;. D. Juan Antonio Rodrigalvarez, Apnntes sobre Ja
Itrqaisicion. MS. the ol'igiual of which I possess.-Regi-
mento dQ Santo Officio de Portugal, lib. i. tit. iii. n. 32.
 188 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. rv,
qualificator held in the high~st repute, or to
the opinion of another who condemns the
propositions; believing him, for this .reason,
more favourable to the faith. In all probabi-
lity, if the trials which have been carried on
in the Inquisition could only be examined,
very few of them would be exempt from the
same censure that was passed on the cele-
brated cause of the Proto-notary of Aragon,
. Geronimo de Villanueva, about the year 1647,
when the appeal was carried to Rome. On
this occasion the Pope wrote to the Inquisi-
tor General himself, stating "that so much
discordancy was visible not only in the opini-
ons of the qualificators and counsellors, but
also in the votes of the judges, that he was
really astonished."* But, as every thing in
this tribunal is enveloped in the most impe-
netrable darkness, it has followed that affairs
which, if they had been carried on in a public
manner, by their irregularity would have
brought on the inquisitors the odium of the

* This fact is found at more length in the manuscript

opinion of the proctors of the royal council, Don Pedro
Rodriguez de Campomanes and Don Jose Monino, respect.
ing the prohibition of books, it being the same which
gare rise to the royal order published on thls iubject
in 1768.
, ,

CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 189

people, rather than excited their respect and

esteem; since the interminable duration
'which accompanied the affairs was rather
attributed to their complication and import.
ance than the real effect of the ignorance
with which they were managed.
ARREsT.-The summary impeachment be.
ing concluded, it is laid before the Supreme
Council, and its approbation being obtained,
the arrest is carried into execution." This is
given in charge to the high bailiff, who exe-
cutes his commission by carrying with him a
competent number of ministers, taking the
necessary precautions to surprise the culprit,
which is generally done at night. The law
prescribes that the receiver and notary of
sequestrations should also be present at the
arrest, for in this tribunal confiscation forms
an essential part of the process.t The party
then sets out, and dread and consternation
seize on the culprit and his family. The
thunderbolt launched from the black and

* Notwithstanding the Compilation of Instructions,

n. 3, regulates that recurrence ,shall be had to the council
only in cases of a difference of opinion and causes' of great
entity, it illnevertheless customary to consult it respecting
all decrees of arrest.
t Compilacion de Instrucciones, n. 6.
IfI() .fN(tVl51TION VNM~SKED. [CIJAP.] •

angry cloud at.dkes not with such alarm

3S the sound of " DELIVElt ~OURSE"F UP A
~RISQNER ~ '1'H~ INQlJISITlON!" (Des« v,
presa pO'P La lnquisicion.) .Astonished and
trembling, the unwary citizen hears the dismal
voice, a thousand different affections at once
seize upon his panic-struck frame-he re-
mains perplexed and motionless. His life in
danger, his deserted wife and orphan chil-
dren, eternal infamy" the only patrimony
th3t now awaits his bereft family, are all ideas,
which rush upon his mind-he is at once
agitated by an agony of dilemma and despair.
Tbe burning tear scarcely glistens on his
livid cheek, the accents of woe die on his
lips" and amidst the alarm and desolation of
his family, and the confusion and pity of his
neighbours,. he is borne away to dungeons,
whQSedamp and bare walls can alone witnes
the anguish of his mind.
It is. foreign to my purpose to examine in
this place whether it was through chance or
design that edifices ofsuch ancient and gloomy
ttructure that their sight alone caused terror,
were originally fixed upon to be the tribunals
and prisons of the Inquisition. The palace
of the Counts of Barcelona in the most ele-
vated part of the city, where the castle
1
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 191

formerly stood i the Aljalferia, or ancient pa-

lace of the Moorish Kings, flanked with towers
and situated without the walls of Zaragoza;
and the old Roman fortress which stood at
the head of the bridge over the Guadalquivir
at Seville, were the first terrific haunts appro-
priated to the us~ of the Inquisition. In one
of these edifices, whose black and furrowed
walls announce the melancholy gloom that
reigns within; massive piles, which have long
withstood the injuries of time, 'and for age
witnessed the rising and setting of the sun
without receiving comfort from its beamsj
sable and rugged structures, on which whole
generations have looked with terror and dis-
may-in one of these edifices in short, which,
immoveable amidst the lapse time, and whence
when the prisoner comes forth he can reveal
nothing, present the tremendous image of eter-
nity, was usually confinedthe fatherofafamily,
perhaps his amiable wife or tender daughter,
the exemplary priest, or peaceful scholar; and
in the mean time his house was bathed in
tears and filled with desolation. Venerable
matrons and timid damsels have been hurried
from their homes, and, ignorant of the cause
of their misfortune, have awakened from the
frenzy of the brain, and found themselves
192 INQUIsItION UNMASKED. [CHAP. 1V~
\
here alone and helpless in a solitary cell.
Here the manly youth, torn from his bewail.
ing kindred, and often wrested from ties still-
more endearing, pines amidst d mp seclusion
and chill despair, and vainl r invokes the
names of objects ~hich so la ely thrilled him
with pleasure. The dripping vaults re-echo
the sighs of the aged father, no longer
encircled by the fond endearments of a nu-
merous progeny; all, in short, are condemned
to drag existence amidst a death-like silence,
and, as it were, immured from the sight of
their weeping relatives.
Such are the afflicted inhabitants of the
awful cells of the Inquisition, awaiting the
tardy but inexorable sentence that is to de-
cide their fate. Haply some may escape;
again they JIlay behold the light of day;
perhaps innocence may triumph over ran-
cour, malice, and fanaticism; but where are
they to look for redress for what they have
suffered, when even the privilege of corn-
plaining is denied them? What a train of
melancholy ideas rush ,to the imagination of
him who contemplates the secrets of the
Inquisition, and fathoms the malice of which
it is capable! What sensible man, to speak
without disguise, and it is certainly time now
 C:HAP. IV.] INQUISI'I'ION UNMASKED. 198

to be candid, can fail to impute all kinds of

disorders to an institution of this nature, not-
withstanding its artifices to. hide them from
the eye of the public and the research of the
historian? .
Under the veil of secrecy it is ,as easy to
hide all kinds of crimes in a tribunal, as it is
robberies and assassinations under the cloak
of night; nevertheless the founders of the
Inquisition have always considered secrecy
as one of the chief attributes of its establi h-
ment, It is not merely on the culprits who
have the good fortune to escape out of its
claws alive that silence under the heaviest pe-
nalties is imposed; the inquisitors also, as well
as their dependants, in the most frivolous mat-
ters are equally held to privacy, because every
thing is considered of the greatest interest. *
The officers of the highest hierarchy commu-
nicate nothing of what they are engaged in
to their subalterns nor to the diocesan bishop,
unless it is those matters in the execution of
which the latter has to interfere, nor are
any of them allowed to speak of the same
without the precincts of the tribunal. t The
denuneiator knows nothing of the witnesses,
... Regimento do Santo Officio, lib. i, tit. i, n. 7.
t Ibid. tit. iii. n.lO.
VOL.L 0
194 IN'QUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

nor the latter of the former, nor indeed one

of another; and if perchance they should
know any thing of each other, among them-
selves as well as elsewhere they are bound
to observe the most profound silence." The
culprits brought forth in an Auto have no
knowledge of their companions till they see
them in the procession or on the platform ,
and those who remain in the prisons are
ignorant of the destiny that awaits the
former.t In short, that no trace of what is
passing within the walls of the tribunal may
appear in public, the commissaries and other
persons to whom the court addresses official
letters are bound to return them with their
answers written in the margin, and even the
bailiff delivers back his order of arrest.t
When the accused has evaded persecution
by a timely flight, he is publicly cited and
declared excommunicated in case he does
Dot appear within the time assigned. If he
should not surrender himself up within the
term of a year he is a condemned as a con-

• This practice is consequent to the oath of secrecy

which all are bound to take when their declarations are
first set down.
t Ibid. lib. ii, tit. xxii. n, 17.
t Ibid. hb. i. tit. iii.a. 35, & tit. xiii, D.II.
 GHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKEI>. 195

tumacious heretic, and in the mean time his

suit is carried on." This abuse of judicial
. power, extending to the condemnation of the
absent, is not indeed peculiar to the Inqui-
sition, but the grounded dread of appearing
before this tribunal more than before any
other most assuredly is. It was in the decline
of the Roman empire that the custom was
introduced, not only of punishing as a rebel
the person who should not appear to the
citation of the judge, (the most that ought
to be done in a case of this kind) but also
of condemning hIm as guilty of the offence
that had given rise to his prosecution. This
measure was certainly as contrary to equity
as that of the Hebrews and ancient Romans
was just and reasonable, which forbade the
condemnation of the absent for the crime
imputed to him, without his being first heard
in his own defence; but it was not easy for
the Inquisition, uniformly propending to the
worst, to rise above the vices of the age that
gave it birth; and for this reason it followed
the torrent of general corruption. Thus when
the devoted victim, alarmed at the dangers
to which his innocence was exposed; has fled
in search of that safety he could not hope to
Instrucciones de Sevilla de 1484<,§ 19.
02
 HJtJ IN~UISITION UNMA!KED. [CHAP. I'f.,

find in the sanctuary of justice, the inquisi-

tors, stigmatizing his prudence with the name
of rebellion, consider him as the perpetrator
of the crime of which he is accused; and,
pronouncing against him the same sentence
prescribed for the real culprit, avenge them ..
.selves on his effigy, since they are unable to im-
brue their hands in the blood of his person ....
I have before asserted that this mode
of proceeding against the absentee was not
peculiar to the Inquisition. Indeed it is n~t
in the manner just described; nevertheless
its laws authorize the inquisitors not only to
condemn him before the expiration of the
year, by virtue of the reasons alleged by the
proctor, but also to condemn him without
the formality of process, a thing never heard
4?f in any other tribunal.t. The same punish-
'J: De Hzeret, cap. Ut Inquisit. i Prohibemus, in 6.
t Instrucciones de Sevilla de 1484, § 19. In this
article three modes of proceeding against the absent are
ordained. the one according to the chap. "CUm contuma-
cia De Heret,' in 6, which is the one already explained;
the other is by condemning him from the moment the
crime is proved, without any other delay; and the third,
~ccord.ing to the original words, is as follows: "That if itt
the llCt'Utinia performed any presumption of heresy results
19t1iDat the absentee, (notwithstanding the crime does not
, ppear completely proved,) the iaquisitors may issue aJld
 CHA,P. IV.]· INQUISITION UNMASKED. 19'7

ment as that which awaits the absent refusing

to appear is also decreed by the Inquisition
against anyone escaping from its cruel en-
durance, as well as against the wretched
victim. who, either frantic at the miseries into
which he is plunged, or worn out by delay
and despair, finds means to put an end to
his own existence. Both are treated as if
they had been convicted of being apostates
to the faith, and the whole penalties of the
law inflicted upon them."
In the Inquisition the prisoners are usually
confined in separate cells, in order to avoid
among .other inconveniences that of their
mutually concerting to scale the walls. How-
ever.. in order to prevent those fatal occur-
rences to which solitary confinement is so
often subject, and have therein been so
f •

post up .their edict against the said suspected absentee,

commanding him within a certain time to appear in his
own defence and purge away his said error in a caaonicel
manner; at the same time enjoining, that in case he does
not appear in his own defence and purge away his Clime,
they will hold him as a convicted person." It also adds,
" And notwithstanding this form of process is somewhat
rigorous, it is nevertheless founded in right." Here
however we have no other process or proof, unless it is
,that one who is suspected of heresy refuses to appear.
Eymeric, Director. Inquisit. part ill. qureat. lxiii.
198 INQUISITION UNMASDD. [CHAP. IV.

frequent, no other furniture is allowed in

the cell of the prisoner than a wooden bed-
stead, clamped down or built ill masonry;
a table, one chair, and sometimes none.
Formerly no books were permitted for pas-
time, not even the breviary to ecclesiastics
for the compliance of their duties. The
object of the Inquisition in these privations
'Was that, by the spirit of the prisoner being
in continual struggle with the uncertainty of
his fate, he might become weary, and confess
the crime for which he had been confined .
.With regard to victuals, the prisoners do not
fare so badly, whether they are rich or poor,
as the confiscated property of the first affords
abundant means.
INTERLOCUTORY INVESTIGATION.-As soon
as the pers(}n of the accused is secured his
declaration is taken down, and this is called
investigation; It is the common practice of
these courts first to question him respecting
-the perpetrator of the offence, but in general
terms, in order to avoid all anticipation and
surprise. Respecting his crime he is interro-
gated in a special manner, and the whole is
preceded by an oath te speak the truth.
'Vith a similar view it is forbidden to allege
against him any of the charges resulting from
 CHAP. IV.] INQ.UISrrION UNMASKED. 199

the process already formed, leaving him to

discover all spontaneously. This formality,
if we except the oath which, in such cases,
amounts to a gross abuse, contributes to
shorten the causes of those culprits who, by
at once confessing, submit to the punishment
deserved; and also, in cases of denial, by
comparing the declaration of the prisoner
with the- impeachment of the informer and
testimony of the witnesses, this measure tends
to promote the discovery of the truth and the
sincerity or duplicity of the parties. I again
repeat that it is an abuse of j udicial power
to oblige a culprit, by means of an oath, to
acknowledge a crime for which he is perhaps
to suffer the capital punishment awarded by
the law. This proposition which, a hundred
years ago, would have been condemned as
heretical and subversive of public order, is
now generally received as a political dogma.
And, in truth, if we .establish as a firm prin-
ciple that laws are not instituted for heroes,
who does not see that it argues a great
.inoonsietency to expect the culprit will avow
.himself guilty when his life rests on his
denial? The custom therefore of tendering
an oath to extort the avowal of the party
concerned in criminal matters bas been a

•
200 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

measure as anti-religious as it was anti-politi-

cal; and its result has been no other than to
depreciate and debilitate a bond so respecta-
ble and efficacious in society, and at last to
bring it into almost total disrepute. Let UI
now proceed to see the practice of the Inqui-
sition in this particular.
The culprit being carried before the tri-
bunal, the judges, clothed in all the parade
of terror suitable to their character, tender
to him the oath whereby he swears to speak
the truth to all that may be asked of him.s
This practice, considering the nature of the
interrogatory to which he is subjected in
this tribunal, will be found to possess conse-
"* Compilacion de Instrucciones, n, 13 & 20. The fierce
aspect of the judges is enjoined by Massini, Prattica della
Santa Inquisizione, part x, avvert. cliv, under the follow-
ing words: " II giudice mentra esamina i rei dee mostrarsi
nel volto piuttosto rigido e terribile che piacevole."-
Notwithstanding it is now nearly three centuries since the
Inquisition among us has been entrusted to the secular
clergy, as the institution is under such great obligations
to the Dominicans who were its judges and legislators in
the time of its barbarism, and as the latter, both in Spaia
and Italy, have nevertheless partly sat as judges and have
afterwards obtained a seat in the Council of the Supreme,
I hare considered it but just that this circumstance, as
well as their difference of dress, should appear in the
plates representing the tribunal. Vide Plate II.
•
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 201

quences infinitely greater than in any other.

The 'culprit is obliged to declare his whole
genealogy and descent, notwithstanding the
court through other channels carries on the
same scrutiny; and is obligated to make
known whether any of his ancestors, in a
direct or transversal line, or his brothers,
wife, children, or indeed himself, have at any
time previous been arraigned before the tri-
bunal, and penanced by it. '*' One of the
objects of the Inquisition in this preliminary
inquiry is to get at a clue that may tend to
implicate the accused in a stronger manner;
for, as already observed, there is no proof
however small or remote that is not grasped
at, provided only it serves to aggravate his
criminality. Another motive is to obtain
possession of the property he may have
inherited, by declaring the right of succes-
sion as null and void, to the evident destruc-
tion of perhaps many families.
In conformity to this the inquisitors com-
pel all Jewish apostates, as well as all other
offenders subject to sequestration, to declare
on oath the names of all their relatives; and
besides, whither they at any time testated,
* Compilacion de Instrucciones, n, H.-Orden de pro-
cesar, foI. 9.
202 INQUI$ITION UNMA8XE:D. [CHAP. IV.

and before what notary." According to the

same rule, and under the same oath, the
culprit is further bound to make known
every item of property he possesses, so that
nothing escapes confiscation. This is ren-
dered the more complete by the pardon of
his life being granted to him the first time
he falls into the fangs of the Inquisition; but
of which he is pronounced unworthy if he
should in the. smallest degree be wanting to
the truth. And, although it is true that the
relapsed is also under the obligation of exhi-
biting his property, notwithstanding he is
divested of every hope of pardon, it is never-
theless clear that, as the second spoliation
follows on the heels of the former one, the
gains are generally much less.t The obliga-
tion imposed by the tribunal on the culprit
ho has before been condemned to do
penance, and by which he is bound to de-
clare whether' this really was the case, is

to Orden de Procesar, fo!' 9, note MS. "In cases of

converted practisers of Judaism, and in others from which
sequestration of property may result, it is proper that,
besides the namesr of the relatives, it should be stated
whether the culprit has made a will, and before whom, as
this may serve a great number of purposes:'
t Vide Relation de l'Inquisition de Goa, chap. xix,
4
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 20$

certainly extremely singular; as, by this cir-

cumstance, he is proved to be a relapse,
whence that mercy is denied to him which
otherwise would have been granted if the
fact had not been known. By this means a
culprit may be carried to execution for the
crime of false repentance, (ficta pienitentia);
of the existence of which offence the smallest
traces would not have been found in the
Inquisition, if the prisoner had not been
forced to declare the circumstance by virtue
of the oath imposed upon him, ontrary to
all reason, and according to an buse of
power which makes humanity shudder.
In like manner, the court requires of the
prisoner an exact account of his whole life;
and, in case the witnesses incidentally depose
respecting any other crime foreign to it
competency, this is nevertheless produced
by the- proctor in the accusation by way of
presumptive evidence, and consequently the
culprit is forced to confess it, or else he runs
the risk of his denial and perjury producing
an .unfavourable influence on the issue of his
trial. * He is further enjoined to avow what
his intention was in proffering the proposition
for which he has been arrested, or the sense
• Compilacion de Instrucciones, n. 18.
 �04 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

he attached to it in his own mind: in a

word, he is compelled to furnish his judges
with proofs whereby to condemn him, and
such as he alone could disclose." Whilst
canonists and theologians have uniformly
agreed that God alone could have commanded
the exhibition of offences to the priest in the
sacrament of penance, from its great repug-
nance to the self-love of man, _we here see
that the popes, by pressing still harder on
the culprit, have introduced it in a great
measure into the Inquisition, with this aggra-
vating difference, that sacramental confession
is from man to man, and ends in absolution
or secret suspension therefrom; whereas in
this tribunal the confession terminates in a
reconciliation more or less public, always
.accompanied with infamy, or in a condemna-
tion to die on the scaffold. Since therefore
the oath is profaned by compelling the cul-
prit to depose against himself in criminal
matters, in consequence of the imminent
/

* This is to such a degree true, that when the oath

does not suffice to compel the culprit to declare his in en-
tion, or rather when the culprit does not make his declara-
tion according to the pleasure of the inquisitors, the laws
of the tribunal command that the torture shall be adrsi-
aistered to him. Orden de Pro cesar , fol, 27.
5
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 205

danger of his being wanting to the. truth,

how much greater is not this profanation
in the Inquisition, where the arduous posi-
tion of the prisoner is infinitely greater and
more dangerous than in any other tribunal
whatever?
Another remarkable peculiarity in this
court is that the judges, when they call the
- prisoner to give in his declaration, hide from
him the offence respecting which he is to
make confession. He is, in the first place,
ordered to state for what reason he ha: been
brought to the Inquisition; if he dissembles,
or is really ignorant of the motive, he is sent
back to his prison; and this ceremony is
performed as often as three times, with some
interval between each," In all of them the
judges do not cease exhorting him, after a
renewal of the oath has been performed, to
manifest for the security of his conscience
every thing he may have said or done against
the faith, against the free exercise of the
tribunal, or the honour of its ministers.t

* Compilacion de Instrucciones, n, IS.

t Orden de Procesar, fol, 14. "He is admonished to
'Peak the truth if he has done or said, or been seen to do or
lay, any thing that may be injuriol1St~ the faith or contrary
�06 INQUISITION UNMASKED. ['CHAP.IVj

The idea all this presents is, that the court

wishes the prisoner to confess under a hope
of being treated with greater kindness; but
without dreading the charge of temerity, and
judging only from the strict nature of the ,
process, I may venture to attribute to such
a practice the highest refinement of the in.
quisitorial test. At least it will not be denied
that the prisoner is compelled to scrutinize
every act and period of his life, till at last
he hits on the cause of his impeachment.
Scarcely recovered from the surprise caused
by his arrest, and appalled by the contr.ast
his imagination forms of the many and secret
steps previously taken, compared with the
state of security in which he lately lived,
from that moment the prisoner begins to
despair, and, hopeless and dismayed, he al-
ready beholds the torment that awaits him.
Bewildered, as in the mazes of a labyrinth,
wherever he turns his. eyes some fresh object
increases his pain and adds to his anguish.
Under the undoubted supposition that, in this
abode of wretchedness, the appearances of
the most officious charity conceal acts of
Insidious cruelty, he beholds no one who is
to the free exercise of the Holy Office." MS. note, "Or
contrary to the honour of iti ministers,"
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. ~01
not' an enemy, arid hears nothing that is not
directed to his ruin. Secluded from every
species of intercourse, if his keeper says any
thing unconnected with the service of his
person, it is to assure him that it will be
much in his favour to confess according to
the pleasure of the inquisitors. to If an attor-
ney is allowed him, it is after he has been
sworn to use every exertion to induce his
client to confess, and that he will abandon
his defence from the moment he discovers
his guilt. Thus is it that the prisoner has
more to fear from his own advocate than
from the proctor of his enemies.t If, seekin
that consolation in God which he cannot
find in man, he should solicit the sacrament

* This is expressly forbidden by the ordinances of the

,Inquisition of Portugal, nevertheless constant practice
has been opposed to this prohibition, as is proved by what
occurred to Dellon in the Inquisition of Goa, (Relation
de la dite Inquisition, chap. iv.) and Don Hipolito Jose
da Costa in that of Lisbon, (Narrativa do Perseguicao,
tom. i.)
t Compilacion de Instrucciones, n. 23. "The attor-
ney is bound as a Christian to admonish him to confess the
truth, and, if he is guilty, to sue for penance. Orden de
Procesar, fo1. 16. Again," The advocate swears that,
jf the culprit has not justice on hill side, he will undeceive
him and keep secrecy,"
!OS INQUISITION UNMASKED. (CHAP. IV.

of penance, either a confessor is refused

him, or, if he is allowed one, it is not for' the
purposes of absolution,' since of this he is
deemed unworthy as long as he persists, in
not exhibiting to the court the crime-of
which he is accused; but that he may ce-ope-
rate with the rest in promoting his .... -ocn-
demnation by exhortations of a ~j~nilU'
nature, and by revealing what the p~~n~·.
may have confided to him either befere Qr.
after confession. * Finally, the inquisitors,
'I\l Compilacion de Instrucciones, n, 71. "If he
ask for a confessor, a qualified and confidential person
shall be given him, who sh~ll previously make oath that he
will keep secrecy; and, if the penitent in his confession
should reveal any thing to him to be conveyed out of the
prison, that he will not accept the charge nor be the
bearer of any such communication. And if he should
confide the same to him out of the time of confession,
that he will also reveal it to the inquisitors, who shall
advise and instruct the said confessor how 11e is to act
towards the penitent, signifying to him that, since he ill
imprisoned for being a heretic, if he does not manifest
his crime in 2. judicial manner, being guilty, he cannot be
absolved. And,. with regard to the rest, it is left to the
conscience of the _confessor, who is to be learned," &c.
The good qualities which the tribunal requires in the
confessor are understood by merely saying that he must
possess its confidence. Massini, Prattica della S. Inqui-
sisione, part x. avvert. lxi, Regimento do S. Officio de
Portugal, lib. i. tit. iii. n.29.
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. ~09

sometimes with a complacent aspect, and at

others in a demure and rigid tone, emulously
urge him during the whole of the trial to
acknowledge having been a defaulter in the
manner laid to his charge. They affect to
feel a paternal solicitude for him, as if a
father, even when he were as zealous for the
public good as a Junius Brutus or a Manlius
Torquatus, could seek the condemnation of
his own son when his crime was not legally
established; and, by one of those strange
contradictions so common to 'the Inqui ition,
in order to prove his delinquency, they
endeavour to avail themselves of the l'CS-
pect for God and his saints which they
suppose in him at the same time that they
treat him as a mortal enemy to the Di.
vinity. No people take the name of God
so much into their mouths as the Jews in
their engagements and the Gipsies in their
contracts. if<
* The Order of Process, fol. 10, commands the in-
quisitors to urge the culprit to the confession of his
crime under the following form: "In reverence of God
our Lord, and of his glorious and blessed mother our
Lady the Virgin Mary, admonishing him to examine his
memory, and to speak the entire truth of all he should
feel himself guilty or may know of in other persons being
equally so, (we see the inquisitors do not forget the
VOL.~ p
210 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

