Lambino vs. Comelec

6/13/2019 SUPREME COURT REPORTS ANNOTATED VOLUME 505
160 SUPREME COURT REPORTS ANNOTATED

Lambino vs. Commission on Elections
*
G.R. No. 174153. October 25, 2006.
RAUL L. LAMBINO and ERICO B. AUMENTADO,

TOGETHER WITH 6,327,952 REGISTERED VOTERS,
petitioners, vs. THE COMMISSION ON ELECTIONS,
respondent.
ALTERNATIVE LAW GROUPS, INC., intervenor.
ONEVOICE, INC., CHRISTIAN S. MONSOD, RENE B.

AZURIN, MANUEL L. QUEZON III, BENJAMIN T.
TOLOSA, JR., SUSAN V. OPLE, and CARLOS P.
MEDINA, JR., intervenors.
ATTY. PETE QUIRINO QUADRA, intervenor.
BAYAN represented by its Chairperson Dr. Carolina

Pagaduan-Araullo, BAYAN MUNA represented by its
Chairperson Dr. Reynaldo Lesaca, KILUSANG MAYO
UNO represented by its Secretary General Joel Maglunsod,
HEAD represented by its Secretary General Dr. Gene
Alzona Nisperos, ECUMENICAL BISHOPS FORUM
represented by Fr. Dionito Cabillas, MIGRANTE
represented by its Chairperson Concepcion Bragas-
Regalado, GABRIELA represented by its Secretary General
Emerenciana de Jesus, GABRIELA WOMEN’S PARTY
represented by Sec. Gen. Cristina Palabay, ANAKBAYAN
represented by Chairperson Eleanor de Guzman, LEAGUE
OF FILIPINO STUDENTS represented by Chair Vencer
Crisostomo Palabay, JOJO PINEDA of the League of
Concerned Professionals and Businessmen, DR. DARBY
SANTIAGO of the Solidarity of Health Against
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* EN BANC.
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VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 161

Charter Change, DR. REGINALD PAMUGAS of Health

Action for Human Rights, intervenors.
LORETTA ANN P. ROSALES, MARIO JOYO AGUJA, and

ANA THERESA HONTIVEROS-BARAQUEL, intervenors.
LUWALHATI RIACASA ANTONINO, intervenor.
ARTURO M. DE CASTRO, intervenor.
TRADE UNION CONGRESS OF THE PHILIPPINES,

intervenor.
LUWALHATI RICASA ANTONINO, intervenor.
PHILIPPINE CONSTITUTION ASSOCIATION

(PHILCONSA), CONRADO F. ESTRELLA, TOMAS C.
TOLEDO, MARIANO M. TAJON, FROILAN M.
BACUNGAN, JOAQUIN T. VENUS, JR., FORTUNATO P.
AGUAS, and AMADO GAT INCIONG, intervenors.
RONALD L. ADAMAT, ROLANDO MANUEL RIVERA,

and RUELO BAYA, intervenors.
PHILIPPINE TRANSPORT AND GENERAL WORKERS

ORGANIZATION (PTGWO) and MR. VICTORINO F.
BALAIS, intervenors.
SENATE OF THE PHILIPPINES, represented by its

President, MANUEL VILLAR, JR., intervenor.
SULONG BAYAN MOVEMENT FOUNDATION, INC.,

intervenor.
JOSE ANSELMO I. CADIZ, BYRON D. BOCAR, MA.

TANYA KARINA A. LAT, ANTONIO L. SALVADOR, and
RANDALL TABAYOYONG, intervenors.
INTEGRATED BAR OF THE PHILIPPINES, CEBU CITY

AND CEBU PROVINCE CHAPTERS, intervenors.
SENATE MINORITY LEADER AQUILINO Q.

PIMENTEL, JR. and SENATORS SERGIO R. OSMEÑA
III, JAMBY MADRIGAL, JING-
162

GOY ESTRADA, ALFREDO S. LIM and PANFILO

LACSON, intervenors.
JOSEPH EJERCITO ESTRADA and PWERSA NG

MASANG PILIPINO, intervenors.
G.R. No. 174299. October 25, 2006.*
MAR-LEN ABIGAIL BINAY, SOFRONIO UNTALAN, JR.,

and RENE A.V. SAGUISAG, petitioners, vs.
COMMISSION ON ELECTIONS, represented by
Chairman BENJAMIN S. ABALOS, SR., and
Commissioners RESURRECCION Z. BORRA,
FLORENTINO A. TUASON, JR., ROMEO A. BRAWNER,
RENE V. SARMIENTO, NICODEMO T. FERRER, and
John Doe and Peter Doe, respondents.
Constitutional Law; Amendments and Revisions of the

Constitution; People’s Initiative; The essence of amendments
“directly proposed by the people through initiative upon a petition”
is that the entire proposal on its face is a petition by the people—
first, the people must author and thus sign the entire proposal,
and, second, as an initiative upon a petition, the proposal must be

embodied in a petition; The full text of the proposed amendments
may be either written on the face of the petition, or attached to it,
and if so attached, the petition must state the fact of such
attachment.—The essence of amendments “directly proposed
by the people through initiative upon a petition” is that the
entire proposal on its face is a petition by the people. This
means two essential elements must be present. First, the people
must author and thus sign the entire proposal. No agent or
representative can sign on their behalf. Second, as an initiative
upon a petition, the proposal must be embodied in a petition.
These essential elements are present only if the full text of the
proposed amendments is first shown to the people who express
their assent by signing such complete proposal in a petition.
Thus, an amendment is “directly proposed by the people
through initiative upon a petition” only if the people sign
on a petition that contains the full text of the proposed
amendments. The full text of the proposed amendments may be
either written on the face of the petition, or attached to it. If so
attached, the petition must state the fact of such attachment. This
is an assurance that every one of the several millions of
signatories to the petition had seen the full text of the proposed
amendments before signing. Otherwise, it is physically
impossible, given the time constraint, to prove that every one of
the millions of signatories had seen the full text of the proposed
amendments before signing.
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Same; Same; Same; The framers of the Constitution directly

borrowed the concept of people’s initiative from the United States
where various State constitutions incorporate an initiative clause;
A signature requirement would be meaningless if the person
supplying the signature has not first seen what it is that he or she
is signing.—The framers of the Constitution directly borrowed the
concept of people’s initiative from the United States where
various State constitutions incorporate an initiative clause. In
almost all States which allow initiative petitions, the unbending
requirement is that the people must first see the full text
of the proposed amendments before they sign to signify
their assent, and that the people must sign on an initiative
petition that contains the full text of the proposed
amendments. The rationale for this requirement has been
repeatedly explained in several decisions of various courts. Thus,

in Capezzuto v. State Ballot Commission, the Supreme Court
of Massachusetts, affirmed by the First Circuit Court of Appeals,
declared: [A] signature requirement would be meaningless
if the person supplying the signature has not first seen
what it is that he or she is signing. Further, and more
importantly, loose interpretation of the subscription requirement
can pose a significant potential for fraud. A person permitted to
describe orally the contents of an initiative petition to a potential
signer, without the signer having actually examined the petition,
could easily mislead the signer by, for example, omitting,
downplaying, or even flatly misrepresenting, portions of the
petition that might not be to the signer’s liking. This danger
seems particularly acute when, in this case, the person
giving the description is the drafter of the petition, who
obviously has a vested interest in seeing that it gets the
requisite signatures to qualify for the ballot.
Same; Same; Same; While the Constitution does not expressly

state that the petition must set forth the full text of the proposed
amendments, the deliberations of the framers of the Constitution
clearly show that the framers intended to adopt the relevant
American jurisprudence on people’s initiative.— Section 2, Article
XVII of the Constitution does not expressly state that the petition
must set forth the full text of the proposed amendments.
However, the deliberations of the framers of our Constitution
clearly show that the framers intended to adopt the relevant
American jurisprudence on people’s initiative. In particular, the
deliberations of the Constitutional Commission explicitly reveal
that the framers intended that the people must first see the
full text of the proposed amendments before they sign, and
that the people must sign on a petition containing such
full text. Indeed, Section 5(b) of Republic Act No. 6735, the
Initiative and Referendum Act that
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the Lambino Group invokes as valid, requires that the people

must sign the “petition x x x as signatories.”
Same; Same; Same; There is no presumption that the

proponents observed the constitutional requirements in gathering
the signatures—the proponents bear the burden of proving that
they complied with the constitutional requirements in gathering

the signatures, i.e., that the petition contained, or incorporated by
attachment, the full text of the proposed amendments.—The
proponents of the initiative secure the signatures from the people.
The proponents secure the signatures in their private capacity
and not as public officials. The proponents are not disinterested
parties who can impartially explain the advantages and
disadvantages of the proposed amendments to the people. The
proponents present favorably their proposal to the people and do
not present the arguments against their proposal. The
proponents, or their supporters, often pay those who gather the
signatures. Thus, there is no presumption that the proponents
observed the constitutional requirements in gathering the
signatures. The proponents bear the burden of proving that they
complied with the constitutional requirements in gathering the
signatures—that the petition contained, or incorporated by
attachment, the full text of the proposed amendments.
Same; Same; Same; It is basic in American jurisprudence that

the proposed amendment must be incorporated with, or attached
to, the initiative petition signed by the people; The Lambino
Group’s citation of Corpus Juris Secundum pulls the rug from
under their feet.—The Lambino Group cites as authority Corpus
Juris Secundum, stating that “a signer who did not read the
measure attached to a referendum petition cannot question
his signature on the ground that he did not understand the
nature of the act.” The Lambino Group quotes an authority that
cites a proposed change attached to the petition signed by
the people. Even the authority the Lambino Group quotes
requires that the proposed change must be attached to the
petition. The same authority the Lambino Group quotes requires
the people to sign on the petition itself. Indeed, it is basic in
American jurisprudence that the proposed amendment must be
incorporated with, or attached to, the initiative petition signed by
the people. In the present initiative, the Lambino Group’s
proposed changes were not incorporated with, or attached to, the
signature sheets. The Lambino Group’s citation of Corpus Juris
Secundum pulls the rug from under their feet.
Same; Same; Same; Logrolling; There is logrolling when the

initiative petition incorporates an unrelated subject matter in the
same petition; Under American jurisprudence, the effect of
logrolling is to nullify the entire proposi-
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tion and not only the unrelated subject matter.—The Lambino

Group’s initiative springs another surprise on the people who
signed the signature sheets. The proposed changes mandate the
interim Parliament to make further amendments or revisions to
the Constitution. The proposed Section 4(4), Article XVIII on
Transitory Provisions, provides: Section 4(4). Within forty-five
days from ratification of these amendments, the interim
Parliament shall convene to propose amendments to, or
revisions of, this Constitution consistent with the principles of
local autonomy, decentralization and a strong bureaucracy.
During the oral arguments, Atty. Lambino stated that this
provision is a “surplusage” and the Court and the people should
simply ignore it. Far from being a surplusage, this provision
invalidates the Lambino Group’s initiative. Section 4(4) is a
subject matter totally unrelated to the shift from the Bicameral-
Presidential to the Unicameral-Parliamentary system. American
jurisprudence on initiatives outlaws this as logrolling—when the
initiative petition incorporates an unrelated subject matter in the
same petition. This puts the people in a dilemma since they can
answer only either yes or no to the entire proposition, forcing
them to sign a petition that effectively contains two propositions,
one of which they may find unacceptable. Under American
jurisprudence, the effect of logrolling is to nullify the entire
proposition and not only the unrelated subject matter.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Logrolling confuses and even

deceives the people.—Logrolling confuses and even deceives the
people. In Yute Air Alaska v. McAlpine, 698 P.2d 1173, 1184
(1985), the Supreme Court of Alaska warned against
“inadvertence, stealth and fraud” in logrolling: Whenever a bill
becomes law through the initiative process, all of the problems
that the single-subject rule was enacted to prevent are
exacerbated. There is a greater danger of logrolling, or the
deliberate intermingling of issues to increase the likelihood of an
initiative’s passage, and there is a greater opportunity for
“inadvertence, stealth and fraud” in the enactment-by-
initiative process. The drafters of an initiative operate
independently of any structured or supervised process. They often
emphasize particular provisions of their proposition, while
remaining silent on other (more complex or less appealing)
provisions, when communicating to the public. x x x Indeed,
initiative promoters typically use simplistic advertising to
present their initiative to potential petition-signers and
eventual voters. Many voters will never read the full text of the
initiative before the election. More importantly, there is no
process for amending or splitting the several provisions in an
initiative proposal. These difficulties clearly distinguish the

initiative from the legislative process.
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Same; Same; Same; An initiative that gathers signatures from

the people without first showing to the people the full text of the
proposed amendments is most likely a deception, and can operate
as a gigantic fraud on the people.—The signature sheets do not
explain this discrimination against the Senators. The 6.3 million
people who signed the signature sheets could not have
known that their signatures would be used to discriminate
against the Senators. They could not have known that
their signatures would be used to limit, after 30 June 2010,
the interim Parliament’s choice of Prime Minister only to
members of the existing House of Representatives. An
initiative that gathers signatures from the people without first
showing to the people the full text of the proposed amendments
is most likely a deception, and can operate as a gigantic fraud
on the people. That is why the Constitution requires that an
initiative must be “directly proposed by the people x x x in a
petition”—meaning that the people must sign on a petition that
contains the full text of the proposed amendments. On so vital an
issue as amending the nation’s fundamental law, the writing of
the text of the proposed amendments cannot be hidden from the
people under a general or special power of attorney to unnamed,
faceless, and unelected individuals. The Constitution entrusts to
the people the power to directly propose amendments to the
Constitution. This Court trusts the wisdom of the people even if
the members of this Court do not personally know the people who
sign the petition. However, this trust emanates from a
fundamental assumption: the full text of the proposed
amendment is first shown to the people before they sign
the petition, not after they have signed the petition.
Same; Same; Same; “Amendment” and “Revision,”

Distinguished; Words and Phrases; The framers of the
Constitution intended, and wrote, a clear distinction between
“amendment” and “revision” of the Constitution.—There can be no
mistake about it. The framers of the Constitution intended, and
wrote, a clear distinction between “amendment” and “revision” of
the Constitution. The framers intended, and wrote, that only
Congress or a constitutional convention may propose revisions to
the Constitution. The framers intended, and wrote, that a

people’s initiative may propose only amendments to the
Constitution. Where the intent and language of the Constitution
clearly withhold from the people the power to propose revisions to
the Constitution, the people cannot propose revisions even as they
are empowered to propose amendments.
Same; Same; Same; A popular clamor, even one backed by 6.3

million signatures, cannot justify a deviation from the specific
modes prescribed in the
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Constitution itself.—Similarly, in this jurisdiction there can be no

dispute that a people’s initiative can only propose amendments to
the Constitution since the Constitution itself limits initiatives to
amendments. There can be no deviation from the constitutionally
prescribed modes of revising the Constitution. A popular clamor,
even one backed by 6.3 million signatures, cannot justify a
deviation from the specific modes prescribed in the Constitution
itself.
Same; Same; Same; Revision broadly implies a change that

alters a basic principle in the constitution, like altering the
principle of separation of powers or the system of checks-and-
balances, and there is also revision if the change alters the
substantial entirety of the constitution, as when the change affects
substantial provisions of the constitution; Amendment broadly
refers to a change that adds, reduces, or deletes without altering
the basic principle involved; Revision generally affects several
provisions of the constitution, while amendment generally affects
only the specific provision being amended.—Courts have long
recognized the distinction between an amendment and a revision
of a constitution. One of the earliest cases that recognized the
distinction described the fundamental difference in this manner:
[T]he very term “constitution” implies an instrument of a
permanent and abiding nature, and the provisions contained
therein for its revision indicate the will of the people that
the underlying principles upon which it rests, as well as
the substantial entirety of the instrument, shall be of a like
permanent and abiding nature. On the other hand, the
significance of the term “amendment” implies such an addition or
change within the lines of the original instrument as will effect an
improvement, or better carry out the purpose for which it was

framed. (Emphasis supplied) Revision broadly implies a change
that alters a basic principle in the constitution, like altering
the principle of separation of powers or the system of checks-and-
balances. There is also revision if the change alters the
substantial entirety of the constitution, as when the
change affects substantial provisions of the constitution.
On the other hand, amendment broadly refers to a change that
adds, reduces, or deletes without altering the basic
principle involved. Revision generally affects several provisions
of the constitution, while amendment generally affects only the
specific provision being amended.
Same; Same; Same; The quantitative test asks whether the

proposed change is “so extensive in its provisions as to change
directly the ‘substantial entirety’ of the constitution by the deletion
or alteration of numerous existing provisions”—the court examines
only the number of provisions affected and
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does not consider the degree of change; The qualitative test

inquires into the qualitative effects of the proposed change in the
constitution—the main inquiry is whether the change will
“accomplish such far reaching changes in the nature of our basic
governmental plan as to amount to a revision.”—In California
where the initiative clause allows amendments but not revisions
to the constitution just like in our Constitution, courts have
developed a two-part test: the quantitative test and the
qualitative test. The quantitative test asks whether the proposed
change is “so extensive in its provisions as to change directly the
‘substantial entirety’ of the constitution by the deletion or
alteration of numerous existing provisions.” The court examines
only the number of provisions affected and does not consider the
degree of the change. The qualitative test inquires into the
qualitative effects of the proposed change in the constitution. The
main inquiry is whether the change will “accomplish such far
reaching changes in the nature of our basic governmental plan as
to amount to a revision.” Whether there is an alteration in the
structure of government is a proper subject of inquiry. Thus, “a
change in the nature of [the] basic governmental plan” includes
change in its fundamental framework or the fundamental powers
of its Branches.” A change in the nature of the basic governmental
plan also includes changes that “jeopardize the traditional form of

government and the system of check and balances.”
Same; Same; Same; Under both the quantitative and

qualitative tests, the Lambino Group’s initiative is a revision and
not merely an amendment; A change in the structure of
government is a revision of the Constitution, as when the three
great co-equal branches of government in the present Constitution
is reduced into two; A shift from the present Bicameral-
Presidential system to a Unicameral-Parliamentary system is a
revision of the Constitution—merging the legislative and executive
branches is a radical change in the structure of the government.—
Under both the quantitative and qualitative tests, the Lambino
Group’s initiative is a revision and not merely an amendment.
Quantitatively, the Lambino Group’s proposed changes overhaul
two articles—Article VI on the Legislature and Article VII on the
Executive—affecting a total of 105 provisions in the entire
Constitution. Qualitatively, the proposed changes alter
substantially the basic plan of government, from presidential to
parliamentary, and from a bicameral to a unicameral legislature.
A change in the structure of government is a revision of the
Constitution, as when the three great co-equal branches of
government in the present Constitution are reduced into two.
This alters the separation of powers in the Constitution. A
shift from the present Bicameral-Presidential system to a
Unicameral-Parliamentary system is a revision of the
Constitution. Merg-
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VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 169
ing the legislative and executive branches is a radical change in

the structure of government.
Same; Same; Same; By any legal test and under any

jurisdiction, a shift from a Bicameral-Presidential to a
Unicameral-Parliamentary system, involving the abolition of the
Office of the President and the abolition of one chamber of
Congress, is beyond doubt a revision, not a mere amendment.—
The abolition alone of the Office of the President as the locus of
Executive Power alters the separation of powers and thus
constitutes a revision of the Constitution. Likewise, the abolition
alone of one chamber of Congress alters the system of checks-and-
balances within the legislature and constitutes a revision of the
Constitution. By any legal test and under any jurisdiction, a

shift from a Bicameral-Presidential to a Unicameral-
Parliamentary system, involving the abolition of the Office of the
President and the abolition of one chamber of Congress, is beyond
doubt a revision, not a mere amendment. On the face alone of the
Lambino Group’s proposed changes, it is readily apparent that the
changes will radically alter the framework of government as
set forth in the Constitution.
Same; Same; Same; The express intent of the framers and the
plain language of the Constitution contradict the Lambino Group’s
theory—any theory advocating that a proposed change involving a
radical structural change in government does not constitute a
revision justly deserves rejection.—The express intent of the
framers and the plain language of the Constitution
contradict the Lambino Group’s theory. Where the intent of the
framers and the language of the Constitution are clear and
plainly stated, courts do not deviate from such categorical intent
and language. Any theory espousing a construction contrary to
such intent and language deserves scant consideration. More so, if
such theory wreaks havoc by creating inconsistencies in the form
of government established in the Constitution. Such a theory,
devoid of any jurisprudential mooring and inviting inconsistencies
in the Constitution, only exposes the flimsiness of the Lambino
Group’s position. Any theory advocating that a proposed change
involving a radical structural change in government does not
constitute a revision justly deserves rejection.
Same; Same; Same; Where the proposed change applies only

to a specific provision of the Constitution without affecting any
other section or article, the change may generally be considered an
amendment and not a revision.—We can visualize amendments
and revisions as a spectrum, at one end green for amendments
and at the other end red for revisions. Towards the middle of the
spectrum, colors fuse and difficulties arise in determining
whether there is an amendment or revision. The present initiative
is indisputably located at
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the far end of the red spectrum where revision begins. The
present initiative seeks a radical overhaul of the existing
separation of powers among the three co-equal departments of
government, requiring far-reaching amendments in several

sections and articles of the Constitution. Where the proposed
change applies only to a specific provision of the Constitution
without affecting any other section or article, the change may
generally be considered an amendment and not a revision. For
example, a change reducing the voting age from 18 years to 15
years is an amendment and not a revision. Similarly, a change
reducing Filipino ownership of mass media companies from 100
percent to 60 percent is an amendment and not a revision. Also, a
change requiring a college degree as an additional qualification
for election to the Presidency is an amendment and not a revision.
Same; Same; Same; There can be no fixed rule on whether a

change is an amendment or a revision—a change in a single word
of one sentence of the Constitution may be a revision and not an
amendment.—There can be no fixed rule on whether a change is
an amendment or a revision. A change in a single word of one
sentence of the Constitution may be a revision and not an
amendment. For example, the substitution of the word
“republican” with “monarchic” or “theocratic” in Section 1, Article
II of the Constitution radically overhauls the entire structure of
government and the fundamental ideological basis of the
Constitution. Thus, each specific change will have to be examined
case-by-case, depending on how it affects other provisions, as well
as how it affects the structure of government, the carefully crafted
system of checks-and-balances, and the underlying ideological
basis of the existing Constitution.
Same; Same; Same; Since a revision of a constitution affects

basic principles, or several provisions of a constitution, a
deliberative body with recorded proceedings is best suited to
undertake a revision.—Since a revision of a constitution affects
basic principles, or several provisions of a constitution, a
deliberative body with recorded proceedings is best suited
to undertake a revision. A revision requires harmonizing not only
several provisions, but also the altered principles with those that
remain unaltered. Thus, constitutions normally authorize
deliberative bodies like constituent assemblies or constitutional
conventions to undertake revisions. On the other hand,
constitutions allow people’s initiatives, which do not have fixed
and identifiable deliberative bodies or recorded proceedings, to
undertake only amendments and not revisions.
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Same; Same; Same; Statutory Construction; The basic rule in

statutory construction is that if a later law is irreconcilably
inconsistent with a prior law, the later law prevails.—In the
present initiative, the Lambino Group’s proposed Section 2 of the
Transitory Provisions states: Section 2. Upon the expiration of the
term of the incumbent President and Vice President, with the
exception of Sections 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7 of Article VI of the 1987
Constitution which shall hereby be amended and Sections 18 and
24 which shall be deleted, all other Sections of Article VI are
hereby retained and renumbered sequentially as Section 2, ad
seriatim up to 26, unless they are inconsistent with the
Parliamentary system of government, in which case, they
shall be amended to conform with a unicameral
parliamentary form of government; x x x x (Emphasis
supplied) The basic rule in statutory construction is that if a later
law is irreconcilably inconsistent with a prior law, the later law
prevails. This rule also applies to construction of constitutions.
However, the Lambino Group’s draft of Section 2 of the Transitory
Provisions turns on its head this rule of construction by stating
that in case of such irreconcilable inconsistency, the earlier
provision “shall be amended to conform with a unicameral
parliamentary form of government.” The effect is to freeze the two
irreconcilable provisions until the earlier one “shall be amended,”
which requires a future separate constitutional amendment.
Same; Same; Same; A shift from the present Bicameral-

Presidential to a Unicameral-Parliamentary system requires
harmonizing several provisions in many articles of the
Constitution; Revision of the Constitution through a people’s
initiative will only result in gross absurdities in the Constitution.
— Now, what “unicameral parliamentary form of government”
do the Lambino Group’s proposed changes refer to—the
Bangladeshi, Singaporean, Israeli, or New Zealand models, which
are among the few countries with unicameral parliaments? The
proposed changes could not possibly refer to the traditional and
well-known parliamentary forms of government—the British,
French, Spanish, German, Italian, Canadian, Australian, or
Malaysian models, which have all bicameral parliaments. Did
the people who signed the signature sheets realize that they were
adopting the Bangladeshi, Singaporean, Israeli, or New Zealand
parliamentary form of government? This drives home the point
that the people’s initiative is not meant for revisions of the
Constitution but only for amendments. A shift from the present
Bicameral-Presidential to a Unicameral-Parliamentary system
requires harmonizing several provisions in many articles of the
Constitution. Revision of the Constitution through a people’s
initiative will only result in gross absurdities in the Constitution.
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Same; Same; Same; Initiative and Referendum Act (R.A. No.