Who then follows up the defence of the

prisoner when he has been abandoned by his
attorney? Is he to be judged as one con-
victed because his advocate has forsaken
him? I find no regulations laid down for
this peculiar case, and in reality they would
have been of no service, since in fact the
granting to the prisoner the means of defence
is merely nominal. What the laws ,of the
Inquisition prescribe respecting the confessor
is not less monstrous. Theologians teach,
that the seducing confessor commits a sacri-
lege, whether his attempts have been imme-
diately before or after the performance of
his duty, because so vile a proceeding tends
to render the sacrament odious. The same
theologians would do well to inform the
world whether that pa.rt of the practice and
conduct of the Inquisition we have just
described is regular imd proper. Did any
confessor ever prostitute his ministry so as
to become the instrument of an intrigue so
scrutinies it is their duty to perform!) for by 110 doing
he will unburden his conscience as a Catholic Christian
and save his soul, and his cause will be dispatched with
all possible brerity and mercy." The same is' likewise
ordained, in almost the same words; by the Regiments
do S.OJIicio de Portugal, lib. ii. tit. iv, D. 9.
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 211

abominably wicked as the above? This cir-

cumstance in former times, when inquisitorial
zeal was in its zenith, would not have been a
matter of astonishment, since the very per-
sons who drew up the above Regulation
were themselves confessors; but it is unac-
countable that such a practice should have
survived the barbarous age in which it was
invented. With regard to the present time,
and the influence which of late years this tri-
bunal has held over the secrecy of confession,
I shall quote the testimony of one who had
powerful reasons to be well-acquainted with
it. This is Don Juan Antonio Rodrigalvarcz,
late c_anonof the royal church of St. Isidore
of Madrid, and afterwards titular archdeacon
of the cathedral of Cuenca. This worthy
person, well known in Castile not less for"
his firmness of character and austerity of life
than his science and ardent desire of reform
in ecclesiastical discipline, and who lately
died in the town of Caiiete, flying from the
incursions of the French, was also funda-
mentally acquainted with the actual state
of the Inquisition, by whom he had been
often consulted as an experienced con-
fessor. In his memorandums on this sub-
ject addressed to a friend in this city,
p2
21~ INQUISITION. UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

speaking of denunciation he makes use of

the following words: " The infraction of
every right and principle in this tribunal still
goes further; for though secrecy is the very
soul of all its proceedings, that of sacramental
confession is nevertheless not respected br
it, in consequence of the declarations it fre-
quently requires of confessors relating to
their penitents."
Let it not however be objected to me,
that this confession imposed by the Inquisi-
tion on its prisoners has a model among the
Scriptures in the case of Joshua against
Achan, when the latter had secreted a rich
garment, two hundred shekels. of silver, and
a wedge of gold, out of the booty of the city
of Ai, in direct contravention to the com-
mands of God on this occasion. Joshua
exhorted . him to give glory to God and
openly confess the truth, and then cast him
into the flames by virtue of his avowal, toge-
ther with all his booty and property." This
is one of those extraordinary events which
abound in the annals of the Hebrew nation,
and, of course, cannot serve as an example
for others. The same also may be said of all
other arguments taken from their civil as
* Joshua, chap. viii. v, 19~
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISITIPN UNMASKED.
. 213

well as criminal legislation, since it cannot

be denied that both have now ceased; and
it will further be readily acknowledged that
they were instituted for a people of ~ charac-
ter little analogous to the Spanish, and that
those times were very different to our own.
Besides, can a nation that, during its infancy
in Memphis under Pharoah, was no other
than a horde of slaves,-that in Jerusalem,
under David and Solomon its two most
famous kings, was held in abject subjection,-
and that, since its dispersion, has 10 t all
reasonable hopes of liberty, serve as a model
to a people holding in its own hands the
means of freedom? If this were the case,
of what avail would be the , labours of the
National Congress to give us a constitution,
when it would suffice to enact the political
regulations of the Pentateuch and command
their' observance? In the civil code, among
other things, we should then see the power
of the father extend to the sale of his chil-
dren; in the criminal one we should behold
the talion-law revived with the mutilation of
members; and in the usages of war the ab-
solute power of the conqueror over his fallen
foe would be again introduced. It is high
time for those who appeal to the Old Testa-
214 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

ment for authorities in support of the rigours

of the Inquisition to be undeceived. Any
liberal law found among the Hebrews may
safely be adopted as a model, since we are
now in search of a system of which liberality
is to be the basis; but we have nothing to do
with their bloody laws, when we seek to loosen
rather than to wind up the springs of abject
prejudice and degradation, and are on the
eve of breaking asunder the trammels of de-
basement and slavery.
Finally, the judge, before he closes the
s!lmmary proceeding, requires of the prisoner
to declare whether he is the author of the
offence alleged, a process usually called
taking down his declaration, whether he con-
fesses ingenuously or not, or whether he
persists in absolute silence. Whenever the
latter takes place, all the penalty of the law
is inflicted upon him the same as if he had
avowed his offence, whereas he ought only I

to be punished for his obstinacy. This cus-

tom, although extremely unjust, has been
generally observed in our other courts, and
the Inquisition has followed their example,
but with a considerable excess of rigour,
according to what we have already shown,
as well by an anticipation of time, as by
5
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. ~1S

the strenuous manner in which it wrests an

avowal from the prisoner.
PLENARYJUDGl\1ENT.-The declaration, or
as it may be called the confession of the
culprit, which ends the whole summary judg-
ment and corresponds to across-examination
in civil cases, is the link that unites it with
the plenary judgment, and also forms the
whole basis of the process. When sufficient
evidence appears from the first stage of the
proceeding to act against the accused, and
detain his person, the cause is instituted in
the second with all due formality. To thi
effect, a proctor is named to act in behalf of
the public, as well as an ad vocate to plead
for the prisoner. The proofs are then sub-
stantiated, and the exceptions examined with
the greatest scrupulosity. In short, all the
apparent importance is given to the matter
which it ought in reality to possess, when
the punishment or impunity of a delinquent
is the object in view, and the well-being or
misfortune of the innocent is to be the result.
It i~ indeed true, that the Inquisition has
adopted the form of a plenary judgment;
but, as the court is already prejudiced against
the prisoner from the time of his arrest, this
has been adopted merely for the purpose of
 216 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

condemning him a second time, and not for '

the protection of his innocence. With regard
to the utility that might result to him from
this revision of his case, the latter proceed-
ing is in fact as summary as the first; because
in it there is no obligation to adhere to any
determined forms, but merely to observe
, what natural right prescribes, that is in the
terms understood by the inquisitors, 'since
this alone gives legality to the sentence." In
a word, all anomaly even when in contraven-
tion to justice, as long as it possesses the
slightest colouring of reason, is authorised by
this tribunal, and even sanctified under a plea
of what is called its being done in behalf of
the faith. Lastly, that nothing may be want-
ing to complete this disorganization, each
provincial Inquisition has its own peculiar
usages and regulations, nor would it be pos-
sible in this place exactly to describe their
respective modes of process.f
The conrt however proceeds in a more
~ Paramo, De Ordin. Judiciar, S. Offic. queest, iv.
n.4.-3.
t Pefia, Ad Director. Inquisit. com. xcvii•• , Statwm-
dum est." he says, "non esse prioatas Inquisitionum lJuarum-
lihet sanciumes inspiciendas, lJuihus sape ex causa id cavetur,
(prod jure communi, et communibus doctorum dlcti« videtur
adversum."
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 21'7

solemn and formal manner in the second

Judgment, .which improperly, and for the
mere purpose of misleading the unwary, has
been called plenary; for it only differs from
I

the first, inasmuch as by this the prisoner

is sentenced to be detained without being
allowed to plead, by' virtue only of the
declaration of the accuser and witnesses;
whereas in the other, although he is allowed
to plead, the principal exceptions he might
allege in his own favour are either withdrawn
or invalidated when perhaps they might
suffice to liberate him from suffering. Thi
unjust mode of proceeding is founded on that
axiom of right, or rather that fatal para-
dox invented by flattery and sanctioned by
tyranny, viz. that slight proofs are sufficient
in crimes of great-atrocity, and that in taking
cognizance thereof the judge may exceed the
common limits of the law. The Inquisition
therefore availing itself of this rule, and
besides mistaking the sin or offence com-
mitted against God for the crime or injury
done to society, not only punishes the here-
tical dogmatist, but also avenges itself on
anyone who may have slipped into an un-
guarded expression in the least opposed to
any article ,of the faith. Thus a fault easily
218 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

committed, or, if not, easily supposed 80, and

arising only out of indiscretion, is punished
~s the most enormous crime; th~""tis, as the
crime of one who with mature deliberation
should propose to destroy both religion and -
the state; as a crime, in short, whose per-
petration is scarcely possible, and for whose
deteetion a concurrence of greater proofs
is necessary than for that of an ordinary
offence. At the same time that Paramo
wishes that, owing to the enormity of heresy,
the second judgment of the Inquisition
should be held in the light of a summary
one, he confesses, when quoting the Chapter
Litteras De Preesumpt. and also Pella, that
the proofs of a crime ought to 'be the greater
in proportion to its gravity." It is by no
means strange that the expositors of this
form of legislation should fall into contra-
dictions when its principles are continually
clasbing with each other.
Beccaria, speaking on this subject, observes
-that, " if the gravity of crimes ought to be
rated according to the dignity of the person
offended, without any regard to the good or
evil of society, an irreverence done to the
.. Paramo, De Inquisit. in Caus. Fidei, lib. iii. qUlfit.
vi. n.90,
-CHAP. IV.] 1 QUISITION UN~IASKED. 219

Supreme Being ought to be punished with

greater rigour than the "asassination of the
first magistrate of the nation, by the superior
nature of the person offended acting as an
infinite counterpoise to the difference of the
offence. The falsity however of this opinion
must immediately strike anyone who impar-
tially examines the relations which e i t
between man and man as well as between
man and God. The first arc relation of
equality, of common utility ari in 11t 0 th
equilibrium of the pa ion and f indi idu )
interests, whi 11 con titut th lind: m ntal
basis of human justice. TIl e ond r . 1
tions of dependence on the part of created
beings towards a perfect and creative one,
who reserved to himself the right of legis-
lating and judging, since he alone without an
abuse of power can apply those punishments
he himself has established for those who con-
travene his eternal will. Besides, if the atro-
ciousness of the sin, considered as an offence
against the divine <Toodness,depends on the
inscrutable malice of the heart, what human
authority can mea ure out the penalty that
is due? On the other hand, the acknow-
ledgement of error and the repentance of
the heart bring down upon the sinner the
 �~o INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV..

consolations of ~ God, at all times disposed

to mercy and pardon. Would not man there-
fore thus be in danger of punishing him whom
God had pardoned, and of pardoning him
who deserved punishment ?" * In conformity
to this we are therefore to conclude that the
true and only measure of crimes, as well as of
the civil punishments corresponding to them,
is the injury they do to society; and that
ignorance and cruel superstition alone could
have raised an expression to the level of the
most atrocious crime that can be committed
against it.

PROOFS.

These are of three kinds; viz. by instru-

ments or writings, by witnesses, and by the
confession of the prisoner. The latter is
again subdivided into voluntary, and that
wrested from him by means, of the torture.
All of these have been in use in the Inqui-
sition.
By INSTRUMENTS OR WRITINGS.-It being
a fundamental principle laid down in this
tribunal that the prisoner is not to hide any-
thing that may tend to elucidate his crime
and its accompanying circumstances, a private
• Beccaria, Dei delitti e delle Pene, § vii.
�AP. IV.) INQUISITION UNMASKED. 221

instrumental proof, such as a letter or writing

of the party, thence becomes a document of
as much validity as a notarial deed; nor is it
necessary for the writing to be legally proved,
since it would be impossible for the party, not
to acknowledge it. From the same principle
it follows that he is bound to denounce any
such papers to the inquisitors, and even to
find and put them into their hands, if this
should be necessary to promote his condemna-
tion. He is further compelled to translate
them when the language in which they are
written is unknown to the court, and to in-
terpret and comment upon them when the
sense is so obscure as not to be understood
from a simple reading. Consequently the
prisoner is thus forced to become his own
accuser, and held to give in his sentence pre-
pared to judges who are bound by no form;
or in other words, he is obliged to offer him-
self up as a victim on the altar of the most
despotic power, erected into a divinity,
By WITNESsEs.-He who has heard or
been present at a criminal act or saying con-
stitutes a proper channel to furnish the judge
with a knowledge of the offence, and of the
person by whom it was committed; however,
at no time has his bare declaration been held
 222 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

as sufficient-to proceed to the sentence, at least

as far as regards the whole penalty. Error
and rancour are vices too common in men ,..
for the security of the citizen to depend on
the testimony of a single person, and even
the Inquisition has been obliged partly to
respect this axiom of political justice. But
this is not the case when the evidence of
two witnesses has been obtained; for although
it may happen that both are mistaken, or
both impelled by sinister motives, neverthe-
less when they are examined separately, and
agree in the material points of the 1: ct, it is
not easy for t~em to be wanting to the truth,
to which they must adhere with the greatest
nicety, if they wish to accord between them-
selves, This is the reason why legislators
have required at least the evidence of two
concurring witnesses to establish the proofs
of a criminal accusation, and have rejected
the testimony- of persons suspected of interest,
bribery, or of enmity, an exception always
attended to in civil cases, and yet not easily
proved.
From what has already been said respect-
ing secret accusations and accusers, it is easy
to form a correct idea of the nature of the
system adopted by the Inquisition with regard
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 223

to witnesses. It is therefore only necessary

to remark that it excludes no one from giving
evidence, in the same manner as no one is
excluded or even dispensed from denuncia-
tion.
In order to establish the full proof, although
two concurring witnesses are requisite be-
sides the denunciator, those who do not con"
cur but depose respecting different acts of
heresy are sufficient for the infliction of the
extraordinary penalty, and even for the abju-
ration and the infamy which accompanies it.
The suppression of the names of the witnc c
permitted by the decrctals, only when it wa
apprehended that injury might result to them
owing to the culprits being persons of power,
has been converted into a general rule by
the inquisitors, and has even been extended
to all kinds of causes." Notwithstanding this

'" Massini, Prattles della S. Inquisizione, part x, Avvert.

lxxxix, " Benche i testimoni singulari non provano l'eresia
ad effetto di condannare il reo con pena ordinaria, sone
pero bastevoli a cagionare che se gl'imponga qualque
straordinaria pena 0 penitenza ed anco la purgazione
canoniea,"
+ Instrucciones de Sevilla del afio 1484, § 16. The
Order of Process, fol. 17, contains these words, "In
causes which are not of heresy and contain no suspicions
thereof, lome variation usually occurs; but the parties
224.< IN~UISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

measure is so fraught with danger, the tribu-

nal has considered it so necessary to its own
ends, that in Germany at a time when the
treasury was exhausted, the converted Jews
offered Charles V. the sum of 800,000
crowns of gold if he would consent to.
regulate this practice by the usages of the
other courts of justice. 'This proposal was
rejected by the prince in condescension to
the Inquisitor General, Cisneros, who repre-
sented to him the great inconveniences that
would arise from such a change. * We ought
not to be astonished at such a line of conduct.
Whoever contemplates the scientific produc-
tions and the conduct of our literary charac-
ters of the 1'6th century, at the same time that
he acknowledges their really great learning
compared with the state of science in those
days, will not fail to discover in most of them.
a certain tincture of superstition, from which
even the above distinguished Cardinal was not
altogether free. The prisoner consequently
never knows who is his accuser, nor who ar.e
the witnesses to support his impeachment,
for the court takes the utmost precaution to

are not cited to see the oath administered. and the names
of the witnesses are kept secret."
• Paramo, De Orig. S. Inquisit.lib. Ii,tit. iii. cap.n. n, 9-
7
,~
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISITlpN UNMASKED. 225

ikeep him in the dark. He is ·thus deprived

.of every. means 9f. being .~onftonted with his
.adversaries, in those weighty cases in which
all other courts would considerthis measure
.as absolutely necessary. It is only when
.any doubt has arisen respecting the identity
.of his person that the witnesses view him
.from a secret place ,whe~e .they cannot be
.seen, ,w~i<?h operation is called per rimulas ;
or else they ~re brought before him with
masks ontheir faces and covered with cloaks
from head to foot.'" (Vide Plate III.)

. • .Massini, Prattica della S.lnquisizione, part il. In

Italy the confronting with various witnesses was usually
performed in 'd~stinct acts, a~d the' culprit 'was' placed
in a circle with other persons, to see whether they hit upon
him. This last measure, also used in other tribunals, is
.strongly recommended by Massini; but in my opinion
tlH;re is Ii? necessity, for ,it in the c~se 'in question. It
might be requisite when-the inquisitors doubted whether
.the culprit was known to the witnesses, but here the doubt
is whether 'the latter tells a falsehood when he denies'
being the person the former affirms he is. The regulation
of the Portuguese Inquisition (lib. ii. tit. iii. n, 7.) is more
,correct, since dispensing with both these formalities, it only
requires that the witnesses be not known to each other;
aMi this end is answered by their being placed in the
position represented in the above plate. The Spanish
Order of Process, fol. 26t simply says that the CUlpritsare
Dot to be confronted with the witnesses.
YOLo T. Q
 •

226 INQUISITION UNMASKED. (CHAP. IV.

The great importance the Inquisition has

always attached to the secrecy of the wit-
nesses has induced it to resort to certain
fictions, as indecorous to religion as they are
dishonourable and unprincipled. In the sum-
ming.up of the proofs when the accomplice-
witnesses vary in their declarations and be-
come perjured, this circumstance is com-
pletely hidden from the prisoner, who is
thereby deprived of the opportunity of can"
vassing and rejecting their testimony, as
undeserving of credit. According to the
same rule, not only the names of the accuser
and witnesses are kept hidden from him, as
well as the day and determined spot where
the crime was committed, (the year, month,
and town being all that is disclosed,) but even
the circumstance in which he and one of the
witnesses were concerned is totally disfigured
to him, so as to lead him inevitably into error,
unless he is well acquainted with the secrets
of the Inquisition. Thus when the witness
declares that the prisoner, in a certain confi-
dential conversation held with him, made use

*' Orden de Procesar, fol, 4, MS. note. "It is alway.

inconvenient for the culprit to know that the witness has
prejured himself, -for which reason it is usual not to inform
him of it."
 CR.ti'. IV. ] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 227

of this or that expression, the inquisitors,

accommodating the declaration to their own
whim, roundly tell him that the witness heard
him repeat this same proposition to another
person; feigning that the conversatien took
place between three or more persons; for in
fact the expression amounts to this accord-
ing to the common way of speaking, from
which no tribunal ought to deviate, much less
in summing up the proofs, unless its object
.is to authorize fraud and deceit.s This irre-
gularity in the Inquisition is the mor re-
markable, because its original instructions
prescribe, as a most essential point, that the

'" Compilacion de Instrucciones, n, 32. "In the

notification the month and year in which the witnesses
make their depositions are to be inserted, but if any in-
convenience should result from iaserting the exact day, it
JDaybe omitted, as the month and year will suffice, and
this is frequently done with wit~esses belonging to the
prison. In like manner the notification is to mention
the place and time where and when the crime was com-
mitted, because it relates to the defence of the culprit;
but the exact spot shall not be disclosed to him. .And it
is to be observed that, although the witness may depose in
the first person, by saying that what he testifies of the cul-
prit occurred to him personally, in the notification the
wliole shall be put down in the third, stating that he indi-
vidually saw and heard what tOQk place between the
culprit and a certain per on."
Q2
22&. INQUISITION VNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

declarations of the witnesses shall be given

to the prisoner in the most literal manner
possible, which proves that it has not always
acted wrong from a principle of ignorance.
I omit making mention of the other mode
used by the tribunal in examining the per-
sons rejected by the prisoner, although they
do not enter into the number of the wit-
nesses, which is done in order to cover the
latter in a better manner; neither is it neces-
cessary to say any thing of the custom of
examining witnesses against the persons ex-
cepted by the party. '*' I also omit noticing
that the court even hides the circumstance of
the death of those witnesses whom the prisoner
may have named in his defence, in case they
have died; and, disfigures by various ways
that of their not having been found, when he
had named them to prove his objections to
the persons whom he presumes are his ene-
mies.t 'What is most worthy of attention is
the extreme difficulty to which he is exposed
* Orden de Procesar, fo!' 25. According to the author
of the MS. notes, the Supreme Council of the Inquisition
prohibited this abuse by an order of the 26th May, 1706;
but the iniquisitors took no notice of this, since he speaks
of the practice as being current, and quotes the abov
order as if astonished at its contravention.
t Orden de Procesar, fol. 25.
 CHAP, IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. , 229

in the establishment of his counter -evidence,

or those means he may have of proving that
on the day and at the hour when the wit.
nesses affirm he committed the crime he
Was at .a different place from the one they
assert. This difficulty amounts to an impos-
sibility when they accuse him of having
committed the crime within the prison, since
the notification is made out under a date of a
month previous to his confinement; and in
Portugal the antedate went as far back as five
or six months, and the charge did not specify
the town but only the bishopric, if the culprit
did not before live in the same town.?
The reason the inquisitors give for so sin-
gular a procedure is that otherwise, as from
the time of his confinement he had only held

• Compilacion de Inslrucciones, as above quoted.

Regimento do Santo Officiode Portugal, lib. ii. tit. ix. n.B.
" Havendo alguma testemunba deposto contra 0 reo de
culpa commettida no carcera do Santo Officio se lhe tara
publicacao della tomando 0 tempo cinco 0 seis mezes atras
de suaprisafi dizendo se que de tanto tempo a esta parte."
Apd in lib. i.rtit, vi. n, 23., we find these words: "E se as
culpas forem commettidas no carcere nao sendo 0 reo
morador na cidade nem havendo noticia certa que veyo a
ella no tal tempo, dini (0 promotor) que a culpa se com-
metteo no arcebispado ou bispado em que rezide 0 SaD!Q
Olficio." ,
2S0 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

intercourse with a certain number of persons,

he would be enabled to devise the authors of
the accusation. But, is it possible that they
do not discover that according to this rule
they are obliged to state the period when the
culprit committed the offence under an anti.
cipation of several years, when during all this
time he has been a prisoner; and that they
must thus only express the kingdom when he
is transferred from one province to another,
or even Europe alone, or any other quarter
of the globe, when, on being claimed, he is
conducted from one kingdom to another;
and even the whole globe itself, if, as it pos.
sibly may happen, he is conveyed from one
of the four quarters to another. So certain
is it that man if he once loses the pmper
equilibrium, no longer able to guide his /
steps, is precipitated from one abyss to
another. The law, therefore, by which the
Inquisition hides from the accused the names
of his adversaries, thus neutralizing or de-
priving him of the means of defence, and
leaving him no other grounds than :Conjec-
ture, must be pronounced barbarous in its
substance as well as in its mode of application.
It was in consequence of this unaccount·
~Iblelaw that about the middle of the 16th
 ClIAP.lV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 231

century the venerable professor Juan d

Avila was nearly sacrificed. This virtuous
man was usually called the Apostle of Anda-
lusia, andit was to his preaching and advice
that many of the persons then distinguished
among us by their virtues were so much in-
debted. Among these may be named Igna-
tius of Loyola, Francis de Borja, John of
God, Peter of Alcantara, and Teresa of
Jesus, as well as the venerable Luis of Gra-
nada, who also received from him lessons 0
sacred eloquence. He was accused of teach-
ing various errors in his sermons, one of
which was, that he closed the gates of heaven
against the rich, and he was consequently
seized by the Inquisition of Seville. Being
near his condemnation, the inquisitors told
.him that his affair was now in the hands of
God,meaning by this that his case was entirely
hopeless; asking him at the same time and
in the usual manner whether he suspected
anyone of bearing enmity against him. The
tranquillity of mind, on the one hand, with
which he answered them, that those 'might be
his enemies who were offended with the
truths of the gospel, and that his cause was
never better than when in the hands of God ;
and on the other, the great veneration in
232 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

which he was held throughout the whole

kingdom, obliged the judges to make fresh
and more minute investigations- respecting
his accusers and witnesses. By this means,
and in an extraordinary manner, they ob-
tained possession of a .letter in which one of
the latter exhorted a-witness to keep firm to
his declaration, in terms giving to understand
that the accusation had been malicious.
Thus did the venerable Avila escape ship-
wreck, when 'another innocent man, divested
of the same favourable circumstances, would
have infallibly perished.s But however much
this zealous priest might have sought to
heighten the difficulty of a rich man entering
into the kingdom of heaven, could he have
used any thing stronger than the text of the
Gospel, where Christ compares this same diffi-
culty to that of a camel passing through the
eye of a needle, even when by the word
camel or ~StJ-' (gamla) as he must have pro-
nounced it speaking in Chaldean, we are to
understand, as appears ought to be the case,
the rope made of the twisted hairs of that
animal? This evinces how easily calumny
may catch hold of a word, and' that even
.. Vide the Life of said Professor A vila, at the beginnin;
ef his works, book i, chap. vi, .,
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. _ 2.33

supposing in tribunals silence is observed in

other matters, in affairs of so delicate a' nature
as this publicity is indispensably necessary.
And if this really is the case, what motives
could have given rise to the introduction of
so scandalous a practice into the Inquisition,
as wen as its retention for so long a period of
time? Has the necessity of maintaining
religion been the plea? Nothing could be
more favourable to its enemies, and nothing
could furnish them with more powerful arms
to attack and discredit it than such a neces-
sity if it were certain. Or has it been the
indemnity of the accuser and witnesses? A
society whose laws are not sufficient for the
protection of its members, and in which the
latter are. more powerful than the sovereign,
is not deserving of that name. Or has the
motive been a dread of the stigma attached to
secret accusers? The man who is justified
by the law in private cannot be held as cri-
minal before the public. How numerous
have been the errors, and how great the evils
which have arisen out of a false zeal for reli-
gion ! The Inquisition, far from being ser-
viceable to it by its mysterious proceedings,
has rather resembled a second tribunal of
Caiphas, in which Christ, as head of the
 234 J~ QUI ITION UNNIASKED. [CHAP. IV.