6735); Judicial Review; There is no need to revisit the Court’s
ruling in Santiago v. Commission on Elections, 270 SCRA 106
(1997), declaring R.A. No. 6735 “incomplete, inadequate or
wanting in essential terms and conditions” to cover the system of
initiative to amend the Constitution—an affirmation or reversal of
Santiago will not change the outcome of the present petition; The
Court must avoid revisiting a ruling involving the
constitutionality of a statute if the case before the Court can be
resolved on some other grounds.—The present petition warrants
dismissal for failure to comply with the basic requirements of
Section 2, Article XVII of the Constitution on the conduct and
scope of a people’s initiative to amend the Constitution. There is
no need to revisit this Court’s ruling in Santiago declaring RA
6735 “incomplete, inadequate or wanting in essential terms and
conditions” to cover the system of initiative to amend the
Constitution. An affirmation or reversal of Santiago will not
change the outcome of the present petition. Thus, this Court must
decline to revisit Santiago which effectively ruled that RA 6735
does not comply with the requirements of the Constitution to
implement the initiative clause on amendments to the
Constitution. This Court must avoid revisiting a ruling involving
the constitutionality of a statute if the case before the Court can
be resolved on some other grounds. Such avoidance is a logical
consequence of the well-settled doctrine that courts will not pass
upon the constitutionality of a statute if the case can be resolved
on some other grounds.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Section 5(b) of RA 6735 requires

that the people must sign the petition as signatories.—Even then,
the present initiative violates Section 5(b) of RA 6735 which
requires that the “petition for an initiative on the 1987
Constitution must have at least twelve per centum (12%) of the
total number of registered voters as signatories.” Section 5(b) of
RA 6735 requires that the people must sign the “petition x x x
as signatories.” The 6.3 million signatories did not sign the
petition of 25 August 2006 or the amended petition of 30 August
2006 filed with the COMELEC. Only Atty. Lambino, Atty.
Demosthenes B. Donato, and Atty. Alberto C. Agra signed
the petition and amended petition as counsels for “Raul L.
Lambino and Erico B. Aumentado, Petitioners.” In the
COMELEC the Lambino Group, claiming to act “together with”

the 6.3 million signatories, merely attached the signature sheets
to the petition and amended petition. Thus, the petition and
amended petition filed with the COMELEC did not even comply
with the basic requirement of RA 6735 that the Lambino Group
claims as valid.
173
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 173
Same; Same; Same; Same; The Lambino Group’s logrolling

initiative also violates Section 10(a) of RA 6735 stating, “No
petition embracing more than one (1) subject shall be submitted to
the electorate; x x x.”—The Lambino Group’s logrolling initiative
also violates Section 10(a) of RA 6735 stating, “No petition
embracing more than one (1) subject shall be submitted to
the electorate; x x x.” The proposed Section 4(4) of the
Transitory Provisions, mandating the interim Parliament to
propose further amendments or revisions to the Constitution, is a
subject matter totally unrelated to the shift in the form of
government. Since the present initiative embraces more than one
subject matter, RA 6735 prohibits submission of the initiative
petition to the electorate. Thus, even if RA 6735 is valid, the
Lambino Group’s initiative will still fail.
Same; Same; Same; Certiorari; Commission on Elections; For

following the Court’s ruling, no grave abuse of discretion is
attributable to the COMELEC.—In dismissing the Lambino
Group’s initiative petition, the COMELEC en banc merely
followed this Court’s ruling in Santiago and People’s Initiative
for Reform, Modernization and Action (PIRMA) v. COMELEC. For
following this Court’s ruling, no grave abuse of discretion is
attributable to the COMELEC. On this ground alone, the present
petition warrants outright dismissal. Thus, this Court should
reiterate its unanimous ruling in PIRMA: The Court ruled, first,
by a unanimous vote, that no grave abuse of discretion could be
attributed to the public respondent COMELEC in dismissing the
petition filed by PIRMA therein, it appearing that it only
complied with the dispositions in the Decisions of this Court in
G.R. No. 127325, promulgated on March 19, 1997, and its
Resolution of June 10, 1997.
Same; Same; Same; A revolving-door constitution does not

augur well for the rule of law in the country.—The Constitution,
as the fundamental law of the land, deserves the utmost respect

and obedience of all the citizens of this nation. No one can
trivialize the Constitution by cavalierly amending or revising it in
blatant violation of the clearly specified modes of amendment and
revision laid down in the Constitution itself. To allow such change
in the fundamental law is to set adrift the Constitution in
unchartered waters, to be tossed and turned by every dominant
political group of the day. If this Court allows today a cavalier
change in the Constitution outside the constitutionally prescribed
modes, tomorrow the new dominant political group that comes
will demand its own set of changes in the same cavalier and
unconstitutional fashion. A revolving-door constitution does not
augur well for the rule of law in this country.
174
Same; Same; Same; Incantations of “people’s voice,” “people’s

sovereign will,” or “let the people decide” cannot override the
specific modes of changing the Constitution as prescribed in the
Constitution itself.—No amount of signatures, not even the
6,327,952 million signatures gathered by the Lambino Group, can
change our Constitution contrary to the specific modes that the
people, in their sovereign capacity, prescribed when they ratified
the Constitution. The alternative is an extra-constitutional
change, which means subverting the people’s sovereign will
and discarding the Constitution. This is one act the Court
cannot and should never do. As the ultimate guardian of the
Constitution, this Court is sworn to perform its solemn duty to
defend and protect the Constitution, which embodies the real
sovereign will of the people. Incantations of “people’s voice,”
“people’s sovereign will,” or “let the people decide” cannot override
the specific modes of changing the Constitution as prescribed in
the Constitution itself. Otherwise, the Constitution—the people’s
fundamental covenant that provides enduring stability to our
society—becomes easily susceptible to manipulative changes by
political groups gathering signatures through false promises.
Then, the Constitution ceases to be the bedrock of the nation’s
stability.
PANGANIBAN, C.J., Separate Concurring Opinion:

Constitution; People’s Initiative; Initiative and Referendum Act
(R.A. No. 6735); Certiorari; Commission on Elections; Even

assuming arguendo that Comelec erred in ruling on a very difficult
and unsettled question of law, the Supreme Court still cannot
attribute grave abuse of discretion to the poll body with respect to
that action.—The Comelec did not violate the Constitution,
the laws or any jurisprudence. Neither can whim, caprice,
arbitrariness or personal bias be attributed to the
Commission. Quite the contrary, it prudently followed this
Court’s jurisprudence in Santiago and PIRMA. Even assuming
arguendo that Comelec erred in ruling on a very difficult and
unsettled question of law, this Court still cannot attribute grave
abuse of discretion to the poll body with respect to that action.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Until and unless

Santiago v. Commission on Elections, 270 SCRA 106 (1997), is
revisited and changed by this Court or the legal moorings of the
exercise of the right are substantially changed, the Comelec cannot
be faulted for acting in accord with the Supreme Court’s
pronouncements.—Until and unless Santiago is revisited and
changed by this Court or the legal moorings of the exercise of the
right are substantially changed, the Comelec cannot be
faulted for acting in accord with this Court’s
pronouncements. Respondent Commission has no discre-
175
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 175
tion, under any guise, to refuse enforcement of any final

decision of this Court. The refusal of the poll body to act on the
Lambino Petition was its only recourse. Any other mode of action
would appear not only presumptuous, but also contemptuous. It
would have constituted defiance of the Court and would have
surely been struck down as grave abuse of discretion and
contumacious disregard of the supremacy of this Court as the
final arbiter of justiciable controversies.
PUNO, J., Dissenting Opinion:

Constitution; People’s Initiative; Pleadings and Practice; Parties;
There is no need for the more than six (6) million signatories to
execute separate documents to authorize petitioners to file the
petition for initiative in their behalf.—Oppositors-intervenors
contend that petitioners Lambino and Aumentado are not the
proper parties to file the instant petition as they were not

authorized by the signatories in the petition for initiative. The
argument deserves scant attention. The Constitution requires
that the petition for initiative should be filed by at least twelve
per cent (12%) of all registered voters, of which every legislative
district must be represented by at least three per cent (3%) of all
the registered voters therein. The petition for initiative filed by
Lambino and Aumentado before the COMELEC was accompanied
by voluminous signature sheets which prima facie show the
intent of the signatories to support the filing of said petition.
Stated above their signatures in the signature sheets is the
following: x x x My signature herein which shall form part of the
petition for initiative to amend the Constitution signifies my
support for the filing thereof. There is thus no need for the more
than six (6) million signatories to execute separate documents to
authorize petitioners to file the petition for initiative in their
behalf.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Any person aggrieved by the

act or inaction of the respondent tribunal, board or officer may file
a petition for certiorari or mandamus before the appropriate court.
—Neither is it necessary for said signatories to authorize
Lambino and Aumentado to file the petition for certiorari and
mandamus before this Court. Rule 65 of the 1997 Rules of Civil
Procedure provides who may file a petition for certiorari and
mandamus. Sections 1 and 3 of Rule 65 read: SECTION 1.
Petition for certiorari.—When any tribunal, board or officer
exercising judicial or quasi-judicial functions has acted without or
in excess of his jurisdiction, or with grave abuse of discretion
amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction, and there is no appeal,
nor any plain, speedy, and adequate remedy in the ordinary
course of law, a
176
person aggrieved thereby may file a verified petition in the

proper court x x x x. SEC. 3. Petition for mandamus.—When
any tribunal, corporation, board, officer or person unlawfully
neglects the performance of an act which the law specifically
enjoins as a duty resulting from an office, trust, or station x x x
and there is no other plain, speedy and adequate remedy in the
ordinary course of law, the person aggrieved thereby may file a
verified petition in the proper court x x x x. Thus, any person
aggrieved by the act or inaction of the respondent tribunal,

board or officer may file a petition for certiorari or mandamus
before the appropriate court. Certainly, Lambino and Aumentado,
as among the proponents of the petition for initiative dismissed by
the COMELEC, have the standing to file the petition at bar.

6735); Judgments; Stare Decisis; Words and Phrases; The latin
phrase stare decisis et non quieta movere means “stand by the
thing and do not disturb the calm”; The doctrine of stare decisis
started with the English Courts and later migrated to the United
States.—The latin phrase stare decisis et non quieta movere
means “stand by the thing and do not disturb the calm.” The
doctrine started with the English Courts. Blackstone observed
that at the beginning of the 18th century, “it is an established
rule to abide by former precedents where the same points come
again in litigation.” As the rule evolved, early limits to its
application were recognized: (1) it would not be followed if it
were “plainly unreasonable”; (2) where courts of equal authority
developed conflicting decisions; and, (3) the binding force of the
decision was the “actual principle or principles necessary for the
decision; not the words or reasoning used to reach the decision.”
The doctrine migrated to the United States. It was recognized by
the framers of the U.S. Constitution. According to Hamilton,
“strict rules and precedents” are necessary to prevent “arbitrary
discretion in the courts.” Madison agreed but stressed that “x x x
once the precedent ventures into the realm of altering or
repealing the law, it should be rejected.” Prof. Consovoy well
noted that Hamilton and Madison “disagree about the
countervailing policy considerations that would allow a judge to
abandon a precedent.” He added that their ideas “reveal a deep
internal conflict between the concreteness required by the rule of
law and the flexibility demanded in error correction. It is this
internal conflict that the Supreme Court has attempted to
deal with for over two centuries.”
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Two strains of

stare decisis have been isolated by legal scholars—the first, known
as vertical stare decisis deals with the duty of lower courts to apply
the decisions of the higher
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VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 177
courts to cases involving the same facts, and the second, known as
horizontal stare decisis requires that high courts must follow their
own precedents; Vertical stare decisis has been viewed as an
obligation, while horizontal stare decisis, has been viewed as a
policy, imposing choice but not a command.— Two centuries of
American case law will confirm Prof. Consovoy’s observation
although stare decisis developed its own life in the United States.
Two strains of stare decisis have been isolated by legal scholars.
The first, known as vertical stare decisis deals with the duty of
lower courts to apply the decisions of the higher courts to
cases involving the same facts. The second, known as horizontal
stare decisis requires that high courts must follow its own
precedents. Prof. Consovoy correctly observes that vertical
stare decisis has been viewed as an obligation, while horizontal
stare decisis, has been viewed as a policy, imposing choice but
not a command. Indeed, stare decisis is not one of the precepts set
in stone in our Constitution.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; It is also

instructive to distinguish the two kinds of horizontal stare decisis
—constitutional stare decisis and statutory stare decisis—the
distinction being important for courts enjoy more flexibility in
refusing to apply stare decisis in constitutional litigations.—It is
also instructive to distinguish the two kinds of horizontal
stare decisis—constitutional stare decisis and statutory
stare decisis. Constitutional stare decisis involves judicial
interpretations of the Constitution while statutory stare decisis
involves interpretations of statutes. The distinction is
important for courts enjoy more flexibility in refusing to apply
stare decisis in constitutional litigations. Justice Brandeis’ view
on the binding effect of the doctrine in constitutional litigations
still holds sway today. In soothing prose, Brandeis stated: “Stare
decisis is not . . . a universal and inexorable command. The
rule of stare decisis is not inflexible. Whether it shall be followed
or departed from, is a question entirely within the discretion
of the court, which is again called upon to consider a question
once decided.” In the same vein, the venerable Justice
Frankfurter opined: “the ultimate touchstone of constitutionality
is the Constitution itself and not what we have said about it.”
In contrast, the application of stare decisis on judicial
interpretation of statutes is more inflexible. As Justice Stevens
explains: “after a statute has been construed, either by this Court
or by a consistent course of decision by other federal judges and
agencies, it acquires a meaning that should be as clear as if the
judicial gloss had been drafted by the Congress itself.” This stance
reflects both respect for Congress’ role and the need to preserve
the courts’ limited resources.
178
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Reasons for

Following and Refusing the Stare Decisis Rule.—In general,
courts follow the stare decisis rule for an ensemble of reasons,
viz.: (1) it legitimizes judicial institutions; (2) it promotes judicial
economy; and, (3) it allows for predictability. Contrariwise,
courts refuse to be bound by the stare decisis rule where
(1) its application perpetuates illegitimate and unconstitutional
holdings; (2) it cannot accommodate changing social and political
understandings; (3) it leaves the power to overturn bad
constitutional law solely in the hands of Congress; and, (4)
activist judges can dictate the policy for future courts while judges
that respect stare decisis are stuck agreeing with them.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; An

examination of decisions on stare decisis in major countries will
show that courts are agreed on the factors that should be
considered before overturning prior rulings, viz., workability,
reliance, intervening developments in the law and changes in fact,
aside from the fact that courts put in the balance the following
determinants—closeness of the voting, age of the prior decision and
its merits.—An examination of decisions on stare decisis in
major countries will show that courts are agreed on the
factors that should be considered before overturning prior
rulings. These are workability, reliance, intervening
developments in the law and changes in fact. In addition,
courts put in the balance the following determinants:
closeness of the voting, age of the prior decision and its
merits. The leading case in deciding whether a court should
follow the stare decisis rule in constitutional litigations is
Planned Parenthood v. Casey. It established a 4-pronged
test. The court should (1) determine whether the rule has proved
to be intolerable simply in defying practical workability; (2)
consider whether the rule is subject to a kind of reliance that
would lend a special hardship to the consequences of overruling
and add inequity to the cost of repudiation; (3) determine whether
related principles of law have so far developed as to have
the old rule no more than a remnant of an abandoned doctrine;
and, (4) find out whether facts have so changed or come to be
seen differently, as to have robbed the old rule of significant
application or justification.
Same; Same; Same; Same; In enacting R.A. 6735, it is

daylight luminous that Congress intended the said law to
implement the right of the people, thru initiative, to propose
amendments to the Constitution by direct action.— Let us
reexamine the validity of the view of the six (6) justices that R.A.
6735 is insufficient to implement Section 2, Article XVII of the
1987 Constitution allowing amendments to the Constitution to be
directly proposed by the people through initiative. When laws
are challenged as unconstitu-
179
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 179
tional, courts are counseled to give life to the intent of

legislators. In enacting R.A. 6735, it is daylight luminous that
Congress intended the said law to implement the right of the
people, thru initiative, to propose amendments to the Constitution
by direct action.
Same; Same; Same; Same; R.A. 6735 clearly expressed the

legislative policy for the people to propose amendments to the
Constitution by direct action, and the fact that the legislature may
have omitted certain details in implementing the people’s initiative
in R.A. 6735, does not justify the conclusion that, ergo, the law is
insufficient—what were omitted were mere details and not
fundamental policies which Congress alone can and has
determined.—The tragedy is that while conceding this
intent, the six (6) justices, nevertheless, ruled that “x x x R.A. No.
6735 is incomplete, inadequate, or wanting in essential terms and
conditions insofar as initiative on amendments to the
Constitution is concerned” for the following reasons: (1) Section 2
of the Act does not suggest an initiative on amendments to the
Constitution; (2) the Act does not provide for the contents of the
petition for initiative on the Constitution; and (3) while the Act
provides subtitles for National Initiative and Referendum
(Subtitle II) and for Local Initiative and Referendum (Subtitle
III), no subtitle is provided for initiative on the Constitution. To
say the least, these alleged omissions are too weak a reason to
throttle the right of the sovereign people to amend the
Constitution through initiative. R.A. 6735 clearly expressed the
legislative policy for the people to propose amendments to the
Constitution by direct action. The fact that the legislature may
have omitted certain details in implementing the people’s
initiative in R.A. 6735, does not justify the conclusion that, ergo,
the law is insufficient. What were omitted were mere details
and not fundamental policies which Congress alone can and
has determined. Implementing details of a law can be
delegated to the COMELEC and can be the subject of its rule-
making power. Under Section 2(1), Article IX-C of the
Constitution, the COMELEC has the power to enforce and
administer all laws and regulations relative to the conduct of
initiatives. Its rule-making power has long been recognized by
this Court. In ruling R.A. 6735 insufficient but without striking it
down as unconstitutional, the six (6) justices failed to give due
recognition to the indefeasible right of the sovereign people to
amend the Constitution.
Same; Same; Same; Same; “Amendment” and “Revision,”

Distinguished; Words and Phrases; The words “simple” and
“substantial” are not subject to any accurate quantitative or
qualitative test; We stand on unsafe ground if we use simple
arithmetic to determine whether the proposed changes are “simple”
180
or “substantial.”—The words “simple” and “substantial” are not

subject to any accurate quantitative or qualitative test. Obviously,
relying on the quantitative test, oppositors-intervenors assert
that the amendments will result in some one hundred (100)
changes in the Constitution. Using the same test, however, it is
also arguable that petitioners seek to change basically only two
(2) out of the eighteen (18) articles of the 1987 Constitution, i.e.
Article VI (Legislative Department) and Article VII (Executive
Department), together with the complementary provisions for a
smooth transition from a presidential bicameral system to a
parliamentary unicameral structure. The big bulk of the 1987
Constitution will not be affected including Articles I (National
Territory), II (Declaration of Principles and State Policies), III
(Bill of Rights), IV (Citizenship), V (Suffrage), VIII (Judicial
Department), IX (Constitutional Commissions), X (Local
Government), XI (Accountability of Public Officers), XII (National
Economy and Patrimony), XIII (Social Justice and Human
Rights), XIV (Education, Science and Technology, Arts, Culture,
and Sports), XV (The Family), XVI (General Provisions), and even
XVII (Amendments or Revisions). In fine, we stand on unsafe
ground if we use simple arithmetic to determine whether

the proposed changes are “simple” or “substantial.”
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; The proposed changes will

not change the fundamental nature of our state as “a democratic
and republican state.”— Nor can this Court be surefooted if it
applies the qualitative test to determine whether the said
changes are “simple” or “substantial” as to amount to a
revision of the Constitution. The well-regarded political scientist,
Garner, says that a good constitution should contain at least
three (3) sets of provisions: the constitution of liberty which
sets forth the fundamental rights of the people and imposes
certain limitations on the powers of the government as a means of
securing the enjoyment of these rights; the constitution of
government which deals with the framework of government and
its powers, laying down certain rules for its administration and
defining the electorate; and, the constitution of sovereignty
which prescribes the mode or procedure for amending or revising
the constitution. It is plain that the proposed changes will
basically affect only the constitution of government. The
constitutions of liberty and sovereignty remain unaffected.
Indeed, the proposed changes will not change the
fundamental nature of our state as “x x x a democratic and
republican state.” It is self-evident that a unicameral-
parliamentary form of government will not make our State any
less democratic or any less republican in character. Hence,
neither will the use of the qualitative test resolve the issue
of whether the proposed changes are “simple” or
“substantial.”
181
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 181
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Our Constitutions carried

the traditional distinction between “amendment” and “revision,”
i.e., “amendment” means change, including complex changes while
“revision” means complete change, including the adoption of an
entirely new covenant.—Our Constitutions did not adopt any
quantitative or qualitative test to determine whether an
“amendment” is “simple” or “substantial.” Nor did they
provide that “substantial” amendments are beyond the
power of the people to propose to change the Constitution.
Instead, our Constitutions carried the traditional
distinction between “amendment” and “revision,” i.e.,
“amendment” means change, including complex changes while

“revision” means complete change, including the adoption of an
entirely new covenant. The legal dictionaries express this
traditional difference between “amendment” and “revision.”
Black’s Law Dictionary defines “amendment” as “[a] formal
revision or addition proposed or made to a statute, constitution,
pleading, order, or other instrument; specifically, a change made
by addition, deletion, or correction.” Black’s also refers to
“amendment” as “the process of making such a revision.”
Revision, on the other hand, is defined as “[a] reexamination or
careful review for correction or improvement.” In parliamentary
law, it is described as “[a] general and thorough rewriting of a
governing document, in which the entire document is open to
amendment.” Similarly, Ballentine’s Law Dictionary defines
“amendment”—as “[a] correction or revision of a writing to
correct errors or better to state its intended purpose” and
“amendment of constitution” as “[a] process of proposing, passing,
and ratifying amendments to the x x x constitution.” In contrast,
“revision,” when applied to a statute (or constitution),
“contemplates the re-examination of the same subject matter
contained in the statute (or constitution), and the substitution of a
new, and what is believed to be, a still more perfect rule.”
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Statutory Construction; It is

familiar learning, however, that opinions in a constitutional
convention, especially if inconclusive of an issue, are of very
limited value as explaining doubtful phrases, and are an unsafe
guide (to the intent of the people) since the constitution derives its
force as a fundamental law, not from the action of the convention
but from the powers (of the people) who have ratified and adopted
it.— The oppositors-intervenors who peddle the above proposition
rely on the opinions of some Commissioners expressed in the
course of the debate on how to frame the amendment/revision
provisions of the 1987 Constitution. It is familiar learning,
however, that opinions in a constitutional convention, especially
if inconclusive of an issue, are of very limited value as
explaining doubtful phrases, and are an unsafe guide (to the
intent of the peo-
182
ple) since the constitution derives its force as a fundamental law,

not from the action of the convention but from the powers (of the
people) who have ratified and adopted it. “Debates in the

constitutional convention ‘are of value as showing the views of the
individual members, and as indicating the reasons for their votes,
but they give us no light as to the views of the large
majority who did not talk, much less of the mass of our
fellow citizens whose votes at the polls gave that instrument the
force of fundamental law.’” Indeed, a careful perusal of the
debates of the Constitutional Commissioners can likewise
lead to the conclusion that there was no abandonment of
the traditional distinction between “amendment” and
“revision.” For during the debates, some of the commissioners
referred to the concurring opinion of former Justice Felix Q.
Antonio in Javellana v. The Executive Secretary, that
stressed the traditional distinction between amendment
and revision.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; It is arguable that

when the framers of the 1987 Constitution used the word
“revision,” they had in mind the “rewriting of the whole
Constitution,” or the “total overhaul of the Constitution”—
anything less is an “amendment” or just “a change of specific
provisions only.”—It is arguable that when the framers of the
1987 Constitution used the word “revision,” they had in mind the
“rewriting of the whole Constitution,” or the “total overhaul
of the Constitution.” Anything less is an “amendment” or just
“a change of specific provisions only,” the intention being “not the
change of the entire Constitution, but only the improvement of
specific parts or the addition of provisions deemed essential as a
consequence of new conditions or the elimination of parts already
considered obsolete or unresponsive to the needs of the times.”
Under this view, “substantial” amendments are still
“amendments” and thus can be proposed by the people via an
initiative.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; The constitution does

not derive its force from the convention which framed it, but from
the people who ratified it, the intent to be arrived at is that of the
people, and it is not to be supposed that they have looked for any
dark or abstruse meaning in the words employed, but rather that
they have accepted them in the sense most obvious to the common
understanding, and ratified the instrument in the belief that that
was the sense designed to be conveyed; A constitution is not to be
interpreted on narrow or technical principles, but liberally and on
broad general lines, to accomplish the object of its establishment
and carry out the great principles of government—not to defeat
them.—As we cannot be guided with certainty by the
inconclusive opinions of the Commissioners on the
difference
183
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 183
between “simple” and “substantial” amendments or whether

“substantial” amendments amounting to revision are covered by
people’s initiative, it behooves us to follow the cardinal rule in
interpreting Constitutions, i.e., construe them to give effect to
the intention of the people who adopted it. The illustrious
Cooley explains its rationale well, viz.: x x x the constitution does
not derive its force from the convention which framed it, but from
the people who ratified it, the intent to be arrived at is that of the
people, and it is not to be supposed that they have looked for any
dark or abstruse meaning in the words employed, but rather that
they have accepted them in the sense most obvious to the common
understanding, and ratified the instrument in the belief that that
was the sense designed to be conveyed. These proceedings
therefore are less conclusive of the proper construction of the
instrument than are legislative proceedings of the proper
construction of a statute; since in the latter case it is the intent of
the legislature we seek, while in the former we are endeavoring to
arrive at the intent of the people through the discussion and
deliberations of their representatives. The history of the calling of
the convention, the causes which led to it, and the discussions and
issues before the people at the time of the election of the
delegates, will sometimes be quite as instructive and satisfactory
as anything to be gathered form the proceedings of the
convention. Corollarily, a constitution is not to be interpreted on
narrow or technical principles, but liberally and on broad
general lines, to accomplish the object of its establishment
and carry out the great principles of government—not to
defeat them. One of these great principles is the sovereignty of
the people.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; The argument that

the people through initiative cannot propose substantial
amendments to change the Constitution turns sovereignty on its
head.—The end result is Section 2, Article XVII of the 1987
Constitution which expressed the right of the sovereign people to
propose amendments to the Constitution by direct action or
through initiative. To that extent, the delegated power of
Congress to amend or revise the Constitution has to be
adjusted downward. Thus, Section 1, Article VI of the 1987
Constitution has to be reminted and now provides: “The
legislative power shall be vested in the Congress of the
Philippines which shall consist of a Senate and a House of

Representatives, except to the extent reserved to the people
by the provision on initiative and referendum.” Prescinding
from these baseline premises, the argument that the people
through initiative cannot propose substantial amendments
to change the Constitution turns sovereignty on its head.
At the very least, the submission constricts the democratic
space for the exercise of the direct sovereignty of the people. It
also denigrates the
184
sovereign people who they claim can only be trusted with the
power to propose “simple” but not “substantial” amendments
to the Constitution. According to Sinco, the concept of
sovereignty should be strictly understood in its legal meaning as
it was originally developed in law. Legal sovereignty, he
explained, is “the possession of unlimited power to make laws.
Its possessor is the legal sovereign. It implies the absence of any
other party endowed with legally superior powers and privileges.
It is not subject to law ‘for it is the author and source of
law.’ Legal sovereignty is thus the equivalent of legal
omnipotence.”
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Sovereignty or

popular sovereignty, emphasizes the supremacy of the people’s will
over the state which they themselves have created.—Sovereignty or
popular sovereignty, emphasizes the supremacy of the people’s
will over the state which they themselves have created. The state
is created by and subject to the will of the people, who are the
source of all political power. Rightly, we have ruled that “the
sovereignty of our people is not a kabalistic principle whose
dimensions are buried in mysticism. Its metes and bounds are
familiar to the framers of our Constitutions. They knew that in its
broadest sense, sovereignty is meant to be supreme, the jus
summi imperu, the absolute right to govern.”
Same; Same; Same; Same; Supreme Court; Judgments;

COMELEC’s reliance on Santiago v. Commission on Elections,
336 Phil. 848 (1997), constitutes grave abuse of discretion
amounting to lack of jurisdiction—the Santiago case did not
establish the firm doctrine that R.A. 6735 is not a sufficient law to
implement the constitutional provision allowing people’s initiative
to amend the Constitution.—I respectfully submit that