Church, has suffered in his members what in

the latter he endured in his person. And in
truth, can any situation be imagined more
like that of our Redeemer in the house of
the above pontiff when those his execu-
tioners, after binding his eyes, struck, and
then told him to guess who gave the blow,
than the condition of an innocent man stand.
ing before the tribunal of the Inquisition ?*

* S. Matth. cap. xxvi, v, 68. "The Holy Tribunal,"

says the Filosofo Rancio, in his letter ii.• "amply com-
pensates to the culprits the injury they experience in being
deprived of the defence they might establish by being
allowed to state exceptions against the informer and wit-
nesses, In the first place by the court ascertaining the
character and reputation of the latter. and its searching
out if they have against the culprit any probable cause of
ill.wiIL': Before we proceed any further. I do not deny
tllat the court will endeavour to find out what reputation
the informer and witnesses enjoy in society, and I even
think it is easy for it to ascertain the point; but will it be
equally easy to scrutinize with certainty, or even suspect,
the odium or clashing of interests which possibly exist be-
tween two persons, perhaps the greatest friends in their
exterior?- The Filosofo Rancio adds. "in the second
pIare. it makes up to the culprits this injury, by not pro-
ceeding to a personal arrest till the informers and witnesses
have confirmed their depositions before two or more per-
SODS of respectability, and under all the precautions which

human prudence will admit of in order to prevent decep,

tion and surpri.&e."-.And I would ask, Of what Jervic~
 CHAP~ IV.] IN~UISITION UNMASKED. 235

By VOLUNTARY CONFESSION.-I call the

confession made by the prisoner at the in.
stance or through the suggestions of the

would be two or more persons collected 'together in order

to restrain or intimidate the calumniator who, before he.
resolved on the ruin of his rival, was aware he had to
appear before some one? And wh? will believe that this
tribunal will take all the precautions dictated by prudence,
when it disregards those which rigorous justice prescribes,
and the universal consent of nations h confirmed, It is
-unnecessary to seek subterfuges and invent sophisms in
order to defend a proceeding so absurd as that of the In.
quisition in this particular. This is a blemish it would be
impossible to hide or wipe away. All the exertions the
court may take upon itself in favour of the culprit will
never make up for those of the culprit himself, of his ad.
vocate acting in his name, and even those which his
relations and friends might perform far him. The Filosofo
then subjoins, "In the third place, it makes this injury
up to them by combining and putting in practice the most
severe penalties against calumniators." It would first be
necessary for the court to ascertain that they were of this
stamp, and this is the precise point of difficulty; for it is
\
clear that by the combination of punishment calumny is
not always avoided, since the Inquisition itself confesses
having had to punish it. How many of these calumnies
must not have occurred before this tribunal, but how seldom
have the punishments taken place? He thus concludes,
"In the fourth and last place, this injury is compensated
by an extraordinary value being attached to whatever ex-
ception the culprit may insinuate when he hits upon and
£uesses the names of the informers against him." Well
236 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

judge voluntary or spontaneous notwith-

standing it partakes in a certain degree of
moral coercion, in order to distinguish it
from that which is obtained by means of the
torture .. These suggestions, from combining
in them threats, and acting as a restraint on
the will, have uniformly been reprobated by
all codes except that of the Inquisition,
which from the beginning to' the end of the
cause points out the confession of the pri-
soner as the only means of safely extricating
himself from his dilemma, or at least of suf-
fering less. But this is not the only injustice
he has to experience; there is another and a
still more remarkable one arising out of a
deviation from the truth on the part of a tri-
bunal that styles itself" Of the Faith." In
order to prove this it will suffice to select

then the exceptions alleged by the culprit when he guesses

who the informers are, can be of such a nature as to be
esteemed of an extraordinary value ? Yet the innocent
man under the pressure of persecution, who may not have
talent to hit upon his persecutor, in this tribunal becomes
the victim of his own dullness!. The want of penetration
consequently is another crime punishable therein. .Most
assuredly this is a novelty to me, for I had hitherto believed
that it was not the simple man but the one possessed of
talents whom the Inquisition has usually selected fur th
object of its fury.
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 2~7
two of the ten stratagems used for this pur-
pose, gilded over as they are by the name of
precautions, as may be seen in the Directory
of the Inquisitors, written about' the middle
of the 14th century, by the Dominican Ni-
cholas Eymeric, Chief Inquisitor to the
Crown of Aragon; a masterly work, whose
authority in the Inquisition may be compared
to that of the Decree of Gratian in the other
ecclesiastical courts: a work in short which
has served as a model for all the regulations
which have been in force in Spain, Italy, and
Portugal, and as authority for all who have
written on the subject.
FIRST SrRATAGEM.-" When the prisoner
r has been impeached of the crime of heresy,
but not convicted, and he obstinately persists
in his denial, let the inquisitor take the pro-
ceedings into his hands, or any other file of
papers, and looking them over in his presen~e
let him feign to have discovered the offence
fully established therein, and that he-is de-
sirous he should at once make his confession.
The Inquisitor shall then say to the prisoner,
as if in astonishment' And is it possible that
you should still deny what I have here before
my own eyes?' He shall then seem as if he
read, and to the end that the prisoner may
 �38 INQUISITION UNl\IASKED. ICHAP. IV •
.know no better, he shall fold down the leaf,
and after reading some moments longer, he •
.shall say to him ' It is just as I have said,
why therefore do you deny it, when you see
I know the whole matter?' " In all this the
author directs the judge not to enter too
minutely -into the particulars of the fact for
fear of his erring in any of the circumstances,
and lest the prisoner should discover the
fiction."
SECOND STRATAGEM.-" When the inquisi-
tor has an opportunity, he shall manage so as
• Eymeric, Director. Inquisitor. part iii. n, 102. " Si vi-
deat inquisitor luereticum, vel delatum nolie detegere ver'ita-
tem, et scit eum per testes non esse convictum, et secundum in-
dieia videtur eidem esse verum quod deponitur contra eum,
accipiat processum, et revolvat eum, et post dicatei: Clarum
est quod won dicis verum, et quod ita fuit sicut dico ego: di-
cas er~o 'lJeritate1ltnegotii clare, sic ut ille credat se convictum
esse, et sic apparere in processu, Pel teneat in manti unam
cedulem leu scripiuram, et quando delatus Sell. hareticus in-
terrogatltS negabit hoc vel illud, inquisitor quasi admirans di-
cat ei r Et quomodo tu pates negare? N anne clarum est mihi?
Bt tunc legat in cedula sua, et pervertat eam, et post dicat:
Ego diaebam 'Verwm. Dicas postquam vides me scire. Ca-
~ tamen inquisitor quad non tantum descendatad speciem
dietndo se scire negotium, quod haireticus cognoscat quod ipse
i,gnorat; sed stet in genere dicendo: Bene scitur ubi .fuisti,
et cum quo, et quo tempore, et quid diristi; et tangat sibi ali.
quod certum, quod scit ita esse; de aliis awem in gewre
iopatur.
5
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNA! SXED. 23

to introduce to the conversation of the pri-

soner some one of his accomplices, or any
other converted heretic, who shall feign that
he still persists in his heresy, telling him that
he had abjured for the sole purpose of es-
caping punishment by deceiving the inquisi-
tors. Having thus gained his confidence, he
shall go into his cell some day after dinner,
and keeping up the conversation till night,
shall remain with him under pretext of
its being too late for him to return home.
He shall then urge the pri oner to tell him
all the particulars of his past life, having
first told him the whole of his own; and in
the mean time spies shall be kept in bearing
at the door, as well as a notary, in order to
certify what may be said within."· Thus is

• Eymeric, Director. Inquisit. part iii. n, 1'07.'e Hd!Jeat

inquisitor unum de complicibus, set: alium '!Jere ad jidrmt-
£on'!Jersum, et de ql(() bene confidere posMt illi cupto .non
ingratum, et permittat illum intrare, et facial fuod ilk
loquatur sihi; et si opus fuerit fingat se de seda sua adhuc
esse, sed metu abjurasse, '!Jetveritatem inquisituri prodidisse.
Et quum hareticus captus coTfftderit in eo, intret quollttm Slln)
protranendo locuiiones cum eadem, et tanclemfingat nimis sa:
tarde pro recessu, et reman eat in carcere cum eadem, ettdt!!lIJ)cte
pariter colloquantur, et dicant sibi muiuo qutE commiserunt,
illo, qui superimtravit, inducente ad hoc captum; i!t tunc nt
ordinatum, quod stent extra carcerem in loco congr.uo -erp1()-
 240 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

it, and with 80 little shame, that Inquisitor

Eymeric explains himself.
That the Inquisition, in order to criminate
its enemy and obtain possession of his pro ....
perty, should be thus wanting to the truth in
. flome points which reciprocal confidence and
justice ordain us to respect,-that it should
seek to authorize by public faith an act in
which the minister to whom the same is
entrusted only intervenes out of doors and
without seeing the persons to whose conver-
sation he is to certify,-is not so astonishing
when human frailty is considered; but that
religion should be formally belied, and this
by a regulation for that purpose enacted, is
a sacrilege almost unheard of. Whilst the
panegyrists of this institution, who boast of
being theologians, extricate themselves from
from this dilemma, the liberal and philoso-
phical ought to rejoice to see that every thing
hitherto written against it is not only true
but also moderate, notwithstanding its advo-
cates attribute 21.11 to a spirit of heresy and
libertinism. Don Manuel Abad y Lasierra,
the last Inquisitor General but one, and also
Archbishop of Selimbria, a person by no
routes, eos auscultantes, et verba colligentes, et si opus fuerit..
notarius cum eisdern."
.CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 241

means prejudiced, and for that reason not

liked among those of his own cloth, speaking
of 'the ease with which an innocent may be
entrapped in the snares of this trihunal,
used to say that he had never feared the In.
quisition till he had been made Inquisitor Ge-
neral. What therefore must have been the
nature of this tribunal in all its force and
vigour, when such was the idea of it whilst
now in a state of decrepitude!
What justice or humanity therefore can be
expected from a tribunal which so basely and
systematically tramples on both? Can its
sentiments of religion be called true, when
their profanation is thus sacrilegiously autho-
rized ? Is there anyone yet so blind as not
to discover that an institution in which such
iniquitous acts are ordered and executed
must .be the work of fanaticism? Methinks
I see this monster, this proud and haughty
rival of religion, its head tressed with ser-
pents, its eyes red and fiery, its lips covered
with bloody froth, 'and muttering words indi,
cative of the rage that devours its entrails,
with one hand raising the wood of the cross as
if to assemble the nations of the earth, but in
reality to feed the flame of discord which it
carries in the other. Such me thinks I behold
VOL.L R
�42. INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

it, as on the dark and dismal day when the

Inquisition was established in Tholouse, and
calling on all the violent and obdurate feelings
or' the heart as its inseparable companions:
methinks I hear it issue the same orders that
Tasso's Pluto gave to his infernal satellites
when he opposed the conquest of the Holy
Land by the Christians .

.. Ma perche pill v' iodugio? Irene, 0 miei

Fidi censorti, 0 mia potenza e forze,
.Ite veloci, ed opprimete i rei,
Pria che 'I lor poter pi6 si rinforze,
Pria che tutt' arda il regno degli Ebrei,
Questa fiarsma crescente omai s'ammorze;
Fra lora entrate, e in ultimo lor danno
Or la forza s'adropri, ed or l'inganno."

But wherefore thus your well-known zeal detain?

Go faithful peers and partners of my reign,
My pride and strength! our hated foes oppre~s,
And crush their empire ere its pow'r increase;
Haste (ere destruction .end JUdrea's name)
And quench the fury of this growing flame;
Mix in their councils, fraud and force employ,
With ev'ry art industrious to destroy.

The same reasons might also be alleged by

the partisans of the Inquisition in favour
of their conduct, as were used in defence
of his own by Hidraotes, the Mussulman
t:HAP; IV.] INQUISITION tJNMASKED. 245

magician, when executing the designs of

Pluto.
Perla fe-il tutto lice,"
For the faith-all things are lawful.

CONFESSION EXACTED :BY MEANS OF Ton-

TUItE.-When I reflect on the use of tortures
formerly admitted into almost all tribunals, in
order to extort from culprits the' confession
of their crime, or, in other words, to oblige
them to pronounce their own sentence of
condemnation, I am inclined to forgive those
public writers who have doubted whether
men have gained or lost most by uniting
in society. Savage must have been the man
who :first projected, and still more so who
dared propose, among civilized nations the
adoption of a judicial test so cruel and falla-
cious as this. Had we not ourselves reached
those unfortunate times in which this abomi-
nable practice was still in use, we should
scarcely have believed it had ever existed;
nor will it be credited by future ages, not-
withstanding it is attested by history, and
sealed in the blotted annals of our national
legislation. But it is a fact which the living
themselves have witnessed: the torture has
.
it Torquato Tasso, " La Geru.saleme Liberata," cant. iv-.
stanza 16.
- R2
 fl44 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP, IV.

been in practice in our own tribunals, and the

plaintive cries extorted by pain have been
taken, for the accents of undisguised truth.
We ourselves have been" exposed to the
rigour of this most vile and atrocious of all
inventions.
Yet since the ordeal by torture is now
condemned in every quarter where Duman
blood is valued, and where justice, through
the aid of science, has again returned to the
rig}}tpath, from which it had been drawn by
our too servile imitation of the ancients; it
would be to no purpose 'to accumulate fresh
reasons to prove its iniquity and want of
efficacy. Among the ancients nevertheless
some are to be found who cried out against it,
so that instead of common prejudice it was
rather sustained by that fatal spirit of servile
imitation which upholds every, thing bad, es-
pecially when recommended by the sanction
of a legislator. Maturely ought a law to be
considered before it is admitted into the code,
above all in criminal matters." Confining
myself therefore to my more immediate

.. The use of the torture was impugned, though in a cur-

,ory manner, by Cicero, Quintilian, St. Augustin, and
Ulpianus. Several of our own authors have also reproved
it, and for this reason their names ought to be remembered
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 245

object, it will suffice to say, that the acts of

other tribunals, intended to wrest from the
mouth of the culprit the confession of his
offence by means of the torture, have not
been less unwarrantable and tyrannical in
general than those of the Inquisition in par-
ticular, applied, as they have been, under
pretext of changing his opinion through the
medium of coercion. Both seem to have
been ignorant of the true impulse of the
human heart, and have clearly proved
that the passions by which they were ani-
mated were of all others least adapted to
promote public happiness. It was only
among slaves, and amidst the ignorance and
ferocity of the primitive ages, that the torture
could have been tolerated; when by a shame.
ful ,degradation of the human species, men
were scarcely held in any other light than as
beasts; nor could it ever have been extended
to the citizen but where the power of the
Cresars had no barriers to its lawless and un-
bridled scope.
Since then the' torture may be considered
as the double effort of barbarity and despot.
with gratitude. Among them are Luis Vives, in the] 6th
century; and in the last, Father Feijoo, and also Don JOI.'
de Acevedo and Don Manuel de Lardizabal. .
246 INQUISITION UNMA!KED. [CHAP. IV.

ism leagued against suffering humanity, it

may easily be concluded that it was received
with open arms by the Inquisition. Tena-
cious in its system of oppression and ven-
geance, no' other tribunal has surpassed it
in severity, whether we consider the quality
of its torments or their duration. No form
of judicial excruciation; in fact, has been too
much for it: on the contrary, all the other
tribunals in the midst of their horrors and
ignominy might have furnished it with lessons
of sensibility. It is not my intention in this
place to describe any other kinds of torments
than those in usual practice, and which, for
. this reason, are recorded by the authors who
have explained the mode of process used in
this institution. The matter is too painful
and too disagreeable to admit of any other
than the most necessary details; nor shall I
heighten the subject by any forced colour-
ings, since the simple narrative of the facts
alone must make the writer and the reader
equally shudder. I ought however to pre-
mise, that no deprecation or protest in favour
of the CUlprit precedes the torture, as is the
case before his final execution; nor, as in
the latter stage, is its infliction given in
charge to the civil magistracy, but executed
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNl\{ASKED. . 247

by the inquisitors themselves. During the

operation, the bishop of the diocess jointly
presides with them, he being on this occa-
sion called upon to exercise this first act of
his jurisdiction. *
I call this the first act of jurisdiction exer-
cised by the diocesan, because in fact the
Inquisition does not require his presence
during all the process of the summary judg-
ment; as if in matters of faith he possessed
no jurisdiction whatever, notwitstanding the
issue of the cause entirely depends on
the grounds established in the preliminary
proceedings. He is for the first time invited
to assist at the sentence of the torture and
its infliction; and why all this? Such an
infringement in appearance might be held as
just and reasonable, but its result has been
to degrade and vilify the episcopal authority
still more. In Spain it was formerly sufficient
for one or two inquisitors to be present at
the administration of the torture, as has
always been the case in Italy, and it even
appears that some of them, whose feelings
beyond doubt would not allow them to
'behold with their eyes what they had not
hesitated to order and authorize by their
'* Compilecion de Instrucciones n, 48.
248 . INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

signatures, gave this commission to another j

but it was afterwards regulated that at least
two inquisitors were to assist thereat besides
the delegate of the diocesan bishop.s How-
ever as nothing evinces in a stronger manner
the idea the inquisitors themselves had of
the atrocity of the torture, and the danger
thereby incurred by the culprit, than the
very form of the inflictive sentence, it may
be proper to insert it in this place in its
exact words.
SENTENCE OF THE TORTURE.

" Christi nomine inoocato. We hereby or-

dain, after due examination made of the
proceedings of said trial, as well as of the
inferences and suspicions which thence result
against the said N., that we ought and hereby
do condemn him to be interrogated under
the' torture," (some judges here expressed
the kind it was to be) "on which we com-
mand that he be placed, and thereon remain
for such time as to us may appear fit, in
order that he may declare the truth of what
is attested and alleged against him, under
the protest we now make against him; that
if during the said torture he should die)
* Compilacion de Instrucciones, n, 48.
(:HAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 249

should be maimed, or any effusion of blood

or mutilation of members should thence
ensue, the blame and charge thereof shall
rest on himself, and not on us, for having
refused to confess the truth. And by this
our sentence we decree and command the
same to be done, by virtue of, and in con-
formity to, the tenor of these presents."-
(Here follow the signatures of the judges,
&c.*)
When the culprit was of opinion that the
inferences against him did not amount to a
semi-plenary proof, such as was requi ite
for the sentence of the torture, he was
allowed to appeal to the Council of the
Supreme; and also to remonstrate with the
inquisitors themselves, whenever any infirm-
ity or the delicacy of his constitution made
him unable to endure it. In the first case
the appeal was granted when sufficient rea-
sons had been' alleged, but the original
proceedings were forwarded to the Council
under the greatest reserve. In the second,
an examination of physicians is ordained,
and, on the culprit's statement being found
correct, a lighter torture was substituted for
the ordinary one, or this was administered
• Orden de Procesar, foI. 28.
1
!50 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

with less rigour. But would the inquisitors

readily admit of an appeal against a measure
which they themselves had instituted? Sel-
dom indeed, or never, was the prisoner able
to establish his plea so as to obtain the
benefit of an appeal; since, in order to refuse
it, nothing more was necessary than for the
judges to be satisfied that their measure was
correct." Even in Portugal the proctor was
allowed to appeal if he believed that the
latter acted with too much indulgence.t
Three kinds of torture have been generally
used by the Inquisition, viz. the pulley, rack,
and fire. As sad and loud lamentations ac-
companied the sharpness of pain, the victim
was conducted to a retired apartment, called
the Hall of Torture, and usually situated
under ground, in order that his cries might
not interrupt the silence which reigned
throughout the other parts of the building.
Here the court assembled, and the judges
* The Compilation of Instructions, D. 50, uses the
following words: " In case the inquisitors are satisfied
with the legal appearances of guilt resulting from the
proceedings the sentence of torture becomes justified,
the appeal is deemed frivolous, and they are to proceed
to its execution without any loss of time!'
t Regimcnto do Santo Officio de Portugal, lib. ii.
tit. xiv, n, S.
 \
.\
 CHAP. IV.] INQ,UISITION UNMASKED. !51

being seated, together with their secretary,

again questioned the prisoner respecting
. his crime, which if he still persisted to
deny they proceeded to the execution of
the sentence.
This first torture was performed by fixing
a pulley to the roof of the hall, with a strong
.hempen or grass rope passed through it.
The executioners then seized the culprit,
and leaving him naked to his drawers, put
shackles on his feet, and suspended weights
of 100 pounds to his aneles. His hands were
then bound behind his back, and the rope
from the pulley strongly fastened to his
wrists. In this situation he was raised about
the height of a man from the ground, and
in the mean time the judges coldly admo-
nished him to reveal the truth. In this posi-
tion as far as twelve stripes were sometimes
inflicted on him, according to the inferences
and weight of the offence. He was then
suffered to fall suddenly, but in such manner
that neither his feet nor the weights reached
the ground, in order to, render the shock of
his body the greater." (Vide Plate IV.)
,. Orden de Procesar, fol, 29.-Suarez de Paz, Praxis,
tom. i, part v, 'cap. iii.-The statement or report which
the secretary is to draw out, according tQ the marginal
4-
"252 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

The torture of the rack, (vide Plate V.)

also called that of water and ropes, and the
one most commonly used, was inflicted by
stretching the victim, naked as before, on his
back along a wooden horse or hollow bench
with sticks across, like a ladder, and prepared
for the purpose. To this his feet, hands, and
head were strongly bound, in such manner as
to leave him no room to move. In this atti-
tude he experienced eight strong contortions
in his. limbs, viz. two on "the fleshy parts of
the arm above the elbow, and two below,
one on each thigh, and also on the legs.
He "was besides obliged to swallow seven
pints of water, slowly dropped into his mouth
on a piece of silk or ribbon which, by the
pressure of the water, glided down his throat,
so as toproduce all the horrid sensations of a
person who is drowning. «< At other times his

note of the Order of Process, is the following: " He shall

set down in what manner they ordered-the culprit to be
stripped naked, how they put irons on his legs, as well as
the weight or weights; and the same shall also specify in
what manner he was raised up, how many times, and the
length of time he was suspended at each."
• Orden de Pro cesar, fol 29.-Suarez de Paz, Praxis,
tom. i. cap. v. part iii.-The statement to be drawn HP,.
according to a marginal note of wid Order of Process, is as
follows: " He &hallset down in what manner they ordered
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 253

face was covered with a thin piece of linen,

through which the water ran into his mouth
and nostrils, and prevented him from breath-
ing. Of such a form did the Inquisition of
Valladolid make use, in 1528, towards Licen-
tiate Juan Salas, physician, of that city. *
For the torture by fire the prisoner was
placed with his legs naked in the stocks, the
soles of his feet were then well-greased with
lard, and a blazing chafing-dish applied to
them, by the heat of which they became per-
fectly fried. When his complaints of the pain
were loudest a board was placed between his
feet and the fire, and he was again com-
manded to confess; but this was taken away
if he persisted in his obstinacy. This species
of torture was deemed the most cruel of all ;
hut this, as well as the others, were indis-

his arms to be bound, the number of turns given to the

rope, how they ordered him to be extended on the horse,
and to have his legs, head, and arms bound, and in what
manner this was done; how they commanded and applied
the screws, how these were tightened, and whether against
the leg, thigh, arms, &c. He shall further write down
what was said on each of these occasions; and how
the piece of silk was put into his throat, how many.
jars of water were poured down, and what each one
contained."
-¥- Llorente, Anales de la Inquisicion, cap. xvi. n.119.
254 IN~UISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

tinctly applied to persons of both sexes, at

the will of the judges, according to the cir-
cumstances of the crime and the strength of
the delinquent." . (Vide Plate VI.)
The torture by fire,' however, does not
appear to have been much in use except in
Italy, and this when the culprit was lame,
or through any other impediment prevented
from being suspended by the pulley. In the
latter countries also other lesser tortures were
used with persons unable to withstand those
already described. Such were that of the
dice, of the canes, and of the rods. For
the first, the prisoner was extended on the
ground, and two pieces of iron shaped like
a die, but concave on one side, were placed
on the heel of his right foot, then bound fast
on with a rope, which was pulled tight with
a screw. That of the canes was performed
by a hard piece being put between each
4: Massini, Prattica della Santa Inquisizione, part vi.