COMELEC’s reliance on Santiago constitutes grave abuse of
discretion amounting to lack of jurisdiction. The Santiago case
did not establish the firm doctrine that R.A. 6735 is not a
sufficient law to implement the constitutional provision allowing
people’s initiative to amend the Constitution. To recapitulate, the
records show that in the original decision, eight (8) justices
voted that R.A. 6735 was not a sufficient law; five (5) justices
voted that said law was sufficient; and one (1) justice abstained
from voting on the issue holding that unless and until a proper
initiatory pleading is filed, the said issue is not ripe for
adjudication. Within the reglementary period, the respondents
filed their motion for reconsideration. On June 10, 1997, the
Court denied the motion. Only thirteen (13) justices resolved the
motion for Justice Torres inhibited himself. Of the original
majority of eight (8) justices, only six (6) reiterated their
ruling that R.A. 6735 was an insufficient law. Justice
Hermosisima, originally part of the majority of eight (8) justices,
changed his vote and
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VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 185
joined the minority of five (5) justices. He opined without any

equivocation that R.A. 6735 was a sufficient law.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Under any alchemy

of law, a deadlocked vote of six (6) is not a majority and a non-
majority cannot write a rule with precedential value.—It ought to
be beyond debate that the six (6) justices who voted that R.A.
6735 is an insufficient law failed to establish a doctrine that could
serve as a precedent. Under any alchemy of law, a deadlocked
vote of six (6) is not a majority and a non-majority cannot write a
rule with precedential value.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; In the United States,

an affirmance in the Federal Supreme Court upon equal division
of opinion is not an authority for the determination of other cases,
either in that Court or in the inferior federal courts.—The
jurisprudence that an equally divided Court can never set
a precedent is well-settled. Thus, in the United States, an
affirmance in the Federal Supreme Court upon equal division
of opinion is not an authority for the determination of other
cases, either in that Court or in the inferior federal courts. In Neil
v. Biggers, which was a habeas corpus state proceeding by a state

prisoner, the U.S. Supreme Court held that its equally
divided affirmance of petitioner’s state court conviction was not
an “actual adjudication” barring subsequent consideration by the
district court on habeas corpus. In discussing the non-binding
effect of an equal division ruling, the Court reviewed the
history of cases explicating the disposition “affirmed by an equally
divided Court:” In this light, we review our cases explicating the
disposition “affirmed by an equally divided Court.” On what was
apparently the first occasion of an equal division, The
Antelope, 10 Wheat, 66, 6 L. Ed. 268 (1825), the Court simply
affirmed on the point of division without much discussion. Id., at
126-127. Faced with a similar division during the next Term, the
Court again affirmed, Chief Justice Marshall explaining that “the
principles of law which have been argued, cannot be settled; but
the judgment is affirmed, the court being divided in opinion upon
it.” Etting v. Bank of United States, 11 Wheat. 59, 78, 6 L. Ed.
419 (1826). As was later elaborated in such cases, it is the
appellant or petitioner who asks the Court to overturn a lower
court’s decree. “If the judges are divided, the reversal cannot be
had, for no order can be made. The judgment of the court below,
therefore, stands in full force. It is indeed, the settled practice in
such case to enter a judgment of affirmance; but this is only the
most convenient mode of expressing the fact that the cause is
finally disposed of in conformity with the action of the court
below, and that that court can proceed to enforce its judgment.
The legal effect would be the same
186
if the appeal, or writ of error, were dismissed.” Durant v. Essex

Co., 7 Wall. 107, 112, 19 L. Ed. 154 (1869). Nor is an affirmance
by an equally divided Court entitled to precedential weight. Ohio
ex rel. Eaton v. Price, 364 U.S. 263, 264, 80 S. Ct. 1463, 1464,
4 L. Ed. 2d 1708 (1960). x x x” This doctrine established in Neil
has not been overturned and has been cited with approval in a
number of subsequent cases, and has been applied in various
state jurisdictions.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; The prevailing

doctrine is that, the affirmance by an equally divided court merely
disposes of the present controversy as between the parties and
settles no issue of law—the affirmance leaves unsettled the
principle of law presented by the case and is not entitled to

precedential weight or value.—After a tour of these cases, we can
safely conclude that the prevailing doctrine is that, the
affirmance by an equally divided court merely disposes of
the present controversy as between the parties and settles
no issue of law; the affirmance leaves unsettled the principle of
law presented by the case and is not entitled to precedential
weight or value. In other words, the decision only has res
judicata and not stare decisis effect. It is not conclusive and
binding upon other parties as respects the controversies in
other actions.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Republicanism; Stripped of its

abstractions, democracy is all about who has the sovereign right to
make decisions for the people and our Constitution clearly and
categorically says it is no other than the people themselves from
whom all government authority emanates—this right of the people
to make decisions is the essence of sovereignty, and it cannot
receive any minimalist interpretation from this Court.—The first
principle enthroned by blood in our Constitution is the
sovereignty of the people. We ought to be concerned with this
first principle, i.e., the inherent right of the sovereign people to
decide whether to amend the Constitution. Stripped of its
abstractions, democracy is all about who has the sovereign right
to make decisions for the people and our Constitution clearly and
categorically says it is no other than the people themselves from
whom all government authority emanates. This right of the
people to make decisions is the essence of sovereignty, and
it cannot receive any minimalist interpretation from this
Court. If there is any principle in the Constitution that cannot be
diluted and is non-negotiable, it is this sovereign right of the
people to decide.
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VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 187

QUISUMBING, J., Separate Opinion:

Constitution; People’s Initiative; Clearly, by the power of popular
initiative, the people have the sovereign right to change the present
Constitution.—It must be stressed that no less than the present
Constitution itself empowers the people to “directly” propose
amendments through their own “initiative.” The subject of the
instant petition is by way of exercising that initiative in order to
change our form of government from presidential to

parliamentary. Much has been written about the fulsome powers
of the people in a democracy. But the most basic concerns the idea
that sovereignty resides in the people and that all government
authority emanates from them. Clearly, by the power of popular
initiative, the people have the sovereign right to change the
present Constitution. Whether the initial moves are done by a
Constitutional Convention, a Constitutional Assembly, or a
People’s Initiative, in the end every amendment—however
insubstantial or radical—must be submitted to a plebiscite. Thus,
it is the ultimate will of the people expressed in the ballot, that
matters.

6735); Now that we have revisited the Santiago v. COMELEC, 336
Phil. 848 (1997), decision, there is only one clear task for
COMELEC—in my view, the only doable option left for the
COMELEC, once factual issues are heard and resolved, is to give
due course to the petition for the initiative to amend our
Constitution so that the sovereign people can vote on whether a
parliamentary system of government should replace the present
presidential system.—I see no objection to the remand to the
COMELEC of the petition of Messrs. Lambino and Aumentado
and 6.327 million voters, for further examination of the factual
requisites before a plebiscite is conducted. On page 4 of the
assailed Resolution of the respondent dated August 31, 2006, the
COMELEC tentatively expressed its view that “even if the
signatures in the instant Petition appear to meet the required
minimum per centum of the total number of registered voters,”
the COMELEC could not give the Petition due course because of
our view that R.A. No. 6735 was inadequate. That, however, is
now refuted by Mr. Justice Puno’s scholarly ponencia. Now that
we have revisited the Santiago v. COMELEC decision, there is
only one clear task for COMELEC. In my view, the only doable
option left for the COMELEC, once factual issues are heard and
resolved, is to give due course to the petition for the initiative to
amend our Constitution so that the sovereign people can vote on
whether a parliamentary system of government should replace
the present presidential system.
188

YNARES-SANTIAGO, J., Separate Opinion:

Constitution; People’s Initiative; Evidently, for the people to
propose amendments to the Constitution, they must, in the first
instance, know exactly what they are proposing—it is not enough
that they merely possess a general idea of the proposed changes, as
the Constitution speaks of a “direct” proposal by the people.—The
necessity of setting forth the text of the proposed constitutional
changes in the petition for initiative to be signed by the people
cannot be seriously disputed. To begin with, Article XVII, Section
2 of the Constitution unequivocally states that “[a]mendments to
this Constitution may likewise be directly proposed by the
people through initiative upon a petition of at least twelve per
centum of the total number of registered voters, of which every
legislative district must be represented by at least three per
centum of the registered voters therein.” Evidently, for the people
to propose amendments to the Constitution, they must, in the
first instance, know exactly what they are proposing. It is not
enough that they merely possess a general idea of the proposed
changes, as the Constitution speaks of a “direct” proposal by the
people.
Same; Same; Same; The requirement of setting forth the

complete text of the proposed changes in the petition for initiative
is a safeguard against fraud and deception.—The requirement of
setting forth the complete text of the proposed changes in the
petition for initiative is a safeguard against fraud and deception.
If the whole text of the proposed changes is contained in or
attached to the petition, intercalations and riders may be duly
avoided. Only then can we be assured that the proposed changes
are truly of the people and that the signatories have been fully
apprised of its implications. If a statutory provision is essential to
guard against fraud, corruption or deception in the initiative and
referendum process, such provision must be viewed as an
indispensable requirement and failure to substantially comply
therewith is fatal. The failure of petitioners in this case to comply
with the full text requirement resultantly rendered their petition
for initiative fatally defective.
Same; Same; Same; Logrolling; One-Subject One-Title Rule;

The one subject rule, as relating to an initiative to amend the
Constitution, has the same object and purpose as the one subject-
one bill rule embodied in Article VI, Section 26(1) of the
Constitution; As applied to the initiative process, the one subject
rule is essentially designed to prevent surprise and fraud on the
electorate.—The petition for initiative is likewise irretrievably
infirm because it violates the one subject rule under Section 10(a)
of R.A. 6735: SEC. 10. Prohibited Measures.—The following
cannot be the subject of an initiative or
189
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 189
referendum petition: (a) No petition embracing more than one

subject shall be submitted to the electorate; x x x The one subject
rule, as relating to an initiative to amend the Constitution, has
the same object and purpose as the one subject-one bill rule
embodied in Article VI, Section 26(1) of the Constitution. To
elaborate, the one subject-one bill rule was designed to do away
with the practice of inserting two or more unrelated provisions in
one bill, so that those favoring one provision would be compelled
to adopt the others. By this process of log-rolling, the adoption of
both provisions could be accomplished and ensured, when neither,
if standing alone, could succeed on its own merits. As applied to
the initiative process, the one subject rule is essentially designed
to prevent surprise and fraud on the electorate. It is meant to
safeguard the integrity of the initiative process by ensuring that
no unrelated riders are concealed within the terms of the
proposed amendment. This in turn guarantees that the
signatories are fully aware of the nature, scope and purpose of the
proposed amendment.
Same; Same; Same; It is not difficult to see that while the

proposed changes appear to relate only to a shift in the form of
government, it actually seeks to affect other subjects that are not
reasonably germane to the constitutional alteration that is
purportedly sought.—The proposed changes to the Constitution
cover other subjects that are beyond the main proposal espoused
by the petitioners. Apart from a shift from the presidential to a
parliamentary form of government, the proposed changes include
the abolition of one House of Congress, and the convening of a
constituent assembly to propose additional amendments to the
Constitution. Also included within its terms is an omnibus
declaration that those constitutional provisions under Articles VI
and VII, which are inconsistent with the unicameral-
parliamentary form of government, shall be deemed amended to
conform thereto. It is not difficult to see that while the proposed
changes appear to relate only to a shift in the form of government,
it actually seeks to affect other subjects that are not reasonably
germane to the constitutional alteration that is purportedly
sought. For one, a shift to a parliamentary system of government
does not necessarily result in the adoption of a unicameral
legislature. A parliamentary system can exist in many different
“hybrid” forms of government, which may or may not embrace
unicameralism. In other words, the shift from presidential to

parliamentary structure and from a bicameral to a unicameral
legislature is neither the cause nor effect of the other.
Same; Same; Same; The distinction between the two terms

—”amendment” and “revision”—is not as significant in the context
of the past constitutions, as it should be now under the 1987
Constitution since under the
190
past constitutions, it was Congress alone, acting either as a

constituent assembly or by calling out a constitutional convention,
that exercised authority to either amend or revise the Constitution
through the procedures therein described.—The foregoing
traditional exposition of the difference between amendment and
revision has indeed guided us throughout our constitutional
history. However, the distinction between the two terms is not, to
my mind, as significant in the context of our past constitutions, as
it should be now under the 1987 Constitution. The reason for this
is apparent. Under our past constitutions, it was Congress alone,
acting either as a constituent assembly or by calling out a
constitutional convention, that exercised authority to either
amend or revise the Constitution through the procedures therein
described. Although the distinction between the two terms was
theoretically recognized under both the 1935 and 1973
Constitutions, the need to highlight the difference was not as
material because it was only Congress that could effect
constitutional changes by choosing between the two modalities.
However, it is different now under the 1987 Constitution. Apart
from providing for the two modes of either Congress constituting
itself as a constituent assembly or calling out for a constitutional
convention, a third mode was introduced for proposing changes to
the Constitution. This mode refers to the people’s right to propose
amendments to the fundamental law through the filing of a
petition for initiative.
Same; Same; Same; The proposed changes will have serious

qualitative consequences on the Constitution.—It may thus be
conceded that, quantitatively, the changes espoused by the
proponents in this case will affect only two (2) out of the eighteen
(18) articles of the 1987 Constitution, namely, Article VI
(Legislative Department) and Article VII (Executive Department),
as well as provisions that will ensure the smooth transition from a

presidential-bicameral system to a parliamentary-unicameral
structure of government. The quantitative effect of the proposed
changes is neither broad nor extensive and will not affect the
substantial entirety of the 1987 Constitution. However, it is my
opinion that the proposed changes will have serious qualitative
consequences on the Constitution. The initiative petition, if
successful, will undoubtedly alter, not only our basic
governmental plan, but also redefine our rights as citizens in
relation to government. The proposed changes will set into motion
a ripple effect that will strike at the very foundation of our basic
constitutional plan. It is therefore an impermissible constitutional
revision that may not be effected through a people’s initiative.
Same; Same; Same; The shift from presidential to

parliamentary form of government cannot be regarded as anything
but a drastic change. It will
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VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 191
require a total overhaul of our governmental structure and involve

a reorientation in the cardinal doctrines that govern our
constitutional set-up.—In the proposed parliamentary system,
there is an obvious lack of formal institutional checks on the
legislative and executive powers of the state, since both the Prime
Minister and the members of his cabinet are drawn from
parliament. There are no effective limits to what the Prime
Minister and parliament can do, except the will of the
parliamentary majority. This goes against the central principle of
our present constitutional scheme that distributes the powers of
government and provides for counteraction among the three
branches. Although both the presidential and parliamentary
systems are theoretically consistent with constitutional
democracy, the underlying tenets and resulting governmental
framework are nonetheless radically different. Consequently, the
shift from presidential to parliamentary form of government
cannot be regarded as anything but a drastic change. It will
require a total overhaul of our governmental structure and
involve a reorientation in the cardinal doctrines that govern our
constitutional set-up. As explained by Fr. Joaquin Bernas, S.J., a
switch from the presidential system to a parliamentary system
would be a revision because of its over-all impact on the entire
constitutional structure. It cannot, by any standard, be deemed as

a mere constitutional amendment.
Same; Same; Same; The inclusion of a proposal to convene a

constituent assembly likewise shows the intention of the
proponents to effect even more farreaching changes in our
fundamental law; The proposal to convene a constituent assembly,
which by its terms is mandatory, will practically jeopardize the
future of the entire Constitution and place it on shaky grounds.—
The inclusion of a proposal to convene a constituent assembly
likewise shows the intention of the proponents to effect even more
far-reaching changes in our fundamental law. If the original
intent were to simply shift the form of government to the
parliamentary system, then there would have been no need for
the calling out of a constituent assembly to propose further
amendments to the Constitution. It should be noted that, once
convened, a constituent assembly can do away and replace any
constitutional provision which may not even have a bearing on
the shift to a parliamentary system of government. The inclusion
of such a proposal reveals the proponents’ plan to consider all
provisions of the constitution, either to determine which of its
provisions should be altered or suppressed or whether the whole
document should be replaced with an entirely new one.
Consequently, it is not true that only Articles VI and VII are
covered by the alleged people’s initiative. The proposal to convene
a constituent assembly, which by its terms is mandatory, will
practically jeopardize the future of the entire Constitution and
192
place it on shaky grounds. The plan of the proponents, as reflected

in their proposed changes, goes beyond the shifting of government
from the presidential to the parliamentary system. Indeed, it
could even extend to the “fundamental nature of our state as a
democratic and republican state.”
Same; Same; Same; The voice and will of our people cannot be
any clearer when they limited people’s initiative to mere
amendments of the fundamental law and excluded revisions in its
scope; Article XVII on amendments and revisions is called a
“constitution of sovereignty” because it defines the constitutional
meaning of “sovereignty of the people”—it is through these
provisions that the sovereign people have allowed the expression of
their sovereign will and have canalized their powers which would
otherwise be plenary.—Our people too have spoken when they
overwhelmingly ratified the 1987 Constitution, with the
provisions on amendments and revisions under Article XVII. The
voice and will of our people cannot be any clearer when they
limited people’s initiative to mere amendments of the
fundamental law and excluded revisions in its scope. In this
regard, the task of the Court is to give effect to the people’s voice,
as expressed unequivocally through the Constitution. Article XVII
on amendments and revisions is called a “constitution of
sovereignty” because it defines the constitutional meaning of
“sovereignty of the people.” It is through these provisions that the
sovereign people have allowed the expression of their sovereign
will and have canalized their powers which would otherwise be
plenary. By approving these provisions, the sovereign people have
decided to limit themselves and future generations in the exercise
of their sovereign power. They are thus bound by the constitution
and are powerless, whatever their numbers, to change or thwart
its mandates, except through the means prescribed by the
Constitution itself.
Same; Same; Same; While Section 1 of Article XVII may be

considered as a provision delegating the sovereign powers of
amendment and revision to Congress, Section 2, in contrast, is a
self-limitation on that sovereign power; In choosing to exercise self-
limitation, there is no absence or lack of even a fraction of the
sovereign power of the people since self-limitation itself is an
expression of that sovereign power.—It is thus misplaced to argue
that the people may propose revisions to the Constitution through
people’s initiative because their representatives, whose power is
merely delegated, may do so. While Section 1 of Article XVII
may be considered as a provision delegating the sovereign
powers of amendment and revision to Congress, Section 2,
in contrast, is a self-limitation on that sovereign power. In
the words of Cooley: x x x Although by their constitutions the
people have delegated the exercise of sovereign powers to the
several de-
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VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 193
partments, they have not thereby divested themselves of the

sovereignty. They retain in their own hands, so far as they have
thought it needful to do so, a power to control the governments
they create, and the three departments are responsible to and

subject to be ordered, directed, changed or abolished by them. But
this control and direction must be exercised in the legitimate mode
previously agreed upon. The voice of the people, acting in their
sovereign capacity, can be of legal force only when expressed at the
times and under the conditions which they themselves have
prescribed and pointed out by the Constitution, or which,
consistently with the Constitution, have been prescribed and
pointed out for them by statute; and if by any portion of the people,
however large, an attempt should be made to interfere with the
regular working of the agencies of government at any other time
or in any other mode than as allowed by existing law, either
constitutional or statutory, it would be revolutionary in character,
and must be resisted and repressed by the officers who, for the
time being, represent legitimate government. (Italics supplied)
Consequently, there is here no case of “the spring rising above its
source.” Nor is it one where the people’s sovereign power has been
relegated to a lesser plane than that of Congress. In choosing to
exercise self-limitation, there is no absence or lack of even a
fraction of the sovereign power of the people since self-limitation
itself is an expression of that sovereign power. The people
have chosen to delegate and limit their sovereign power by virtue
of the Constitution and are bound by the parameters that they
themselves have ordained. Otherwise, if the people choose to defy
their self-imposed constitutional restraints, we will be faced with
a revolutionary situation.
Same; Same; Same; Even as we affirm, however, that aspect of

direct democracy, we should not forget that, first and foremost, we
are a constitutional democracy.—It has repeatedly been
emphasized that ours is a democratic and republican state.
Even as we affirm, however, that aspect of direct democracy, we
should not forget that, first and foremost, we are a
constitutional democracy. To uphold direct democracy at the
expense of the fundamental law is to sanction, not a
constitutional, but an extra-constitutional recourse. This is clearly
beyond the powers of the Court who, by sovereign mandate, is the
guardian and keeper of the Constitution.
SANDOVAL-GUTIERREZ, J., Dissenting Opinion:

Constitution; People’s Initiative; Republicanism; Caution should
be exercised in choosing one’s battlecry, lest it does more harm
than good to one’s cause.—Vox populi
194
vox Dei—the voice of the people is the voice of God. Caution should
be exercised in choosing one’s battlecry, lest it does more harm
than good to one’s cause. In its original context, the complete
version of this Latin phrase means exactly the opposite of what it
is frequently taken to mean. It originated from a holy man, the
monk Alcuin, who advised Charlemagne, “nec audiendi qui solent
dicere vox populi vox Dei quum tumultuositas vulgi semper
insaniae proxima sit,” meaning, “And those people should not
be listened to who keep on saying, ‘The voice of the people
is the voice of God,’ since the riotousness of the crowd is
always very close to madness.” Perhaps, it is by providence
that the true meaning of the Latin phrase is revealed upon
petitioners and their allies—that they may reflect upon the
sincerity and authenticity of their “people’s initiative.”
Same; Same; Same; Same; History has been a witness to

countless iniquities committed in the name of God; After a
thorough consideration of the petitions, I have come to realize that
man, with his ingenuity and arrogance, has perfected the craft of
imitating the voice of God.—History has been a witness to
countless iniquities committed in the name of God. Wars were
waged, despotism tolerated and oppressions justified—all these
transpired as man boasted of God’s imprimatur. Today,
petitioners and their allies hum the same rallying call, convincing
this Court that the people’s initiative is the “voice of the
people” and, therefore, the “voice of God.” After a thorough
consideration of the petitions, I have come to realize that man,
with his ingenuity and arrogance, has perfected the craft of
imitating the voice of God. It is against this kind of genius that
the Court must guard itself.
Same; Same; Same; Judicial Review; The Resolution of

respondent COMELEC denying due course to the petition for
initiative on the basis of a case (Santiago) decided by this Court
cannot, in any way, be characterized as “capricious or whimsical,”
“patent and gross,” or “arbitrary and despotic.”— Jurisprudence
teaches that an act of a court or tribunal may only be considered
as committed in grave abuse of discretion when the same was
performed in a capricious or whimsical exercise of judgment.
The abuse of discretion must be so patent and gross as to
amount to an evasion of a positive duty or to a virtual refusal
to perform a duty enjoined by law, or to act at all in
contemplation of law, as where the power is exercised in an
arbitrary and despotic manner by reason of passion or
personal hostility. The Resolution of respondent COMELEC

denying due course to the petition for initiative on the basis of a
case (Santiago) decided by this Court cannot, in any way, be
characterized as “capricious or whimsical,” “patent and
gross,” or “arbitrary and despotic.” On the contrary, it was the
most pru-
195
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 195
dent course to take. It must be stressed that in Santiago, this

Court permanently enjoins respondent COMELEC “from
entertaining or taking cognizance of any petition for
initiative on amendments to the Constitution until a
sufficient law shall have been validly enacted.” It being a
fact that Congress has not enacted a sufficient law, respondent
COMELEC has no alternative but to adhere to Santiago.
Otherwise, it is vulnerable to a citation for contempt.
Same; Same; Same; Supreme Court; Judgments; Stare

Decisis; There is considerable literature about whether this
doctrine of stare decisis is a good or bad one, but the doctrine is
usually justified by arguments which focus on the desirability of
stability and certainty in the law and also by notions of justice and
fairness.—The maxim stare decisis et non quieta movere
translates “stand by the decisions and disturb not what is
settled.” As used in our jurisprudence, it means that “once this
Court has laid down a principle of law as applicable to a
certain state of facts, it would adhere to that principle and
apply it to all future cases in which the facts are
substantially the same as in the earlier controversy.” There
is considerable literature about whether this doctrine of stare
decisis is a good or bad one, but the doctrine is usually justified by
arguments which focus on the desirability of stability and
certainty in the law and also by notions of justice and
fairness. Justice Benjamin Cardozo in his treatise, The Nature of
the Judicial Process stated: It will not do to decide the same
question one way between one set of litigants and the opposite
way between another. ‘If a group of cases involves the same
point, the parties expect the same decision. It would be a
gross injustice to decide alternate cases on opposite
principles. If a case was decided against me yesterday
when I was a defendant, I shall look for the same judgment
today if I am plaintiff. To decide differently would raise a
feeling of resentment and wrong in my breast; it would be

an infringement, material and moral, of my rights.’
Adherence to precedent must then be the rule rather than the
exception if litigants are to have faith in the even-handed
administration of justice in the courts.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; It is fundamental

jurisprudential policy that prior applicable precedent usually must
be followed even though the case, if considered anew, might be
decided differently by the current justices, and this policy is based
on the assumption that certainty, predictability and stability in the
law are the major objectives of the legal system, i.e., that parties
should be able to regulate their conduct and enter into
relationships with reasonable assurance of the governing rules of
law.—Although
196
the doctrine of stare decisis does not prevent re-examining and, if

need be, overruling prior decisions, “It is x x x a fundamental
jurisprudential policy that prior applicable precedent usually
must be followed even though the case, if considered anew, might
be decided differently by the current justices. This policy x x x
‘is based on the assumption that certainty, predictability
and stability in the law are the major objectives of the
legal system; i.e., that parties should be able to regulate
their conduct and enter into relationships with reasonable
assurance of the governing rules of law. Accordingly, a party
urging overruling a precedent faces a rightly onerous task, the
difficulty of which is roughly proportional to a number of factors,
including the age of the precedent, the nature and extent of
public and private reliance on it, and its consistency or
inconsistency with other related rules of law. Here, petitioners
failed to discharge their task.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Santiago v.

COMELEC, 270 SCRA 106 (1997), was decided by this Court on
March 19, 1997 or more than nine (9) years ago, and during that
span of time, the Filipino people, specifically the law practitioners,
law professors, law students, the entire judiciary and litigants
have recognized this Court’s Decision as a precedent.—Santiago v.
COMELEC, 270 SCRA 106 (1997), was decided by this Court on
March 19, 1997 or more than nine (9) years ago. During that span
of time, the Filipino people, specifically the law practitioners, law

professors, law students, the entire judiciary and litigants have
recognized this Court’s Decision as a precedent. In fact, the
Santiago doctrine was applied by this Court in the subsequent
case of PIRMA. Even the legislature has relied on said Decision,
thus, several bills have been introduced in both Houses of
Congress to cure the deficiency. I cannot fathom why it should be
overturned or set aside merely on the basis of the petition of
Lambino, et al. Indeed, this Court’s conclusion in Santiago that
R.A. No. 6735 is incomplete, inadequate or wanting in essential
terms and conditions insofar as initiative on amendments to the
Constitution is concerned remains a precedent and must be
upheld.