The statement to be written down, according to this

inquisitor, is as follows: " Qui reus sic suppositu~ (tor-
mento hujusmodi) nudaiis pedilms illisque lardo porcino
inunctis, et in cippis juxta ignem calidum retentis, quum
Jtetissit per spatium -; in dicto tormento tacitus, ccepit postea
alta 'VOCe'VOciferandodicere" Oi me !"&jc.,-et quum videretur
magnum dOWretn semire, D.D. mandavcrunt apponi taint.
lam, qc."
eHAP. IV.) INQ.UISITION UNMASKED. 255

finger, bound, and then screwed as above.

That of the rods was inflicted on boys who
had passed their ninth year, but had not
yet reached the age of puberty, by binding
them to a post, and then flogging them with
rods."
The duration of the torture, by a bull of
Paul III., could not exceed an hour; and if
in the Inquisition of Italy it was .not usual
for it to last so long, in that of Spain, which
has always boasted of surpassing all others in
zeal for the faith, it was prolonged to an hour
'and a quarter.t The sufferer, through the in.
tensity of pain, was sometimes left senseless,
for which case a physician was always in
attendance to inform the court whether the
paroxysm was real or feigned; and according
to his opinion the torture was continued or
suspended.t When the vic tim remained firm
* Massini, Prattica della Santa Inquisizione, part vi.
t Orden de Procesar, fol. 28, note MS. "In the Inqui-
sltion the torture is generally administered in the morning.
Letter of the Supreme Council, of23d Sept. 1671, to the
tribunal of Llerena, in the case of Ann Lopez. It is usual
for it to last an hour and a half."
t The statement or report made on this occasion, ac-
cording to Massini, Prattica della S. Inquisiziene, part vi.
is as follows: "Qui reus sic depositus, et super sede lignea
accommodatus, quum licet pluries interrogotus, commotus,
 256 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

in his denial, and overcame the pangs in.

flicted on him,-or when, after confessing
under them, he refused to ratify his confes-
sion within twenty-four hours afterwards,-
he has beenforced to undergo as far as three
tortures with only one day's interval between
'each. "" Thus, whilst his imagination was still
filled with the dreadful idea of his past suffer-
ings, which the Compilation of Instructions
Itself calls agony, his limbs stiff and sore, and
his strength debilitated, he was called upon
to give fresh proofs of his constancy, and
again endure the horrid. spectacle, as well as
, the repetition of excruciating pangs; tending
to rend his whole frame to pieces.t
The persons charged to inflict these cruel
operations were generally.the servants of the

et quassatus responsum non daret, nee in animum rediret,

. immo semimortui imaginempra: seferret, D.D. mandaoerunt
in €jus.fteietn aquam frigidam guttatim inspergi, 'Vel€jus
.frontem, et tempora, et nares, et guttur aceto rosaceomade-
fieri, 'Vel nares ipsius sulphure, aut petiis lineis accensis
sldfumigari," ~c.
* Massini, Prattica della S. Inquisizione, part. Yi.
t Compilacion de Instrucciones, n. 49. By them it is
forbidden to suggest any answer to the culprits, and only
to command them to speak the truth, "because under
such an agony," these are the precise words, "they say
any thing they are reminded of,"
CHAP. rv.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 257

gaoler, as may be seen from the regulations

of theInquisition of Portugal, as well as the
executioner and public cryer." However as
this institution was formerly under the charge
of toe Dominicans, and of late years also in
Italy, it is probable that the lay-brothers
were selected to inflict the torture; parti-
cularly as the Inquisition was usually con-
tiguous to their convents, with which they
communicated by a secret door and passage.
I am the more induced to believe this cir-
cumstance, owing to the great secrecy
with which the inquisitors carried every
thing on, and because by services of this
nature the lay-brothers, far from being dis-
honoured, considered they were doing acts
acceptable to God. At least this must have
been the case with regard, to those culprits
who were ecclesiastics; since Pefia, on the
'authority of Simancas, says that they are
to be tortured by persons of their own
profession, and that it was only when
those of the latter description could not
be found willing and capable of doing it
that seculars were to be called in.f In the

* Regimento do Santo Officio de Portugal, lib. ii.

tit. xiv, n.~.
t Peiia, Ad Director. part iii. com. xc, These are his
VOL. I. s
 258 INQUISITION UNMASKED. C CHAP. IV.

vocabulary of these canonists what is it

they could have understood by ecclesias-
tical meekness?
When neither persuasions, threats, nor arti-
fices were sufficient to force the culprit, truly
or falsely, to confess his delinquency, the
inquisitors thus recurred to the torture, mix-
ing even this deception with severity; for,
besides threatening the prisoner to make his
pangs last for an indefinite period of time,
in order to inspire him with greater terror,
they made him believe, after he had borne
them for the usual and fixed period, that
they, only suspended their continuation be-
cause it was late, or for some other similar
reason; they protesting at the same time
that they did not deem him sufficiently tor-
tured." By this pro~est they avoided giving

. words: "Clerici non debent. torque,.{ a tartare laieo, ~lisi'

firte deriei non possint inveniri, qui id facere vetint, aut
seiant."
* The statement or report which the secretary is to
draw up at the conclusion of the torture, according to the
Order of Process, fol. 25, is under the following form:
" And then the inquisitors and diocesan" bishop agreed
that, in consequence of its being late, as well as for other
reasons, they suspended for the present the said torture,
under 11 protest that they had not sufficiently;ortured the
culprit, and that, if he did not reveal the truth, they
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISIT10N UNMASKED. ~S9

a second sentence when they returned to

inflict the torture afresh, since they consi-
dered it as a continuation of the, preceding
one; by which means they were able to
torment the victim as often as they thought
proper, without formally coming' to the
second ~orture. So indecent and iniquitous.
did this conduct of the Inquisition appear
to Martin del Rio that, notwithstanding his
.great prejudices in favour of the institution,
he reproves it in the strongest manner by
observing, that it seemed to him " to be
rather the work of cunning than of truth,
and rather the invention of cruelty than of jus.
tice." "It is indecorous," he adds," to refine
cruelty by such tricks. Of what avail is it to
give the name of' continuation to what in
reality is a reiteration? And what a most
terrible thing is it not, to prolong a torture
for several days? Let similar deceptions be
no longer seen in judges who call themselves
pious." * Finally, the Supreme Council was

reserved to themselves the right of continuing it when

it should seem proper to them ;-and it was thus or-
dered," &c.
• Martin Delrio, Disquisition. Magicar. lib. v. sect. ix,
" Yidetttr mihi," he says, e' callidior quam serior, (this
protest) et cnulelior quam eequior, Nee enim deed," he
S 2
260 INQUISITION UNMASKED., [CIfAP., IV r-

at last moved by the Gries of humanity, ana

prohibited a repetition of the torture unless
a fresh consultation or sentence of the court
preceded."
Thus, whilst the unfortunate victim, melted,
in tears at the sight of the horrors by which
he is surrounded, bewails his miserable fate,-
or, phrenzied with the force of flu)', in vain
calls all nature to his aid, and invokes the
name of its author; whilst his passions are
alternately irritated and then depressed into
a desponding calm,-at one time protesting
his innocence and next calling down impre-
cations on his tormentors' heads ; in short,
whilst his body is shaken by the most violent
convulsions, and his soul racked, first by the
dread of the sentence that awaits his con-
fession, and then by the protracted intensity
of the pain he has still to endure if he per.
sists in his denial,-his inexorable judges,
unmoved by such a scene, with the coldest

adds, " hl/:jus1Ilodi »erborum captiunculis saoitiam intendere.

Quid prodest cocare continuaiionem, quod reoera est iteTatio~
Quum durum etiam est per continuatos dies qU(l!stionem
ezercerel Absint a piisjudicibus hujusmodi commenta."
* Orden de Procesar, foI.28. note MS.-The Letter
of the Council to which this note refers is of the 26~h
October, 1633.
·UHAP.IV.] INQUISITI6N UNMASKED. 261

.cruelty mix their orders with his cries and

Jamentations j at one time addressing them-
selves to him to exhort him to reveal, and
next to their officers to remind them of their
duty. In the mean time, with the same
-serenity, the secretary pens down every sigh,
groan, and execration, which the force of the
.torment obliges the wretched and frantic vic-
.tim to utter." This minute statement of every
thing the person tortured said or did usually
began from the very moment the tribunal
was formed in the subterraneous vault, and
the preparations were ready. Thus in the pro-
ceedings against Salas, .above quoted, the
report says that whilst enduring the torture
.he repeated the creed of St. Athanasius,
(therein ignorantly called a psalm) and that
.he continued to give thanks to God and to
the Virgin.
The legislators who originally authorized
this mode of trial at least 'had the equity to
pronounce all inferences of guilt as thereby
'" Orden de Processar, fol. 29.-Massini, Prattica della
Santa Inquisizione, part vi, " E procureranno," he says, .
~'i giudici che il notaro scriva non solamente tutte le
reposte del reo, moa anco tutti i ragionamenti e moti che
fara e tutte le parole clt'egli proferira ne' tormenti, anzi
eutti-i suspiri, tutte Ie grida, tatti i lamenti e Ie lagrime
che mandera.'
 262 INQUISITION U 'MASKED. [CHAP. IV.

wiped away, and dismissed the sufferer who

persevered throughout in his denial; but the
Inquisition condemned him to perpetual im-
prisonment; and when this was out of use,
in consequence of the number of persons
penanced, it sent him to the galleys for four
or six years.'*' Consequently the unfortunate
culprit, perhaps wholly innocent, often en-
tirely disabled by the writhings of his muscles
and the dislocation of his bones, caused by
the shocks of the pulley,-crippled by the
compression of his breast and other accidents
of the rack, or maimed by the contraction of
his nerves through the operation of fire,-
was after all this obliged to endure. the
infamy of being mixed and ~onfounded with
the vilest wretches.
The Inquisition has uniformly adopted the
vices of all other tribunals, and even' added
to them; but in the torture it has astonish-
ingly surpassed them in rigour and cruelty.
In the first place it originally invented new,
modes of inflicting it, respecting which, on

,.. Compilacion de Instrucciones, n. 5}. Mention is

there made of this extraordinary punishment; the Supreme
Council designated the one I have just. pointed out by a
resolution of 29th March, 1608.-0rden de Pro cesar,
fo!' 30, note MS.
 'CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 263

several complaints bei~g made, a prohibitory

article was framed under a project of reform,
as we shall hereafter have occasion to notice.
In the second, not content with obliging the
culprit to confess his crime and reveal his
accomplices, it also forced him to manifest
his very intention; so that, when he had
<confessed every thing that could enter into
the cognizance of a court, he was again
subjected to the pangs. of the torture, till
he had declared himself to be as bad before
men as his judges supposed he was before
-God. »I: But there was another practice still
more inhuman. Whenever the culprit, from
an impulse of repentance, at once confessed
his intention and revealed his accomplices,
the torture was nevertheless inflicted on him
., Orden de Processar, fo1. 27, d Torture is to be
applied upon him, whether it is for things he bas done or
said, or on account of his intention, in case he should
deny it, 'Orfor secreting accomplices.v-e-Massini also, in
his Prattica della Santa Inquisizione, part vi. .. Si el reo
a sua istanza depostodella torture con.ftsserailfatto, doora
anco successiuamenteinterrogarsi sopra l'intenzione, e ne-
gando essola mala credulita si esorti a confessor la oerita]
e persistendo si minacci che di nuovo sera alzato in tortura;
e perscverandopure nella negativa, in ogni modo si faccilJ
di n!IOVO alsare, e nella torture s'interroghi sopra l'inten-
zione, et il tutto si eseguira," ~c.-Regimento do S. Officio
I1e Portugal, lib. ii, tit. vii. n, 1.
2(;}4 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

in case any of the latter denied being such,

in order to see whether he persisted in his
declaration; nor was his ready confession
and repentance of any avail, since he was
equally put to the torture after confession,
the same as if he had persisted in his 'denial. 'it
In this particular the Inquisition, with regard
to the .citizen, has imitated the conduct of
the old Roman magistrates towards slaves;
who gave no credit to their testimony in
judicial cases unless their declarations were
made under the anguish of the torture, con-
ceiving that in no other manner they could
speak the truth; a conduct so horrid, and at
the same time so heinous, that the most san-
guinary of the Emperors dared not to adopt
it, not even those who were most opposed
to the rights and liberties of the people.
It will not be improper to observe, that
this tribunal, as it rather sought criminals
than crimes, lost no opportunity. of impli-
cating the accuser and witnesses in the same
cause, even so far' as to interrogate them
under the torture, when they did not declare
enough, or were caught in any contradiction.t
If this circumstance, as well as that of the
'" Massini, Prattioa della Santa Inquisizione, pal't ~i.
t Ibid. part x, ' '
 CHAP. IV. ] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 265

Jnquisition searching out the particulars of

.the lives and habits of all of them, had only
'been known to the people, most assuredly
there would not have been so many denun-
ciators. This would have been a most
excellent lenitive to appease the qualms of
conscience of many devotees; who, seeing
the dangers that awaited them, would here
have found an outlet to their scruples and
doubts which the strongest arguments could
not have produced; and they would then
have learnt to conciliate the authority of the
law with charity towards their neighbour and
safety to themselves. But these, as well as
other points which, if they had only been
known, would have prevented many and
great acts of injustice, the Inquisition took
good care to 'keep perfectly secret, whilst
at the same time it celebrated its excom-
munications with the ringing of bells.
Besides the _evidence, by writings, by
witnesses, and by the free or constrained
confession of the culprit, on all which the
fiscal-proctor founds his accusations; in for-
mer times another species of proof was like-
wise wade use of, to which the name of
Compurgatiou was given. This consisted in
compelling the prisoner to justify his conduct
 �66 . INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

and clear the suspicions against him, by

obtaining the testimony of persons of res-
pectability and probity; who, in greater or
lesser number, affirmed under oath that they
believed him to be a true Catholic, and, for
that reason, free from the suspicions of heresy
imputed to him. It suffices to know that in
this tribunal another species of trial was
practised, for us to fear that it was also a
new source of injustice. Such, in fact, the
process of Compurgation was; for anyone
was subjected to it against whose belief the
smallest rumour had been circulated, even
when this had arisen opt of the worst of
cbaracters, and proved to have been dissemi-
nated by his enemies." But .this was not the
worst. "When a person thus defamed was
unable to find suitable testimony in his
favour, possibly in consequence of the dan-
gers accompanying such a proceeding in the
Inquisition, he was condemned as ~ contu-
macious heretic. To this doctrine, although
taken from the Directory of the inquisitors,
its commentator Pefia was by no means
reconciled]. because he considered it too ar-
bitrary and cruel. Eymeric, however, founds
it on certain decretals, but whether correctly
• Eymeric, Director. Inquisitor. part-ii. qUldt.lvii.
5
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. . 261
or not I am unprepared to say; nor IS It
necessary to ascertain the point, since, for
my object, it is sufficient to know, that
whenever the canon-law fails in its harshness
against heretics, or against catholics accused
of being such, in those cases, the Inquisi-
tion makes up the deficiency by its own
interpretations. ""

DEFENCE OF THE CULPRIT.

If the excess with which a tribunal urges

the evidence adduced against a culprit ar-
gues a want of interest in his defence, it
cannot be denied that the means of vin-
dication granted by the Inquisition were
extremely small. Besides this circumstance
being notorious therein, as well as that of
hiding from him the witnesses, there were
others highly deserving of notice, which
powerfully tended to confirm the same truth.
Snch was that of selecting an attorney for
the prisoner who was not possessed of his
confidence, with whom he was not allowed
to communicate unless before witnesses, as
well as before a notary, who was to certify
• Eymeric, Director. Inquisitor. part iii. D. 1~5.-Peiia,
com. xxxviii,
26-g INQUISrfION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

all the particulars of his conferences. Such

was that of the prisoner's attorney not being
permitted to consult with any person respect-'
mg doubts that might occur to him, or to
take a copy or memorandum of the proceed-
ings, or even to speak of them out of the
court. Such, in short, was that of with-
I

holding from the prisoner a copy of the

proceedings and of his defence; by which
he was denied the consolation of knowing,
before his sentence was carried into effect,
whether the exceptions and arguments pro-
duced on his behalf had been. duly stated
and considered, or whether any thing sub-
stantial had been omitted." Above all, the
• CompiIaeion de Instrucciones, n, 35. "No oppor-
tunity shall at any time be given for the prisoner to com-
municate with his advocate or any other person, unless it
is in presence of the inquisitors and the notary, who
may certify to what passed."-n. 36. "The advocates are
not to retain any copy of the statement of accusation, file
of proceedings, nor of the exceptions made against the
witnesses; on the contrary, they are bound to return ali
to the inquisitors."-Orden de Procesar, fel. 26. "It was
reported to him, that the defence he had solicited, and
which it was possible and proper to make, had been
received; and for this reason, if he was desirous to con-
clude, he could do it, and that if he wished any thing
further he was to say it." Added in the margin: '" It
is not propel' to read the defence to him, nor to giv
CHAP. IV.] INQ.UlSITlON UNMASKED. 269

injustice of the Inquisition has been glaring

and unpardonable in three cardinal points,
which constitute the defence of the accused;
such are the recusation of the judges, the
appeal, and the intervention of the civil
power. Let us 'briefly examine each of
these points in a separate manner.
Recusation !if the Judges.-Whellever the
culprit has substantial reasons to apprehend
.that any or all of his judges are liable to be
biassed by any hatred or resentment against
him, the laws grant him the faculty of recur-
ring to a superior court, in order to.claim the
nomination of others of whose probity no
fears can be entertained. It is indeed true
that this practice exists in the Inquisition,
but it is enforced with the greatest difficulty
and only in very extraordinary cases, because
the inquisitors conceive they have a right to
be considered so upright and prudent as
scarcely to admit of being recused." With-
him an official copy of the same, although he may
require it."
* Paramo, De Ordine Judiciar. S. Offie. lib. iii. QU:Ellt.
i.,. n. 55. "Tamen h(E1)(motives of complaint) non proce-
dunt, nee habent locum regulariter in inquisitoribus fidei,
qUllm h~ velut suspecti recusari non possint; is enim (in-
quisitor) gravissimus, aquissimus, probmissimus, et p71lden-
tissimus eligi pr(EStl'lllitur."
 270 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

out entering into the reasons these judges

may have to boast of being better men than
those of other tribunals, it is undeniable
that the culprit would gain little by recusing
them, since the summary judgment previously
substantiated by them and by virtue of which
he had been arrested is, if we may so call it,
the prototype of, or what gives the tone to,
the final sentence.
Appeal.-If in any tribunal powerful
reasons. can be found for granting to the
culprit, condemned in the first instance, an
appeal to a superior court, it is most un ..
doubtedly in the Inquisition. The illegality
which in this species of trial. abounds on
every side calls aloud for many judges to ill-
terfere in the ruin of the unfortunate, under
a hope that humanity may effect in them
hat justice had not performed in those who
orginally traced out this institution. Never-
theless the canon-law is explicitly opposed to
an appeal, nor is any other known in this
tribunal, unless relating to the sentence of
torture, and even in this a palpable contra-
diction is discovered; '*' since if sufficient
reasons have been found for the appeal in the
* De Heeret, cap. ut Inquisition. in vi.-Eymeric, Di-
rector. Inquisitor. part iii. Qurest. cuii.
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 271
I

irreparable injury resulting from the torture,

why is the prisoner denied the same remedy
with respect to the conclusion of his cause,
when the evil that threatens him is so much
the greater? It ought not to be said that it
is the Supreme Council which properly con-
demns or absolves by confirming or amending
the sentence of the provincial courts, because
this is very far from being an appeal. To see
whether they have or have not followed the
regular forms of this unmeaning process, and
whether the same have been scrupulou ly ob-
served, that is, the governing rules thereof with
all their vices, is the usual occupation of the
Supreme Council; but carefully to examine
the qualities of the witnesses, to sift out the
proceedings of the whole cause, to ascertain
whether any exceptions alleged by the pri-
soner have had all their due weight; in short,
to find out whether all his pleas and argu-
ments have been justly considered is not the
business of the Supreme Council, nor can the
culprit expect it. The reason they allege
for the refusal of an appeal respecting the
final sentence is not more satisfactory than
that whereby they object to the recusation of
the judges, purporting that it ought only to
be granted for the defence of innocence and
2'72 INQUISITION UNMMlKED. [CHAP. rv.
not of guilt, as if it were an established point
that in the Inquisition the culprit was unable
to meet with any grievance, and that he ne-
cessarily must have trespassed." To fill up
the measure of iniquity in this particular
nothing was wanting but to grant to the fiscal.
proctor that same appeal which was refused
to the culprit for his own defence, in order
to make his oppression the more cpmplete;
and in fact this was granted by the regula-
tions of the Portuguese Inquisition. t
Appell~tory Remonstrance to the Civil
PO'tver.-I here principally allude to the ap-

• " Fuit enim/' says Paramo, De Ord. Judiciar.lib. iii,

Qurest.iv. n. 58. "appellationis remedium institutum ad preesi~
dium innoceutiee, non ad difensionem iniquitatis; quod utique
ohtinet infavorem.fidei, et in odium haireticorum ne judicium
protrahatur, et quia quee sententia maturo et pensato preece.
denti judicio ftrtur, non debet per iniquas calumniantium.
oersuiias retractari."
t Regimento do Santo Oficio de Portugal, lib. ii. tit.
xxi, n. t. The words are as follow: "Das sentencas que
os inquisidores darem nos processos que se despachaii na
mesa do S. Officio, au sejaf definitivas ou interlocutorias,
podera 0 promotor appellar para 0 conselho geral allegando
por escrito as razoens com que pretende mostrar por parte
da justice que lhe he
feito aggravo; e isto havera lugar
Ilao s6 nss sentences dadas em processos que nao ouverem
de bir ao conselho, mas tambem naquelles que per bern
.eate Regimento III devem de hir,"
 CHAP.IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 27S

pellatory complaint and remonstrance to the

superior, which belongs to every culprit, on
account of grievances experienced in pro-
ceedings instituted against him. In like
manner as every citizen makes a just sacrifice
of part of his liberty, as ordained by the laws,
so in return has he a right to expect from
them a ready and infallible protection. And
who more deserving of this than a prisoner,
perhaps innocent, yet exposed to all the
dangers of a criminal prosecution? In a
situation so critical, government owes him
110t only the aid to which by justice he is
entitled, -but also the shelter which oompas-
sion would moreover inspire. This is the
origin of appellatory remonstrances to the
superior magistrate, more especially to re-
strain ecclesiastical power; and this general
and obvious check in society thence becomes
one of the strongest links of civil allegiance, <I
and of that moral cbligation we attach to it.
By this means also the forsaken or injured
culprit avails himself of the power of the
social body against the encroachments of the
subaltern magistrate, who profaning the sa-
cred character with which he has been in-
vested, plots the perdition of the unfortunate,
and tramples on his rights without shame or
YOLo I. T
274 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

remorse. This check on arbitrary power in

all cases of judicial process therefore consti-
tutes the chief anchor that secures the safety
and tranquillity of society, without which
the citizen would be continually exposed
to dangers and inquietude, and experience
•
none of the advantages of social intercourse.
Since then this right is so sacred and
important, can it be supposed that it has
been respected by the Inquisition? Has
the person therein aggrieved any means of
laying his wrongs at the foot of the throne?
No! the bereft subject has nothing left
within his reach but heroic resignation and
despair."

*" Covarrubias, Maximas sobre recursos de fuerza, tit.

xxxii, "I command," says the king in a royal order of
March 10, 1553, speaking to the magistrates, "that
henceforward, in no matter or-matters, cause or causes,
civil or criminal, of whatsoever kind or condition they may
be, and which may be agitated before the inquisitors or
judges of property, neither you nor any of you interfere in
the way of appeal from grievances or by remonstrance; and
that on no account whatever you take cognizance of the
acts or grant writs against the inquisitors or judges of pro-
perty; since ifany person or persons, town or corporations,
should feel themselves aggrieved they can have recourse
_to the judges of our Council of the Supreme and General
Inquisition, "
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 275

FINAL SENT~CE.
I give this term to the sentence in which
the inquisitorial process ends, and not that of
definitive, as is usual in other tribunals, be- \
. cause in this it is not so. * However the
culprit may clear himselffr6m imputed guilt,
it is sufficient for his name to have sounded
within those fatal walls for his cause to remain
open for ever, since it only terminates by his
complete condemnation, or that of his ac-
cusers if the calumny has been such as not to
admit of an evasion.t It is the custom of
this tribunal never to absolve anyone in a
simple manner against whom proceedings
have been once instituted, but only at most to
declare him absolved of the immediate charge
preferred, by suspending the sentence and
reserving to itself the right of continuing the
process whenever fresh proofs may be brought
forward. This method of acting in the In-
quisition would be less odious if it did not
impose a penalty on the culprit on account of
mere suspicions: but constant in the practice
of showing him the least possible favour, it
.does not terminate the process, in order to be

to Orden de Pro cesar, fol. 42.

t Compilacion de Instruccienes, 11. 54.
T2 ,.
�76 INQUISITION tfN'~ASJ(ED. [CHAP. IV.

the more ready to continue it when another

opportunity offers, and at the same time con-
demns the culprit as if in fact his trial had
regularly closed. Hence has arisen that
diversity of abjurations to which the arraigned
is held when he is reconciled to the Church,
and which, in the' terms of the Inquisition,
are called the abjurations de levi, de oehementi,
and de formali. To one of the two first of
these forms everyone indicted for heresy is
obliged to submit, according to the degree of
suspicion attached to his case, and the latter
is imposed on all those who by the proceed-
ings instituted appear to have sinned against
the faith. I ought here to premise that rep
conciliation is granted to the culprit under a
conditional form, which is, ," that he has
been converted from purity of heart and not
through a feigned faith, and that he has con-
fessed the truth, and hidden nothing respecting
himself or any other person, alive or dead-"
If there were no other proof of the little merit
to be attached to the conquests made by this
institution for the Church, is not the distrust
manifested in this single particular sufficient
to convince us of their inefficacy.
Besides the stigma of infamy incurred, the
* Orden de Procesar, fol. SS.
eRA,p. IV.] INQUISITION UNl'.lASXED. 277
culprit accused of heresy, whether this results
from the proceedings instituted or is only
founded on suspicion, is always punished ac-
cording to the gravity of his crime by a fine
or loss of his property, by Bogging, hard
labour> or solitary confinement, which for.
merly was perpetual, and these punishments
have even extended to death inflicted by fire,
in which the civil magistrate interferes as the
person charged with the execution. What
rigid censures ought not to be passed on most
of these punishments! In them how much
has the Inquisition deviated from the spirit
of Christianity! How flagrantly has it not
trampled on the rights of society and of
man! The infamy of the culprit transmitted
to his innocent children, confiscation, trans-
forming a judicial process of the most delicate
nature into a lucrative speculation-imprison-
ment for life, by which the death of the citizen
is prolonged to an indefinite period of time,
are all ideas which excite sentiments of in.
dignation in the contemplative mind. What
contradiction do we not at once discover
between this terrific power which the priests
of the most amiable of religions have bor-
rowed, or rather mendicated, from princes,
and the native character with which its
 �'78 I QUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

founder originally adorned it. But as my

object is conciseness, I shall direct my parti-
cular attention to! the sentence of death,_
Iwhich the inquisitors comprehend under the
title of "delivery over, to the civil magis-
tracy." This takes place with the formal
heretic persisting in his error, to which class
is also reduced the diminuto, that is, he who
does not confess all they believe he ought to
confess; with the penitent, but relapsed
heretic; with the heretic convicted but re-
fusing to confess, that is, when from the
proceedings anyone is proved to have fallen
into heresy but refuses to conform to the
sentence pronounced against him, rather
protesting that he has ever believed and is
ready to confess all the articles of'faith j with
the absent, .condemned of rebellion; and
lastly with the deceased heretic, whether he
died before or after the process was instituted
against him. .
I ought here to observe that the pardon of
life, which the tribunal once grants to the
heretic, undergoes .exceptions in many cases,
such as when he denied the Trinity, the In-
carnation of the Word, the Divinity of Jesus
Christ, or the Purity of the Virgin Mary, or
when he celebrated mas or heard sacramental
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 279

confession, not being a priest; that he is not

only considered as a relapse who before ab-
jured de formali, but also he who abjured de
oehementi ; in short that it rests on the plea-
sure of the inquisitors to grant or deny this
pardon. '" The bishop of the diocese also
assists at this sentence, thus exercising his
second and last act of jurisdiction, and the
form is as follows.

SENTENCE OF THE DEJ.IVERY OVER TO THE

CIVIL MAGISTRACY.

" Christi nomine inoocato. We resolve.after

due examination made of the proceedings and
merits of the present case, that the said fiscal.
proctor has fully and du1y proved his accusa-
tion, in the form and manner he was bound

* Massini Prattica della S. Inquisizione, part x, av-

vert. xliii, Compilacion de Instrucciones, n. 41. On the
latter point the instructions of the Inquisition of Seville for
the year 1484, § 12, prescribe that the iniquisitors ought
once to receive the repentant heretic to penance, "ex-
cepting, if after examining the form of his confession, and
duly weighing other circumstances depending on their
will, it should appear to them that his conversion and -re-
conciliation are feigned and not real, and they do not
conceive any good hope of his return to the Church, for
in such case they are to declare him to be an impenitent
heretic, and deliver him over to the secular magistrate,"
"280 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

SO to do. Wherefore;we decree and ordain

that his object has been fully established, in
consequence of which we ought and do
delare that the said N. has been, and is an
apostate heretic, a defaulter and abettor of
heretics, (when he is a relapse the words are
, a feigned, deceptions abettor, and impeni-
tent relapse,') and that he has thereby fallen
into and incurred the sentence of grievous
excommunication, to which he is liable, as
well as of the confiscation and loss of all his
property, the same which we order to be ap-
plied and hereby do apply to the Exchequer
of His Majesty, and in his name to the
Receiver thereof, from the day and time he
began to commit the said crimes of heresy,
the 'declaration of which we reserve to our-
selves;' and that we ought to deliver over
and hereby do deliver over the person of the
said N. to justice and to the civil magistrate,
especially to N. mayor of this city, or to his
marshal in said office, whom we affectionately
beseech and enjoin, as in the best form of
right we are able, to deal tenderly and com-
passionately with him. And we further
declare the sons and daughters of the said N.
and his grandchildren in the male line to be
unfit and incapable, and we hereby disable
...
I
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASltED. 281

them from holding or obtaining any dignities,

benefices, or offices, as well ecclesiastical as
<secular, or any public or honourable employ-
ments; and also from using or carrying
about their persons any gold, silver, pearls,
precious stones, coral, silk, camlet, or fine
cloth; from riding on horseback, wearing
arms, or using or possessing any of those other
things which by common right the laws
and regulations of these kingdoms, as well as
the instructions and forms of the Holy Office,
are prohibited to all such disabled persons.
And by this our definitive sentence we ac-
cordingly judge and decide, and in and by
these presents order, the same to be exe-
cuted."" Here follow the date and sig-
natures.
In the above form we have the protest or
intercession which the Inquisition and its
advocates seek to bring forward as a proof
of its mildness, and which, in the first part of
this essay I asserted was a mere ceremony,
promisi:lg to prove the same in another part
of my work; this shall be at the end of the
present division of my subject, when I have
established the necessary premises in order

4< Orden de Procesar, fol. 31.

 "S2 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

to convey a complete idea of the hypocrisy

. of this practice, greater even than its futility
and ridiculousness. As it is now time to
-speak of the punishment of death, which the
"culprit undergoes when condemned by this
tribunal to be delivered up to the secular
power; I shall not consider it so much in
itself as in the atrocity bywhich it is accom-
panied. Rome, whose warlike inhabitants,
from genius as well as constitution, beheld
the blood of their fellow-creatures flow
with the greatest insensibility-Rome, whose
ladies, no less hard of heart than lascivious of
mind, seated in the amphitheatre required of
the gladiators already pierced with mortal
,wounds that they should" still fall to the
ground in a graceful posture-Rome, in
short, familiar with all kinds of capital punish-
ments, knew no one greater than the flames,
since this more than any other, by instantly
reducing the members into their last ele-
ments, also saddens the spirit, and fills the
imagination with the keenest horror. Such is
it represented by Tertullian, as the sad specta- '
tor of such heart-rending scenes, after he had
compared it with decapitation, crucifixion,
and the condemnation to be devoured by
CHAP. IV. ] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 28~

wild beasts. '* The Inquisition nevertheless

has ever preferred this to aU other modes of
capital. punishment inflicted by the forms of
law. Thus while the Gospel passing through
ages and nations like a benign dew has
spread sweetness over their laws and customs,
this fatal tribunal, advancing with equal steps
and by the favour of princes, in its turn and
as it were by reprisal, has committed the
same cruelties as the enemies of religion,
favoured as they also were by kingly pro-
tection; and in the vengeful fires in which
so many martyrs triumphed, it has lighted up
those torches with which it has sacrificed so
many victims to superstition.
The conduct of the Inquisition towards the
convicted but not confessed culprit is one
of the points most worthy of observation.
In this particular it may be affirmed that it
compels the miserable persons who faU under
its power to drink of the bitter cup to the
very, dregs, by clashing in the most contra-
dictory and scandalous manner with the
principles of the Catholic religion which it so
improperly seeks to defend. Against the
* Tertullian, Ad Martyras, lib. vii. cap. iv. D.l.-Time-
hit .forsitan caro gZadium gravem, et crucem excelsam, ei
rabie1lf'bestiarum, et SlI1nmam ignium pcenam;"
4
�84- INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

culprit in the above-mentioned case it applies

the same penalty as if he denied all the
dogmas of the faith, and without any other
reason than that of his holding the sentence
as unqualified, as if this was not often the
case not only in this tribunal, but also in
others in which the mode of proceeding is
incomparably more regular. Of no avail is
it to the unfortunate victim to protest his
firm belief, and solemnly profess, each of the
articles of faith; it suffices to argue that the
Inquisition has been surprised by the craft of
a calumniator, or in any other manner to
deny having deserved its sentence of con-
demnation, for the tribunal to pronounce him
a heretic, and punish him as if he was an
apostate to his religion. On this score also
Trajan was more moderate towards culprits
accused of Christianity, since he pronounced
the accusation which existed against them
as null, whenever they were ready to sacrifice
to the idols.·
But to come to the point at once, the In-
quisition ordains the same species of capital
punishment against him who does not vene-
rate the infallibility of its sentences, as against
the man who denies that the Church is
* Plio. lib. x. epist. xcviii,
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 285

infallible in her dogmatical decisions. In

conformity to these ideas, the culprit who
seeks not to be wanting to the truth by
confessing crimes he has not committed, in
this tribunal is not only delivered over to the
flames, but also deprived of spiritual succour
by sacramental confession being refused him,
which in those fearful moments the Church
even allows to the most hardened highway-
man. It only permits the prisoner to have a
confessor for the purposes of absolution,
when in contravention to his own safety and
the welfare of his own family, he commits a
falsehood, by approving as merited the sen-
tence of condemnation pronounced against
him; that is, it merely grants him absolution
in the right of penance, at a time when no
confessor can in fact absolve him. Can any
other more-evident and convincing proofbe
given of the opposition of this tribunal to the
true principles of religion? I must either be
deluded, and read in the books of the Inqui-
tion what they do not really contain, ot I
must naturally conclude that the evidence of
this demonstration is sufficient to convince
the most obdurate.
Unfortunately this doctrine is but too
pointed and manifest in all the works which
 286 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

serve as a code or commentary to the judicial

proceedings of this institution. The Beter-
rensian and Narbonensian synods, assembled
during the greatest effervescence of inquisi-
torial zeal; the instructions of the tribunal
of Toledo and also of Seville; a declaration
of the Congregation of La Rota, as well as
every other work relating to the institution
and published by inquisitors themselves, to-
gether with, its history amidst the multitude
of sacrifices of this kind it presents, tend all to
prove that this has been the exact practice
uniformly observed in this particular.s Some
persons have attributed it to policy on the
part of the Inquisition, in order always to
have the credit either of being cempassio ate,
by alleviating the punishment of him who
confesses, or of being just, by severely
punishing him who refuses to confess. Others,
however, have thought that it has rather been
with a view to enjoy the confiscated pro-
perty more securely from public censure, by
the guilty in some measure authorizing the
confiscation, 'in the act of acknowledging
themselves such. For my own part, without
entirely disregarding these two imputations,
I attribute this inconsistency to the contra-
.. Vide Pefia Ad Director. Inquisitor. part iii. n. 21I. .
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 287

riety of principles by which it is governed,

being at one time a tribunal of internal and
next of external jurisdiction, as well also as a
•
mixture of ecclesiastical and civil elements.
The fact is that the popes, by dictating laws
for its government, and the iniquisitors, by
commenting on and putting them into exe-
cution, have at length got into an endless
maze of perplexity; and indeed this was to
be expected from the windings and turnings,
as well as the tricks, so remarkable in the
judicial proceedings of this court.
But if the aggravated outrages committed
by this tribunal against the living, through it
vicious method of judicial process, cannot
fail to revolt the feelings of every sensible
man, how much must he not be shocked at
its conduct towards the dead? With regard
to the first, it may in some measure be said
that they are allowed to establish their de-
fence, at least by their pleas being partly if
not entirely heard; but to institute a crimi-
nal suit against one already deceased, by
forming a rigorous accusation against him,
and this not on facts accompanied by perma-
nent vestiges, but on words carried away by
the winds nearly as soon as they were articu-
)ated, or perhaps on thoughts containing no
�88 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV'.

other harm than the malevolent interpreta-

tion attached to them; to expose his bones
to the light of the sun as an object of derision
and horror, after the earth, the common
mother of all mortals, had received him into
her. bosom, without anyone being found in
his defence, unless some 'solitary relation or
advocate only slightly acquainted with his
rights, is certainly to disregard the most
obvious impressions of the heart, and to spurn
at the most commendable laws of humanity.
Samuel bitterly reprehended Saul for disturb-
ing the quiet he enjoyed in the region of
shades, when he consulted him by means of
a prophetess respecting the issue of a battle
in which he was engaged; what then would
have not been his complaint, if his bones had
been dug up to be made an object of con-
tempt i" The peaceful envoys who, after a
most bloody action, were sent to JEneas by
the king of Latium, soliciting permission to
bury their dead, alleged no other reason in
support of their demand than the immunity
which the living ought to grant to the dead.
" Nullum cum victis certamen, et eethere cassis.'
VIRG. lEN. l.xi. v.I02.

• Reges, lib. i, cap. xxviii. v.I5. Dixit autem Samue-l

ad Saul; Quare inquietasti me ut suscitarer'"
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNl\IASKED. 289

If therefore he, who has :already paid to

nature this last and most arduous tribute,
merited such pity and respect from those
nations which considered it impious to re-
fuse him burial, would they have approved
of his being disinterred for the detestable
purpose of reeking vengeance on his earthly
remains?
It may perhaps be retorted that we are
here to understand persons guilty of high
treason, with whom every pious consideration
ceases. Granted that this is the case, and how-
ever absurd it may appear, let us suppose that
the punishment executed again t the delin-
quent, who has neither feet on which to stand
in his own defence, nor tongue to use in his
own justification, is an emanation of the fun-
damental compacts of society, yet will it be
proper for the ministers of religion to be the
depositaries of a jurisprudence so terrible,
which with its iron rod reaches beyond
the bounds separating time from eternity?
Ulysses, grown old amidst the din of arms,
lays down the fierceness of his profession and
intercedes with .Agamemnon, chief of the
Grecian army at the siege of Troy, for permis-
sion to bury Ajax, guilty of high treason, and. _
his personal enemy: it sufficed to behold him
VOL. I. V
290 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

in the arms of death for the hoary warrior to

step forward to fulfil this office of benefi-
cence and generosity with his own hands.
The tender affections of that venerable sol.
dier at such an interesting moment could
alone be worthily expressed by Sophocles
in his own majestic strains, of whose beauty
and grandeur I do not wish to deprive my
reader.
Ulys. • • • • • • •• 7~' ~,d'p.. 76,J'• ..-po; !:tEm,
M~ 7J1;;~ ;t;r"lT"O' :J' ""~JI'Y~"~; !3;¥),'i'i.
M~J" ~ to'',;" ... P'~d'"p'(iJ~""".."' ..'"
To.. ~,J.p'un" ';;"71 71' J':,,~,",""n".
.4ga»t. ~~ T.... T' ·oJ\,IT ... ;; TO;;;' i.1r'Pfl'''Xo1Il fp'o:;
Ulys. >JVy",_" lfl'{rr.", J' ~,...' ~, fl'IO"EI' " .. ),~,.
Agam. Ou 'Y4e S"'~>Tl ",,,l vrpo"'I.h{3;;'''{ IT, xp~ ;
U~ys. M~ xiUe' '.ATPEt~ "'pd',n, To,; P'~ ""'Ao~.
Agam. 'Hfl'~ ..~.J,,),.h~ T~' S' ~P';P'1''fl""'l;
Uiys. 'A'Jp:'.~/"~, ;/" "EJlJI'1O"" rr(i(m "};1t.O~.
Agam. 'A''''''"~~ /'" T~' !:t.. 9f ..... i¥r ;
",,~.
Ulys. "VyAl')lf, _i 'Y"~ ""T~~i,!:t"J" "~"/,,"'l.
·SOPH. 'A{,,~fhel.lT'T''j'. v. 1355, &c,

abyss. Then, by the Gods I beg, permit him not

To be cast out unpitied, unintomb'd-
Nor is it Ajax but the Gods you violate,
And trample on their laws. Howe'er we hate
The brave when living, none offend the dead.
Aga11l. Dost thou defend him then, Ulysses?
U"tyu. Yes;
I hated, whilst 'twas generous to hate •
..4gam. Hast thou not cause to tread on, to insult him~
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 291
Ulyss. Oh king, forbear this triumph! 'Tis not well.
Agam. Art thou so fond then of a foe when dead?
Ulyss. Friendship and enmity by turns we prove.
Agam. Thou counsell'st then I should permit his burial?
lJl!lss. Yes; I remember I myself must die.

If Ulysses could not bear to see burial

denied to the body of Ajax, how much less
would he have suffered it to be taken out of
its last resting place, and converted into an
object of scorn and public derision? These
most humane sentiments are applauded, as
if inspired by wisdom, in the cboru of
the ancient dramas, in which the voice of
reason or the general opinion were always
expressed.

Char, ·OCl'TlS rr' ·OJ\i .... E. fl'~ >hu "1,1./11, rroqJ~'

<;1>"'11:1 .,.OIO.T.' .',"-11:, fl'{;pos ~"T' ",fe.

Char, Whoe'er, Ulysses, says thou art 'not wise

Only discovers that he is not so,

Let those who find nothing in the Inqui-

sition derogatory to the religion of a God
crucified for the love of men deny, if they
dare, that the ideas here expressed as pre-
cepts to the Athenian people are not more
analogous to this same religion than those
inculcated to catholic nations by the practice
u2
292 INQUISITION UNMASKED. ~HAP. IV.

of this tribunal. Let them declare, whether

the feeling and elegant Sophocles, writing
neal' five-hundred years before the preaching
of the Gospel, and notwithstanding he. was
a heathen, does not prove that he was in
greater accord with its meekness than the
priests of that same Gospel, conducting
themselves as they do in the manner above
described in the Inquisition.
Soon after the establishment of the tri-
bunal at Seville the practice was introduced
of suspending the causes of the deceased,
'as well as those of the living, till fresh proofs
appeared, whenever those already adduced
were not sufficient to condemn them; and
in the mean time the children 0' the parties
were not allowed to marry or form establish-
ments, in consequence of their property
being within the grasp of the law." The
disabilities imposed on the children and
grandchildren of everyone condemned, or
subjected to public penance, extend, to holy
orders, and to the employments and offices
of judges, justices of the peace, governors
of castles and prisons, bailiffs, aldermen,
This is deduced from the fourth section of the
Instructions of the Inquisition of Avila for the year
U~8, in which this is prohibited.
· CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 293

jurists, inspectors, sewers, public weighers,

notaries, lawyers, attornies, secretaries, ac-
comptants, chancellors, treasurers, physicians,
surgeons, bleeders, apothecaries, brokers, and
even traders. '*'

AUTOS DE FE.

An auto de fe, ptoperly speaking, is the

file of proceedings on which the inquisitors
pronounce sentence against persons tried
and convicted; but as it has been usual
for this to be done with great parade and
pompous solemnity, it is now generally un-
derstood to signify the solemn act or form
under which the same is pronounced. Of
these there are two kinds, viz. particular and
general. The particular one, which is also
called AutiUo, or little auto, is either cele-
brated in a church, indistinctly in pre-
sence of the people, or in the sessions. hall
of the court, with the doors closed and with-
out the attendance of any other persons than
those invited, generally the dependents of
the Inquisition, or other select persons. The
general an to has usually been celebrated in

* Instructions pf the Inquisition of Valladolid, done

there Oct. 7, 1488, n, 11.
294 INQUISITION UNMASKED. LCHAP. IV.
some large and capacious church, or in the
principal square of the city. The first of
these autos takes place when the culprits are
few, and the second, consequently, when they
are numerous. In the general auto care is
taken that it shall include persons convicted
of different crimes, so as to render the spec-
tacle more varied; and, for this purpose, they
are detained in the prisons though their trials
are ended. Great care is also taken that
among those condemned to death there be
some relapsed persons, or others whom re-
pentance cannot save from the flames; for,
if all could be pardoned by abjuring their
errors, the court would run the risk of having
the exhibition spoiled at the best part. Great
care is also taken that no prisoner makes his
appearance maimed or bruised by the tor-
ture; for which reason that of the pulley
is inflicted on no one unless fifteen days
can intervene before the auto de fe is to
take place; and, in that case, the rack is
preferred. '*

-It Regimento do Santo Officio de Portugal. lib. ii.

tit. xiv, n.B, "Sendo necessario dar trato esperto nOI
quinze dins antes do auto. por nao hirem os prezos
a elle mostrando os sinais do tormento Iho darao net
potro."
· HAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNl\iA.SKED. 29.5

In one or the other of these autos the

culprits come forth; and when they are secu-
lars they are dressed in the usual manner,
though modestly, but when they are clergy-
men they are habited in their cassoc with.
out a girdle. Friars are dressed in the same
manner as the clergymen, and the nuns in
plain clothes; and all have their heads un-
covered when they are held to abjure de
Irevi." When they are pronounced guilty
of higher crimes they also wear in i nias,
partly emblematic of penance, but at th
same time tending to bring ridicule upon
them. These are the sanbenlto, the coroza,
the rope round the neck, and the yellow wax
candle, not Iighted, held in the hand, but
which is lighted after the ceremony of recon-
ciliation has been performed. The sanbenito
is a penitential garment or tunic of yellow
linen or cloth reaching down to the knees,
and on it is painted the picture of the person
who wears it, burning in flames, with several
figures of dragons and devils in the act of
fanning them. This is what is worn by the
individual who is to be executed as an im-
penitent; but when he is a reconciled relapse
he bears the same flames without the figures.
~ Regimento do Santo Officio, lib. iii. tit. ii. D. 5 and 6.
296 INQ.UISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

The term sanbenito is taken from the French

one of sac benit:" Those who only do penance,
instead of either, wear a cross of an oblique
form, or in the shape. of that of St. Andrew,
made out of red cloth, when they are con-
victed of formal heresy; but there is only one
arm to the cross if the suspicions have only
been pronounced vehemently strong and not
fully established.r In Portugal, when one of
the impenitents is converted before being
brought out to the auto de fe, the sanbenito
or penitential garment is then painted with
the flames downwards, there called fogo
reuolto, as a siga that the wearer has freed
himself from their voracity.
This garment was afterwards. placed in
the parish-church of the person who had
borne it to the place of execution, or worn
it in the way of penance, in order that to
him it might serve as an eternal opprobrium,
and a trophy to the Inquisition.t However
....Fleury, Institution au Droit Ecclesiastic. chap. x.
t Llorente, Anales de la lnquisicion, cap. xi. n. 9.
+ Cornpilacion de Instrucciones, n. 81. "It is clear
and manifest that all the sanbenitos of condemned per-
sons, dead or alive, present or absent, are placed in the
churches of the towns where they have resided and been
parishioners at the time of their arrest, death, or flight;
and the same is also done with those of the reconciled
4<
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 29'7

in latter times the hanging up of the san.

benitos was dispensed with, and only a board
with all the particulars stuck up; but, in
consequence of several disturbances taking
place among persons whose family names
were thus exposed, the Inquisitor General,
Don Felipe Bertran, gave orders that they
should be every where removed. They'-
were accordingly taken down in some places;
but, as many still remain suspended, it is
clear that the order was not properly obeyed.
Among them how many culprit have bad their
names thus exposed though de erving of our
veneration for their virtues! I here particularly
allude to the convicted who have not con-
fessed; most of whom must have been mar-
tyrs to the truth; for it is not easy that ~

who have fulfilled their penances and laid them aside,

although they may have only worn them during the time
they were on the platform whilst their sentences were read
to them, all which is to be inviolably observed. And the
inquisitors are further enjoined to see the said sanbenitos
hung up and renewed, particularly in the districts they
may visit, in order that the remembrance of heretics and
their descendants may always be preserved; and on the same
the time of the condemnation of each is to be inserted,
~pecifying whether their crimes appertained to Jews or
Moors, or the new heresies of Martin Luther and Ilia
followers."
�98 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. rv.
man who is bad, and convicted and con-
demned as such, should wish to die on a
scaffold when" he is able to save his life by
confessing the charge preferred against him.
Let those banners of infamy be at once torn
away from the sight of the people, since
they dishonour the temples whose walls they
cover more than the condemned persons
whose names they bear.
The coroz~ is a pasteboard cap, three feet
high and ending in a point. On it are like-
wise painted crosses, flames, and devils;
which are varied according to circumstances.
In Languedoc, when the Inquisition was
founded, the sanbenito and coroza formed
one single piece, which was a tunic with a
cowl or hood." In America it has been cus-
tomary to add a long twisted tail to the
corozas or caps worn by dogmatizers or by
teachers of the law of Moses, in order to
denote the crookedness or sophisms of their
doctrines. t The persons also condemned to
death, instead of a candle, carry a wooden
cross painted green. Blasphemers are always
brought out with a gag on their mouths;

• Llorente, An les e In Inquisicion, cap. xi. n.B.