Distinguished; Words and Phrases; Both “revision” and
“amendment” connote change—any distinction between the two
must be based upon the degree of change contemplated.— Both
“revision” and amendment” connote change; any distinction
between the two must be based upon the degree of change
contemplated. In Kelly v. Laing, 242 N.W. 891 259 Mich 212, the
Supreme Court of Michigan made the follow-ing comparison of the
two terms: “Revision” and “amendment” have the common
characteristics of working changes in the charter, and are
sometimes
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VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 197
used in exactly the same sense but there is an essential difference

between them. “Revision” implies a reexamination of the
whole law and a redraft without obligation to maintain the
form, scheme, or structure of the old. As applied to
fundamental law, such as a constitution or charter, it suggests a
convention to examine the whole subject and to prepare and
submit a new instrument whether the desired changes from the
old are few or many. Amendment implies continuance of the
general plan and purpose of the law, with corrections to
better accomplish its purpose. Basically, revision suggests
fundamental change, while amendment is a correction of detail.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Although, at first glance,

petitioners’ proposed changes appear to cover isolated and specific
provisions only, however, upon careful scrutiny, it becomes clear
that the proposed changes will alter the very structure of our
government and create multifarious ramifications—the proposed
changes will have a “domino effect” or, more appropriately, “ripple
effect” on other provisions of the Constitution.—In summary, it
would seem that any major change in governmental form and
scheme would probably be interpreted as a “revision” and should
be achieved through the more thorough process of deliberation.
Although, at first glance, petitioners’ proposed changes appear to
cover isolated and specific provisions only, however, upon careful
scrutiny, it becomes clear that the proposed changes will alter
the very structure of our government and create
multifarious ramifications. In other words, the proposed
changes will have a “domino effect” or, more appropriately,
“ripple effect” on other provisions of the Constitution.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Separation of Powers; The doctrine

of separation of powers is so interwoven in the fabric of our
Constitution that any change affecting such doctrine must
necessarily be a revision.—A shift from a presidential to a
parliamentary form of government affects the well-enshrined
doctrine of separation of powers of government, embodied in our
Constitution, by providing for an Executive, Legislative and
Judiciary Branches. In a Parliamentary form of government, the
Executive Branch is to a certain degree, dependent on the direct
or indirect support of the Parliament, as expressed through a
“vote of confidence.” To my mind, this doctrine of separation
of powers is so interwoven in the fabric of our
Constitution, that any change affecting such doctrine must
necessarily be a revision.
198

6735); R.A. No. 6735 is not the enabling law contemplated by the
Constitution.—R.A. No. 6735 does not specify the procedure how
initiative on the Constitution may be accomplished. This is not
the enabling law contemplated by the Constitution. As pointed
out by oppositor-intervenor Alternative Law Groups Inc., since
the promulgation of the Decision in Santiago, various bills have
been introduced in both Houses of Congress providing for a
complete and adequate process for people’s initiative.
Same; Same; Same; The phrase “directly proposed by the

people” excludes any person acting as representative or agent of the
12% of the total number of registered voters; The plea that the
Court should “hear” and “heed” the people’s voice is baseless and
misleading—there is no people’s voice to be heard and heeded as
the petition for initiative is not truly theirs, but only of petitioners
Lambino and Aumentado and their allies.—Petitioners Lambino
and Aumentado have no authority whatsoever to file the
petition “as representatives” of the alleged 6.3 million
registered voters. Such act of representation is
constitutionally proscribed. To repeat, Section 2 strictly
requires that amendments to the Constitution shall be “directly
proposed by the people through initiative upon a petition
of at least twelve per centum of the total number of
registered voters.” Obviously, the phrase “directly proposed by
the people” excludes any person acting as representative or
agent of the 12% of the total number of registered voters. The
Constitution has bestowed upon the people the right to directly
propose amendments to the Constitution. Such right cannot be
usurped by anyone under the guise of being the people’s
representative. Simply put, Section 2 does not recognize acts of
representation. For it is only “the people” (comprising the
minimum of 12% of the total number of registered voters, of which
every legislative district must be represented by at least three per
centum of the registered voters therein) who are the proper
parties to initiate a petition proposing amendments to the
Constitution. Verily, the petition filed with the COMELEC by
herein petitioners Lambino and Aumentado is not a people’s
initiative. Necessarily, it must fail. Corollarily, the plea that this
Court should “hear” and “heed” “the people’s voice” is baseless and
misleading. There is no people’s voice to be heard and
heeded as this petition for initiative is not truly theirs, but
only of petitioners Lambino and Aumentado and their
allies.
Same; Same; Same; Considering the political scenario in our

country today, it is my view that the so-called people’s initiative to
amend our Constitution from bicameral-presidential to
unicameral-parliamentary is actually not
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VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 199
an initiative of the people, but an initiative of some of our

politicians.—In fine, considering the political scenario in our
country today, it is my view that the so-called people’s initiative to
amend our Constitution from bicameral-presidential to
unicameral-parliamentary is actually not an initiative of the
people, but an initiative of some of our politicians. It has not been
shown by petitioners, during the oral arguments in this case, that
the 6.3 million registered voters who affixed their signatures
understood what they signed. In fact, petitioners admitted that
the Constitutional provisions sought to be amended and the
proposed amendments were not explained to all those registered
voters. Indeed, there will be no means of knowing, to the point of
judicial certainty, whether they really understood what
petitioners and their group asked them to sign.
Same; Same; Same; Let us not repeat the mistake committed

by this Court in Javellana v. The Executive Secretary, 50 SCRA 30
(1973). The Court then ruled that “This being the vote of the
majority, there is no further judicial obstacle to the new
Constitution being considered in force and effect,” although it had
notice that the Constitution proposed by the 1971 Constitutional
Convention was not validly ratified by the people in accordance
with the 1935 Constitution.—Let us not repeat the mistake
committed by this Court in Javellana v. The Executive Secretary,
50 SCRA 30 (1973). The Court then ruled that “This being the
vote of the majority, there is no further judicial obstacle to the
new Constitution being considered in force and effect,” although it
had notice that the Constitution proposed by the 1971
Constitutional Convention was not validly ratified by the people
in accordance with the 1935 Constitution. The Court concluded,
among others, that the viva voce voting in the Citizens’
Assemblies “was and is null and void ab initio.” That was during
martial law when perhaps majority of the justices were scared of
the dictator. Luckily at present, we are not under a martial law
regime. There is, therefore, no reason why this Court should allow
itself to be used as a legitimizing authority by the so-called
people’s initiative for those who want to perpetuate themselves in
power.
CORONA, J., Dissenting Opinion:

Constitution; People’s Initiative; Supreme Court; Judgments; Res
Judicata; There is no identity of parties in Santiago v.
Commission on Elections, 270 SCRA 106 (1997) and the instant
case.—Res judicata is the rule that a final judgment rendered by a
court of competent jurisdiction on the merits is conclusive as to
the rights of the parties and their privies and, as to them,
constitutes an absolute bar to a subsequent action involving the

same claim, demand or
200
cause of action. It has the following requisites: (1) the former

judgment or order must be final; (2) it must have been rendered
by a court having jurisdiction of the subject matter and of the
parties; (3) it must be a judgment or order on the merits and (4)
there must be identity of parties, of subject matter, and of cause of
action between the first and second actions. There is no identity of
parties in Santiago and the instant case. While the COMELEC
was also the respondent in Santiago, the petitioners in that case
and those in this case are different. More significantly, there is no
identity of causes of action in the two cases. Santiago involved
amendments to Sections 4 and 7 of Article VI, Section 4 of Article
VII and Section 8 of Article X of the Constitution while the
present petition seeks to amend Sections 1to 7 of Article VI and
Sections 1 to 4 of the 1987 Constitution. Clearly, therefore, the
COMELEC committed grave abuse of discretion when it ruled
that the present petition for initiative was barred by Santiago
and, on that ground, dismissed the petition.
Same; Same; Same; The Court cannot unnecessarily and

unreasonably restrain the people’s right to directly propose
changes to the Constitution by declaring a law inadequate simply
for lack of a sub-heading and other grammatical but insignificant
omissions.—While the legislature is authorized to establish
procedures for determining the validity and sufficiency of a
petition to amend the constitution, that procedure cannot
unnecessarily restrict the initiative privilege. In the same vein,
this Court cannot unnecessarily and unreasonably restrain the
people’s right to directly propose changes to the Constitution by
declaring a law inadequate simply for lack of a sub-heading and
other grammatical but insignificant omissions. Otherwise, the
constitutional intent to empower the people will be severely
emasculated, if not rendered illusory.
Same; Same; Same; Republicanism; If Congress and a

constitutional convention, both of which are mere representative
bodies, can propose changes to the Constitution, there is no reason
why the supreme body politic itself—the people—may not do so
directly.—If Congress and a constitutional convention, both of
which are mere representative bodies, can propose changes to

the Constitution, there is no reason why the supreme body politic
itself—the people—may not do so directly. Resort to initiative to
amend the constitution or enact a statute is an exercise of “direct
democracy” as opposed to “representative democracy.” The system
of initiative allows citizens to directly propose constitutional
amendments for the general electorate to adopt or reject at the
polls, particularly in a plebiscite. While representative
government was envisioned to “refine and enlarge the public
views, by passing them through the medium of a chosen body of
citizens, whose wisdom may
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VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 201
best discern the true interest of their country, and whose

patriotism and love of justice will be least likely to sacrifice it to
temporary or partial considerations,” the exercise of “direct
democracy” through initiative reserves direct lawmaking power to
the people by providing them a method to make new laws via the
constitution, or alternatively by enacting statutes. Efforts of the
represented to control their representatives through initiative
have been described as curing the problems of democracy with
more democracy.
CALLEJO, SR., J., Separate Concurring Opinion:

Constitution; People’s Initiative; Judicial Review; Certiorari; It is
a travesty for the Court to declare the act of the COMELEC in
denying due course to the petition for initiative as “capricious,
despotic, oppressive or whimsical exercise of judgment as is
equivalent to lack of jurisdiction.”—In the present case, it appears
from the assailed Resolution of the COMELEC that it denied the
petition for initiative solely in obedience to the mandate of this
Court in Santiago v. Commission on Elections. In said case, the
Court En Banc permanently enjoined the COMELEC from
entertaining or taking cognizance of any petition for initiative on
amendments to the Constitution until a sufficient law shall have
been validly enacted to provide for the implementation of the
system. When the COMELEC denied the petition for initiative,
there was as yet no valid law enacted by Congress to provide for
the implementation of the system. It is a travesty for the Court to
declare the act of the COMELEC in denying due course to the
petition for initiative as “capricious, despotic, oppressive or

whimsical exercise of judgment as is equivalent to lack of
jurisdiction.” In fact, in so doing, the COMELEC merely followed
or applied, as it ought to do, the Court’s ruling in Santiago to the
effect that Section 2, Article XVII of the Constitution on the
system of initiative is a non self-executory provision and requires
an enabling law for its implementation. In relation thereto, RA
6735 was found by the Court to be “incomplete, inadequate, or
wanting in essential terms and conditions” to implement the
constitutional provision on initiative. Consequently, the
COMELEC was “permanently enjoined from entertaining or
taking cognizance of any petition for initiative on
amendments to the Constitution until a sufficient law shall
have been validly enacted to provide for the
implementation of the system.” The decision of the Court En
Banc interpreting RA 6735 forms part of the legal system of the
Philippines. And no doctrine or principle laid down by the Court
En Banc may be modified or reversed except by the Court En
Banc, certainly not by the COMELEC. Until the Court En Banc
modifies or reverses its decision, the COMELEC is bound to follow
the same.
202
Same; Same; Same; Supreme Court; Judgments; To get to the

true intent and meaning of a decision, no specific portion thereof
should be resorted to but the same must be considered in its
entirety—a resolution or ruling may and does appear in other
parts of the decision and not merely in the fallo thereof.— In the
present case, the Office of the Solicitor General (OSG) takes the
side of petitioners and argues that the COMELEC should not
have applied the ruling in Santiago to the petition for initiative
because the permanent injunction therein referred only to the
Delfin petition. The OSG buttresses this argument by pointing
out that the Temporary Restraining Order dated December 18,
1996 that was made permanent in the dispositive portion referred
only to the Delfin petition. The OSG’s attempt to isolate the
dispositive portion from the body of the Court’s decision in
Santiago is futile. It bears stressing that the dispositive portion
must not be read separately but in connection with the other
portions of the decision of which it forms a part. To get to the true
intent and meaning of a decision, no specific portion thereof
should be resorted to but the same must be considered in its
entirety. Hence, a resolution or ruling may and does appear in

other parts of the decision and not merely in the fallo thereof.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Given that a clear majority

of the members of the Court, eight Justices, concurred in the
decision in Santiago v. Commission on Elections, 270 SCRA 106
(1997), the pronouncement therein that RA 6735 is “incomplete,
inadequate, or wanting in essential terms and conditions insofar
as initiative on amendments to the Constitution is concerned”
constitutes a definitive ruling on the matter.—Santiago was
concurred in, without any reservation, by eight Justices, or the
majority of the members of the Court, who actually took part in
the deliberations thereon. On the other hand, five Justices, while
voting for the dismissal of the Delfin petition on the ground of
insufficiency, dissented from the majority opinion as they
maintained the view that RA 6735 was sufficient to implement
the system of initiative. Given that a clear majority of the
members of the Court, eight Justices, concurred in the decision in
Santiago, the pronouncement therein that RA 6735 is
“incomplete, inadequate, or wanting in essential terms and
conditions insofar as initiative on amendments to the
Constitution is concerned” constitutes a definitive ruling on the
matter. In the Resolution dated June 10, 1997, the motions for
reconsideration of the Santiago decision were denied with finality
as only six Justices, or less than the majority, voted to grant the
same. The Resolution expressly stated that the motion for
reconsideration failed “to persuade the requisite majority of the
Court to modify or reverse the Decision of 19 March 1977.” In fine,
the pronouncement in Santi-
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VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 203
ago as embodied in the Decision of March 19, 1997 remains the

definitive ruling on the matter.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Stare Decisis; Ten (10) years
after Santiago and absent the occurrence of any compelling
supervening event, i.e., passage of a law to implement the system of
initiative under Section 2, Article XVII of the Constitution, that
would warrant the re-examination of the ruling therein, it
behooves the Court to apply to the present case the salutary and
well-recognized doctrine of stare decisis.—The respective
explanatory notes of the said Senate and House bills uniformly
recognize that there is, to date, no law to govern the process by

which constitutional amendments are introduced by the people
directly through the system of initiative. Ten (10) years after
Santiago and absent the occurrence of any compelling
supervening event, i.e., passage of a law to implement the system
of initiative under Section 2, Article XVII of the Constitution, that
would warrant the reexamination of the ruling therein, it
behooves the Court to apply to the present case the salutary and
well-recognized doctrine of stare decisis. As earlier shown,
Congress and other government agencies have, in fact, abided by
Santiago. The Court can do no less with respect to its own ruling.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Parties should not be

encouraged to seek re-examination of determined principles and
speculate on fluctuation of the law with every change in the
expounders of it.—Contrary to the stance taken by petitioners, the
validity or constitutionality of a law cannot be made to depend on
the individual opinions of the members who compose it—the
Supreme Court, as an institution, has already determined RA
6735 to be “incomplete, inadequate, or wanting in essential terms
and conditions insofar as initiative on amendments to the
Constitution is concerned” and therefore the same remains to be
so regardless of any change in the Court’s composition. Indeed, it
is vital that there be stability in the courts in adhering to
decisions deliberately made after ample consideration. Parties
should not be encouraged to seek re-examination of determined
principles and speculate on fluctuation of the law with every
change in the expounders of it.
Same; Same; Same; The Constitution received its force from

the express will of the people, and in expressing that will, the
Filipino people have incorporated therein the method and manner
by which the same can be amended and revised, and when the
electorate have incorporated into the fundamental law the
particular manner in which the same may be altered or changed,
then any course which disregards that express will is a direct
violation of the fundamental law.—The Constitution is the
fundamental law of the state, containing the principles upon
which the government is founded, and regulating
204
the division of sovereign powers, directing to what persons each of

those powers is to be confided and the manner in which it is to be
exercised. The Philippines has followed the American
constitutional legal system in the sense that the term constitution
is given a more restricted meaning, i.e., as a written organic
instrument, under which governmental powers are both conferred
and circumscribed. The Constitution received its force from the
express will of the people. An overwhelming 16,622,111, out of
21,785,216 votes cast during the plebiscite, or 76.30%
ratified the present Constitution on February 2, 1987. In
expressing that will, the Filipino people have incorporated therein
the method and manner by which the same can be amended and
revised, and when the electorate have incorporated into the
fundamental law the particular manner in which the same may
be altered or changed, then any course which disregards that
express will is a direct violation of the fundamental law.

Distinguished; Words and Phrases; Considering the encompassing
scope and depth of the changes that would be effected, not to
mention that the Constitution’s basic plan and substance of a
tripartite system of government and the principle of separation of
powers underlying the same would be altered, if not entirely
destroyed, there can be no other conclusion than that the
proposition of petitioners Lambino, et al. would constitute a
revision of the Constitution rather than an amendment.—
Considering the encompassing scope and depth of the changes
that would be effected, not to mention that the Constitution’s
basic plan and substance of a tripartite system of government and
the principle of separation of powers underlying the same would
be altered, if not entirely destroyed, there can be no other
conclusion than that the proposition of petitioners Lambino, et al.
would constitute a revision of the Constitution rather than an
amendment or “such an addition or change within the lines of the
original instrument as will effect an improvement or better carry
out the purpose for which it was framed.” As has been shown, the
effect of the adoption of the petitioners’ proposition, rather than to
“within the lines of the original instrument” constitute “an
improvement or better carry out the purpose for which it was
framed,” is to “substantially alter the purpose and to attain
objectives clearly beyond the lines of the Constitution as now
cast.”

6735); Delegation of Power; The law mandates upon the election
registrar to personally verify the signatures, a solemn and
important duty imposed on the election registrar which he cannot
delegate to any other person, even to barangay officials.—The law

mandates upon the election registrar to personally verify
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VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 205
the signatures. This is a solemn and important duty imposed on

the election registrar which he cannot delegate to any other
person, even to barangay officials. Hence, a verification of
signatures made by persons other than the election registrars has
no legal effect. In patent violation of the law, several certifications
submitted by petitioners showed that the verification of
signatures was made, not by the election registrars, but by
barangay officials.
Same; Same; Same; Same; There is nothing in RA 6735, as

well as in COMELEC Resolution No. 2300, granting that it is
valid to implement the former statute, that authorizes the
COMELEC to conduct any kind of hearing, whether full-blown or
trial-type hearing, summary hearing or administrative hearing, on
a petition for initiative.—According to the dissenting opinion, the
sufficiency of the petition for initiative and its compliance with
the requirements of RA 6735 on initiative and its implementing
rules is a question that should be resolved by the COMELEC at
the first instance. It thus remands the case to the COMELEC for
further proceedings. To my mind, the remand of the case to the
COMELEC is not warranted. There is nothing in RA 6735, as well
as in COMELEC Resolution No. 2300, granting that it is valid to
implement the former statute, that authorizes the COMELEC to
conduct any kind of hearing, whether full-blown or trial-type
hearing, summary hearing or administrative hearing, on a
petition for initiative.
Same; Same; Same; Same; The remand of the case to the

COMELEC for reception of evidence of the parties on the
contentious factual issues is, in effect, an amendment of the
abovequoted rules of the COMELEC by this Court which the Court
is not empowered to do.—Clearly, following the foregoing
procedural rules, the COMELEC is not authorized to conduct any
kind of hearing to receive any evidence for or against the
sufficiency of the petition for initiative. Rather, the foregoing
rules require of the COMELEC to determine the sufficiency or
insufficiency of the petition for initiative on its face. And it has
already been shown, by the annexes submitted by the petitioners
themselves, their petition is, on its face, insufficient in form and

substance. The remand of the case to the COMELEC for reception
of evidence of the parties on the contentious factual issues is, in
effect, an amendment of the abovequoted rules of the COMELEC
by this Court which the Court is not empowered to do.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Political Questions; Even if the

present petition involves the act, not of a governmental body, but of
purportedly more than six million registered voters who have
signified their assent to the proposal to amend the Constitution,
the same still constitutes a justiciable controversy, hence, a non-
political question.—Even if the present petition involves the act,
206
not of a governmental body, but of purportedly more than six

million registered voters who have signified their assent to the
proposal to amend the Constitution, the same still constitutes a
justiciable controversy, hence, a non-political question. There is
no doubt that the Constitution, under Article XVII, has explicitly
provided for the manner or method to effect amendments thereto,
or revision thereof. The question, therefore, of whether there has
been compliance with the terms of the Constitution is for the
Court to pass upon.
Same; Same; Same; Same; I strongly take exception to the

view that the people, in their sovereign capacity, can disregard the
Constitution altogether.—There is no denying that “the
Philippines is a democratic and republican State. Sovereignty
resides in the people and all government authority emanates from
them.” However, I find to be tenuous the asseveration that “the
argument that the people through initiative cannot propose
substantial amendments to change the Constitution turns
sovereignty in its head. At the very least, the submission
constricts the democratic space for the exercise of the direct
sovereignty of the people.” In effect, it is theorized that despite
the unambiguous text of Section 2, Article XVII of the
Constitution withholding the power to revise it from the system of
initiative, the people, in their sovereign capacity, can conveniently
disregard the said provision. I strongly take exception to the view
that the people, in their sovereign capacity, can disregard the
Constitution altogether. Such a view directly contravenes the
fundamental constitutional theory that while indeed “the ultimate
sovereignty is in the people, from whom springs all legitimate

authority”; nonetheless, “by the Constitution which they
establish, they not only tie up the hands of their official agencies,
but their own hands as well; and neither the officers of the state,
nor the whole people as an aggregate body, are at liberty to take
action in opposition to this fundamental law.” The Constitution, it
should be remembered, “is the protector of the people, placed on
guard by them to save the rights of the people against injury by
the people.” This is the essence of constitutionalism: Through
constitutionalism we placed limits on both our political
institutions and ourselves, hoping that democracies, historically
always turbulent, chaotic and even despotic, might now become
restrained, principled, thoughtful and just. So we bound ourselves
over to a law that we made and promised to keep. And though a
government of laws did not displace governance by men, it did
mean that now men, democratic men, would try to live by their
word.
Same; Same; Same; It is for the protection of minorities that

constitutions are framed—sometimes constitutions must be
interposed for the protection of majorities even against themselves.
—Indisputably, the issues posed in
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VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 207
the present case are of transcendental importance. Accordingly, I

have approached and grappled with them with full appreciation of
the responsibilities involved in the present case, and have given to
its consideration the earnest attention which its importance
demands. I have sought to maintain the supremacy of the
Constitution at whatever hazard. I share the concern of Chief
Justice Day in Koehler v. Hill: “it is for the protection of
minorities that constitutions are framed. Sometimes constitutions
must be interposed for the protection of majorities even against
themselves. Constitutions are adopted in times of public repose,
when sober reason holds her citadel, and are designed to check
the surging passions in times of popular excitement. But if courts
could be coerced by popular majorities into a disregard of their
provisions, constitutions would become mere ‘ropes of sand,’ and
there would be an end of social security and of constitutional
freedom. The cause of temperance can sustain no injury from the
loss of this amendment which would be at all comparable to the
injury to republican institutions which a violation of the
constitution would inflict. That large and respectable class of

moral reformers which so justly demands the observance and
enforcement of law, cannot afford to take its first reformatory step
by a violation of the constitution. How can it consistently demand
of others obedience to a constitution which it violates itself? The
people can in a short time re-enact the amendment. In the
manner of a great moral reform, the loss of a few years is nothing.
The constitution is the palladium of republican freedom. The
young men coming forward upon the stage of political action must
be educated to venerate it; those already upon the stage must be
taught to obey it. Whatever interest may be advanced or may
suffer, whoever or whatever may be ‘voted up or voted down,’ no
sacrilegious hand must be laid upon the constitution.”
AZCUNA, J., Separate Opinion:

Constitution; People’s Initiative; Constituent Powers; When
Congress acts under Article XVII, which is the Constitution of
Sovereignty, it acts not as a legislature exercising legislative
powers but as a constituent body exercising constituent powers.—
Constitutions have three parts—the Constitution of Liberty,
which states the fundamental rights of the people; the
Constitution of Government, which establishes the structure of
government, its branches and their operation; and the
Constitution of Sovereignty, which provides how the Constitution
may be changed. Article XVII is the Constitution of Sovereignty.
As a result, the powers therein provided are called constituent
powers. So when Congress acts under this provision, it acts not as
a legislature exercising legislative powers. It acts as a constituent
body exercising constituent pow-
208
ers. The rules, therefore, governing the exercise of legislative

powers do not apply, or do not apply strictly, to the actions taken
under Article XVII.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Initiative and Referendum Act

(R.A. No. 6735); Since Article XVII states that Congress shall
provide for the implementation of the exercise of the people’s right
directly to propose amendments to the Constitution through
initiative, the act of Congress pursuant thereto is not strictly a
legislative action but partakes of a constituent act; The provisions

of Republic Act No. 6735 relating to the procedure for proposing
amendments to the Constitution, can and should be upheld,
despite shortcomings perhaps in legislative headings and
standards.—Accordingly, since Article XVII states that Congress
shall provide for the implementation of the exercise of the people’s
right directly to propose amendments to the Constitution through
initiative, the act of Congress pursuant thereto is not strictly a
legislative action but partakes of a constituent act. As a result,
Republic Act No. 6735, the act that provides for the exercise of the
people of the right to propose a law or amendments to the
Constitution is, with respect to the right to propose amendments
to the Constitution, a constituent measure, not a mere legislative
one. The consequence of this special character of the enactment,
insofar as it relates to proposing amendments to the Constitution,
is that the requirements for statutory enactments, such as
sufficiency of standards and the like, do not and should not
strictly apply. As long as there is a sufficient and clear intent to
provide for the implementation of the exercise of the right, it
should be sustained, as it is simply a compliance of the mandate
placed on Congress by the Constitution. Seen in this light, the
provisions of Republic Act No. 6735 relating to the procedure for
proposing amendments to the Constitution, can and should be
upheld, despite shortcomings perhaps in legislative headings and
standards.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; I concur in the view that

Santiago v. Commission on Elections, 270 SCRA 106 (1997),
should be re-examined and, after doing so, that the pronouncement
therein regarding the insufficiency or inadequacy of the measure to
sustain a people’s initiative to amend the Constitution should be
reconsidered in favor of allowing the exercise of this sovereign
right.—For this reason, I concur in the view that Santiago v.
Comelec should be re-examined and, after doing so, that the
pronouncement therein regarding the insufficiency or inadequacy
of the measure to sustain a people’s initiative to amend the
Constitution should be reconsidered in favor of allowing the
exercise of this sovereign right. And applying the doctrine stated
in Senarillos v. Hermosisima, penned by Justice J.B.L. Reyes, in
relation to Article 8 of the Civil Code, that a decision of this Court
interpreting a law
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VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 209
forms part of the law interpreted as of the time of its enactment,