t Fray Juan de Torquemad, Monarquia Indi a,
lib. xix, cap. xxix.
fj
CHAP. IV.] INQU1SITIO UNMASKED. 299

and in general a quantity of these arti-

cles are kept in reserve, in case any of
the other prisoners should become out-
rageous, and insult the tribunal, or perhaps
attempt to reveal what is wished to be kept
silent. (Vide Plate VII.)
With regard to the forms of a private
auto, nothing particular occurs that is not
to be found in the general one. In one of
these autos the Inquisition of Coimbra, in'
the year 1667, brought out the celebrated
Jesuit Antonio Vieira, after he had endured
.an imprisonment of two years and three
months. "As his doctrines," say the histo-
rian who wrote his life, " touched on new
interpretations of the Scriptures, as well as
opinions different from the sense of orne of
the Holy Fathers, and also certain points of
the faith; he greatly alarmed the most up-
right ministers of the tribunal. At this time
(that is in 1665, when he was arrested) many
propositions of his had alre dy been laid
before the Pope without the author's know--
ledge, and examined by two qualificators
who had interpreted them in their own way•.
These same propositions had been extracted
from a letter Vieira had written from the
Maranon (in Spanish America) to the con-
300 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

fessor of the Queen Mother, and they were

afterwards condemned in Rome; but, besides
these, secret information was also laid of seve-
ral others, and he was consequently arrested
by the Holy Office."-The charges preferred
against him could not have amounted to any
great heresies; since the culprit was brought
out without any candle in his hand, nor was
he compelled to abjure even de leoi ; never-
theless, the reading of the proceedings lasted
more than two hours. * It may be proper to
remark, that the bad taste which thea
reigned among preachers caused them to
adopt the fashion of wishing to shine as acute
men, by risking propositions to all appear-
ance heretical, and proving them by a
thousand subtilties. Vieira, whe, as his
ermons prove, was not exempt from this
contagion, was not however the most tainted
with it, since he criticises and reproves it
in his companions ; but as in the pulpit, the
same as in his writings, he bore away the .
palm of merit, his rivals resorted to this
means in order to supplant him, thus verify-
ing the truth of the old proverb, Quien es ttt
enemigo? El de tu oficio.-Two of a trade
can never agree.
ilt Andres de Barros, Vida do P. Antonio Vieyra, § clxix,
CHAP.IV.j INQUISITION UNMASKED.' 201

In like manner, in the year 1778, Don

Pablo OIavide, Mayor of Seville and Super-
intendant of the Colony of Carolina, es-
tablished by Charles III. in La Si~n'a
Morena, was brought out, after two years
imprisonment, in a private auto performed
in the Inquisition of Madrid. Having ut-
tered I know not what propositions contrary .
to the faith, or at least as such they were
reputed, a secret information was lodged
against him by a German capuchin, who had
come as chaplain to the German colonists.
It is uncertain whether the friar was impell d
to this act by virtue of his ministry, or in
order to gain the good-will of certain owners
offlocks who were opposed to the new settle.
ment, in consequence of their deriving more
advantage from this uncultivated tract being
left for pasture. It is most presumable that
the latter was the motive rather than the first,
for the good friar was certainly given to
intrigue, as was afterwards proved by certain
commotions he stirred up in Carolina, for
which reason he was banished the kingdom.
About two hundred persons attended the auto
'ofOlavide, who presented himself in his own
proper dress, wearing the cross of Santiago,
of which order he was a member. Among
 302 INQUISITION UNMASI{ED. [CHA!>. IV.

other charges preferred against him by the

tribunal, he was accused of having said that
Peter Lombard' and the other scholastics
who followed him had filled theology with
subtilties ; of having treated those statutes of
the Carthusians as absurd and inhuman which
permitted the members of that order to eat
all kinds of fish even the most rich and ex-
pensive, but forbade them when sick from
eating meat and broth, however great their
illness; of condemning the number of bells
contained in some churches, and the manner
of ringing them, as opposed to the police of
nations; finally, of having made exertions,
whilst his trial was pending, in order to
ascertain the state of its progress. The punish.
ment was reduced to the confiscation of his
,property and his being banished from Madrid
and the royal residences, as well as from
Lima his native country, and also from
Seville. He was further declared incapable
of obtaining any public employments, and
besides condemned for eight years to the
seclusion of a convent; his sentence not
being rendered more rigorous in consequence
of the court of Rome having interceded in his
favour.
A sentence li e this, in which the judges
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 303

included among the list of heresies (since

such was the accusation against Olavide)
propositions of the nature just described,
must certainly rather have inspired disdain
than compunction in so literary a cha-
racter. Thus did it happen that on the first
opportunity he broke his arrest and passed
over to France. During his residence there
the revolution burst forth, and he had to
share in its ravages, being thrown into prison
under the confusion of Robespierre; this,
added to the inconveniences of an advanced
age and a sickly habit, made him desirous of
returning to Spain. In order to attain this, he
sought to repair his reputation, and conse-
quently wrote a work entitled, "Et Evan-
gelio en triunfo, 6 Historic de un Fil6sof(J
desenganado." (The Gospel in Triumph; or
the History of the Philosopher undeceived.)
Permission was granted. him to return, on
condition of his appearing before the inquisi-
tor-general on his arrival, which in fact he
did, in order to receive the penance the in-
quisitor might think proper to impose upon
him: the latter, however, was satisfied with
his docility and his labours in defence of
religion. OIavide passed the remainder of his
life in Baeza, spending, in favour of all kind.
 304 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

of needy persons, particularly poor widows,

the greatest part of the pension assigned him
by the king.
The general auto de fe, considering the
great pomp with which it is celebrated, may
in some measure be styled a splendid and
august exhibition suited to inspire the com-
mon people with a most respectful admiration
of the tribunal. In order to know that
it unites two of the grandest ideas that ever
occupied the human mind, it suffices to say
that it is intended as an imitation of the
Roman triumph and an anticipated represen-,
tation of the last judgment. To be convinced
of the truth of this observation, if we had not
the testimony of the Inquisition itself, which
has always made this a particular boast, the
ceremonies adopted for. the purpose would
not allow US to doubt the fact. That pomp
is well known with which the generals and
emperors of ancient Rome celebrated their
victories by entering what was called the
triumphal gate, and going up to the Capitol
for the purpose of giving thanks to the Divi-
nity. Mter the conqueror had harangued.
the people and soldiers, distributing among
them presents and part of the spoils, the
'procession moved onwards, accompanied
CHAP. IV.]' INQUISITION UNMASKED. 305

by the sounds of martial music; next fol-

lowed jhe bulls which were to be sacrificed,
ornamented with ribbons and garlands of
flowers, or with gilded horns; behind 'Uiem
came the trophies gained from the enelny~
and the effigies of the cities and nations c~n.
quered, -each one with its name written. in
, Jil-r
large characters; then followed the capl;l~e
kings and captains loaded with chains, tht;il'
heads shorn as a mark of slavery ~ and accom-
panied by the officers of the army and musi-
cians of all instruments, when the whole
procession was clos d by a buffoon, who
humbled the conquered with his jests and
exalted the conqueror. Finally, the ll;ltter
made his appearance crowned with laurel and
bearing in his right hand a branch of the same,
an ivory sceptre in his left, and seated on
an ivory car ornamented with gold and drawn
sometimes by white horses, and at o'th~rs
by elephants, tigers, or lions; the car ~as
followed by the senate and the troops, and in
this form the procession arrived at the temple
where the sacrifice was solemnized; the
whole feast then ended in a magnificent ban.
quet which the hero of the triumph gave to
those who had accompanied him.
These are as near as possible the forms and
VOL. I. X
!O~ INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

ceremonies of a general auto, as will be seen

by its description; and consequently the sen-
sation caused on the minds of the people was
'equally strong, since the formidable appear-
~nce of the judgment therein represerited,
and the tragic death of those who have been
sentenced, amply make up for the greater'
brilliancy and magnificence of the 'triumph.
The writers belonging to the Inquisition call
this a horrid spectacle, and capable of striking
terror and dismay into the minds of every
one. It is not therefore to be wondered at that
. I

the inquisiters hold the people in a state of

infatuation and terror, by causing themselves
to be more dreaded than the civil authority
itself, ,notwithstanding the latter' commu-
nicated to them so enormous a power."
Unfortunately the tragedies of this kind
were too frequently repeated from the latter
end of the 15th to that of the 17th century
for us not to be possessed of exact accounts
of them; and these, instead of offering to the
eyes of posterity so many victories of the

* Paramo, De Ordin. Judiciar. S. Offic. lib. iii. qumst.

i....
n, 86, makes use of the following words: c. eerie fiduri
judicii imaginem riferunt (the autos of the faith) prtEserlim
in ditionwus Hispaniarum ubi horrernJum, ac 'renwnd"m
spectaculum'fd hoc pQratur."
 CHAP, IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. S07

Inquisition, as it had foolishly dreamt, rather

make it the object or abhorrence to -future
ages.,
Among all the autos de fe we have on
record, no one is so memorable as that which
was celebrated in Madrid, in the year 1680.
in, the presence of Charles II., his spouse,
~nd mother: a ceremony certainly worthy of
being compared with the triumph of Paulus
Emilius, the most striking that was ever
known. At that time foreign papers made
mention of it, in order to give some idea of
the barbarity of our ancestors, This auto
has always been selected by travellers as
well as historians Wh9 have had occasion to
treat of the Spanish Inquisition, as the most
rare specimen that can be held up to
curiosity; and a painting of it by Francisco
Rizzi is still preserved in the palace of the
Buen Retiro, and serves as a monument of
, shame to those kings who made so bad a use
of their power. This painting is perfectly con-
formable to..the description given of the auto
. by Jose del Olmo, an eye-witness, familiar
and also bailiff of the supreme court of In qui-
sitio;1;'and who consequently must have had
no SIDall share in the execution ,of the whole .•
III Relaeion Historica del Auto general dela Fe que se ce-
x2
 �08 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

- On the Inquisition coat of arms which the

author places as a frontispiece to his work, in
the back ground he adds two trumpets cross-
ing each other, and then inserts this motto,
formed out of the 4th and 7th verses of
psalms xlv. and ciii. "Sonuerunt et turbata
sunt gentes j a 'Vocetonitrui tui formidabunt;"
This is another argument tending to prove
the. spirit of terror by which this tribunal is
actuated, a defect which its dependants, from
the judges down to the meanest officers, not-
withstanding their protests of meekness and
mercy have been unable to hide. If possible
something still more remarkable is to be
noticed in -the coat of arms affixed to the
description of the auto of the faith which
occurred in Cordova, Dec. 5, 1745. On it is
represented a pair of shackles placed horizon-
tally on the body of the cross, forming
another by the long irons being placed trans-
versely, a sword. to the right, and a palm as

Jebr6 en Madrid este auo de 1680, can asistencia deJ Rey.

N. S. Carlos II. de Ja Reyna N. Sra, y de la reyna madre.
._ Siendo Inquisidor General el Excelentisimo _Senor Don
Diego Sarmiento de Valladares, dedicada a la S. C.M. del
Bey N. S. Por Jose del Olmo, aIcaide y familiar del S.
Oficio, ayuda de la Furriela de S. M. Ymaestro maJor del
Buen Retiro y Villa de Madrid.
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 309

the symbol of triumph, instead of the olive,

to the left. From the description of the
above auto, by Olmo, I shall therefore -pro.:
ceed to extract the sketch I am about to
present to my readers, referring at the same
time to some particulars of other autos
which ,may be deemed most worthy of notice.
Several trials being ended'in the Inquisi-
tion of Toledo, and among them' some of
great importance, the Inquisitor General
Don Diego Sarmiento de Valladares, Bi hop
of Placencia, and late Member of the ouncil
of Government during the minority of the
King, judged that this would be an excellent
opportunity of securing to himself the good-
will of his master, by affording him the en-
tertainment of an auto de fe on a large
scale. Charles II., who possessed few of the
requisites for a monarch, and had besides
been educated in superstitious credulity,
gladly accepted the offer, and approved of
the ceremony being performed at Madrid, in
order that it might be attended with all pos-
.sible pomp and parade. The Inquisitor Ge-
neral, together with the Supreme Council of
the Inquisition, made the necessary arrange-
meuts and communicated his Majesty's orders
-not only to the tribunal of Toledo hut also to
6
S 10 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [OHAP. IV. •

those of 'Madrid and 'other parts of the king-

dom, commanding them to accelerate all' the
causes pending therein, in order that the
number of criminals might be the greater.
Sunday, 30th of June, aday 011 which the
Church celebrates the commemoration of' St:
Paul, was fixed upon, as Olmo says, '"~in
order that an that day this great triumph of
the Catholic faith might also be celebrated,"?
as if St. Paul could have triumphed over his
.enemies by bringing them forward in public
autos de fe, And as the multitude of spec-
tators likewise contributes to the display and
parade of so grand an exhibition, it was
solemnly proclaimed by the public crier a
month before the time, that is, on the soeh of
May, the day of St, Ferdinand, on which also
the Ascen ion was kept. In this manner
the people were invited to attend, and, as a
stronger inducement, the indulgences granted
by the popes en these occasions were also
announced. t The following is the form of
the public notification then used.
" Be it known to all the inhabitants and
dwellers in this city of Madrid, the court of
his Majesty present and residing therein, that
the Holy Office of the Inquisition and king-
* OJmo, n, 7. + Ibid. n, 25.
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. an
dom of Toledo celebrates a public auto of
tlie faith in the large square of this said
city On Sunday, goth June of this present
year; and that those graces and indulgences
will be granted which the popes have enacted
for all those who may accompany and aid in
the said auto. This same is ordered to be
proclaimed for the information of every
one." .,
In the mean time the Inquisitor General
named various committee, compo crl of per-
sons belonging to the Supreme ouncil nd
other tribunals, in order that they might
make the necessary arrangements for so great
a solemnity.
Let us pay particular attention to this cus-
tom of performing these autos on Sundays,
a circumstance which alone would argue the
great contrariety of ideas so remarkable in
this tribunal. Among allnations the day des-
tined to return thanks to the Sovereign Maker
of all things, as a remembrance of his omnipo-
tence, is held as a day of rejoicing, on which
it behoves us to abstain from every thing that
may tend to disturb it, and indeed all servile
occupations ought to be avoided. It is on this
account that all kinds of work are suspended,
.. Olwo, n.l09.
312 ·INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

and .for much greater reason ought the exe-

cution of public punishments to be withheld.
Thus the the Hebrews, at the same time that
they were forbidden to practise all manual
labour, were ordered to remove the dead
bodies :q'qfIl the church porches before the
sabbath commenced; a~d even among us
r

the civil courts.never proceed to give sen-

tence in any cases of trial, and much less to
~xecute capital punishments on days conse-
crated by religion., .The Inquisition alone is
an exception to this general rule: by order
of this arrogant tribunal the civil magistrate,
putting on that obduracy to.which on similar
days he had been a stranger, imbues his
hands' in human blood, and profanes the
solern,n period of religious -joy. It may per-
haps be answered that these executions are
performed in the service and-. behalf of
religion; if so, bloody plt ishments are the
offerings. the Inquisition -makes in honour
of a meek and .divine system of faith and
worship. I I

Orders wer.e consequently issued for a

large stage or platform to be erected in the
principal quare, and in the-mean time two
hundred and fifty artisans were enlisted into
the service of the Inquisition, under the title
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 313

of soldiers of the faith,. for the purpose of

guarding and securing the criminals. They
practised the exercise of their arms, as well
as the parts they were to act in this glorious
triumph. Eighty-five persons also solicited
. and obtained the place of familiars to the
Holy Office, among whom were grandees
and the highest' titles, of Castile, together
with other noblemen who, on account of the
notoriety of their rank and the shortness of
the time, received a dispensation from the
Inquisitor General exemptin th m from
going through the requisite proof! f the
purity of their lineage.
On the approach of the appointed day the
inhabitants of the neighbouring cities and
towns thronged to assi t at this auto of the
faith; and numbers of commissaries, fami-
liars, and other persons employed by the
- Holy Office likewis e ocked up to town,
bringing with them, the various prisoners.
On the 28th of June a preparatory ceremony
of the auto was performed by way of re-
hearsal, in which the soldiers of the faith
paraded in good order; marching out by the
I gate of Alcala, where they took up a quantity
of fagots purposely prepared, and carried
them through the streets in a kind of proces-

..
 $14 INQUlSITION UNMASKED. [OHAP. IV.

sion, each bearing one as far as the outside

of the gate of Fuencarral, the spot which had
been marked out as the burning-place. They
passed by. the palace, and the king taking
from the hands of the Captain an ornamented
. fagot expressly arranged, shewed it to the
queen; and ordered it in his name to be cast
first into the flames, thus imitating the ex ..
ample of St. Ferdinand, who, on a similar
occasion, carried the wood on his own
shoulders.
On the following afternoon the procession
of the two crosses was performed: that is,
of the green cross, as the insignia of the
Inquisition, which was placed on the stage
covered with a black' transparent veil; and
also of the white cross, which WM deposited
on a raised pedestal above the burning ..
place. Thus did this triumph commence,
which we may truly call saero-profane, on
account of its mixture of religious and civil
ceremonies, and its being divided into two
parts, in which the religion of Jesus Christ
and the Inquisition mutually triumphed.
The procession of the crosses came out of
the church of the college of Dona Maria
de Aragon, and proceeded to the principal
square: the white cross came first, carried
CHAP,. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. SIS

by the two congregations of St. Peter the

Martyr belonging to Toledo and Madrid;
and the green one followed, borne by the
Duke de Medina Celi and the Dominicans,
accompanied by the other religious communi.
ties and a multitude of persons belonging to
the tribunal with lighted candles in their hands.
The musicians of the royal chapel sung the
psalm of the Miserere. The soldiers of the
faith also formed part of the procession, firing
salutes on their arrival at determined place.
The green cross being placed on the altar,
the Dominicans remained watching it and at
midnight sang matins, which being ended
these were followed by masses performed
without any interruption till six in the morn ..
ing ] and, as before noticed, the united con-
gregations of St. Peter the Martyr, having
placed the white cross on a pedestal on the
north side of the burning-place, a guard of
the soldiers of the faith remained to take
care of it. So far may properly be called the
triumph of religion.
As soon as the procession was over and
night had come on, the prisoners, who till
then were scattered about in the houses of
the familiars, on account of their numbers, as
well as to avoid their communicating with
31'6 INQUISITION UNMASK~D. [CHAP. IV.

each other, were all collected into the secret

prisons of the Supreme Tribunal of the city
of Madrid. The respective sentences were
notified to those condemned for execution,
in order that they lYtight prepare for death;
and in 'case any of the persons convicted of
contumacy might wish to be converted, the
court remained sitting the whole night to
give them hearing, and in fact two women
were converted. The notification of the
sentence was couched in the following words:
,', Brother, your cause has been see!1 by and
submitted to very learned persons, men of
great letters and science, and your crimes
have been found to be of so grievous and
black a nature that for the purposes of
punishment and example, it has been deter-
mined and ordained that to-morrow you shall
die. Prepare and make ready for death, ana
that you may do this in' a fit maimer, two'
clergymen remain here to attend you."·
At length arrived the day announced by
the Inquisition and so impatiently expected
by the common people, who are the more
pleased with bloody spectacles because {)f
their imaginations being less susceptible of
delicate impressions. At three in the morn-
.. Olmo, n. 29.
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 31

ing the clothes and sanbenitos in which they

were to appear were delivered out to the
culprits, and their breakfasts were also
handed to them. At. seven the procession
began to move in the following order. The
soldiers of the faith came first and cleared the
way; next followed the cross of the parish of
St. Martin covered with black, and accompa.
nied by twelve priests clothed in surplices and
a clergyman with a pluvial cope; then came
the prisoners to the number of' one hundred
and twenty, 72 of whom were women, and 48
men; some came forth in effi "y and the rc-
mainder in person. First in the order of
procession were the effigies of tho e con-
demned persons who had died or made their
escape, and amounting in all to thirty-four;
their names were inscribed in large letter on
the breast of their effigies, and those who had
been condemned to be burned;' besides the
coroza or cap on their heads, had flames
represented on their dress; and some bore
boxes in their hands, containing the bones of
their corresponding originals. In the auto
of the faith celebrated at Goa in the year
1(j76, the effigies were carried upright and
fixed on long poles, and the boxes' containing
$18 INQUISITION UNMASltED. [CHAP. IV.

the bones were borne behind each." The

above were followed by eleven sentenced to
do penance, having unc;ergone an abjuration
de laoi, and among them the impostors and
polygamists wore the coroza, and some of
them ropes on their necks containing. as
many knots as they had been condemned to
receive hundreds of lashes. Next came ,5+
who had been reconciled, the' most guilty
wearing a sanbenito with only one branch,
and carrying in their hands, as did also the
above, a yellow candle unlighted. Lastly
came 21 prisoners condemned to death, each,
with his coroza and sanbenito corresponding
to the nature of his crime, and the most of
them with gags on their mouths: they were
accompanied by numerous familiars of the,
Inquisition in the character of patrons, and
were besides each attended by two friars,
who comforted the penitent and exhorted
the obdurate. The whole of this part of the
procession was closed by the high bailiff of
Toledo and his attendants. The description
does not say what the latter bore in their
hands, but in the Auto celebrated in Mexico,
in the year 1659, they carried a small wooden
• Relation de l'Inquisition de Goa, ehap, xxxii.
cHAP. IT.) INQUISITION UNMASKED. 319

cross." Behind the ~ffigy of each culprit

were also conveyed boxes containing their
books, when any had been seized with them,
for the purpose of also being cast into the
flames, t The courts of the Inquisition fol-
lowed immediately after, preceded by the
secretaries of those of Toledo and Madrid,
with a great number of commissaries and
familiars; among whom walked the two
stewards of the congregations of St. Peter
Martyr, carrying the sentences of the crirni-
nals inclosed in two precious ca kets, So far
the procession on foot.
Next, on horseback, paraded the sheriffi
and other ministers of the city, together with
the chief bailiffs of the Madrid Inquisition.
Then came a long string of familiars, on
horses richly and variously caparisoned,
wearing the habit of the Inquisition over
their own dress, the proper insignia on
their breasts, and staffs raised in their hands.
In succession followed a great number of
ecclesiastical ministers; such as notaries,
commissaries, and quaJificators, all bearing
the same insignia, and mounted on mules
* Rodrigo Ruiz de Zepeda, Relacion del Auto de la
Fe celebrado en Mexico, a 19 de Nov. de 1659.
t Regimento do Santo Officio, lib. ii, tit. xxii. n, 9.
 �20 l~QUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

with black trappings. Behind them went

the corporation of Madrid, preceded by the
-mayor and followed by the fiscal-proctor of
the tribunal of Toledo, who carried the
standard of the fai!h of red damask with the
arms of the Inquisition and of the king, ac-
companied by the proctor of the Royal
Council and the oldest groom of the house-
hold. Next came the inquisitors of the
tribunals of Toledo and Madrid, paired oft'
with the king's grooms, and afterwards the
Supreme Council of the Inquisition accom-
panied by the Royal Council and Board of
Castile, Lastly came the Inquisitor General,
placed on the right hand of the president of
the council, an office at that time filled by
the bishop of Avila. The Inquisitor General
was dressed in a camail and mantelet, and
seated on a superb bay horse with purple
saddle and housings, ornamented with rib.
bons and fringe of the same colour, and
attended by twelve servants in livery. He
was accompanied by an escort of fifty hal-
berdiers dressed in black satin with silver
galloons and lace, white and black feathers
in their 'hats, and commanded by the Marquis
de Pobar as protector of the Inquisition of
Toledo; who, making up for that rich show
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISITIO~l UNMASKED. ~21

and parade which was unfit for the situation

of the Inquisitor General, was mounted on
a grey horse, wearing a saddle of massive
silver with white and green furniture con':
formable to ·his livery. He was clothed in a
suit of black silk embroidered in silver, with
diamond buttons.. cockade, and insignia, and
attended by eighteen livery servants. The
whole of the procession was closed with the
state sedan-chair and coach belonging to
the Inquisitor General, together with other
coaches in which were his chaplain and
pages. "This triumphant procession," ays
'Olmo, " was performed with wonderful
. silence; and though all the houses, squares,
and streets, were crowded by an immense
concourse of people drawn together from a
motive of pious curiosity, scarcely one voice
was heard louder than another:"· yide
Plate VIII.
The stage had been erected on the side of
the large square, facing the east, being one
hundred and ninety feet in length, one hun.
dred in breadth, and thirteen in height,
forming a parallelogram with a surface of
nineteen thousand square feet. The ascent
to the stage was i two spacious flights of
• Olmo, n. 154-
YOLo r. Y
3~ IN.Ql.ITSITrO'N UNMAmmD.. [CHAP .. IV'.

step~pIaced in front at the two extremities;

On the two sides, and facing each other,
were constructed two flights of sests; of a
length equal to the width of- the stage,-the
upper ones being nearly on a level with the
second .story of the houses of the square.
The royal family occupied the centre angle
of the theatre, and saw the whole cere-
mony from a balcony of one of the principal
houses; and the attendants belonging to the
palace, together with the ambassadors of
foreign powers, were seated in the con-
tiguous ones.. On the flight of seats situated
to the right of the king the constituted
authorities took their places; viz. the eorpo-
ration of Madrid with several grandees and
titled characters; the councils; and, on the
highest part, the Inquisitor General on a
one. The raised seats on the left were
appropriated .to the prisoners, who occupied
the highest in proportion as their crimes
ere mest grievous. In Mexico this part ol
the stage was usually semi-circular, so as to'
form a more showy appearance, and rising
in the form of a cnpola or half-moon." On
• This .appears from the account given of the auto of
1596, by Fray Juan de Torquemada, in his Monarquia
Indiana, lib. xix,cap. nix.- The same Wall also practised-
 cf1:AP.rv.] INQ.UIsiTlON U MAg,El). ~

the plane of the stage, -a small distance from

the centre, near the seats occupied by tho tri-
bunal and facing that of the king, an altar had
been constructed with a pulpit on the Gospel
side, leaving room for two inclosed areas
which were formed by balustrades placed
one before the other. In that nearest his
majesty the royal guard was posted; and ifl
the furthest one, ranging a ide tl e alt r,
were seated the families of the Inquisito ;
and those who could not find room ther
were accommodated on other bench 8 pI d
under the breast-work, which ran from
stair-case to the other, and crowned the whole
front of the theatre.
In the open space, ranging in the centre,
a raised platform was constructed, and on it
two bars, latticed round in the form of tri-
bunes, where the prisoners remained standing
whilst the recorders seated at two desks read
their sentences to them. The whole was
covered with a large awning to break the
force of the SUD, thus forming in the square
a theatre sufficiently large for the conve-
nience of such an immense concourse of
people; who, in addition to the stage, occu-
in the auto celebrated in 164-9. Vidi Diario de Mhico
of -6th April, 1807.
y2
5240 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

pied all the balconies of the four fronts of the

buildings, as well as the remaining part of
the square. Such was the exterior form of
the theatre, which was besides adorned with
rich carpets and hangings of crimson damask.
Vide Plate IX.
In the cavities or hollow parts under the
raised seats several apartments were fitted up
s prisons, and courts in which the culprits
might be heard; and also as rooms intended
for the use of the preacher and officiating
priest, in case any thing might happen to
him during so long a ceremony. Places were
likewise prepared as offices and refectory;
where refreshments were provided for the
inquisitors, as well as the other guests who
might wish to partake of them .
. " This grand piece of machinery," say~
our historian, "was finished on Friday the
~8th of June, having only been commenced
on the preceding 2sd." " It appeared,"
adds he, " that God moved the hearts of the
workmen, so as to overcome the great
difficulties which occurred in the execution;
a circumstance strongly indicated by sixteen
master-builders, with their workmen, tools,
and materials, coming in unsolicited to offer
iheir services .to the overseer of the works;
-----------~~-- -
:!;~I/l.(/, 0kU'J rk,/; ~Y';:/?I'I/;{//~l/~cV~:/1 /l~,//'/m.l'yt;:I'/;Ir.111
( . /NN ~//tmNt/~/l /y' .%'/J/ ~
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 325

and all persevered with such fervent zeal and

constancy that, without reserving to them-
selves the customary hours for rest, and
taking only the necessary time for food, they
returned to their labour with such joy and
delight that, explaining the cause of their
ardour, they exclaimed in the following man-
ner: ' Long live the faith of Jesus Christ;
all shall be ready at the time prescribed; and,
if timber should be wanting, we would gladly
take our houses to pieces for a purpose so
holy as this.' ".. The activity and zeal thus
evinced by the people will appear still more
astonishi~g if we reflect, that at no former
period had the apathy of the nation been
greater, or the decline of the Spanish empire
more rapid.
On the arrival of the procession at the thea-
tre _the prisoners ascended by the staircase
nearest their destined seatsj but, before occu-
pying them, they were all paraded round the
stage, in order that their Majesties, who were
already seated in their balcony, might have
the satisfaction of viewing them near. The
tribunals and persons invited then proceeded
to take their respective seats, and the Inqui-
sitor General ascended his throne. Before the
l\l Olmo, n, 33 & 34.
�26 IN'QutSI1JON UNMASKED. [CHAP. rv,
eommencemene of the mass his excellency,
clothed in his pontifical robes,. approached
the balcony of his Majesty, and ascending
tb it by six steps from the level of the sage,
tendered to him the oath usually taken
by kings on such occasions, Its form is
as -follows s
" Your Majesty swears and promises. on
your royal faith and word that, as a true
CatholiC' king chosen by the hand of God, you
will with all your power defend the Catholic
faith which our hoIy mother the apostolic
Church of Rome holds and believes, as well
as the preservation and inorease thereof; and
wiJl persecute, and command to be perse-
cuted, an heretics and apostates opposed to
the same; and that you will give, and com-
mand to be given, to the Holy Office of the
Inquisition, and also to' the ministers thereof, .
an aid and protection, in order that heretics,
disturbers of' our Christian religion, may be
.smzed and punished conformably to the laws
and holy canons, without any omission on
the part of your majesty or exception in
favour of any person of whatsoever quality
e may be," &c.
Let it be here observed, that the Inqui-
• Olmo, n, 169.
5
- CUAP< IV.] INQUISITlf>N UNMASKED. $27

sitien requires of the ing that he afford

to its- ministers all aid and protection .. in
order th t heretics may be seized and p
.nished, not only in conformity to- he canons-
but also agreeably to civil law. Nothing
more is said of the ceremony hich, accom-
panied the oath on this occasion. In the
auto celebrated in Valladolid on the 8th 0
October, 1559, at which Philip II. was
present, the Inquisitor Genee , an 0 c a
that time held by Don Fernando de aldes,
rising up, demanded of the king t continu
bestowing his aid on the tribunal in th
words : c Domine a4ju'Otl nOI," (Lord, con-
tinue to help us) when the King, also in a
standing posture, grasped his word and
unsheathed part. of it, thus testifying his
readiness at all times to aid the tribunal;
a pledge which, unfortunately for humanity
and without auy advantage to religion, he
more than faithfully fulfilled-·
Mass being commenced and the Gospel
ended, the oldest secretary of the tribunal
of Toledo read from the pulpit the form of
the oath taken by the mayor of the city 01
Madrid, as well as by all the people. In
* Qiego de Colmenares, Historia de S govia, cap. Hi
; iii.
328 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

other autos it has likewise been customary

to read to the people, translated into Spanish,
the bull Si deprotegendis, issued by Pius V.
against those who obstruct the free use of
the Inquisition or interfere with its mini-
sters. A sermon was then preached in the
gerundian* style by a Dominican friar, quali-
ficator of the Supreme Council of the Inqui-
sition and preacher to the king. The text
was taken from the favourite verse of the
Inquisition, " Eaurge, Domine, judica cau-
sam tuam;" In the exordium the preacher
compares this tribunal, because of judging
its culprits in secret and condemning them
in p blic, to that of God in his particular
as well as universal judgment. He: then
inculcated the obligation imposed on kings
to defend the faith; and, without establishing
any particular point, after lamenting and
complaining of the alienation of mind to
which human reason is exposed, he pro-
ceeded to refute, with trivial arguments, the

.. Father Isla wrote a work to ridicule pompous and

affected preaching, by exhibiting the lite and studies of
one of these bombastic pulpit-orators, whom he calls
FatBer Gerund, and hence the above term is taken.
Barretti translated the first volume of this work into
Engliih.- TK.
CHAP. IV:] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 329

doctrines of the Jews, heretics, and Maho-

me tans ; for of these three classes were the
prisoners on the stage. In his epilogue he
felicitated the Spanish monarchy on the
purity of its, belief, and promising to it
abundant prosperity, he ended by the fol-
lowing apostrophe to the tribunal of the
Inquisition:
" And thou, oh! most holy Tribunal of
I

the Faith, for boundless ages may'st thou be

preserved, so as to keep us firm and pure in
the same faith, and promote the puni hment
of the enemies of God. Of thee can say
what the Holy Spirit said of the hurch ;
" Pulchra es, amica mea, sicut tabernacula
Cedar, et sicut pelles Salomonis," (Thou art
fair, my love, as the tents of Kedar, as the
sightly skins of Solomon.)
" But what parallels, similies, or com-
parisons are these? What praise, or what
heightened contrast, can that be which com-
pares a delicate female, an unequalled beauty,
to the tents of Kedar and the spotted skins
of Solomon? Saint Jerome discovered the
mystery, and says, that the people of Kedar
being fond of the chase therein took great
delight; and, for this purpose, had always
their tents pitched in the field; on which,
 gSO DlQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

in order to prove the valour of their ,arms..

they spread the skins of the animals killed in
the chase, and hung up the heads of the wild:
beasts they had slain. And the said people
of Kedar were so proud and boastful of these
their trophies that they prized them as their
greatest ornaments; this was the greatest
beauty of their tents, to this the Holy Spirit
compares the beauty of the Church, and this
is also to-day the glory of the holy Tribunal
£ the Faith 'of Toledo: Sicut tabernacula
Cedar; sicut pelles Salomonis. To have killed
these horrid wild-beasts and enemies of God
whom we now behold on this theatre, some
by taking life from their errors, reconciling
them to our holy faith, and inspiring them
with contrition for their faults; others by
condemning them through their obduracy to
the flames, (here the orator openly and with-
out any disguise confesses that the Inquisition
condemns to the flames) where, losing their
corporeal lives, their obstinate souls will im-
mediately go to burn in hell; by this means
God will be avenged of his greatest enemies,
dread will follow these examples, the Holy
Tribunal will remain triumphant, and we
ourselves more strongly confirmed and rooted
in the faith; which, accompanied by grace
 CHAP. IV.] 1NQUI~TION UNMA8X.ED~ S31

and good works,' will b~ the surest pledge

of glory," &c. *
The above extract will be sufficient to
convey an idea of the rantings 'of this extra-
vagant piece, and at the same time to mani-
fest the spirit of the tribunal in the words of
its own orator. In it may chiefly be seen the
ostentatious language adopted and the dis-
dain with which the culprits are treated. The
tribunal was well aware' that no one 0 them,
even of those who were without gags on thei
mouths, "ould have dared to make a.n w r ;
01" at least that he would soon ha c b n
silenced had he ventured so far, uch
string of incoherences, nevertheless, deserved
a refutation similar to the one drawn up for
another sermon preached by the archbishop
of Cranganor at the auto of the faith cele-
bra ed at Lisbon, in the year 1705, when
several Jews were brought forth, This re·
futation was composed by a J ewish writer
from a place where he was no longer exposed
-to danger. In it, after inserting the sermon
in its original Portuguese, and remarking the
petulant tone in which it is written, he
demonstrates the groundless charge alleged
against them of having adulterated the
* OImo, D. IS'1.
 ,
3S~ IN~UISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV&

Scriptures, the little knowledge of Hebrew

literature usually possessed by those Chris-
tians who, from their state and character ~
ought not to be ignorant of it; and the un-
fair manner in which they distort various
passages of the said Scriptures, as well as
various sentences of the Rabbins, and then
adds: " I appeal to the learned and un-
prejudiced men living in countries wherein
it is not necessary to circumscribe one's
ideas to a set of ignorant inquisitors, and
ask whether such language is not more befit-
ting to a theatre than a pulpit? They call us
blind because we refuse to submit our reason
to an ill-founded allegory; yet what ought
those people to be called who take part of a
chapter or verse without noticing the other
part which exhibits the genuine sense? Does
the preacher conceive that he can thus pro-
duce" conviction in the mind of any Jew?
far from it, he fortifies him in his belief
But instead of our acting as the Inquisition
does, which prohibits all works tending to
attack the Catholic religion, we reprint those
written against ours; and we explain them
to our children, in order that they may be
atisfied of the truth of our reasons and
the fallacy of the others, and see to what
7
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. :333

a, number of artifices they are obliged to

recur." •
As soon as the sermon was ended they
proceeded to the reading of the trials and
sentences, beginning with those which bad
the greatest weight of guilt, viz. the personi
who had been condemned to die. The sen-
tences were read at full length; but the
parts of the accusations containing least in-
terest were suppressed. This part of the
ceremony, during which one man and a
woman were converted, was not concluded
till four in the afternoon; when those con-
demned to death were delivered over to the
civil magistrates; and, whilst the latter pro-
ceeded on to the place of execution and
met their final end, the reading of the pro·
ceedings continued, as well as the abjurations
of those who had been reconciled. The
description of the Mexico auto of the faith
exhibits in a practical case the ceremony
by which deceased ecclesiastics are degraded,

... Respuesta al Sermon predicado por el Arzobispo de

Cranganor en el Auto de Fe celebrado en Lisboa en 6 de
Setiembrede 1705, por el Autor de las Noticias rec6ndit3$
de Is Inquisicion. The place where the work was pub.
Iished is not mentioned, but it appears to ban been in
London.
 SS4 iNQUISITION UNMASKED. ICHAP. IV.

and is in the following words : '" 'Vhat

moved most pity and compassion was the
unhappy case of the priest Don Jose Brufion
de Vertiz, (guilty of various heresies, he
having died in the prison in a state of im...
penitence) whose effigy, the sentence being
read, was stripped of its clerical robes by the.
oldest curate of the cathedral, Don Jacinto
de la Serna, and afterwards clothed in a seen-
Jar dress. He then cast it to the ground and
kicked it, as one deprived of so holy a tate.
The ministers of civil justice then placed on
the effigy all the insignias of one condemned,
in order to deliver it over, together with the
corresponding bones, to the flames.
The mass, though not sung, lasted till
half past nine at night, and with it ended
the grand .exhibition of the large square;
when those who had been absol ed returned
to the prisons-of the Inquisition. I conceive
it to be understood that the stage was illumi-
nated whenever night came .on before the
tribunal had ended the procession of the
green cross, or whilst the mass of the auto
of the faith was performing. In Mexico the
cross arriving just at the approach of .night,
the latter, according to the description, wa
converted into the most clear day, through
 CHAP. IV~] INQUISITION t1NMAS&ED. ass
the number of torches and other lights
blazing in such- abundance that the theatre
presented the appearance of .a starry heaven,
The patient constancy with which Charles II.
assisted at the above celebration of the auto
is really astonishing; for, though the cere-
mony was so extremely long, he never quitted
the balcony once, not even to partake of any
refreshment; nay the time appeared to him
so short that, when all was over, he asked
if any thing remained to be performed, and
whether he should return.
With regard to the preparation m de by
the inquisitors for refreshments, the b v
author adds, " that as the auto de fe was to
last the whole day, and was e tpected to be
extremely laborious and fatiguing to th
ministera of this holy tribunal, in consequence
of its length, it was arranged, in case anyone
assisting at the <ceremony should require nou-
rishment or refreshment during such a number
of hours and the oppressive heat of the sun,
that commissaries should be named to pro-
vide food and drink for the officers and
ministers of the holy office who had come
from afar, as well as for the congregations of
Madrid and Toledo, and the other person
employed on that day in the ceremony.
g36 INQ.UISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

This was done with such care and prudence

that not only sufficient refreshment was pro-
vided for the ministers, but also for every
one else. The treasurers of the Inquisition,
and proportionably the ministers of the con-
gregation of St. Peter, contributed liberally
towards so considerable an expense.Ys The
banquet given by the Viceroy at the auto
of Mexico, in the year 1659, was not less
splendid and costly.
The prisoners personally condemned to
death amounted to nineteen; thirteen men
and six women, principally of the Jewish
persuasion. They were conducted to the
gate of Fuencarral mounted on mules with
packsaddles, preceded by thirty-two effigies,
two being left behind belonging to recon-
ciled persons who had died in prison. Of
those personally condemned for execution,
eleven were irnpenitents; viz. eight obdu-
rates, and three convicted but refusing to
confess; of whom five were converted on
the road, so that six were burnt alive in
addition to thirteen who had been previously
hung.
The burning place was sixty feet square
and seven high; and consequently sufficiently
• Olmo, n, 18.
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 337

capacious .when twenty stakes with their

corresponding rings had been fixed thereon,
conformably to the orders given by the in-
quisitors to the civil magistrates for adequate
justice to be done. Some were previously
strangled, and the others at once thrown
into the fire, " without its being necessary,"
as Olmo observes, " to excite horror or recur
to violence by making use of any other more
improper and bloody process." hi i, if
I 'understand right, that it was not n c . ary
for the officers to cast them into the flam •
Nevertheless the executioners, imp JI d by
their indiscreet zeal for the faith, attempted
to exceed their orders with regard to some of
the malefactors; but the latter denied them
this satisfaction by throwing themselves of
their own accord into the flames. Our histo-
rian, adverting to this incident, and well
aware how much the nquisition, or at least
religion, must have been foiled by such an
occurrence, thus expresses himself: "Unwary
persons may perhaps be staggered at some of
the prisoners throwing themselves into the fire,
as if true valour was the same as a foolish bru-
tality and culpable disregard of life, followed
by eternal condemnation." * More objections
* Olmo, n, ]91.
VOL. J. Z
S38 INQUISITION UNMAS!tED. [CHAP. t •

Mise on this subject than would easily be dis-

covered at first sight; but of this we shall
speak in another place. (Vide Plate X.)
The ministers then cast the bodies of thos
who had been hung into the fire, together
'with the effigies and bones of the deceased,
adding more fuel till all was converted into-
ashes; which was about nine in the mosning ..
It may be most necessary to advert, that the
death of the prisoners was officially witnessed
by one of the secretaries of the tribunal, in
order to certify to their execution." Two
days afterwards six of those who had been
condemned to do penance were flagged.
Among them was one woman; and another
was held up to public shame.
Such was the form and solemnity of this
auto de fe, the largest and most splendid
ever known, if we consider the CODC rrence
of circumstances which attended it; such as
the great number of prisoners and the variety
of their punishments, as well as its' having
been presided over by three tribunals of the
Inquisition; Ollj: of which was the Supreme
Council, togethe ith the Inquisitor Generals
and attended by all the king's court and
randees. Such, in short, has been the
. Olmo D.U7.
 tkAP. IV.] INQUISITtON UNMASKED. S!9
, '

method observed by this tribunal ill the

exercise of its judicature ~ and it only re ..
mains for me to add, as I have already
noticed, that the prisoners not conducted to
the stake have an oath imposed upon them,
and are placed under excommunication and
other arbitrary restrictions to observe an
eternal silence respecting every thing that
has happened, or that they may have seen or
heard during their imprisonment." 1 ought
also to add, that the houses wherein dogma.
tisers have held their meetings are pulled
down to the ground. t This was done in

*' Compilacion de Instrucclones, n. 58.--Orden de Pro-

cesar, fol. 37.
t Constitutiones Innocenti IV. centra hrereticos, in-
serted by Eymeric in bis Directory, towards the end.-
A tribunal so monstrous as the Inquisition. bas always
been could not escape the penetration of the immortal
author of Don Quixote, nor was it possible for him to
abstain from employing some of his labours in order to
hold it up to ridicule. Thus do we find him impugning
this establishment, not in a slight and hasty manner, but
at considerable leagth and in his usual tone; and though I
am not aware of anyone baving before pointed out this
coincidence, I hope there is no one who, comparing the
description given by him with the one just sketched, will
fail to be convinced of the truth of my observation. A~
beyond doubt this was the most interesting, though at the
arne time t'he most dangerous point of all those which
22
340 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

Valladolid with the dwelling of Agustin

Cazalla, a canon of Salamanca and preacher

form the objects of his criticism, he was induced to reserve

it for the last part of his labours, where it might serve, if
we may be allowed the expression, as a species of finish;
since, by placing it there, the favourable reception the first
part of his work had received from the public might dimi-
nish the danger to which he would otherwise be exposed.
Cervantes (part ii. chap.lxii.) referring to the enchanted
head in possessionof Don Antonio Moreno of Barcelona,
at that time Don Quixote's host, commences by pointing
out the ignorance of the Inquisitors, whom he' expressly
names, and describes as being possessed of the same cre-
dulity as the common people themselves, though apparently
indicating the reverse, since it became necessary for Don
Antonio to explain the secret of the whole machinery, in
order to prevent the consequences of an information being
Iodged against him. The text is thus: .. It was divulged
allover the city that Don Antonio kept an enchanted head
in his house, which answered to everyone who interro-
gated it, and fearing least it should come to the ears of the
watchful centinels of our faith, on explaining the whole
mystery to the gentlemen of the Inquisition, they ordered
him to break it in pieces and not suffer it to be 'used any
more, for fear the ignorant vulgar should be scandalized."
After this pointed remark, our author proceeds to con-
sider the tribunal of the Inquisition in itself, commencing
by its exterior parade, ~uch as the unexpected and silent
arrest of the CUlpritsrepresented in that of Don Quixote
and Sancho by the servants of' the Duke; also the auto de
fe under the allegory of the feigned funeral of Altisidora,
one of his damsels, and which was celebrated in the court-
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 341

!-OCharles V., who was burnt for being a

Lutheran; and also in Coimbra with the house

yard of the Duke's house; this being an adventure that

may be considered as the most curious and important of
any contained in his history, in consequence of the abuses
therein criticised being at the same time the greatest.
This arrest is thus described in chap. lxviii.r "At the
decline of afternoon they (Don Quixote and hill Squire)
discovered as many as ten men on hor eback and four or
five on foot, advancing towards th m. Don (~uixote's
heart was struck with surpri e, and ancho" with fear,
for the party' coming up bore lance and rg ,nnd pro-
ceeded onwards in very warlike array, * • 'lll
horsemen came up, and couching their I, nee , without
speaking a single word surrounded Den uixote and pre-
sented their arms to his back and breast, threatening to
kill him. One oftbose on foot, putting his finger on his
mouth as a signal for him to be silent, seized hold on
Rozinante's bridle, and drew him out of the road, the
others on, foot driving Sancho and Dapple before them;
when all keeping ~ marvellous silence followed the steps
of the conductor of Don Quixote, who several times had a
mind to ask whither they were carrying him, or what they
wanted; but no sooner did he begin to move his lips than
they threatened to close them with their weapons, and the
same also befel Sancho."
He then proceeds to display the very same idea that the
lnquisition practically manifests in the manner of effecting
its arrests, which is, to treat all prisoners as it would
monsters of iniquity whose crimes were completely
proved. "The night closed," he says, "they mended
their pace, and the prisoners' fears increased the more
$4-2 ~QUISITION UNMASKED. .[ CHAP. IV.

of Antonio Homem, canon of the cathedral

-church and professor of the canon-law in the

when they heard their keepers from time to time call

out to them: Get on, ye Troglodytes] hold your peace,
Barbarians; endure, ye Anthropophagi; complain not, ye
Scythians , open not your eyes, ye murdering -Poly:
phemuses, ye butcberly lions; and other suchnames ai
these, with which they tormented the ears of the miserable
master and man. Sancho went along saying to himself,
I do not like these names at all, this is winnowing our corn
by a bad wind indeed; all our ills come upon us together,
like kicks to a cur; and would to God what this unfor-
tunate adventure threatens' may end in no worse fare!
Don Quixote went along wrllpt up in astonishment, unable
to conjecture, however he reasoned with himself, what
could be the meaning of all these names, from which he
was only able to conclude, that no good was to be ex-
pected, but much harm to be feared."-He in fact
expresses how dreadful this tribunal is for him who falls
into its hands, notwithstanding the epithets of Holy, and
the other vain. and outward forms it seeks to affect. He
then -says, .. Near an hour after night-fall they arrived at
a castle, which Don Quixote soon knew was ~he Duke's,
where he had so lately been. God help me, says he, as
soon as he recognised the place, what can be the meaning
of this ? Most assuredly in this house, all is courtesy and
good Uiage; but to the vanquished, good is turned into
evil, and bad into worse."
He then passes on to describe the auto de fe, (cJlap.
Ixix.) first pourtraying the entry of the prisoners with
their escort into the main iquare. "The horsemen
alighted, ~d aided by those On foot, taking Sancho BOll
 CRAP. IV.] INQUISITION URl\tASKED. 343

university of that city, who was burnt

on account of practising Jewish rites; and

Don Quixote bodily and forcibly up, they carried them

-into the court-yard, round which were burning nearly 'aD
hundred torches placed in stands, and more than five
bundred lights 'about the galleries of the court, insomuch,
that in spite of the night which had rather a dark appear-
\
ance, the want of day was hardly felt." He then proceeds
to describe the order and appearanoe of the square, the
distribution of seats for those who attended the auto, de-
lineating before all, and as a principal object, the altar of
the green cross, in the following word : "In the middl
(If the court was raised a tomb about two yard above th
RfOUnd, covered all over with a large oanopy of bl c
velvet, round which, on its teps, were burning tape of
white wax in more than an hundred silver candlesticks ,
'and on the top of the tomb was seen the corpse of 80
beautiful a damsel, that her beauty made death itself ap-
pear beautiful, &c." He then describes the place which
the tribunal occupied, with all the appendages of royalty,
together with the magistrates in attendance. It On one
I side of the 'COW't was placed a theatre, with two chairs, on

which were seated two per8011ages, (whom, as we shall

afterwards find, were the two judges or the infernal re-
gions, Mi;os and Rhadamanthus) who by the crowns they
had on their heads and sceptres in their hands, ga'Ve signs
of being kings, either real or feigned. ••• Two great
personages, with a numerous attendance, next ascended
the theatre, whom Don Quixote presently knew to be the
Duke and Duchess, bis late hosts, and they took their
.eats in two richly ornamented chairs, near to those who
Jaad the appearance of kings."
 :344 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IY.

near both inscriptions were affixed, which

still subsist.