Republic Act No. 6735 should be deemed sufficient and adequate
from the start.
Same; Same; Same; The reason why revisions are not allowed
through direct proposals by the people through initiative is a
practical one, namely, there is no one to draft such extensive
changes, since 6.3 million people cannot conceivably come up with
a single extensive document through a direct proposal from each of
them.—Revisions are changes that affect the entire Constitution
and not mere parts of it. The reason why revisions are not allowed
through direct proposals by the people through initiative is a
practical one, namely, there is no one to draft such extensive
changes, since 6.3 million people cannot conceivably come up with
a single extensive document through a direct proposal from each
of them. Someone would have to draft it and that is not
authorized as it would not be a direct proposal from the people.
Such indirect proposals can only take the form of proposals from
Congress as a Constituent Assembly under Article XVII, or a
Constitutional Convention created under the same provision.
Furthermore, there is a need for such deliberative bodies for
revisions because their proceedings and debates are duly and
officially recorded, so that future cases of interpretations can be
properly aided by resort to the record of their proceedings.
Same; Same; Same; Article VIII on Judicial Department

cannot stand as is, in a parliamentary system, for under such a
system, the Parliament is supreme, and thus the Court’s power to
declare its act a grave abuse of discretion and thus void would be
an anomaly.—Even a cursory reading of the proposed changes
contained in the petition for initiative herein involved will show
on its face that the proposed changes constitute a revision of the
Constitution. The proposal is to change the system of government
from that which is bicameral-presidential to one that is
unicameral-parliamentary. While purportedly only Articles VI,
VII, and XVIII are involved, the fact is, as the petition and text of
the proposed changes themselves state, every provision of the
Constitution will have to be examined to see if they conform to the
nature of a unicameral-parliamentary form of government and
changed accordingly if they do not so conform to it. For example,
Article VIII on Judicial Department cannot stand as is, in a
parliamentary system, for under such a system, the Parliament is
supreme, and thus the Court’s power to declare its act a grave
abuse of discretion and thus void would be an anomaly.
Same; Same; Same; For the proposed changes can be

separated and are, in my view, separable in nature, a unicameral
legislature is one, and a parliamentary form of government is

another—the first is a mere amendment and
210
contains only one subject matter while the second is clearly a

revision that affects every article and every provision in the
Constitution to an extent not even the proponents could at present
fully articulate.—Neither does it comply with Republic Act No.
6735, which states in Section 10 that not more than one subject
shall be proposed as an amendment or amendments to the
Constitution. The petition herein would propose at the very least
two subjects—a unicameral legislature and a parliamentary form
of government. Again, for this clear and patent violation of the
very act that provides for the exercise of the power, the proposed
initiative cannot lie. This does not mean, however, that all is lost
for petitioners. For the proposed changes can be separated and
are, in my view, separable in nature—a unicameral legislature is
one; a parliamentary form of government is another. The first is a
mere amendment and contains only one subject matter. The
second is clearly a revision that affects every article and every
provision in the Constitution to an extent not even the proponents
could at present fully articulate. Petitioners Lambino, et al. thus
go about proposing changes the nature and extent of which they
do not as yet know exactly what. The proposal, therefore,
contained in the petition for initiative, regarding a change in the
legislature from a bicameral or two-chamber body to that of a
unicameral or one-chamber body, is sustainable. The text of the
changes needed to carry it out are perfunctory and ministerial in
nature. Once it is limited to this proposal, the changes are simply
one of deletion and insertions, the wordings of which are
practically automatic and non-discretionary.
TINGA, J., Separate Opinion:

Constitution; People’s Initiative; Supreme Court; Judgments; The
Court has long been mindful of the rule that it necessitates a
majority, and not merely a plurality, in order that a decision can
stand as precedent.—I agree with Justice Puno that Santiago v.
COMELEC and PIRMA v. COMELEC had not acquired value as
precedent and should be reversed in any case. I add that the
Court has long been mindful of the rule that it necessitates a
majority, and not merely a plurality, in order that a decision can

stand as precedent. That principle has informed the members of
this Court as they deliberated and voted upon contentious
petitions, even if this consideration is not ultimately reflected on
the final draft released for promulgation.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; The curious twist to

Santiago v. COMELEC, 270 SCRA 106 (1997), and PIRMA v.
COMELEC, G.R. No. 129754, 23 September 1997, is that for all
the denigration heaped upon Rep. Act No. 6735 in those cases, the
Court did not invalidate any provision of the
211
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 211
statute—even if R.A. No. 6735 is truly “inadequate,” the Court in

Santiago should not have simply let the insufficiency stand given
that it was not minded to invalidate the law itself.—The curious
twist to Santiago and PIRMA is that for all the denigration
heaped upon Rep. Act No. 6735 in those cases, the Court did not
invalidate any provision of the statute. All the Court said then
was that the law was “inadequate”. Since this “inadequate” law
was not annulled by the Court, or repealed by Congress, it
remained part of the statute books. I maintain that even if Rep.
Act No. 6735 is truly “inadequate,” the Court in Santiago should
not have simply let the insufficiency stand given that it was not
minded to invalidate the law itself. Article 9 of the Civil Code
provides that “[n]o judge or court shall decline to render judgment
by reason of the silence, obscurity or insufficiency of the laws.” As
explained by the Court recently in Reyes v. Lim, “[Article 9] calls
for the application of equity, which[, in the revered Justice
Cardozo’s words,] ‘fills the open spaces in the law.’ ” Certainly,
any court that refuses to rule on an action premised on Rep. Act
No. 6735 on the ground that the law is “inadequate” would have
been found in grave abuse of discretion. The previous failure by
the Court to “fill the open spaces” in Santiago further highlights
that decision’s status as an unfortunate aberration.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; The ruling in Santiago is

erroneous, illogical, and should not be perpetuated.—Santiago
established a tenet that the Supreme Court may affirm a law as
constitutional, yet declare its provisions as inadequate to
accomplish the legislative purpose, then barred the enforcement
of the law. That ruling is erroneous, illogical, and should not be

perpetuated.
Same; Same; Same; Certiorari; Commission on Elections; By

any measure, the COMELEC’s failure to perform its executive and
administrative functions under Rep. Act No. 6735 constitutes
grave abuse of discretion.—Rep. Act No. 6735 is a law relative to
the conduct of a plebiscite. The primary task of the COMELEC
under Rep. Act No. 6735 is to enforce and administer the said law,
functions that are essentially executive and administrative in
nature. Even the subsequent duty of the COMELEC of
determining the sufficiency of the petitions after they have been
filed is administrative in character. By any measure, the
COMELEC’s failure to perform its executive and administrative
functions under Rep. Act No. 6735 constitutes grave abuse of
discretion.
Same; Same; Same; Statutes; One-Subject, One-Title Rule;

For as long as it can be established that an initiative petition
embraces a single general subject, the petition may be allowed no
matter the number of constitutional provisions proposed for
amendment if the amendments are germane to the
212
subject of the petition.—The precedents governing the one-subject,

one-title rule under the Constitution should apply as well in the
interpretation of Section 10 of Rep. Act No. 6735. For as long as it
can be established that an initiative petition embraces a single
general subject, the petition may be allowed no matter the
number of constitutional provisions proposed for amendment if
the amendments are germane to the subject of the petition. Both
the Sigaw ng Bayan and the Lambino initiative petitions
expressly propose the changing of the form of government from
bicameral-presidential to unicameral-parliamentary. Such a
proposal may strike as comprehensive, necessitating as it will the
reorganization of the executive and legislative branches of
government, nevertheless it ineluctably encompasses only a single
general subject still.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Congress may not restrict the right
to initiative on grounds that are not provided for in the
Constitution.—I am not even entirely comfortable with the
theoretical underpinnings of Section 10. The Constitution

indubitably grants the people the right to seek amendment of the
charter through initiative, and mandates Congress to “provide for
the implementation of the exercise of this right.” In doing so,
Congress may not restrict the right to initiative on grounds that
are not provided for in the Constitution. If for example the
implementing law also provides that certain provisions of the
Constitution may not be amended through initiative, that
prohibition should not be sustained. Congress is tasked with the
implementation, and not the restriction of the right to initiative.
Same; Same; Same; If the absence of a record of deliberations

stands as so serious a flaw as to invalidate or constrict processes
which change a constitution or its provisions, then the entire
initiative process authorized by the Constitution should be scarlet-
marked as well.—During the hearing on the petitions, the
argument was raised that provisions of the Constitution amended
through initiative would not have the benefit of a reference source
from the record of a deliberative body such as Congress or a
constitutional convention. It was submitted that this
consideration influenced the Constitutional Commission as it
drafted Section 2, Article XVII, which expressly provided that
only amendments, and not revisions, may be the subject of
initiative petitions. This argument clearly proceeds from a
premise that accords supreme value to the record of deliberations
of a constitutional convention or commission in the interpretation
of the charter. Yet if the absence of a record of deliberations
stands as so serious a flaw as to invalidate or constrict processes
which change a constitution or its provisions, then the entire
initiative process authorized by the Constitution should be
scarlet-marked as well.
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VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 213
Same; Same; Same; Statutory Construction; The proper

interpretation of a constitution depends more on how it was
understood by the people adopting it than the framers’
understanding thereof—the constitutional record is hardly the
Rosetta Stone that unlocks the meaning of the Constitution.—Even
if there is need to refer to extrinsic sources in aid of constitutional
interpretation, the constitutional record does not provide the
exclusive or definitive answer on how to interpret the provision.
The intent of a constitutional convention is not controlling by
itself, and while the historical discussion on the floor of the

constitutional convention is valuable, it is not necessarily
decisive. The Court has even held in Vera v. Avelino that “the
proceedings of the [constitutional] convention are less conclusive
of the proper construction of the fundamental law than are
legislative proceedings of the proper construction of a statute,
since in the latter case it is the intent of the legislature that
courts seek, while in the former courts are endeavoring to arrive
at the intent of the people through the discussions and
deliberations of their representatives.” The proper interpretation
of a constitution depends more on how it was understood by the
people adopting it than the framers’ understanding thereof. If
there is fear in the absence of a constitutional record as guide for
interpretation of any amendments adopted via initiative, such
absence would not preclude the courts from interpreting such
amendments in a manner consistent with how courts generally
construe the Constitution. For example, reliance will be placed on
the other provisions of the Constitution to arrive at a harmonized
and holistic constitutional framework. The constitutional record is
hardly the Rosetta Stone that unlocks the meaning of the
Constitution.
Same; Same; Same; The initiative process involves

participatory democracy at its most elemental—wherein the
consequential debate would not be confined to the august halls of
Congress or the hallowed chambers of this Court, as it would spill
over to the public squares and town halls, the academic yards and
the Internet blogosphere, the dining areas in the homes of the
affluent and the impoverished alike.—And even should the
COMELEC find the initiative petitions sufficient, the matter of
whether the Constitution should be amended would still depend
on the choice of the electorate. The oppositors are clearly queasy
about some of the amendments proposed, or the imputed motives
behind the amendments. A referendum, should the COMELEC
find the petitions as sufficient, would allow them to convey their
uneasiness to the public at large, as well as for the proponents of
the amendment to defend their proposal. The campaign period
alone would allow the public to be involved in the significant
deliberation on the course our nation should take, with the
ensuing net benefit of a more informed, more politically aware
populace. And of course, the choice on whether the Constitution
should
214
be amended would lie directly with the people. The initiative

process involves participatory democracy at its most elemental;
wherein the consequential debate would not be confined to the
august halls of Congress or the hallowed chambers of this Court,
as it would spill over to the public squares and town halls, the
academic yards and the Internet blogosphere, the dining areas in
the homes of the affluent and the impoverished alike.
Same; Same; Same; Supreme Court; The biases we should

enforce as magistrates are those of the Constitution and the
elements of democracy on which our rule of law is founded—direct
democracy, as embodied in the initiative process, is but a
culmination of the evolution over the centuries of democratic rights
of choice and self-governance.—The biases we should enforce as
magistrates are those of the Constitution and the elements of
democracy on which our rule of law is founded. Direct democracy,
as embodied in the initiative process, is but a culmination of the
evolution over the centuries of democratic rights of choice and
self-governance. The reemergence of the Athenian democratic
ideal after centuries of tyrannical rules arrived very slowly, the
benefits parceled out at first only to favored classes. The Magna
Carta granted limited rights to self-determination and self-
governance only to a few English nobles; the American
Constitution was originally intended to give a meaningful voice
only to free men, mostly Caucasian, who met the property-holding
requirements set by the states for voting.
Same; Same; Same; The initiative process should be

acknowledged as the purest implement of democratic rule under
law.—By allowing the sovereign people to directly propose and
enact constitutional amendments, the initiative process should be
acknowledged as the purest implement of democratic rule under
law. This right granted to over sixty million Filipinos cannot be
denied by the votes of less than eight magistrates for reasons that
bear no cogitation on the Constitution.
CHICO-NAZARIO, J., Dissenting Opinion:

Constitution; People’s Initiative; While it is but proper to accord
great respect and reverence to the Philippine Constitution of 1987
for being the supreme law of the land, we should not lose sight of
the truth that there is an ultimate authority to which the
Constitution is also subordinate—the will of the people; If the
Constitution is the expression of the will of the sovereign people,
then, in the event that the people change their will, so must the
Constitution be revised or amended to reflect such change.—While

it is but proper to accord great re-
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VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 215
spect and reverence to the Philippine Constitution of 1987 for

being the supreme law of the land, we should not lose sight of the
truth that there is an ultimate authority to which the
Constitution is also subordinate—the will of the people. No less
than its very first paragraph, the Preamble, expressly recognizes
that the Constitution came to be because it was ordained and
promulgated by the sovereign Filipino people. It is a principle
reiterated yet again in Article II, Section 1, of the Constitution,
which explicitly declares that “[t]he Philippines is a democratic
and republican State. Sovereignty resides in the people and all
government authority emanates from them.” Thus, the resolution
of the issues and controversies raised by the instant Petition
should be guided accordingly by the foregoing principle. If the
Constitution is the expression of the will of the sovereign people,
then, in the event that the people change their will, so must the
Constitution be revised or amended to reflect such change.
Resultantly, the right to revise or amend the Constitution
inherently resides in the sovereign people whose will it is
supposed to express and embody. The Constitution itself, under
Article XVII, provides for the means by which the revision or
amendment of the Constitution may be proposed and ratified.
Same; Same; Same; The right of the sovereign people to

directly propose amendments to the Constitution through initiative
is more superior than the power they delegated to Congress or to a
constitutional convention to amend or revise the Constitution.—It
is my earnest opinion that the right of the sovereign people to
directly propose amendments to the Constitution through
initiative is more superior than the power they delegated to
Congress or to a constitutional convention to amend or revise the
Constitution. The initiative process gives the sovereign people the
voice to express their collective will, and when the people speak,
we must be ready to listen. Article XVII, Section 2 of the
Constitution recognizes and guarantees the sovereign people’s
right to initiative, rather than limits it. The enabling law which
Congress has been tasked to enact must give life to the said
provision and make the exercise of the right to initiative possible,
not regulate, limit, or restrict it in any way that would render the
people’s option of resorting to initiative to amend the Constitution

more stringent, difficult, and less feasible, as compared to the
other constitutional means to amend or revise the Constitution.
In fact, it is worth recalling that under Article VI, Section 1 of the
Constitution, the legislative power of Congress is limited to the
extent reserved to the people by the provisions on initiative and
referendum.
Same; Same; Same; Supreme Court; Judgments; After a

careful reading of Santiago v. Commission on Elections, 270
SCRA 106 (1997), I believe in earnest that the permanent
injunction actually issued by this Court against
216
the COMELEC pertains only to the petition for initiative filed by

Jesus S. Delfin, and not to all subsequent petitions for initiative to
amend the Constitution.—The COMELEC had indeed committed
grave abuse of discretion when it summarily dismissed Lambino
and Aumentado’s petition for initiative entirely on the basis of the
Santiago case which, allegedly, permanently enjoined it from
entertaining or taking cognizance of any petition for initiative to
amend the Constitution in the absence of a sufficient law. After a
careful reading, however, of the Santiago case, I believe in earnest
that the permanent injunction actually issued by this Court
against the COMELEC pertains only to the petition for initiative
filed by Jesus S. Delfin, and not to all subsequent petitions for
initiative to amend the Constitution.

6735); The declaration of the Court that Republic Act No. 6735 is
insufficient or inadequate actually gave rise to more questions
rather than answers, due to the fact that there has never been a
judicial precedent wherein the Court invalidated a law for
insufficiency or inadequacy.—The declaration of the Court that
Republic Act No. 6735 is insufficient or inadequate actually gave
rise to more questions rather than answers, due to the fact that
there has never been a judicial precedent wherein the Court
invalidated a law for insufficiency or inadequacy. The confusion
over such a declaration thereby impelled former Chief Justice
Davide, Jr., the ponente in the Santiago case, to provide the
following clarification in his separate opinion to the Resolution in
the PIRMA case, thus—Simply put, Santiago did, in reality,
declare as unconstitutional that portion of R.A. No. 6735 relating

to Constitutional initiatives for failure to comply with the
“completeness and sufficient standard tests” with respect to
permissible delegation of legislative power or subordinate
legislation. However petitioners attempt to twist the language in
Santiago, the conclusion is inevitable; the portion of R.A. No. 6735
was held to be unconstitutional. It is important to note, however,
that while the Decision in the Santiago case pronounced
repeatedly that Republic Act No. 6735 was insufficient and
inadequate, there is no categorical declaration therein that the
said statute was unconstitutional. The express finding that
Republic Act No. 6735 is unconstitutional can only be found in the
separate opinion of former Chief Justice Davide to the Resolution
in the PIRMA case, which was not concurred in by the other
members of the Court.
VELASCO, JR., J., Separate Opinion:

Constitution; People’s Initiative; Initiative and Referendum Act
(R.A. No. 6735); In Santiago v. Commission on Elections, 270
SCRA 106 (1997), the Court focused on what D
217
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 217
RA 6735 was not, and lost sight of what RA 6735 was.—The

decision in Santiago focused on what it perceived to be fatal flaws
in the drafting of the law, in the failings of the way the law was
structured, to come to the conclusion that the law was inadequate.
The Court itself recognized the legislators’ intent, but disregarded
this intent. The law was found wanting. The Court then saw the
inclusion of the Constitution in RA 6735 as an afterthought.
However, it was included, and it should not be excluded by the
Court via a strained analysis of the law. The difficult construction
of the law should not serve to frustrate the intent of the framers
of the 1987 Constitution: to give the people the power to propose
amendments as they saw fit. It is a basic precept in statutory
construction that the intent of the legislature is the controlling
factor in the interpretation of a statute. The intent of the
legislature was clear, and yet RA 6735 was declared inadequate.
It was not specifically struck down or declared unconstitutional,
merely incomplete. The Court focused on what RA 6735 was not,
and lost sight of what RA 6735 was.
Same; Same; Same; Supreme Court; Judgments; A judgment

must be distinguished from an opinion—the latter is an informal
expression of the views of the court and cannot prevail against its
final order or decision—and while the two may be combined in one
instrument, the opinion forms no part of the judgment; We often
encounter in judicial decisions lapses, findings, loose statements
and generalities which do not bear on the issues or are apparently
opposed to the otherwise sound and considered result reached by
the court as expressed in the dispositive part, so called, of the
decision.—A judgment must be distinguished from an opinion.
The latter is an informal expression of the views of the court and
cannot prevail against its final order or decision. While the two
may be combined in one instrument, the opinion forms no part of
the judgment. So there is a distinction between the findings and
conclusions of a court and its Judgment. While they may
constitute its decision and amount to the rendition of a judgment,
they are not the judgment itself. It is not infrequent that the
grounds of a decision fail to reflect the exact views of the court,
especially those of concurring justices in a collegiate court. We
often encounter in judicial decisions lapses, findings, loose
statements and generalities which do not bear on the issues or are
apparently opposed to the otherwise sound and considered result
reached by the court as expressed in the dispositive part, so
called, of the decision.
Same; Same; Same; Statutory Construction; When there are

gray areas in legislation, especially in matters that pertain to the
sovereign people’s political rights, courts must lean more towards a
more liberal interpretation favoring the people’s right to exercise
their sovereign power.—In this case, the Lambino petition is not
concerned with rewriting the entire Constitution. It
218
was never its intention to revise the whole Constitution. It merely

concerns itself with amending a few provisions in our
fundamental charter. When there are gray areas in legislation,
especially in matters that pertain to the sovereign people’s
political rights, courts must lean more towards a more liberal
interpretation favoring the people’s right to exercise their
sovereign power.
SPECIAL CIVIL ACTIONS in the Supreme Court.

Certiorari.
The facts are stated in the opinion of the Court.
Demosthenes B. Donato co-counsel for petitioner.
R.A.V. Saguisag for petitioners in G.R. No. 174299.
Alberto C. Agra for petitioner Erico B. Aumentado.
Arnel Z. Dolendo and Ocampo, Arciaga-Santos,
Nuñez, Lomangaya and Ribao for petitioner-intervenor.
Topacio Law Office co-counsel for petitioner-
intervenor.
Seno, Mendoza & Associates Law Office for
intervenor TUCP.
Neri Javier Colmenares and Marvic M.V.F. Leonen
for intervenors-oppositors Bayan, Bayan Muna, Kilusang
Mayo Uno, HEAD, Ecumenical Bishops Forum, Migrante,
Gabriela, Gabriela Women’s Party, Anakbayan, League of
Filipino Students, League of Concerned Professionals and
Businessmen, Solidarity of Health Against Charter Change
and Health Action for Human Rights.
Pete Quirino-Quadra for and in his own behalf.
Carlos P. Medina, Amparita S. Sta. Maria, Gilbert V.
Sembrano, Melencio S. Sta. Maria, Giovanni F. Vallente,
Ray Paulo J. Santiago and Ma. Ngina Teresa V. Chan-
Gonzaga for oppositors One Voice, et al.
Marlon J. Manuel for movant-intervenor Alternative
Law Groups, Inc.
Ibarra M. Gutierrez III and Rosselynn Jaye G. De la
Cruz for intervenors Loreta Ann P. Rosales, et al.
219
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 219

M.M. Lazaro & Associates for intervenors Philconsa and

Estrella.
Ongkiko, Kalaw, Manhit & Acorda Law Offices for
intervenors Philconsa, Toledo and Bacungan.
Reynaldo Y. Maulit for intervenors Tajon, Venus,
Aguas and Gat Inciong.
Pablo P. Garcia for intervenor-oppositors.
Rufus B. Rodriguez for intervenors.
Aquilino L. Pimentel III for movant respondents-
intervenors.
Janijay B. Alonzo for movants R. Adamat, R.M.
Rivera and R. Baya.
CARPIO, J.:
The Case
These are consolidated petitions on the Resolution dated 31

August 2006 of the Commission on Elections (“COMELEC”)
denying due course to an initiative petition to amend the
1987 Constitution.
Antecedent Facts
On 15 February 2006, petitioners in G.R. No. 174153,

namely Raul L. Lambino and Erico 1
B. Aumentado
(“Lambino Group”), with other groups and individuals,
commenced gathering signatures for an initiative petition
to change the 1987 Constitution. On 25 August 2006, the
Lambino Group filed a petition with the COMELEC to hold
a plebiscite that will
2
ratify their initiative petition under
Section 5(b) and (c)
_______________
1 Including Sigaw ng Bayan and Union of Local Authorities of the

Philippines (ULAP).
2 This provision states: “Requirements.—x x x x
(b) A petition for an initiative on the 1987 Constitution must have at
least twelve per centum (12%) of the total number of registered voters as
signatories, of which every legislative district must be represented by at
least
220

3
and Section 7 of Republic Act No. 6735 or the Initiative
and Referendum Act (“RA 6735”).
The Lambino Group alleged that their petition had the
support of 6,327,952 individuals constituting at least
twelve per centum (12%) of all registered voters, with each
legislative district represented by at least three per centum
(3%) of its registered voters. The Lambino Group also
claimed that COMELEC election registrars had verified
the signatures of the 6.3 million individuals.
The Lambino Group’s initiative petition changes the
1987 Constitution by modifying
4
Sections 1-7 of Article VI
(Legislative Department)
_______________
three per centum (3%) of the registered voters therein. Initiative on the
Constitution may be exercised only after five (5) years from the
ratification of the1987 Constitution and only once every five (5) years
thereafter.
(c) The petition shall state the following:
c.1. contents or text of the proposed law sought to be enacted, approved

or rejected, amended or repealed, as the case may be;
c.2. the proposition;
c.3. the reason or reasons therefor;
c.4. that it is not one of the exceptions provided herein;
c.5. signatures of the petitioners or registered voters; and
c.6. an abstract or summary in not more than one hundred (100) words
which shall be legibly written or printed at the top of every page of
the petition.”
3 This provision states: “Verification of Signatures.—The Election

Registrar shall verify the signatures on the basis of the registry list of
voters, voters’ affidavits and voters identification cards used in the
immediately preceding election.”
4 Sections 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7 of Article VI will be changed thus:
Section 1. (1) The legislative and executive powers shall be vested in a unicameral
Parliament which shall be composed of as many members as may be provided by
law, to be apportioned among the provinces, representative districts, and cities in
accordance with the number of their respective inhabitants, with at least three
hundred thousand inhabitants per district, and on the basis of a uniform and
progressive ratio. Each district shall comprise, as far as practicable, contiguous,
compact and adjacent territory, and each province must have at least one member.
221
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 221