He likewise depicts the raised seats occupied by tIle

culprits, the dress in which the inquisitors bring them
forth; as well as the harshness with which they are treated
when they do not conduct themselves with due submission.
~" On the (opposite) side of the theatre, to which the
ascent was by steps, stood two other chairs, on which
those who brought in the prisoners placed Don Quixote
and Sancho. All this was done with profound silence,
and the prisoners were given to understand that they were
in like manner to hold their tongues. '* * 'J\l; At this
- juncture an officer crossed the stage, and coming up to
Sancho, threw over him a garment of black buckram,
painted all over with flames of fire, and taking off his cap,
placed on his head a caroza or tall pasteboard mitre, after
the fashion of those worn by persons condemned to do
penance by the Holy Office, bidding him in his ear not to
unsew his lips, for if he did they wo~ld clap a gag in his
mouth, or kill him." The criticism that next follows is
converted into open satire, levelled at the cruel sport
which, added to terror, the Inquisition excites in the
people, by presenting to them the hapless culprits in
ludicrous dresses covered with puerile hieroglyphics,
whilst they are led to the place of execution or condemned
to a painful state of suffering.-" Sancho viewed himself
from top to toe, he saw himself blazing in flames, but as
they did not burn him he did not care a farthing. He
took off his mitre, saw it painted all over with devils; he
put it on again saying within himself, It's well enough yet,
for those neither burn me, nor these carry me away. DOll
Quixote also surveyed himself allover, WlQ though fe~ haA .
CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 345

It is bigh time for us to examine the

value attached to the protest, deprecation,

suspended his senses, he could Dot help smiling at seeing

Sancho's figure." In order to complete the picture he
likewise alludes to the mass and sermon.-" And now,
seemingly from under the tomb, issued a low and pleasing
sound of flutes, which Dot being interrupted by any human
voice, for Silence herself kept silence there, the music
sounded both soft and amorous. Then on a sudden, and
near the cushion of the seemingly dead body, appeared a
beautiful youth, clothed in a Reman habit, who, to the
sound of a harp played by himself, in a mo t sw ct nd
clear voice sung the two following stanzas." .
So far Cervantes has considered the Inqui ition according
to its outward appearances: in what follows he contemplate
its object, and censures the great contrariety so remark-
able in the means it employs to attain its ends. This defect
is the most gl!\ring in the torments administered, since by
these it wrests confession from the culprits, under a
belief that the faith would thus revive in them. He pro-
ceeds in the e terms: "One of the suppesed kings then
exclaimed, Oh Rhadamanthus! who with me judgest in
the dark caverns of Pluto, since thou know est all that is
determined in the inscrutable destinies of fate about this
damsel returning to life, speak, and declare it instantly,
that the happiness we expect from her revival may Dot be
delayed. Scarcely had Minos, judge and companion.
of Rhadamanthus, spoken these words, when Rhada-
man thus rising up, said: Come on ye officers of this
household, high and low, great and small, repair here one
~fter another and fillip Sancho's face with four-and-twenty
~wi~ches, and his arms and sides with twelve pinches ami
 -346 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

or whatever else it may be called.. which the

inquisitors make on delivering the prisoners
I

"!ix pricks of a pin, for in the performance of tbis cere-

mony eensists the restoration (Jf Altisi ora. On hearing
this Sancho Panza broke silence and said : I vow to God
I will no more let my face be filliped, or my flesh handled,
than I'll turn Turk. Body of me! what has handling my
face to do with the resurrection of this. damsel! ... *
Altisidora dies of some disorder God leased to send her,
and she is now to be .brought to life again by giving me
four-and-twenty twitches, by turning my body into a pin.
cushion, and pinching my arms black and blue." Aftet-
this he points out the despotic tone with which the inqui-
.sitors check those who reproach them for their falsity of
opinions, or the inconsistencies of-their mode of judicial
l>rocess.-" Thou shalt die then, cried Rhadamanthus, in
a loud voice; relent, tiger; humble thyself, thou -proud
"Nimrod; endure and be silent, for no impOSSibilities are
demaaded of thee, and do not meddle thyself in examining
toe difficulties of this business. Thou jihalt be twitched,
thou shalt see thyself pricked, and thou halt groan under
thy pinches._ Come on then, I say, officers, comply with
my commands; if not, on the faith of an honest man, you
shall see what you wer~ born to."
Cervantes afterwards laughs at the fatuity of the judges
themselves, and others of their class, who, when the cul-
prit, in despair and worn out with sufferings, in order to
rid himself of their importunities and ill-treatment con.
fesses bimself guilty, rejoice among each other the same
as jf they had really obtained his conversion. These are
bis words: " What he (Sancho) could not bear wall the
Jlrickin, of the pillJ, and 10 up he ltarted from hi»- teat,

•
4:HAP. IV.] INQUISITION URMAsnJ). 8407

over to the civil magistracy for execution.

I 11m not ignorant that, after the discipline

peevish with being jaded, and seizing hold of a lighted

torch that was near him, he laid about his executioners,
'Saying, Avaunt, ye infernal ministers, for I am not made.
of brass to be insensible to such extraordinary torments.
Upon this Altisidora, who could not help being tired with
lying so long on her back, turned over on her side, which
the by-standers perceiving, almost all with one voice cried
1)ut-Altisidora is alive! Altisidora live. ! c." He then
speaks of the lashes to which those were u unJly con-
f1emned who escaped from thc flames by m ana of for
confesaion.-" As 800n as Don Quixote tlw Alti'idora
til' he went and knelt down before Sancho, allying to him:
Now is the time, dear son of my bowels rather than m,
squire, to give thyself some of those Iashe to which thou
standest pledged, in order to procure the disenchantment
of Dulcinea. This, I repeat, is the time, now that thy
virtue is seasoned and efficacious enough to Operate the
good expected from thee. To which Sancho answered :
This seems to me to be reel upon reel, and not honey
upon fritters. It would be well enough that after
twitches, pinches, and pin-prickings, lashes were also to
follow. You have nothing more to do than to take a large
stone, tie it ronnd my neck, and at once fling me into a
well. &c." Following up the lame strain, our author
next turns his attention to the imaginary triumphs of the
Inquisition, and in a tone of ridicule he observes: "By
this time Altisidora had seated herself upright on the
tomb, and at the same instant the trumpets sounded, ac·
companied by flutes, and the voice» of all cried aloud,
long live Altisidora I long live Altisidorll! &c." He
�48 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP,IV.

of the church had declined, custom retained

certain formalities by which, if its ancient
f

then concludes by alluding to the sanbenitos or penitential

garments, with which, like so many spoils, the Inquisition
has decorated the temples. "The Duke ordered it to be
taken off him (the penitential mitre from Sancho), his cap
to be returned, and that they should put on him his own
doublet, instead of the garment of flames. Sancho. re-
quested ,the Duke to allow him to keep the mitre and
frock, as he was desirous of carrying them home to his
own country, in token and memory of so unheard of an
adventure."
It is therefore no longer dubious that in the above part
of his work Cervantes writes a complete, and not very
disguised, satire on the proceedings of the Inquisition. It
is not possible for his intention to have been any other,
when, in spite of the terror its name inspires, he thence
derives the idea of a farce, (for this fable deserves no better
a name) the leading parts of which are performed by two
as ridiculous personages, as the most playful ima ination
could possibly invent. But our incomparable writer is not
even content with these jeers; he stilI carries them on as
far as bis waggishness could venture. Thus does he make
Sancbo (chap. lxxiii.), after rigging out his ass with the
sanhenito and corosa, or the penitential garments he had
hoarded up from the Duke's, enter into his native village
quite proud, and bearing as it were in triumph what the
Inquisition calls its trophies.-" They (Don Quixote and
Sancho) proceeded on their way, and at the entrance of
the village, on a little lawn, they met the curate and bache-
lor Carrasco, reciting their prayers. Now be it known
that Sancho Panza had thrown over Dapple and over his
 CHAP. IV.] INQtl'ISITION UNMASKED. S49

rigour is
not maintained, appearances are at
. least saved. But on this account it would

bundle of arms, instead of a sumpter-cloth, the buckram

tunic painted with flames of fire, which he had worn at the
Duke's castle the night of Altisidora's revival. He like-
wise fixed the mitre on Dapple's head; insomuch that
never was an ass S9 well metamorphosed and adorned
before. They were soon recognised both by the curate and
bachelor, who met them with open arms. Don Quixote
alighted and embraced them closely; and the boys, who
are like lynxes and never behind-hand, spied the as 's
mitre, and flocked to view him, saying to one another,
Come, boys, and you shall see Sancho Panza's n finer
than Mingo, and Don Quixote'll beast lean r now than
ever." I do not see what more could be aid or desired.
If, notwithstanding all this, anyone should deny that
Cervantes ~teIlded to criticise the Inquisition, it would
also be necessary for him to deny that the "History of
Don Quixote" contains any burlesque whatever; in which
case, contrary to the great and merited reputation it has
acquired, this work would be equally as devoid of meaning
as those of chivalry therein satirized. It is consequently
undeniable that he impugns the Inquisition, by thus drawing
its picture, as he flatters himself, (in chap.lxx.) "with all
its paraphernalia, so well and so like life, that there is
but little difference between that and the truth." It is
besides clear, that he takes particular pains to represent
the inquisitors, amidst their studied gravity and parade,
as ignorant and despicable as the culprits could wish, by
introducing for this purpose Cid Hamete Benengeli,
.'whom he considers as the first historian of Don Quixote,
and who affirms, "that in his opinion, the mockers were
:Ii mad the mocked."
 s.;o- INQUI5JTION UNM 5K.ED. ( CliAP. I'Y'_

not be the less absurd to pretend that this

supplies the place of the efficacious inter-
cession of the ancient bishops in favour of
condemned persons; or that the want of
lenity is atoned by a sterile or rather irriso-
rious deprecation like that of the inquisitors ...
Besides being ridiculous, it is also' fruitless;
since, being directed' to a magistrate who has
no power to deviate from the law by a tri-
bunal awing and threatening him if he does
not comply therewith, it is, properly speak-

To what has been already said we have only to

add one short ohseevation, which strongly confirms all we
have. here established. This is, that Cervantes Wlli po••
Ilibly induced to satirise the tribunal of the Inquisition,
owing to the vanity of a dull eompetitor he had in Avel.
laneda to wham he pointedly alludes in his prologue ..
(put ii.) and boastingly tells us was a minister of the Holy
'Office;- undoubtedly for no other purpose than by ay of
It jibe. For this reason our author, who in other parts at
his work appears peevish with the Inquisition, at the con..
elusion covers it with. ridicule, either by treating the
establishment with contempt, er causing Alti!idora, trom:
the funeral monument on which she was laid, to behold
the devil in the: infernal regions pla.ying at tennis with'
the said minister's book, Thus do we find Cervantes'
taking lease of his own work by proclaiming his victory
oyer the Inquisition, as one of the greatest abuses lie
had attelllpted to criticise; and over its minister above
named, 88 the most enrious and fastidlo s of all hilr
enemies.
 CHAP. IV.} INQUISITION UNMASKED. 351'

ing, a wicked mockery of the culprit and an

insult to suffering humanity. We may even
add more. The inquisitors cannot sincerely
intercede for a convict. without acting COD-
trary to the canons, which under the penalty'
of excommunication, as well as of all other
censures within their reach, urge that heretics
should be soon and unavoidably punished.
'Innocent IV. in the short space of three
years, from 1252 Q 1255, issued si buns
commanding the inquisitors to watch over
the exact observance of the edict of Frederick
II: which imposes capital punishment on
heretics, inserting it entire in one of hi
I own decrees, in order that no one might
plead ignorance as an excuse. And, as if the
cruel intolerance of the Roman see was not
ufficiently known by such repeated regula-
tions, the same was afterwards inculcated •
under similar penalties by Alexander IV. ia
12~8., Clement IV. in 1268, and Innocent
VIII. in 1486.*
Besides this, let the form under which the
convicts are delivered over to the civil ma-
gistrate be what it may, it is the intention of
the Inquisition to command that they should
* "Litterlr .Apostolicee pro Offici~ S. Inquisitionis, w
placed at the end of the Directory of Eymeric.
352 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

be executed without delay, as mar be seen

not only from the oath it exacts of kings.
amidst the solemnities of an auto de fe,. but
also by that tendered to the magistrates of
every city and town where the tribunal is
instituted. It is as follows: " We swear
and bind ourselves that, when~ver we shall
be commanded by you the said inquisitors,
or any of you, to execute any sentence or
sentences against the persons of the said
(heretics and their believers, receivers, and
abettors) without any delay we will do and
comply with the same in the way and manner
prescribed by the sacred canons, and the
laws which treat on this subject." ..
It ought not however to be supposed that
this exaction of an oath is reduced to a sim-
pIe mandate; it besides implies the threat of
a penalty equal to what is suffered b those
who impede the free exercise of the tribunal.
This may be seen by the following regulation
contained in the ordinances of the Portuguese
Inquisition: ".If any person, of whatsoever
rank or pre-eminence he may be, should
make any statute, decree, or constitution,
obstructing the jurisdiction of the Holy
Office the inquisitors shall oblige him, by
* Orden de Pro cesar, fol, 7f.
4
CHAP. IV. J INQUISITION UNMASKED. 853

means of ecclesiastical censures, to revoke

the same; which if he should refuse to do,
they shall proceed against him as an impeder
of the ministry of this tribunal, and condemn
him to the penalties imposed by the apos.
tolical briefs. They shall, in like manner,
proceed against such ministers of justice
as refuse to execute the sentences of those
condemned by the Holy Office,in conformity
to the brief of Leo X."" On the other hand,
the inquisitors, as we have already sh wn,
send one of their secretaries to accompany
the convicts to the burning-place, in order
to promote the execution of the sentence by
means-of their presence. What then can be
the meaning of this deprecation used by the

r * Regimento do Santo Officio do anno 1640, lib. iii. tit.

xxi, n, 5 e 6. "Eazendo aIguma pessoa de qualquer estado
e preeminencia que seja estatuto, decreto ou constituic;ao
que impida a jurisdicc;ao do Santo Officio, os inquisidores
a obrigarao com censuras a que os revoque, e nao 0
querendo fazer, se procedera contra ella como contra
impediente do ministerio do Santo Officio, e s.llracon-
denada nail pen as impostas oeste cazo pelos breves
apostolicos. E bem assi se procedera contra os mioistros
de justic;a que nao quizerem dar a execucad as sentencas
dos condenados pelo Santo Officiosegun a forma do breve
de Leaii X."
VQL. I. 2A
 854 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

inquisitors? What can be its object, unless

it is to cover this relaxation from ancient
discipline" as well as this theological deception,
with an hypocritical and mean disguise? Is
this in reality any. thing else than to turn
the meekness of the Gospel into a farcical
virtue? Let the friends of the Inquisition
explain what hypocrisy is, if this does not
deserve the name.
It was natural to expect that so absurd
a practice would not remain unnoticed, or
fail to become an object of reproach against
the Catholic church on the part of the Pro-
testants, ever ready to stickle at her defects.
Hence therefore do they derive an argument
which, our own celebrated writer Alphonso
de Castro, archbishop-elect of Santiago and
one of the fathers of the Council of Trent,
upholding the penalt of clivery over to
the civil magis rate as just, endeavours to
refute. "The L~therans pretend," says he,
" that the bishops and inquisitors, oy deliver-
ing up culprits to the civil magistrate, act
like the priests of the Jews, who" being the
real cause of the death of our' Saviour,
answered Pilate, when urging them to judge
him according to their own law, that this did
not allow them to -kill anyone." This is
 GHAP. IV:] INQUISITION UNMASKED. r,S5

in substance the objection which the above

-author pretends to satisfy in the following
words: "Blinded by a spirit of opposition
and malignity, the Protestants are deceived
in this as well as -in other points. The Phari-
sees and priests of the Synagogue killed
Christ by their tongues when they were un-
able to do it with their hands, bringing upon
him death in a thousand forms. The ecclesi-
astical judges however proceed in a very
different manner; for, after condemnin the
heretic, they declare him no Ion er ubj ct
to their jurisdiction, since by his crime he
had separated from the Church, and become
subject to the lay power alone. Besides,
when they deliver him over to the secular
arm they do not demand that his life be
taken away, nor affirm that he is guilty of
death; so t a, if the magistrate were to
refuse to take his life away, they do not on
.this account oblige, or in any manner solicit,
him to do it; but, on the contrary, they
beseech him not to punish the victim with
the penalty of blood. And, as this is most
.certain and notorious to the whole Christian
world, it is astonishing that the assurance
and unbridled calumny of the Lutherans
should reach to such a pitch as to compare
2 A2
956 INQUISITION UNl\fASKED. '[CHAP. IV.

Catholic priests to those of the Jews, when

the difference between them could not possi..
bly be greater." '*'
No one, however prejudiced he may be -
in favour of the Inquisition, will be satisfied
with this answer, or consider the difficulty
as overcome; since, besides the inaccuracy
with which this author explains himself, and
the little knowledge he manifest respecting
the usages of the tribunal, .it is evident that
he never once took into consideration the
decrees of the popes already quoted. Not
that I here wish to confirm the comparison
above made between the protest of the Inqui-
sitors and the criminal conduct of the priests
who promoted the death of Christ in the
tribunal of Pilate: I am fully aware that
such a proposition constitutes on of the
articles of John HUjS eon emned by the
Council of Constance; with whose decision
I am the more ready to accord, inasmuch as-
I have already asserted that in the Inquisition
all the judges have not been indistinctly bad.
Nevertheless I must candidly insist that the
argumentative reasons with which I proved
the frivolity and hypocrisy of the deprecation
• Alfonso de Castro, De justa luereticorum punit. lib. ii,
p,p. xiii,
 CHAPA IV.] INQUISITfON UNMASKED. 957
above alluded to are still the same, and retain
their whole force and vigour."

• The xiv, article of John Huss contains these words:

n Doctores ponentes, quod aliqui« per censuram emendandus;
si corrigi 1l0luerit,judieio saculari est tradendus, pro certo
sequuntur in hoc Pontifices, Scribas, et Pharisaros, qui
Christum nolentem eis obedire in omnibus, dicentes :
Nobis non licet interficere quemquam, ipsum saiculari Judicio
tradiderunt, eo quod tales SUllt homicida: graIJiores quam
Pilat us." Sess. xv. There an be DO doubt that this
proposition, in the terms in hich it is conceived, con-
tains an error. If Alphon 0 de Castro, notwith t nding
his great science and hi tr ating th ubje t in m t rly
manner as well as at full length, was so un uec ful in
conciliating the delivery up of the culprit made by th
inquisitors with the meekness of the gospel, will their
modern apologists be able to do it better? The Journal
of Santiago, called El Sensato, of 5th Dec. 1811, speaking
on this subject, makes use of the following words: "The
pseudo-politicians usc their utmost exertions, in order to
attain their baneful ends. They give the title of tragi.
comic to the e' act by which the inquisitors deliver
over the culprit to the sec rm,--3.Ddi!LWhichthey
protest they do not seek or demand his life, but ask that
all possible indulgence may be used with him. This
protest or deprecation, although it is not sufficientlyeffica.-
eious to absolve him from the penalty of death, at least
suffices to manifest the most pious intention of the Church,
which has always refused to hold any influence in matters
of blood. But the object of modern innovators is to de-
ceive the common people by invectives and calumnies,
for the purpose of introducing novelties, and abolishini
<J58 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

, In conformity to this truth, which, III my

opinion, is placed beyond all doubt, before

useful and pious establishments." Who it is that seeks to

deceive the multitude, or who rather labours to enlighten
them, will readily be acknowledged by everyone sensible
of the difference between merely talking and presenting
irrefragable proofs for the examination of truth, which
must be deemed the only way of judging right. The
author- of. the Impartial Report respecting th~ tribunal of
the Inquisition, ( Dicuimen.Imparcial.acerca del Tribunal de
la Inquisicion ) assures us on his word that the pro,test
alluded to is sincere, and that to suspect the contrary
would, in his opinion, be rashness. So great is the confi-
dence with which this assertion is made, as well as the.
impartiality of which its author boasts, that it would be
impossible to disbelieve him, if we were not furnished with
strong demonstrations founded on facts so positive, and
authorities so entirely conclusive, that they can neither be
denied nor questioned,
The author of the Vindication of the Inquisition is not
more successful in his explanations than the two receding •
.. It is a gross and calumnious err r " ays e," to sup-'
pose that the t ibunal - t executor of the terrible
punishment of death and burning inflicted on heretics:
it has never decreed or caused it to be executed. It was
indeed aware that it irremissibly sent them to endure those
tremendous punishments, but what hili it done in this
particular more than all ecclesiastical tribunals have and
ought to do towards those who by the canons are to be
cast down, degraded, and delivered over to the secular
arm? " That such a surrendry up of the culprit also
exists ill other ecclesiastical tribunals would argue n8
CHAP. IV. ] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 359

J terminate the present chapter, I wish the

reader to observe three particular points.
First,- That with regard to the protest made
by the inquisitors, on delivering up the cul-
prit to be cast into the flames, their partisans
have hitherto made no answer, nor is it in
their power to adduce any thing in justifi-
cation of the fact; consequently, as it is
no other than a play of words, the atro-
cious idea such e ecution involves ought to

more than that this disorder has not be n 80 r icul] r to

tl~e Inquisition as to prevent it being qu l1y e t end d
to them. In the beginning it would have be n v 1"yen y
to avoid all this, and it is 0 even yet. If civil jurisdi tion
had never been granted to the clergy, which in fact ought
to have been the case, 11 no necessity of their arresting
.anyone would then have existed, so also would they have
been spared the sad alternative of delivering over victims
to the civil magistrate for execution, and not placed in the
awkwar edicament of seriously or ridiculously inter-
ceding for them. e-supposing this concession,
there is still a great disparity between one and theother
case. The Inquisition, as I have just testified, positively
commands that the culprit shall be executed, and the
marshal to whom they are delivered up will take good care
to obey its orders, for he is well awarethat otherwise, besides
being excommunicated, he will himself be immediately
arrested and punished for his default, as an abettor of
heretics; which certainly does not occur in any other
ecclesiastical tribunal whatever.
~
 360 INQUISI1'ION UNMASkED. [CHAP. IV.

fall on those pontiffs, as principal agents,

who ordained, and next on the inquisitors,
as secondary ones, who have executed it.
Secondly,-That when it is attempted to
combat a prejudice so deeply rooted in the
people as is that which favours the Inqui-
sition, he who heartily wishes to understand
the subject ought never to trust to any author
interested in the duration of the establish...
ment, .however great his -influence, or the
reputation for. science and virtue he may
enjoy; on the 'contrary, it would be proper
for him to ascertain the point himself, by
fathoming the. whole matter, and even exa-
mining the grounds of the above opinion"
Thirdly,-That those who seek palliatives,
in order to conceal the ulcers of the Church,
far from rendering her any service, rather
do her a serious injury, for it is only b dis-
covering and applyin em e necessary
remedies that they can be healed.
I conceive that I have now sufficiently
proved that the Inquisition, in its relations
as a tribunal, as well as in the laws by which
it is governed, tramples to the ground the
rights of the citizen, by violating in substance
and in manner the common rules and prin-
ciples of justice. A code suggested and
'1
 CHAP. IV.] INQUISITION UNMASKED. 861

framed by fanaticism and error-a want of

learning almost general among the indivi,
duals of whom it is composed, accompanied
by an omnigenous faculty ef committing
irregularities-together with the tyrannical
oppression with which the innocent man i
therein treated when merely indicted for
heresy, are all deducible from the premises
established, and co ' incontrovertible
arguments to prove the truth of my assertion,
Busied rather in forming unhappy Ictim
than in extirpating crime, thi in titn ion
has spared no pain, howev l' C ntrary to
reason and even to religion, a long a it
was able to flatter its pride and feed it
ferocity. Secret accusation and calumny
encouraged without any regard to friendship
or domestic piety; the name of the Supreme
Being inv 'th the 'greatest rashness
in order to wring from t e prlt a con-
fession which must I?ecessarily carry him
to the scaffold; mean cavils, perfidious incite.
ments, and even gross falsehood, employed
for the same purpose and with the same
.'
IDlqm 't y,- have all entered into...the com-
plicated system of the Inquisition, . and
constituted its chief essence and delight,
Impervious . .
pnsons, sec ured with
Jo
double bolts
362 INQUISITION UNMASKED. [CHAP. IV.

and secluded from all commu nication; re-

fined and overwhelming torments authorised,
and even administered, with unheard-of cru-
elty, by judges who call themselves the
ministers of "the God of peace; citizens,
who had already paid the debt of nature,
insulted in their memory, and their moulder-
ing remnants of mortality dug out to public
scorn; whole generations condemned to
mendicity and infamy, even before they had
commenced their existence; blazing piles
of fagots, enkindled by the breath of. im-
placable vengeance hidden under the parade
of charity ;-Such have been the component
parts which have formed the plan, and such
the deeds, of this formidable and bloody
tribunal. And can that government be called
just or beneficent which suffers th Inqui-
sition to rankle in its boso

END OF VOL. I.

c. Baldwin, Printer.
!:.w Bridge-itrcet, London.