5
and Sections 1-4 of Article VII (Executive Department) and6
by adding Article XVIII entitled “Transitory Provisions.”
These proposed
_______________
(2) Each Member of Parliament shall be a natural-born citizen of the Philippines,

at least twenty-five years old on the day of the election, a resident of his district
for at least one year prior thereto, and shall be elected by the qualified voters of
his district for a term of five years without limitation as to the number thereof,
except those under the party-list system which shall be provided for by law and
whose number shall be equal to twenty per centum of the total membership coming
from the parliamentary districts.
5 Sections 1, 2, 3, and 4 of Article VII will be changed thus:
Section 1. There shall be a President who shall be the Head of State. The executive
power shall be exercised by a Prime Minister, with the assistance of the Cabinet.
The Prime Minister shall be elected by a majority of all the Members of
Parliament from among themselves. He shall be responsible to the Parliament for
the program of government.
6 Sections 1-5 of the Transitory Provisions read:
Section 1. (1) The incumbent President and Vice President shall serve until the
expiration of their term at noon on the thirtieth day of June 2010 and shall
continue to exercise their powers under the 1987 Constitution unless impeached
by a vote of two thirds of all the members of the interim parliament.
(2) In case of death, permanent disability, resignation or removal from office of
the incumbent President, the incumbent Vice President shall succeed as President.
In case of death, permanent disability, resignation or removal from office of both
the incumbent President and Vice President, the interim Prime Minister shall
assume all the powers and responsibilities of Prime Minister under Article VII as
amended.
Section 2. Upon the expiration of the term of the incumbent President and Vice
President, with the exception of Sections 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7 of Article VI of the
1987 Constitution which shall hereby be amended and Sections 18 and 24 which
shall be deleted, all other sections of Article VI are hereby retained and
renumbered sequentially as Section 2, ad seriatim up to 26, unless they are
inconsistent with the Parliamentary system of government, in which case, they
shall be amended to conform with a unicameral parliamentary form of
government; provided, however, that any and all references therein to “Congress,”
“Senate,” “House of Representatives” and “Houses of Congress”
222

changes will shift the present Bicameral-Presidential

system to a Unicameral-Parliamentary form of
government. The Lambino Group
_______________
shall be changed to read “Parliament”; that any and all references therein to
“Member[s] of Congress,” “Senator[s]” or “Member[s] of the House of
Representatives” shall be changed to read as “Member[s] of Parliament” and any
and all references to the “President” and or “Acting President” shall be changed to
read “Prime Minister.”
Section 3. Upon the expiration of the term of the incumbent President and Vice
President, with the exception of Sections 1, 2, 3 and 4 of Article VII of the 1987
Constitution which are hereby amended and Sections 7, 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12 which
are hereby deleted, all other Sections of Article VII shall be retained and
renumbered sequentially as Section 2, ad seriatim up to 14, unless they shall be
inconsistent with Section 1 hereof, in which case they shall be deemed amended so
as to conform to a unicameral Parliamentary System of government; provided
however that any and all references therein to “Congress,” “Senate,” “House of
Representatives” and “Houses of Congress” shall be changed to read “Parliament”;
that any and all references therein to “Member[s] of Congress,” “Senator[s]” or
“Member[s] of the House of Representatives” shall be changed to read as
“Member[s] of Parliament” and any and all references to the “President” and or
“Acting President” shall be changed to read “Prime Minister.”
Section 4. (1) There shall exist, upon the ratification of these amendments, an
interim Parliament which shall continue until the Members of the regular
Parliament shall have been elected and shall have qualified. It shall be composed
of the incumbent Members of the Senate and the House of Representatives and
the incumbent Members of the Cabinet who are heads of executive departments.
(2) The incumbent Vice President shall automatically be a Member of
Parliament until noon of the thirtieth day of June 2010. He shall also be a member
of the cabinet and shall head a ministry. He shall initially convene the interim
Parliament and shall preside over its sessions for the election of the interim Prime
Minister and until the Speaker shall have been elected by a majority vote of all the
members of the interim Parliament from among themselves.
(3) Within forty-five days from ratification of these amendments, the interim
Parliament shall convene to propose amendments to, or revisions of, this
Constitution consistent with the principles of local autonomy, decentralization and
a strong bureaucracy.
223
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 223

prayed that after due publication of their petition, the

COMELEC should submit the following proposition in a
plebiscite for the voters’ ratification:
“DO YOU APPROVE THE AMENDMENT OF ARTICLES VI

AND VII OF THE 1987 CONSTITUTION, CHANGING THE
FORM OF GOVERNMENT FROM THE PRESENT
BICAMERAL-PRESIDENTIAL TO A UNICAMERAL-
PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM, AND PROVIDING ARTICLE
XVIII AS TRANSITORY PROVISIONS FOR THE ORDERLY
SHIFT FROM ONE SYSTEM TO THE OTHER?”
On 30 August 2006, the Lambino Group filed an Amended

Petition with the COMELEC indicating modifications in
the proposed
7
Article XVIII (Transitory Provisions) of their
initiative.
_______________
Section 5. (1) The incumbent President, who is the Chief Executive, shall
nominate, from among the members of the interim Parliament, an interim Prime
Minister, who shall be elected by a majority vote of the members thereof. The
interim Prime Minister shall oversee the various ministries and shall perform
such powers and responsibilities as may be delegated to him by the incumbent
President.
(2) The interim Parliament shall provide for the election of the members of
Parliament, which shall be synchronized and held simultaneously with the
election of all local government officials. Thereafter, the Vice President, as
Member of Parliament, shall immediately convene the Parliament and shall
initially preside over its session for the purpose of electing the Prime Minister,
who shall be elected by a majority vote of all its members, from among themselves.
The duly elected Prime Minister shall continue to exercise and perform the
powers, duties and responsibilities of the interim Prime Minister until the
expiration of the term of incumbent President and Vice President.
7 As revised, Article XVIII contained a new paragraph in Section 4

(paragraph 3) and a modified paragraph 2, Section 5, thus:
Section 4. x x x x
(3) Senators whose term of office ends in 2010 shall be Members of Parliament
until noon of the thirtieth day of June 2010.
xxxx
Section 5. x x x x
224

The Ruling of the COMELEC
On 31 August 2006, the COMELEC issued its Resolution

denying due course to the Lambino Group’s petition for
lack of an enabling law governing initiative petitions to
amend the Constitution. The COMELEC invoked this8
Court’s ruling in Santiago v. Commission on Elections
declaring RA 6735 inadequate to implement the 9
initiative
clause on proposals to amend the Constitution.
_______________
(2) The interim Parliament shall provide for the election of the
members of Parliament, which shall be synchronized and held
simultaneously with the election of all local government officials. The duly
elected Prime Minister shall continue to exercise and perform the powers,
duties and responsibilities of the interim Prime Minister until the
expiration of the term of the incumbent President and Vice President.
8 336 Phil. 848; 270 SCRA 106 (1997); Resolution dated 10 June 1997.
9 The COMELEC held:
“We agree with the Petitioners that this Commission has the solemn
Constitutional duty to enforce and administer all laws and regulations relative to
the conduct of, as in this case, initiative.
This mandate, however, should be read in relation to the other provisions of the
Constitution particularly on initiative.
Section 2, Article XVII of the 1987 Constitution provides:
Sec. 2. Amendments to this Constitution may likewise be directly proposed by the people
through initiative, upon a petition of at least twelve per centum of the total number of
registered voters, of which every legislative district must be represented by at least three
per centum of the registered voters therein. x x x.
The Congress shall provide for the implementation of the exercise of this right.
The afore-quoted provision of the Constitution being a non self-executory

provision needed an enabling law for its implementation. Thus, in order to breathe
life into the constitutional right of the people under a system of initiative to
directly propose, enact, approve or reject, in whole or in part, the Constitution,
laws, ordinances, or resolution, Congress enacted Republic Act No. 6735.
However, the Supreme Court, in the landmark case of Santiago vs. Commission
on Elections struck down the said law for being incom-
225
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 225

In G.R. No. 174153, the Lambino Group prays for the

issuance of the writs of certiorari and mandamus to set
aside the COMELEC Resolution of 31 August 2006 and to
compel the COMELEC to give due course to their initiative
petition. The Lambino Group contends that the COMELEC
committed grave abuse of discretion in denying due course
to their petition since Santiago is not a binding precedent.
Alternatively, the Lambino Group claims that Santiago
binds only the parties to that case, and their petition
deserves cognizance as an expression of the “will of the
sovereign people.”
In G.R. No. 174299, petitioners (“Binay Group”) pray
that the Court require respondent COMELEC
Commissioners to show cause why they should not be cited
in contempt for the COMELEC’s verification of signatures

and for “entertaining” the Lambino Group’s peti-
_______________
plete, inadequate, or wanting in essential terms and conditions insofar as

initiative on amendments to the Constitution is concerned.
The Supreme Court likewise declared that this Commission should be
permanently enjoined from entertaining or taking cognizance of any petition for
initiative on amendments to the Constitution until a sufficient law shall have been
validly enacted to provide for the implementation of the system.
Thus, even if the signatures in the instant Petition appear to meet the required
minimum per centum of the total number of registered voters, of which every
legislative district is represented by at least three per centum of the registered
voters therein, still the Petition cannot be given due course since the Supreme
Court categorically declared R.A. No. 6735 as inadequate to cover the system of
initiative on amendments to the Constitution.
This Commission is not unmindful of the transcendental importance of the
right of the people under a system of initiative. However, neither can we turn a
blind eye to the pronouncement of the High Court that in the absence of a valid
enabling law, this right of the people remains nothing but an “empty right,” and
that this Commission is permanently enjoined from entertaining or taking
cognizance of any petition for initiative on amendments to the Constitution.
Considering the foregoing, We are therefore constrained not to

entertain or give due course to the instant Petition.”
226

tion despite the permanent injunction in Santiago. The

Court treated the Binay Group’s petition as an opposition-
in-intervention.
In his Comment to the Lambino Group’s petition, the
Solicitor General joined causes with the petitioners, urging
the Court to grant the petition despite the Santiago
ruling. The Solicitor General proposed that the Court treat
RA 6735 and its implementing rules “as temporary devises
to implement the system of initiative.”
Various groups and individuals sought intervention,
filing pleadings supporting or opposing the 10
Lambino
Group’s petition. The supporting intervenors uniformly
hold the view that the COMELEC committed grave abuse
of discretion in relying on11 Santiago. On the other hand,
the opposing intervenors hold the contrary view and
maintain that Santiago is a binding precedent. The
opposing intervenors also challenged (1) the Lambino

Group’s standing to file the petition; (2) the validity of the
signature gathering and verification process; (3) the
Lambino Group’s compliance with the minimum
requirement for the percentage of voters supporting an
initiative peti-
_______________
10 Arturo M. De Castro; Ronald L. Adamat, Rolando Manuel Rivera,

Ruelo Baya; Philippine Transport and General Workers Organization
(PTGWO); Trade Union Congress of the Philippines; Sulong Bayan
Movement Foundation, Inc.
11 Onevoice, Inc., Christian S. Monsod, Rene B. Azurin, Manuel L.
Quezon III, Benjamin T. Tolosa, Jr., Susan V. Ople and Carlos P. Medina,
Jr.; Alternative Law Groups, Inc.; Atty. Pete Quirino Quadra; Bayan,
Bayan Muna, Kilusang Mayo Uno, Head, Ecumenical Bishops Forum,
Migrante, Gabriela, Gabriela Women’s Party, Anakbayan, League of
Filipino Students, Jojo Pineda, Dr. Darby Santiago, Dr. Reginald
Pamugas; Loreta Ann P. Rosales, and Mario Joyo Aguja, Ana Theresa
Hontiveros-Baraquel, Luwalhati Ricasa Antonino; Philippine Constitution
(PHILCONSA), Conrado F. Estrella, Tomas C. Toledo, Mariano M. Tajon,
Froilan M. Bacungan, Joaquin T. Venus, Jr., Fortunato P. Aguas, and
Amado Gat Inciong; Senate of the Philippines; Jose Anselmo I. Cadiz,
Byron D. Bocar, Ma. Tanya Karina A. Lat, Antonio L. Salvador and
Randall C. Tabayoyong, Integrated Bar of the Philippines, Cebu City and
Cebu Province Chapters; Senate Minority Leader Aquilino Q. Pimentel,
Jr., and Senators Sergio R. Osmeña III, Jamby Madrigal, Jinggoy
Estrada, Alfredo S. Lim and Panfilo Lacson; Joseph Ejercito Estrada and
Pwersa ng Masang Pilipino.
227
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 227

tion under 12 Section 2, Article XVII of the 1987

Constitution; (4) the nature of the proposed changes as
revisions and not mere amendments as provided under
Section 2, Article XVII of the 1987 Constitution; and (5) the
Lambino Group’s compliance with the requirement in
Section 10(a) of RA 6735 limiting initiative petitions to only
one subject.
The Court heard the parties and intervenors in oral
arguments on 26 September 2006. After receiving the
parties’ memoranda, the Court considered the case
submitted for resolution.
The Issues
The petitions raise the following issues:
1. Whether the Lambino Group’s initiative petition

complies with Section 2, Article XVII of the
Constitution on amendments to the Constitution
through a people’s initiative;
2. Whether this Court should revisit its ruling in
Santiago declaring RA 6735 “incomplete,
inadequate or wanting in essential terms and
conditions” to implement the initiative clause on
proposals to amend the Constitution; and
3. Whether the COMELEC committed grave abuse of
discretion in denying due course to the Lambino
Group’s petition.
The Ruling of the Court
There is no merit to the petition.

The Lambino Group miserably failed to comply with the
basic requirements of the Constitution for conducting a
people’s initiative.
_______________
12 This provision states: “Amendments to this Constitution may

likewise be directly proposed by the people through initiative upon a
petition of at least twelve per centum of the total number of registered
voters, of which every legislative district must be represented by at least
three per centum of the registered voters therein. No amendment under
this section shall be authorized within five years following the ratification
of this Constitution nor oftener than once every five years.”
228

Thus, there is even no need to revisit Santiago, as the

present petition warrants dismissal based alone on the
Lambino Group’s glaring failure to comply with the basic
requirements of the Constitution. For following the Court’s
ruling in Santiago, no grave abuse of discretion is
attributable to the Commission on Elections.
1. The Initiative Petition Does Not Comply with

Section 2,Article XVII of the Constitution on Direct
Proposal by the People
Section 2, Article XVII of the Constitution is the
governing constitutional provision that allows a people’s
initiative to propose amendments to the Constitution. This
section states:
“Sec. 2. Amendments to this Constitution may likewise be

directly proposed by the people through initiative upon a
petition of at least twelve per centum of the total number of
registered voters of which every legislative district must be
represented by at least three per centum of the registered voters
therein. x x x x” (Emphasis supplied)
The deliberations of the Constitutional Commission vividly

explain the meaning of an amendment “directly
proposed by the people through initiative upon a
petition,” thus:
MR. RODRIGO: Let us look at the mechanics. Let us say

some voters want to propose a constitutional
amendment. Is the draft of the proposed
constitutional amendment ready to be shown to the
people when they are asked to sign?
MR. SUAREZ: That can be reasonably assumed,
Madam President.
MR. RODRIGO: What does the sponsor mean? The draft
is ready and shown to them before they sign. Now,
who prepares the draft?
MR. SUAREZ: The people themselves, Madam President.
MR. RODRIGO: No, because before they sign there is
already a draft shown to them and they are asked
whether or not they want to propose this
constitutional amendment.
229
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 229

MR. SUAREZ: As it is envisioned, any Filipino can

prepare that
13
proposal and pass it around for
signature. (Emphasis supplied)
Clearly, the framers of the Constitution intended that the

“draft of the proposed constitutional amendment”
should be “ready and shown” to the people “before” they
sign such proposal. The framers plainly stated that “before

they sign there is already a draft shown to them.” The
framers also “envisioned” that the people should sign on
the proposal itself because the proponents must
“prepare that proposal and pass it around for
signature.”
The essence of amendments “directly proposed by the
people through initiative upon a petition” is that the
entire proposal on its face is a petition by the people.
This means two essential elements must be present. First,
the people must author and thus sign the entire proposal.
No agent or representative can sign on their behalf.
Second, as an initiative upon a petition, the proposal must
be embodied in a petition.
These essential elements are present only if the full text
of the proposed amendments is first shown to the people
who express their assent by signing such complete proposal
in a petition. Thus, an amendment is “directly
petition” only if the people sign on a petition that
contains the full text of the proposed amendments.
The full text of the proposed amendments may be either
written on the face of the petition, or attached to it. If so
attached, the petition must state the fact of such
attachment. This is an assurance that every one of the
several millions of signatories to the petition had seen the
full text of the proposed amendments before signing.
Otherwise, it is physically impossible, given the time
constraint, to prove that every one of the millions of
signatories had seen the full text of the proposed
amendments before signing.
_______________
13 I RECORD, pp. 387-388.
230

14
The framers of the Constitution directly borrowed the
concept of people’s initiative from the United States where
various State constitutions
15
incorporate an initiative clause.
In almost all States which allow initiative petitions, the
unbending requirement is that the people must first
see the full text of the proposed amendments before
they sign to signify their assent, and that the people
must sign on an initiative petition that

16
contains the
full text of the proposed amendments.
_______________
14 During the deliberations of the Constitutional Commission,

Commissioner Rene V. Sarmiento made the following report (I RECORD
389):
MR. SARMIENTO: Madam President, I am happy that the Committee
on Amendments and Transitory Provisions decided to retain the system of
initiative as a mode of amending the Constitution. I made a survey of
American constitutions and I discovered that 13 States provide for a
system of initiative as a mode of amending the Constitution—Arizona,
Arkansas, California, Colorado, Massachusetts, Michigan, Missouri,
Nebraska, Nevada, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma and Oregon. The
initiative for ordinary laws only is used in Idaho, Maine, Montana and
South Dakota. So, I am happy that this was accepted or retained by the
Committee.
xxxx
The Americans in turn copied the concept of initiatives from the Swiss
beginning in 1898 when South Dakota adopted the initiative in its
constitution. The Swiss cantons experimented with initiatives in the
1830s. In 1891, the Swiss incorporated the initiative as a mode of
amending their national constitution. Initiatives promote “direct
democracy” by allowing the people to directly propose amendments to the
constitution. In contrast, the traditional mode of changing the constitution
is known as “indirect democracy” because the amendments are referred to
the voters by the legislature or the constitutional convention.
15 Florida requires only that the title and summary of the proposed
amendment are “printed in clear and unambiguous language.” Advisory
Opinion to the Attorney General RE Right of Citizens to Choose Health
Care Providers, No. 90160, 22 January 1998, Supreme Court of Florida.
16 State ex. rel Patton v. Myers, 127 Ohio St. 95, 186 N.E. 872 (1933);
Whitman v. Moore, 59 Ariz. 211, 125 P.2d 445 (1942); Heidtman v. City of
Shaker Heights, 99 Ohio App. 415, 119 N.E. 2d 644 (1954); Christen v.
Baker, 138 Colo. 27, 328 P.2d 951 (1958); Stop the Pay Hike Committee v.
Town Council of Town of Irvington, 166 N.J. Super. 197, 399 A.2d 336
(1979); State
231
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 231

The rationale for this requirement has been repeatedly

explained in several decisions of various courts. Thus, in
Capezzuto v. State Ballot Commission, the Supreme
Court of Massachusetts, affirmed by the First Circuit Court

of Appeals, declared:
“[A] signature requirement would be meaningless if the

person supplying the signature has not first seen what it is
that he or she is signing. Further, and more importantly, loose
interpretation of the subscription requirement can pose a
significant potential for fraud. A person permitted to describe
orally the contents of an initiative petition to a potential signer,
without the signer having actually examined the petition, could
easily mislead the signer by, for example, omitting, downplaying,
or even flatly misrepresenting, portions of the petition that might
not be to the signer’s liking. This danger seems particularly
acute when, in this case, the person giving the description
is the drafter of the petition, who obviously has a vested
interest in seeing that 17
it gets the requisite signatures to
qualify for the ballot.” (Boldfacing and italics supplied)
18
Likewise, in Kerr v. Bradbury, the Court of Appeals of
Oregon explained:
“The purposes of “full text” provisions that apply to amendments

by initiative commonly are described in similar terms. x x x (The
purpose of the full text requirement is to provide
sufficient information so that registered voters can
intelligently evaluate whether to sign the initiative
petition.”); x x x (publication of full text of amended
constitutional provision required because it is “essential for the
elector to have x x x the section which is proposed to be added to
or subtracted from. If he is to vote intelligently, he must have this
knowledge. Otherwise in many instances he would be required to
vote in the dark.)” (Emphasis supplied)
_______________
ex rel Evans v. Blackwell, Slip copy, 2006 WL 1102804 (Ohio App. 10

Dist.), 2006-Ohio-2076.
17 407 Mass. 949, 955 (1990). Affirmed by the District Court of
Massachusetts in Henry v. Conolly, 743 F. Supp. 922 (1990) and by the
Court of Appeals, First Circuit, in Henry v. Conolly, 9109 F. 2d. 1000
(1990), and cited in Marino v. Town Council of Southbridge, 13
Mass.L.Rptr. 14 (2001).
18 89 P.3d 1227, 1235 (2004).
232

Moreover, “an initiative signer must be informed at the

time of signing of the nature and effect of that which is
proposed” and failure to do so is “deceptive 19
and
misleading” which renders the initiative void.
Section 2, Article XVII of the Constitution does not
expressly state that the petition must set forth the full text
of the proposed amendments. However, the deliberations of
the framers of our Constitution clearly show that the
framers intended to adopt the relevant American
jurisprudence on people’s initiative. In particular, the
deliberations of the Constitutional Commission explicitly
reveal that the framers intended that the people must
first see the full text of the proposed amendments
before they sign, and that the people must sign on a
petition containing such full text. Indeed, Section 5(b)
of Republic Act No. 6735, the Initiative and Referendum
Act that the Lambino Group invokes as valid, requires that
the people must sign the “petition x x x as signatories.”
The proponents of the initiative secure the signatures
from the people. The proponents secure the signatures in
their private capacity and not as public officials. The
proponents are not disinterested parties who can
impartially explain the advantages and disadvantages of
the proposed amendments to the people. The proponents
present favorably their proposal to the people and do not
present the arguments against their proposal. The
proponents, or their supporters, often pay those who gather
the signatures.
Thus, there is no presumption that the proponents
observed the constitutional requirements in gathering the
signatures. The proponents bear the burden of proving that
they complied with the constitutional requirements in
gathering the signatures—that the petition contained,
or incorporated by attachment, the full text of the
proposed amendments.
The Lambino Group did not attach to their present
petition with this Court a copy of the paper that the people
signed as their initiative petition. The Lambino Group
submitted to this Court a copy of a
_______________
19 Stumpf v. Law, 839 P. 2d 120, 124 (1992).
233
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 233

20
20
signature sheet after the oral arguments of 26
September 2006 when they filed their Memorandum on 11
October 2006. The signature sheet with this Court during
21
the oral arguments was the signature sheet attached to
the opposition in intervention filed on 7 September 2006 by
intervenor Atty. Pete Quirino-Quadra.
The signature sheet attached to Atty. Quadra’s
opposition and the signature sheet attached to the Lambino
Group’s Memorandum are the same. We reproduce below
the signature sheet in full:
Province: City/Municipality: No. of Verified

Signatures:
Legislative Barangay:
District:
PROPOSITION: “DO YOU APPROVE OF THE AMENDMENT

OF ARTICLES VI AND VII OF THE 1987 CONSTITUTION,
CHANGING THE FORM OF GOVERNMENT FROM THE
PRESENT BICAMERAL-PRESIDENTIAL TO A UNICAMERAL-
PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT, IN ORDER
TO ACHIEVE GREATER EFFICIENCY, SIMPLICITY AND
ECONOMY IN GOVERNMENT; AND PROVIDING AN
ARTICLE XVIII AS TRANSITORY PROVISIONS FOR THE
ORDERLY SHIFT FROM ONE SYSTEM TO ANOTHER?”
I hereby APPROVE the proposed amendment to the 1987
Constitution. My signature herein which shall form part of the
petition for initiative to amend the Constitution signifies my
support for the filing thereof
Precinct Name Address Birthdate Signature Verification

Number Last MM/DD/YY
Name,
First
Name,
M.I.
1
_______________
20 Exhibit “B” of the Lambino Group’s Memorandum filed on 11 October

2006.
21 Annex “B” of the Comment/Opposition in Intervention of Atty. Pete
Quirino-Quadra filed on 7 September 2006.
234

2

3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
_______________ _______________ _______________

Barangay Official Witness Witness
(Print Name and (Print Name and (Print Name and
Sign) Sign) Sign)
There is not a single word, phrase, or sentence of

text of the Lambino Group’s proposed changes in the
signature sheet. Neither does the signature sheet
state that the text of the proposed changes is
attached to it. Petitioner Atty. Raul Lambino admitted
this during the oral arguments before this Court on 26
September 2006.
The signature sheet merely asks a question whether the
people approve a shift from the Bicameral-Presidential to
the Unicameral-Parliamentary system of government. The
signature sheet does not show to the people the draft
of the proposed changes before they are asked to
sign the signature sheet. Clearly, the signature sheet is
not the “petition” that the framers of the Constitution
envisioned when they formulated the initiative clause in
Section 2, Article XVII of the Constitution.
Petitioner Atty. Lambino, however, explained that
during the signature-gathering from February to August
2006, the Lambino Group circulated, together with the
signature sheets, printed copies of the Lambino Group’s
draft petition which they later filed on 25 August 2006 with
the COMELEC. When asked if his group also circulated the
draft of their amended petition filed on 30 August 2006
with the COMELEC, Atty. Lambino initially replied that
they circulated both. However, Atty. Lambino changed his
answer and stated that what
235
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 235

his group circulated was the draft of the 30 August 2006

amended petition, not the draft of the 25 August 2006
petition.
The Lambino Group would have this Court believe that
they prepared the draft of the 30 August 2006 amended
petition almost seven months earlier in February
2006 when they started gathering signatures. Petitioner
Erico B. Aumentado’s “Verification/Certification” of the 25
August 2006 petition, as well as of the 30 August 2006
amended petition, filed with the COMELEC, states as
follows:
“I have caused the preparation of the foregoing [Amended]

Petition in my personal capacity as a registered voter, for and on
behalf of the Union of Local Authorities of the Philippines,
as shown by ULAP Resolution No. 2006-02 hereto attached,
and as representative of the mass of signatories hereto.”
(Emphasis supplied)
The Lambino Group failed to attach a copy of ULAP

Resolution No. 2006-02 to the present petition. However,
the “Official Website
22
of the Union of Local Authorities of
the Philippines” has posted the full text of Resolution No.
2006-02, which provides:
RESOLUTION NO. 2006-02
RESOLUTION SUPPORTING THE PROPOSALS OF THE

PEOPLE’S CONSULTATIVE COMMISSION ON CHARTER
CHANGE THROUGH PEOPLE’S INITIATIVE AND
REFERENDUM AS A MODE OF AMENDING THE 1987
CONSTITUTION
WHEREAS, there is a need for the Union of Local Authorities
of the Philippines (ULAP) to adopt a common stand on the
approach to support the proposals of the People’s Consultative
Commission; on Charter Change;
_______________
22 www.ulap.gov.ph.
236

WHEREAS, ULAP maintains its unqualified support to the

agenda of Her Excellency President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo for
constitutional reforms as embodied in the ULAP Joint
Declaration for Constitutional Reforms signed by the members of
the ULAP and the majority coalition of the House of
Representatives in Manila Hotel sometime in October 2005;
WHEREAS, the People’s Consultative Commission on Charter
Change created by Her Excellency to recommend amendments to
the 1987 Constitution has submitted its final report sometime in
December 2005;
WHEREAS, the ULAP is mindful of the current political
developments in Congress which militates against the use of the
expeditious form of amending the 1987 Constitution;
WHEREAS, subject to the ratification of its institutional
members and the failure of Congress to amend the Constitution
as a constituent assembly, ULAP has unanimously agreed to
pursue the constitutional reform agenda through People’s
Initiative and Referendum without prejudice to other pragmatic
means to pursue the same;
WHEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED AS IT IS HEREBY
RESOLVED, THAT ALL THE MEMBER-LEAGUES OF THE
UNION OF LOCAL AUTHORITIES OF THE PHILIPPINES
(ULAP) SUPPORT THE PORPOSALS (SIC) OF THE
PEOPLE’S CONSULATATIVE (SIC) COMMISSION ON
CHARTER CHANGE THROUGH PEOPLE’S INITIATIVE
AND REFERENDUM AS A MODE OF AMENDING THE 1987
CONSTITUTION;
DONE, during the ULAP National Executive Board special
meeting 23held on 14 January 2006 at the Century Park Hotel,
Manila.” (Italics supplied)
ULAP Resolution No. 2006-02 does not authorize

petitioner Aumentado to prepare the 25 August 2006
petition, or the 30 August 2006 amended petition, filed
with the COMELEC. ULAP Resolution No. 2006-02
“support(s) the porposals (sic) of the Consulatative
(sic) Commission on Charter Change through people’s
initiative and referendum as a mode of amending the 1987
Constitution.”
24
The proposals of the Consultative
Commission are vastly different
_______________
23 www.ulap.gov.ph/reso2006-02.html.
24 The full text of the proposals of the Consultative Commission on
Charter Change can be downloaded at its official website at
www.concom.ph.
237
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 237

from the proposed changes of the Lambino Group in the 25

August 2006 petition or 30 August 2006 amended petition
filed with the COMELEC.
For example, the proposed revisions of the Consultative
Commission affect all provisions of the existing
Constitution, from the Preamble to the Transitory
Provisions. The proposed revisions have profound impact
on the Judiciary and the National Patrimony provisions of
the existing Constitution, provisions that the Lambino
Group’s proposed changes do not touch. The Lambino
Group’s proposed changes purport to affect only Articles VI
and VII of the existing Constitution, including the
introduction of new Transitory Provisions.
The ULAP adopted Resolution No. 2006-02 on 14
January 2006 or more than six months before the filing of
the 25 August 2006 petition or the 30 August 2006
amended petition with the COMELEC. However, ULAP
Resolution No. 2006-02 does not establish that ULAP or
the Lambino Group caused the circulation of the draft
petition, together with the signature sheets, six months
before the filing with the COMELEC. On the contrary,
ULAP Resolution No. 2006-02 casts grave doubt on the
Lambino Group’s claim that they circulated the draft
petition together with the signature sheets. ULAP
Resolution No. 2006-02 does not refer at all to the
draft petition or to the Lambino Group’s proposed
changes.
In their Manifestation explaining their amended
petition before the COMELEC, the Lambino Group
declared:
“After the Petition was filed, Petitioners belatedly realized that

the proposed amendments alleged in the Petition, more
specifically, paragraph 3 of Section 4 and paragraph 2 of Section 5
of the Transitory Provisions were inaccurately stated and failed to
correctly reflect their proposed amendments.”
The Lambino Group did not allege that they were

amending the petition because the amended petition was
what they had shown to the people during the February to
August 2006 signature-gathering. Instead, the Lambino
Group alleged that the petition of 25 August 2006
“inaccurately stated and failed to correctly reflect their

proposed amendments.”
238

The Lambino Group never alleged in the 25 August 2006

petition or the 30 August 2006 amended petition with the
COMELEC that they circulated printed copies of the draft
petition together with the signature sheets. Likewise, the
Lambino Group did not allege in their present petition
before this Court that they circulated printed copies of the
draft petition together with the signature sheets. The
signature sheets do not also contain any indication that the
draft petition is attached to, or circulated with, the
signature sheets.
It is only in their Consolidated Reply to the Opposition-
in-Interventions that the Lambino Group first claimed that
they circulated the “petition for initiative filed with the
COMELEC,” thus:
“[T]here is persuasive authority to the effect that “(w)here there

is not (sic) fraud, a signer who did not read the measure
attached to a referendum petition cannot question his
signature on the ground that he did not understand the
nature of the act.” [82 CJS. S128h. Mo. State v. Sullivan, 224,
S.W. 327, 283 Mo. 546.] Thus, the registered voters who
signed the signature sheets circulated together with the
petition for initiative filed with the COMELEC below, are
presumed to voters who signed the signature sheets
circulated together with the petition for initiative filed
with the COMELEC below, are presumed to have understood
the proposition contained in the petition.” (Emphasis supplied)
The Lambino Group’s statement that they circulated to the

people “the petition for initiative filed with the
COMELEC” appears an afterthought, made after the
intervenor Integrated Bar of the Philippines (Cebu City
Chapter and Cebu Province Chapters) and Atty. Quadra
had pointed out that the signature sheets did not contain
the text of the proposed changes. In their Consolidated
Reply, the Lambino Group alleged that they circulated
“the petition for initiative” but failed to mention the
amended petition. This contradicts what Atty. Lambino
finally stated during the oral arguments that what they
circulated was the draft of the amended petition of 30

August 2006.
The Lambino Group cites as authority Corpus Juris
Secundum, stating that “a signer who did not read the
measure attached to a referendum petition cannot
question his signature on the ground that he did not
understand the nature of the act.” The Lambino
239
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 239

Group quotes an authority that cites a proposed change

attached to the petition signed by the people. Even
the authority the Lambino Group quotes requires that the
proposed change must be attached to the petition. The
same authority the Lambino Group quotes requires the
people to sign on the petition itself.
Indeed, it is basic in American jurisprudence that the
proposed amendment must be incorporated with, or
attached to, the initiative petition signed by the people. In
the present initiative, the Lambino Group’s proposed
changes were not incorporated with, or attached to, the
signature sheets. The Lambino Group’s citation of Corpus
Juris Secundum pulls the rug from under their feet.
It is extremely doubtful that the Lambino Group
prepared, printed, circulated, from February to August
2006 during the signature-gathering period, the draft of the
petition or amended petition they filed later with the
COMELEC. The Lambino Group are less than candid with
this Court in their belated claim that they printed and
circulated, together with the signature sheets, the petition
or amended petition. Nevertheless, even assuming the
Lambino Group circulated the amended petition
during the signature-gathering period, the Lambino
Group admitted circulating only very limited copies
of the petition.
During the oral arguments, Atty. Lambino expressly
admitted that they printed only 100,000 copies of the
draft petition they filed more than six months later
with the COMELEC. Atty. Lambino added that he also
asked other supporters to print additional copies of the
draft petition but he could not state with certainty how
many additional copies the other supporters printed. Atty.
Lambino could only assure this Court of the printing
of 100,000 copies because he himself caused the
printing of these 100,000 copies.
Likewise, in the Lambino Group’s Memorandum filed on

11 October 2006, the Lambino Group expressly admit
that “petitioner Lambino initiated the printing and
reproduction of 25
100,000 copies of the petition for
initiative x x x.” This admission
_______________
25 The Lambino Group’s Memorandum, p. 5.
240

binds the Lambino Group and establishes beyond

any doubt that the Lambino Group failed to show
the full text of the proposed changes to the great
majority of the people who signed the signature
sheets.
Thus, of the 6.3 million signatories, only 100,000
signatories could have received with certainty one copy
each of the petition, assuming a 100 percent distribution
with no wastage. If Atty. Lambino and company attached
one copy of the petition to each signature sheet, only
100,000 signature sheets could have circulated with the
petition. Each signature sheet contains space for ten
signatures. Assuming ten people signed each of these
100,000 signature sheets with the attached petition, the
maximum number of people who saw the petition before
they signed the signature sheets would not exceed
1,000,000.
With only 100,000 printed copies of the petition, it would
be physically impossible for all or a great majority of the
6.3 million signatories to have seen the petition before they
signed the signature sheets. The inescapable conclusion
is that the Lambino Group failed to show to the 6.3
million signatories the full text of the proposed
changes. If ever, not more than one million signatories
saw the petition before they signed the signature sheets.
In any event, the Lambino Group’s signature sheets do
not contain the full text of the proposed changes, either on
the face of the signature sheets, or as attachment with an
indication in the signature sheet of such attachment.
Petitioner Atty. Lambino admitted this during the
oral arguments, and this admission binds the
Lambino Group. This fact is also obvious from a
mere reading of the signature sheet. This omission is
fatal. The failure to so include the text of the proposed

changes in the signature sheets renders the initiative void
for non-compliance with the constitutional requirement
that the amendment must be “directly proposed by the
people through initiative upon a petition.” The
signature sheet is not the “petition” envisioned in the
initiative clause of the Constitution.
For sure, the great majority of the 6.3 million people
who signed the signature sheets did not see the fall text of
the proposed changes
241
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 241

before signing. They could not have known the nature and
effect of the proposed changes, among which are:
1. The term limits on members of the legislature

will be lifted and thus members
26
of Parliament can
be re-elected indefinitely;
2, The interim Parliament can continue to function
indefinitely until its members, who are almost all
the present members of Congress, decide to call for
new parliamentary elections. Thus, the members
of the interim Parliament will determine27
the
expiration of their own term of office;
3. Within 45 days from the ratification of the proposed
changes, the interim Parliament shall convene
to propose further 28amendments or revisions
to the Constitution.
These three specific amendments are not stated or even

indicated in the Lambino Group’s signature sheets. The
people who signed the signature sheets had no idea that
they were proposing these amendments. These three
proposed changes are highly controversial. The people
could not have inferred or divined these proposed changes
merely from a reading or rereading of the contents of the
signature sheets.
During the oral arguments, petitioner Atty. Lambino
stated that he and his group assured the people during
the signaturegathering that the elections for the
regular Parliament would
_______________
26 Under the proposed Section 1(2), Article VI of the Constitution,

members of Parliament shall be elected for a term of five years “without
limitation as to the number thereof.”
27 Under the proposed Section 4(1), Article XVIII, Transitory Provisions
of the Constitution, the interim Parliament “shall continue until the
Members of the regular Parliament shall have been elected and shall have
qualified.” Also, under the proposed Section 5(2), Article XVIII, of the
same Transitory Provisions, the interim Parliament “shall provide for the
election of the members of Parliament.”
28 Under the proposed Section 4(3), Article XVIII, Transitory Provisions
of the Constitution, the interim Parliament, within 45 days from
ratification of the proposed changes, “shall convene to propose
amendments to, or revisions of, this Constitution.”
242

be held during the 2007 local elections if the proposed

changes were ratified before the 2007 local elections.
However, the text of the proposed changes belies this.
The proposed Section 5(2), Article XVIII on Transitory
Provisions, as found in the amended petition, states:
“Section 5(2). The interim Parliament shall provide for the

election of the members of Parliament, which shall be
synchronized and held simultaneously with the election of
all local government officials. x x x x” (Emphasis supplied)
Section 5(2) does not state that the elections for the regular
Parliament will be held simultaneously with the 2007 local
elections. This section merely requires that the elections for
the regular Parliament shall be held simultaneously with
the local elections without specifying the year.
Petitioner Atty. Lambino, who claims to be the principal
drafter of the proposed changes, could have easily written
the word “next” before the phrase “election of all local
government officials.” This would have insured that the
elections for the regular Parliament would be held in the
next local elections following the ratification of the
proposed changes. However, the absence of the word “next”
allows the interim Parliament to schedule the elections for
the regular Parliament simultaneously with any future
local elections.
Thus, the members of the interim Parliament will decide
the expiration of their own term of office. This allows
incumbent members of the House of Representatives to
hold office beyond their current three-year term of office,

and possibly even beyond the five-year term of office of
regular members of the Parliament. Certainly, this is
contrary to the representations of Atty. Lambino and
his group to the 6.3 million people who signed the
signature sheets. Atty. Lambino and his group
deceived the 6.3 million signatories, and even the
entire nation.
This lucidly shows the absolute need for the people to
sign an initiative petition that contains the full text of the
proposed amendments to avoid fraud or misrepresentation.
In the present initiative, the 6.3 million signatories had to
rely on the verbal representa-
243
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 243

tions of Atty. Lambino and his group because the

signature sheets did not contain the full text of the
proposed changes. The result is a grand deception on the
6.3 million signatories who were led to believe that the
proposed changes would require the holding in 2007 of
elections for the regular Parliament simultaneously with
the local elections.
The Lambino Group’s initiative springs another surprise
on the people who signed the signature sheets. The
proposed changes mandate the interim Parliament to
make further amendments or revisions to the Constitution.
The proposed Section 4(4), Article XVIII on Transitory
Provisions, provides:
“Section 4(4). Within forty-five days from ratification of these

amendments, the interim Parliament shall convene to propose
amendments to, or revisions of, this Constitution consistent
with the principles of local autonomy, decentralization and a
strong bureaucracy.” (Emphasis supplied)
During the oral arguments, Atty. Lambino stated that this

provision is a “surplusage” and the Court and the people
should simply ignore it. Far from being a surplusage, this
provision invalidates the Lambino Group’s initiative.
Section 4(4) is a subject matter totally unrelated to the
shift from the Bicameral-Presidential to the Unicameral-
Parliamentary system. American jurisprudence on
initiatives outlaws this as logrolling—when the initiative
petition incorporates an unrelated subject matter in the
same petition. This puts the people in a dilemma since they

can answer only either yes or no to the entire proposition,
forcing them to sign a petition that effectively contains two
propositions, one of which they may find unacceptable.
Under American jurisprudence, the effect of logrolling is
to nullify the entire proposition and not only29 the
unrelated subject matter. Thus, in Fine v. Firestone, the
Supreme Court of Florida declared:
_______________
29 448 So.2d 984, 994 (1984), internal citations omitted.
244

“Combining multiple propositions into one proposal

constitutes “logrolling,” which, if our judicial
responsibility is to mean anything, we cannot permit. The
very broadness of the proposed amendment amounts to logrolling
because the electorate cannot know what it is voting on—the
amendment’s proponents’ simplistic explanation reveals only the
tip of the iceberg, x x x x The ballot must give the electorate fair
notice of the proposed amendment being voted on. x x x x The
ballot language in the instant case fails to do that. The very
broadness of the proposal makes it impossible to state what it will
affect and effect and violates the requirement that proposed
amendments embrace only one subject.” (Emphasis supplied)
Logrolling confuses and even

30
deceives the people. In Yute
Air Alaska v. McAlpine, the Supreme Court of Alaska
warned against “inadvertence, stealth and fraud” in
logrolling:
“Whenever a bill becomes law through the initiative process, all of

the problems that the single-subject rule was enacted to prevent
are exacerbated. There is a greater danger of logrolling, or the
deliberate intermingling of issues to increase the likelihood of an
initiative’s passage, and there is a greater opportunity for
“inadvertence, stealth and fraud” in the enactment-by-
initiative process. The drafters of an initiative operate
independently of any structured or supervised process. They often
emphasize particular provisions of their proposition, while
remaining silent on other (more complex or less appealing)
provisions, when communicating to the public. x x x Indeed,
initiative promoters typically use simplistic advertising to
present their initiative to potential petition-signers and

eventual voters. Many voters will never read the full text of the
initiative before the election. More importantly, there is no
process for amending or splitting the several provisions in an
initiative proposal. These difficulties clearly distinguish the
initiative from the legislative process.” (Emphasis supplied)
Thus, the present initiative appears merely a preliminary

step for further amendments or revisions to be undertaken
by the interim Parliament as a constituent assembly. The
people who signed the signature sheets could not have
known that their signatures would be used to propose an
amendment mandating the interim Parliament to propose
further amendments or revisions to the Constitution.
_______________
30 698 P.2d 1173, 1184 (1985).
245
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 245

Apparently, the Lambino Group inserted the proposed

Section 4(4) to compel the interim Parliament to amend or
revise again’ the Constitution within 45 days from
ratification of the proposed changes, or before the May
2007 elections. In the absence of the proposed Section
4(4), the interim Parliament has the discretion whether to
amend or revise again the Constitution. With the proposed
Section 4(4), the initiative proponents want the interim
Parliament mandated to immediately amend or revise
again the Constitution.
However, the signature sheets do not explain the reason
for this rush in amending or revising again so soon the
Constitution. The signature sheets do not also explain what
specific amendments or revisions the initiative proponents
want the interim Parliament to make, and why there is a
need for such further amendments or revisions. The
people are again left in the dark to fathom the
nature and effect of the proposed changes. Certainly,
such an initiative is not “directly proposed by the people”
because the people do not even know the nature and effect
of the proposed changes.
There is another intriguing provision inserted in the
Lambino Group’s amended petition of 30 August 2006. The
proposed Section 4(3) of the Transitory Provisions states:
Section 4(3). Senators whose term of office ends in 2010 shall be

members of Parliament until noon of the thirtieth day of June
2010.
After 30 June 2010, not one of the present Senators will

remain as member of Parliament if the interim Parliament
does not schedule elections for the regular Parliament by
30 June 2010. However, there is no counterpart provision
for the present members of the House of Representatives
even if their term of office will all end on 30 June 2007,
three years earlier than that of half of the present
Senators. Thus, all the present members of the House will
remain members of the interim Parliament after 30 June
2010.
The term of the incumbent President ends on 30 June
2010. Thereafter, the Prime Minister exercises all the
powers of the President. If the interim Parliament does not
schedule elections for the regular Parliament by 30 June
2010, the Prime Minister will come
246

only from the present members of the House of

Representatives to the exclusion of the present Senators.
The signature sheets do not explain this discrimination
against the Senators. The 6.3 million people who
signed the signature sheets could not have known
that their signatures would be used to discriminate
against the Senators. They could not have known
that their signatures would be used to limit, after 30
June 2010, the interim Parliament’s choice of Prime
Minister only to members of the existing House of
Representatives.
An initiative that gathers signatures from the people
without first showing to the people the full text of the
proposed amendments is most likely a deception, and can
operate as a gigantic fraud on the people. That is why
the Constitution requires that an initiative must be
“directly proposed by the people x x x in a
petition”—meaning that the people must sign on a
petition that contains the full text of the proposed
amendments. On so vital an issue as amending the nation’s
fundamental law, the writing of the text of the proposed
amendments cannot be hidden from the people under a
general or special power of attorney to unnamed, faceless,

and unelected individuals.
The Constitution entrusts to the people the power to
directly propose amendments to the Constitution. This
Court trusts the wisdom of the people even if the members
of this Court do not personally know the people who sign
the petition. However, this trust emanates from a
fundamental assumption: the full text of the
proposed amendment is first shown to the people
before they sign the petition, not after they have
signed the petition.
In short, the Lambino Group’s initiative is void and
unconstitutional because it dismally fails to comply with
the requirement of Section 2, Article XVII of the
Constitution that the initiative must be “directly
petition.”
2. The Initiative Violates Section 2, Article XVII of the

Constitution Disallowing Revision through
Initiatives
247
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 247

A people’s initiative to change the Constitution applies only

to an amendment of the Constitution and not to its
revision. In contrast, Congress or a constitutional
convention can propose both amendments and revisions to
the Constitution. Article XVII of the Constitution provides:
ARTICLE XVII
AMENDMENTS OR REVISIONS
“Section 1. Any amendment to, or revision of, this

Constitution may be proposed by:
(1) The Congress, upon a vote of three-fourths of all its

Members, or
(2) A constitutional convention.
Sec. 2. Amendments to this Constitution may likewise be

directly proposed by the people through initiative x x x.”
(Emphasis supplied)
Article XVII of the Constitution speaks of three modes of

amending the Constitution. The first mode is through
Congress upon three-fourths vote of all its Members. The

second mode is through a constitutional convention. The
third mode is through a people’s initiative.
Section 1 of Article XVII, referring to the first and
second modes, applies to “[A]ny amendment to, or
revision of, this Constitution.” In contrast, Section 2 of
Article XVII, referring to the third mode, applies only to
“[A]mendments to this Constitution.” This distinction was
intentional as shown by the following deliberations of the
Constitutional Commission:
“MR. SUAREZ: Thank you, Madam President.

May we respectfully call the attention of the Members of the
Commission that pursuant to the mandate given to us last night, we
submitted this afternoon a complete Committee Report No. 7 which
embodies the proposed provision governing the matter of initiative. This
is now covered by Section 2 of the complete committee report. With the
permission of the Members, may I quote Section 2:
The people may, after five years from the date of the last plebiscite held, directly
propose amendments to this Consti-
248

tution thru initiative upon petition of at least ten percent of the registered voters.
This completes the blanks appearing in the original Committee Report

No. 7. This proposal was suggested on the theory that this matter of
initiative, which came about because of the extraordinary developments
this year, has to be separated from the traditional modes of amending the
Constitution as embodied in Section 1. The committee members felt
that this system of initiative should be limited to amendments to
the Constitution and should not extend to the revision of the
entire Constitution, so we removed it from the operation of
Section 1 of the proposed Article on Amendment or Revision. x x x
x
xxxx
MS. AQUINO: [I] am seriously bothered by providing this process of
initiative as a separate section in the Article on Amendment. Would the
sponsor be amenable to accepting an amendment in terms of realigning
Section 2 as another subparagraph (c) of Section 1, instead of setting it
up as another separate section as if it were a self-executing provision?
MR. SUAREZ: We would be amenable except that, as we clarified a
while ago, this process of initiative is limited to the matter of
amendment and should not expand into a revision which
contemplates a total overhaul of the Constitution. That was the

sense that was conveyed by the Committee.
MS. AQUINO: In other words, the Committee was attempting to
distinguish the coverage of modes (a) and (b) in Section 1 to
include the process of revision; whereas, the process of initiation
to amend, which is given to the public, would only apply to
amendments?
MR. SUAREZ: That is right. Those were the terms envisioned in
the Committee.
MS. AQUINO: I thank the sponsor; and thank you, Madam President.
xxxx
MR. MAAMBONG: My first question: Commissioner Davide’s
proposed amendment on line 1 refers to “amendments.” Does it
not cover the word “revision” as defined by Commissioner
Padilla when he made the distinction between the words
“amendments” and “revision”?
249
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 249

MR. DAVIDE: No, it does not, because “amendments” and

“revision” should be covered by Section 1. So insofar as initiative
is concerned, it can only relate to “amendments” not “revision.”
31
MR. MAAMBONG: Thank you. (Emphasis supplied)
There can be no mistake about it. The framers of the

Constitution intended, and wrote, a clear distinction
between “amendment” and “revision” of the Constitution.
The framers intended, and wrote, that only Congress or
a constitutional convention may propose revisions to the
Constitution. The framers intended, and wrote, that a
people’s initiative may propose only amendments to the
Constitution. Where the intent and language of the
Constitution clearly withhold from the people the power to
propose revisions to the Constitution, the people cannot
propose revisions even as they are empowered to propose
amendments.
This has been the consistent ruling of state supreme
courts in32 the United States. Thus, in McFadden v.
Jordan, the Supreme Court of California ruled:
“The initiative power reserved by the people by

amendment to the Constitution x x x applies only to the
proposing and the adopting or rejecting of ‘laws and
amendments to the Constitution’ and does not purport to
extend to a constitutional revision. x x x x It is thus clear that
a revision of the Constitution may be accomplished only through

ratification by the people of a revised constitution proposed by a
convention called for that purpose as outlined hereinabove.
Consequently if the scope of the proposed initiative measure
(hereinafter termed ‘the measure’) now before us is so broad that
if such measure became law a substantial revision of our present
state Constitution would be effected, then the measure may not
properly be submitted to the electorate until and unless it is first
agreed upon by a constitutional convention, and the writ sought
by petitioner should issue. x x x x” (Emphasis supplied)
_______________
31 I RECORD 386, 392, 402-403.

32 196 P.2d 787, 790 (1948). See also Lowe v. Keisling, 130 Or.App. 1,
882 P.2d 91 (1994).
250

Likewise,33the Supreme Court of Oregon ruled in Holmes v.

Appling:
It is well established that when a constitution specifies the

manner in which it may be amended or revised, it can be altered
by those who favor amendments, revision, or other change only
through the use of one of the specified means. The constitution
itself recognizes that there is a difference between an amendment
and a revision; and it is obvious from an examination of the
measure here in question that it is not an amendment as that
term is generally understood and as it is used in Article IV,
Section 1. The document appears to be based in large part on the
revision of the constitution drafted by the ‘Commission for
Constitutional Revision’ authorized by the 1961 Legislative
Assembly, x x x and submitted to the 1963 Legislative Assembly.
It failed to receive in the Assembly the two-third’s majority vote of
both houses required by Article XVII, Section 2, and hence failed
of adoption, x x x.
While differing from that document in material respects, the
measure sponsored by the plaintiffs is, nevertheless, a thorough
overhauling of the present constitution x x x.
To call it an amendment is a misnomer.
Whether it be a revision or a new constitution, it is not such a
measure as can be submitted to the people through the initiative.
If a revision, it is subject to the requirements of Article XVII,
Section 2(1); if a new constitution, it can only be proposed at a
convention called in the manner provided in Article XVII, Section

1. x x x x
Similarly, in this jurisdiction there can be no dispute that a

people’s initiative can only propose amendments to the
Constitution since the Constitution itself limits initiatives
to amendments. There can be no deviation from the
constitutionally prescribed modes of revising the
Constitution. A popular clamor, even one backed by 6.3
million signatures, cannot justify a deviation from the
specific modes prescribed in the Constitution itself.
As the Supreme Court of 34
Oklahoma ruled in In re
Initiative Petition No. 364:
_______________
33 392 P.2d 636, 638 (1964).

34 930 P.2d 186, 196 (1996), internal citations omitted.
251
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 251

It is a fundamental principle that a constitution can only

be revised or amended in the manner prescribed by the
instrument itself, and that any attempt to revise a
constitution in a manner other than the one provided in
the instrument is almost invariably treated as extra-
constitutional and revolutionary. x x x x “While it is
universally conceded that the people are sovereign and that they
have power to adopt a constitution and to change their own work
at will, they must, in doing so, act in an orderly manner and
according to the settled principles of constitutional law. And
where the people, in adopting a constitution, have prescribed the
method by which the people may alter or amend it, an attempt to
change the fundamental law in violation of the self-imposed
restrictions, is unconstitutional.” x x x x (Emphasis supplied)
This Court, whose members are sworn to defend and

protect the Constitution, cannot shirk from its solemn oath
and duty to insure compliance with the clear command of
the Constitution—that a people’s initiative may only
amend, never revise, the Constitution.
The question is, does the Lambino Group’s initiative
constitute an amendment or revision of the Constitution? If
the Lambino Group’s initiative constitutes a revision, then
the present petition should be dismissed for being outside

the scope of Section 2, Article XVII of the Constitution.
Courts have long recognized the distinction between an
amendment and a revision of a constitution. One of the
earliest cases that recognized the distinction described the
fundamental difference in this manner:
“[T]he very term “constitution” implies an instrument of a

permanent and abiding nature, and the provisions contained
therein for its revision indicate the will of the people that
the underlying principles upon which it rests, as well as
the substantial entirety of the instrument, shall be of a like
permanent and abiding nature. On the other hand, the
significance of the term “amendment” implies such an addition or
change within the lines of the original instrument as will effect an
improvement,
35
or better carry out the purpose for which it was
framed.” (Emphasis supplied)
_______________
35 Livermore v. Waite, 102 Cal. 113, 118-119 (1894).
252

Revision broadly implies a change that alters a basic

principle in the constitution, like altering the principle
of separation of powers or the system of checks-and-
balances. There is also revision if the change alters the
substantial entirety of the constitution, as when the
change affects substantial provisions of the
constitution. On the other hand, amendment broadly
refers to a change that adds, reduces, or deletes
without altering the basic principle involved.
Revision generally affects several provisions of the
constitution, while amendment generally affects only the
specific provision being amended.
In California where the initiative clause allows
amendments but not revisions to the constitution just like
in our Constitution, courts have developed a two-part
test: the quantitative test and the qualitative test. The
quantitative test asks whether the proposed change is “so
extensive in its provisions as to change directly the
‘substantial entirety’ of the constitution by the
36
deletion or
alteration of numerous existing provisions.” The court
examines only the number of provisions affected and does

not consider the degree of the change.
The qualitative test inquires into the qualitative effects
of the proposed change in the constitution. The main
inquiry is whether the change will “accomplish such far
reaching changes in the nature of 37our basic governmental
plan as to amount to a revision.” Whether there is an
alteration in the structure of government is a proper
subject of inquiry. Thus, “a change in the nature of [the]
basic governmental plan” includes change in its
fundamental38
framework or the fundamental powers of its
Branches.” A change in the nature of the basic
governmental plan also includes changes that “jeopardize
the traditional39form of government and the system of check
and balances.”
_______________
36 Amador Valley Joint Union High School District v. State Board of

Equalization, 583 P.2d 1281, 1286 (1978).
37 Id.
38 Legislature of the State of California v. EU, 54 Cal.3d 492, 509
(1991).
39 California Association of Retail Tobacconists v. State, 109 Cal.
App.4th 792, 836 (2003).
253
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 253

Under both the quantitative and qualitative tests, the

Lambino Group’s initiative is a revision and not merely an
amendment. Quantitatively, the Lambino Group’s proposed
changes overhaul two articles - Article VI on the
Legislature and Article VII on the Executive—affecting a 40
total of 105 provisions in the entire Constitution.
Qualitatively, the proposed changes alter substantially the
basic plan of government, from presidential to
parliamentary, and from a bicameral to a unicameral
legislature.
A change in the structure of government is a revision of
the Constitution, as when the three great co-equal
branches of government in the present Constitution are
reduced into two. This alters the separation of powers
in the Constitution. A shift from the present Bicameral-
Presidential system to a Unicameral-Parliamentary system
is a revision of the Constitution. Merging the legislative
and executive branches is a radical change in the structure

of government.
The abolition alone of the Office of the President as the
locus of Executive Power alters the separation of powers
and thus constitutes a revision of the Constitution.
Likewise, the abolition alone of one chamber of Congress
alters the system of checks-and-balances within the
legislature and constitutes a revision of the Constitution.
By any legal test and under any jurisdiction, a
shift from a Bicameral-Presidential to a Unicameral-
Parliamentary system, involving the abolition of the Office
of the President and the abolition of one chamber of
Congress, is beyond doubt a revision, not a mere
amendment. On the face alone of the Lambino Group’s
proposed changes, it is readily apparent that the changes
will radically alter the framework of government as
set forth in the Constitution. Father Joaquin Bernas,
S.J., a leading member of the Constitutional Commission,
writes:
“An amendment envisages an alteration of one or a few specific

and separable provisions. The guiding original intention of an
amendment is to improve specific parts or to add new provisions
deemed necessary to meet new conditions or to suppress specific
portions that may have become obso-
_______________
40 See note 44, infra.
254

lete or that are judged to be dangerous. In revision, however, the

guiding original intention and plan contemplates a re-
examination of the entire document, or of provisions of the
document which have over-all implications for the entire
document, to determine how and to what extent they should be
altered. Thus, for instance a switch from the presidential
system to a parliamentary system would be a revision
because of its over-all impact on the entire constitutional
structure. So would a switch from a bicameral system to a
unicameral system be because of its effect 41on other
important provisions of the Constitution.” (Emphasis
supplied)
42
42
In Adams v. Gunter an initiative petition proposed the
amendment of the Florida State constitution to shift from
a bicameral to a unicameral legislature. The issue
turned on whether the initiative “was defective and
unauthorized where [the] proposed amendment would x x x
affect several other provisions of [the] Constitution.” The
Supreme Court of Florida, striking down the initiative as
outside the scope of the initiative clause, ruled as follows:
“The proposal here to amend Section 1 of Article III of the 1968

Constitution to provide for a Unicameral Legislature affects not
only many other provisions of the Constitution but
provides for a change in the form of the legislative branch
of government, which has been in existence in the United States
Congress and in all of the states of the nation, except one, since
the earliest days. It would be difficult to visualize a more
revolutionary change. The concept of a House and a Senate is
basic in the American form of government. It would not only
radically change the whole pattern of government in this
state and tear apart the whole fabric of the Constitution,
but would even affect the physical facilities necessary to
carry on government.
xxxx
We conclude with the observation that if such proposed
amendment were adopted by the people at the General Election
and if the Legislature at its next session should fail to submit
further amendments to revise and clarify the numerous
inconsistencies and conflicts which would result, or if after
_______________
41 Joaquin Bernas, The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines: A

Commentary, p. 1294 (2003).
42 238 So.2d 824 (1970).
255
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 255

submission of appropriate amendments the people should refuse

to adopt them, simple chaos would prevail in the government of
this State. The same result would obtain from an amendment, for
instance, of Section 1 of Article V, to provide for only a Supreme
Court and Circuit Courts-and there could be other examples too
numerous to detail. These examples point unerringly to the
answer.
The purpose of the long and arduous work of the hundreds of
men and women and many sessions of the Legislature in bringing
about the Constitution of 1968 was to eliminate inconsistencies

and conflicts and to give the State a workable, accordant,
homogenous and up-to-date document. All of this could disappear
very quickly if we were to hold that it could be amended
43
in the
manner proposed in the initiative petition here.” (Emphasis
supplied)
The rationale of the Adams decision applies with greater

force to the present petition. The Lambino Group’s
initiative not only seeks a shift from a bicameral to a
unicameral legislature, it also seeks to merge the executive
and legislative departments. The initiative in Adams did
not even touch the executive department.
In Adams, the Supreme Court of Florida enumerated 18
sections of the Florida Constitution that would be affected
by the shift from a bicameral to a unicameral legislature.
In the Lambino Group’s present initiative, no less than
105 provisions of the Constitution would be affected
based
44
on the count of Associate Justice Romeo J. Callejo,
Sr. There is no doubt that the Lambino Group’s present
initiative seeks far more radical changes in the structure of
government than the initiative in Adams.
The Lambino Group theorizes that the difference
between “amendment” and “revision” is only one of
procedure, not of substance. The Lambino Group posits
that when a deliberative body drafts and proposes changes
to the Constitution, substantive changes are called
“revisions” because members of the deliberative body
work full-time on the changes. However, the same
substantive changes, when proposed through an initiative,
are called “amend-
_______________
43 Id., at pp. 830-832.

44 As stated by Associate Justice Romeo J. Callejo, Sr. during the 26
September 2006 oral arguments.
256

ments” because the changes are made by ordinary

people who do not make an “occupation, profession,
or vocation” out of such endeavor.
Thus, the Lambino Group makes the following
exposition of their theory in their Memorandum:
“99. With this distinction in mind, we note that the constitutional

provisions expressly provide for both “amendment” and “revision”
when it speaks of legislators and constitutional delegates, while
the same provisions expressly provide only for “amendment” when
it speaks of the people. It would seem that the apparent
distinction is based on the actual experience of the people, that on
one hand the common people in general are not expected to work
full-time on the matter of correcting the constitution because that
is not their occupation, profession or vocation; while on the other
hand, the legislators and constitutional convention delegates are
expected to work fulltime on the same matter because that is
their occupation, profession or vocation. Thus, the difference
between the words “revision” and “amendment” pertain
only to the process or procedure of coming up with the
corrections, for purposes of interpreting the constitutional
provisions.
100. Stated otherwise, the difference between
“amendment” and “revision” cannot reasonably be in the
substance or extent of the correction. x x x x” (Underlining in
the original; boldfacing supplied)
The Lambino Group in effect argues that if Congress or a

constitutional convention had drafted the same proposed
changes that the Lambino Group wrote in the present
initiative, the changes would constitute a revision of the
Constitution. Thus, the Lambino Group concedes that
the proposed changes in the present initiative
constitute a revision if Congress or a constitutional
convention had drafted the changes. However, since
the Lambino Group as private individuals drafted the
proposed changes, the changes are merely amendments to
the Constitution. The Lambino Group trivializes the
serious matter of changing the fundamental law of the
land.
The express intent of the framers and the plain
language of the Constitution contradict the Lambino
Group’s theory. Where the intent of the framers and the
language of the Constitution are clear and plainly stated,
courts do not deviate from such categorical intent
257
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 257

45
and language. Any theory espousing a construction
contrary to such intent and language deserves scant
consideration. More so, if such theory wreaks havoc by
creating inconsistencies in the form of government

established in the Constitution. Such a theory, devoid of
any jurisprudential mooring and inviting inconsistencies in
the Constitution, only exposes the flimsiness of the
Lambino Group’s position. Any theory advocating that a
proposed change involving a radical structural change in
government does not constitute a revision justly deserves
rejection.
The Lambino Group simply recycles a theory that
initiative proponents in American jurisdictions have
attempted 46
to advance without any success. In Lowe v.
Keisling, the Supreme Court of Oregon rejected this
theory, thus:
“Mabon argues that Article XVII, section 2, does not apply to

changes to the constitution proposed by initiative. His theory is
that Article XVII, section 2 merely provides a procedure by
which the legislature can propose a revision of the
constitution, but it does not affect proposed revisions
initiated by the people.
Plaintiffs argue that the proposed ballot measure constitutes a
wholesale change to the constitution that cannot be enacted
through the initiative process. They assert that the distinction
between amendment and revision is determined by reviewing the
scope and subject matter of the proposed enactment, and that
revisions are not limited to “a formal overhauling of the con-
stitution.” They argue that this ballot measure proposes far
reaching changes outside the lines of the original instrument,
including profound impacts on existing fundamental rights and
radical restructuring of the government’s relationship with a
defined group of citizens. Plaintiffs assert that, because the
proposed ballot measure “will refashion the most basic principles
of Oregon constitutional law,” the trial court correctly held that it
violated Article XVII, section 2, and cannot appear on the ballot
without the prior approval of the legislature.
_______________
45 Francisco, Jr. v. House of Representatives, G.R. No. 160261, 10

November 2003, 415 SCRA 44; J.M. Tuason & Co., Inc. v. Land Tenure
Administration, 142 Phil. 393; 31 SCRA 413 (1970); Gold Creek Mining
Corporation v. Rodriguez, 66 Phil. 259 (1938).
46 882 P.2d 91, 96-97 (1994). On the merits, the Court in Lowe v.
Keisling found the amendment in question was not a revision.
258
We first address Mabon’s argument that Article XVII, section

2(1), does not prohibit revisions instituted by initiative. In Holmes
v. Appling, x x x, the Supreme Court concluded that a revision of
the constitution may not be accomplished by initiative, because of
the provisions of Article XVII, section 2. After reviewing Article
XVII, section 1, relating to proposed amendments, the court said:
“From the foregoing it appears that Article IV, Section 1, authorizes the
use of the initiative as a means of amending the Oregon Constitution, but
it contains no similar sanction for its use as a means of revising the
constitution.” x x x x
It then reviewed Article XVII, section 2, relating to revisions,

and said: “It is the only section of the constitution which provides
the means for constitutional revision and it excludes the idea that
an individual, through the initiative, may place such a measure
before the electorate.” x x x x
Accordingly, we reject Mabon’s argument that Article
XVII, section 2, does not apply to constitutional revisions
proposed by initiative.” (Emphasis supplied)
Similarly, this Court must reject the Lambino Group’s

theory which negates the express intent of the framers and
the plain language of the Constitution.
We can visualize amendments and revisions as a
spectrum, at one end green for amendments and at the
other end red for revisions. Towards the middle of the
spectrum, colors fuse and difficulties arise in determining
whether there is an amendment or revision. The present
initiative is indisputably located at the far end of the red
spectrum where revision begins. The present initiative
seeks a radical overhaul of the existing separation of
powers among the three co-equal departments of
government, requiring far-reaching amendments in several
sections and articles of the Constitution.
Where the proposed change applies only to a specific
provision of the Constitution without affecting any other
section or article, the change may generally be considered
an amendment and not a revision. For example, a 47change
reducing the voting age from 18 years to 15 years is an
amendment and not a revision. Similarly, a change
_______________
47 Section 1, Article V of the Constitution.
259
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 259

reducing Filipino ownership of mass media companies from

100 percent
48
to 60 percent is an amendment and not a
revision. Also, a change requiring a college degree as an
additional qualification for election
49
to the Presidency is an
amendment and not a revision.
The changes in these examples do not entail any
modification of sections or articles of the Constitution other
than the specific provision being amended. These changes
do not also affect the structure of government or the system
of checks-and-balances among or within the three
branches. These three examples are located at the far
green end of the spectrum, opposite the far red end where
the revision sought by the present petition is located.
However, there can be no fixed rule on whether a change
is an amendment or a revision. A change in a single word of
one sentence of the Constitution may be a revision and not
an amendment. For example, the substitution of the word
“republican”50
with “monarchic” or “theocratic” in Section 1,
Article II of the Constitution radically overhauls the
entire structure of government and the fundamental
ideological basis of the Constitution. Thus, each specific
change will have to be examined case-by-case, depending
on how it affects other provisions, as well as how it affects
the structure of government, the carefully crafted system of
checks-and-balances, and the underlying ideological basis
of the existing Constitution.
Since a revision of a constitution affects basic principles,
or several provisions of a constitution, a deliberative
body with recorded proceedings is best suited to
undertake a revision. A revision requires harmonizing not
only several provisions, but also the altered principles with
those that remain unaltered. Thus, constitutions normally
authorize deliberative bodies like constituent assemblies or
constitutional conventions to undertake revisions. On the
other hand, constitutions allow people’s initiatives, which
do not have fixed and
_______________
48 Section 11(1), Article XVI of the Constitution.

49 Section 2, Article VII of the Constitution.
50 This section provides: “The Philippines is a democratic and
republican State. Sovereignty resides in the people and all government
authority emanates from them.”
260

identifiable deliberative bodies or recorded proceedings, to

undertake only amendments and not revisions.
In the present initiative, the Lambino Group’s proposed
Section 2 of the Transitory Provisions states:
“Section 2. Upon the expiration of the term of the incumbent

President and Vice President, with the exception of Sections 1, 2,
3, 4, 5, 6 and 7 of Article VI of the 1987 Constitution which shall
hereby be amended and Sections 18 and 24 which shall be
deleted, all other Sections of Article VI are hereby retained and
renumbered sequentially as Section 2, ad seriatim up to 26,
unless they are inconsistent with the Parliamentary
system of government, in which case, they shall be
amended to conform with a unicameral parliamentary
form of government; x x x x” (Emphasis supplied)
The basic rule in statutory construction is that if a later

law is irreconcilably inconsistent with a prior law, the later
law prevails. This rule also applies to construction of
constitutions. However, the Lambino Group’s draft of
Section 2 of the Transitory Provisions turns on its head this
rule of construction by stating that in case of such
irreconcilable inconsistency, the earlier provision “shall be
amended to conform with a unicameral parliamentary
form of government.” The effect is to freeze the two
irreconcilable provisions until the earlier one “shall be
amended,” which requires a future separate constitutional
amendment.
Realizing the absurdity of the need for such an
amendment, petitioner Atty. Lambino readily conceded
during the oral arguments that the requirement of a future
amendment is a “surplusage.” In short, Atty. Lambino
wants to reinstate the rule of statutory construction so that
the later provision automatically prevails in case of
irreconcilable inconsistency. However, it is not as simple as
that.
The irreconcilable inconsistency envisioned in the
proposed Section 2 of the Transitory Provisions is not
between a provision in Article VI of the 1987 Constitution
and a provision in the proposed changes. The inconsistency
is between a provision in Article VI of the 1987
Constitution and the “Parliamentary system of
government,” and the
261
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 261

inconsistency shall be resolved in favor of a “unicameral

parliamentary form of government.”
Now, what “unicameral parliamentary form of
government” do the Lambino Group’s proposed changes
refer to—the Bangladeshi, Singaporean, Israeli, or New
Zealand models, which are among the few countries with
unicameral parliaments? The proposed changes could not
possibly refer to the traditional and well-known
parliamentary forms of government—the British, French,
Spanish, German, Italian, Canadian, Australian, or
Malaysian models, which have all bicameral parliaments.
Did the people who signed the signature sheets realize that
they were adopting the Bangladeshi, Singaporean, Israeli,
or New Zealand parliamentary form of government?
This drives home the point that the people’s initiative is
not meant for revisions of the Constitution but only for
amendments. A shift from the present Bicameral-
Presidential to a Unicameral-Parliamentary system
requires harmonizing several provisions in many articles of
the Constitution. Revision of the Constitution through a
people’s initiative will only result in gross absurdities in
the Constitution.
In sum, there is no doubt whatsoever that the Lambino
Group’s initiative is a revision and not an amendment.
Thus, the present initiative is void and unconstitutional
because it violates Section 2, Article XVII of the
Constitution limiting the scope of a people’s initiative to
“[A]mendments to this Constitution.”
3. A Revisit of Santiago v. COMELEC is Not Necessary

The present petition warrants dismissal for failure to
comply with the basic requirements of Section 2, Article
XVII of the Constitution on the conduct and scope of a
people’s initiative to amend the Constitution. There is no
need to revisit this Court’s ruling in Santiago declaring
RA 6735 “incomplete, inadequate or wanting in essential
terms and conditions” to cover the system of initiative to
amend the Constitution. An affirmation or reversal of
Santiago will not change the outcome of the present
petition. Thus, this Court must decline to revisit Santiago
which effectively ruled that RA 6735 does not com-
262

ply with the requirements of the Constitution to implement

the initiative clause on amendments to the Constitution.
This Court must avoid revisiting a ruling involving the
constitutionality of a statute if the case before the Court
can be resolved on some other grounds. Such avoidance is a
logical consequence of the well-settled doctrine that courts
will not pass upon the constitutionality of 51a statute if the
case can be resolved on some other grounds.
Nevertheless, even assuming that RA 6735 is valid to
implement the constitutional provision on initiatives to
amend the Constitution, this will not change the result
here because the present petition violates Section 2, Article
XVII of the Constitution. To be a valid initiative, the
present initiative must first comply with Section 2,
Article XVII of the Constitution even before complying with
RA 6735.
Even then, the present initiative violates Section 5(b) of
RA 6735 which requires that the “petition for an initiative
on the 1987 Constitution must have at least twelve per
centum (12%) of the total number of registered voters as
signatories.” Section 5(b) of RA 6735 requires that the
people must sign the “petition x x x as signatories.”
The 6.3 million signatories did not sign the petition of 25
August 2006 or the amended petition of 30 August 2006
filed with the COMELEC. Only Atty. Lambino, Atty.
Demosthenes B. Donato, and Atty. Alberto C. Agra
signed the petition and amended petition as
counsels for “Raul L. Lambino and Erico B.
Aumentado, Petitioners.” In the COMELEC the
Lambino Group, claiming to act “together with” the 6.3
million signatories, merely attached the signature sheets to
the petition and amended petition. Thus, the petition and
amended petition filed with the COMELEC did not even
comply with the basic requirement of RA 6735 that the
Lambino Group claims as valid.
The Lambino Group’s logrolling initiative also violates
Section 10(a) of RA 6735 stating, “No petition embracing
more than one
_______________
51 Spouses Mirasol v. Court of Appeals, 403 Phil. 760; 351 SCRA 44

(2001); Intia, Jr. v. Commission on Audit, 366 Phil. 273; 306 SCRA 593
(1999).
263
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 263

(1) subject shall be submitted to the electorate; x x x.”

The proposed Section 4(4) of the Transitory Provisions,
mandating the interim Parliament to propose further
amendments or revisions to the Constitution, is a subject
matter totally unrelated to the shift in the form of
government. Since the present initiative embraces more
than one subject matter, RA 6735 prohibits submission of
the initiative petition to the electorate. Thus, even if RA
6735 is valid, the Lambino Group’s initiative will still fail.
4. The COMELEC Did Not Commit Grave Abuse of

Discretion in Dismissing the Lambino Group’s
Initiative
In dismissing the Lambino Group’s initiative petition, the
COMELEC en banc merely followed this Court’s ruling in
Santiago and People’s Initiative for Reform,
52
Modernization
and Action (PIRMA) v. COMELEC. For following this
Court’s ruling, no grave abuse of discretion is attributable
to the COMELEC. On this ground alone, the present
petition warrants outright dismissal. Thus, this Court
should reiterate its unanimous ruling in PIRMA:
“The Court ruled, first, by a unanimous vote, that no grave abuse

of discretion could be attributed to the public respondent
COMELEC in dismissing the petition filed by PIRMA therein, it
appearing that it only complied with the dispositions in the
Decisions of this Court in G.R. No. 127325, promulgated on March
19, 1997, and its Resolution of June 10, 1997.”
5. Conclusion
The Constitution, as the fundamental law of the land,
deserves the utmost respect and obedience of all the
citizens of this nation. No one can trivialize the
Constitution by cavalierly amending or revising it in
blatant violation of the clearly specified modes of
amendment and revision laid down in the Constitution
itself.
To allow such change in the fundamental law is to set
adrift the Constitution in unchartered waters, to be tossed
and turned by every dominant political group of the day. If
this Court allows today a cava-
_______________
52 G.R. No. 129754, Resolution dated 23 September 1997.
264

lier change in the Constitution outside the constitutionally

prescribed modes, tomorrow the new dominant political
group that comes will demand its own set of changes in the
same cavalier and unconstitutional fashion. A revolving-
door constitution does not augur well for the rule of law in
this country.
An overwhelming majority—16,622,111 voters
53
comprising 76.3 percent of the total votes cast —
approved our Constitution in a national plebiscite held on
11 February 1987. That approval is the unmistakable
voice of the people, the full expression of the
people’s sovereign will. That approval included the
prescribed modes for amending or revising the
Constitution.
No amount of signatures, not even the 6,327,952 million
signatures gathered by the Lambino Group, can change our
Constitution contrary to the specific modes that the people,
in their sovereign capacity, prescribed when they ratified
the Constitution. The alternative is an extra-constitutional
change, which means subverting the people’s sovereign
will and discarding the Constitution. This is one act
the Court cannot and should never do. As the ultimate
guardian of the Constitution, this Court is sworn to
perform its solemn duty to defend and protect the
Constitution, which embodies the real sovereign will of the
people.
Incantations of “people’s voice,” “people’s sovereign will,”
or “let the people decide” cannot override the specific modes
of changing the Constitution as prescribed in the
Constitution itself. Otherwise, the Constitution—the
people’s fundamental covenant that provides enduring
stability to our society—becomes easily susceptible to
manipulative changes by political groups gathering
signatures through false promises. Then, the Constitution
ceases to be the bedrock of the nation’s stability.
The Lambino Group claims that their initiative is the
“people’s voice.” However, the Lambino Group unabashedly
states in ULAP
_______________
53 Presidential Proclamation No. 58 dated February 11, 1987, entitled

“Proclaiming the Ratification of the Constitution of the Republic of the
Philippines Adopted by the Constitutional Commission of 1986, including
the Ordinance Appended thereto.”
265
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 265

Resolution No. 2006-02, in the verification of their petition

with the COMELEC, that “ULAP maintains its unqualified
support to the agenda of Her Excellency President Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo for constitutional reforms.” The
Lambino Group thus admits that their “people’s” initiative
is an “unqualified support to the agenda” of the
incumbent President to change the Constitution. This
forewarns the Court to be wary of incantations of “people’s
voice” or “sovereign will” in the present initiative.
This Court cannot betray its primordial duty to defend
and protect the Constitution. The Constitution, which
embodies the people’s sovereign will, is the bible of this
Court. This Court exists to defend and protect the
Constitution. To allow this constitutionally infirm
initiative, propelled by deceptively gathered signatures, to
alter basic principles in the Constitution is to allow a
desecration of the Constitution. To allow such alteration
and desecration is to lose this Court’s raison d’etre.
WHEREFORE, we DISMISS the petition in G.R. No.
174153.
SO ORDERED.
Carpio-Morales, J., concur.

Panganiban (C.J.), See Separate Concurring
Opinion.
Puno, J., Pls. see Dissent.
Quisumbing and Ynares-Santiago, JJ., Pls. See
Separate Opinions.
Sandoval-Gutierrez, J., Pls. see my Concurring
Opinion.
Austria-Martinez, J., I also concur with Justice
Callejo.
Corona, J., See Dissenting Opinion.
Callejo, Sr., J., Please see Concurring Opinion.
Azcuna, J., I concur in Separate Opinion.
Tinga, J., See Separate Opinion.
266

Chico-Nazario, J., I join the Dissenting Opinion of

J. Puno—Please see Separate Opinion.
Garcia, J., I join the Dissenting Opinion of J. Puno.
Velasco, Jr., J., I join the Dissent of J. Puno.
SEPARATE CONCURRING OPINION
PANGANIBAN, C.J.:
Without the rule of law, there can be no

lasting prosperity and certainly no liberty.
1
Beverley McLachlin
Chief Justice of Canada
After a deep reflection on the issues raised and a careful

evaluation of the parties’ respective arguments—both oral
and written—as well as the enlightened and enlightening
Opinions submitted by my esteemed colleagues, I am fully
convinced that the present Petition must be dismissed.
I write, however, to show that my present disposition is
completely consistent with my previous Opinions and votes
on the two extant Supreme Court cases involving an
initiative to change the Constitution. 2
In my Separate Opinion in Santiago v. Comelec, I
opined “that taken together and interpreted properly and
liberally, the Constitu-
_______________
1 Chief Justice McLachlin spoke on “Liberty, Prosperity and the Rule of

Law” in her speech before the Global Forum on Liberty and Prosperity
held on October 18-20, 2006 in Manila. She further stated: “Without the
rule of law, government officials are not bound by standards of conduct.
Without the rule of law, the dignity and equality of all people is not
affirmed and their ability to seek redress for grievances and societal
commitments is limited. Without the rule of law, we have no means of
ensuring meaningful participation by people in formulating and enacting
the norms and standards which organize the kinds of societies in which
we want to live.”
2 G.R. No. 127325, March 19, 1997, 336 Phil. 848; 270 SCRA 106. For
ease of reference, my Separate Opinion is reproduced in full:
267
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 267

tion (particularly Art. XVII, Sec. 2), Republic Act 6735 and
Comelec Resolution 2300 provide more than sufficient
authority to implement,
_______________
“Our distinguished colleague, Mr. Justice Hilario G. Davide Jr., writing for the
majority, holds that:
‘(1) The Comelec acted without jurisdiction or with grave abuse of discretion in
entertaining the ‘initiatory’ Delfin Petition.
‘(2) While the Constitution allows amendments to ‘be directly proposed by the
people through initiative,’ there is no implementing law for the purpose.
RA 6735 is ‘incomplete, inadequate, or wanting in essential terms and
conditions insofar as initiative on amendments to the Constitution is
concerned.’
‘(3) Comelec Resolution No. 2300, ‘insofar as it prescribes rules and regulations
on the conduct of initiative on amendments to the Constitution, is void.’
“I concur with the first item above. Until and unless an initiatory petition can
show the required number of signatures—in this case, 12% of all the registered
voters in the Philippines with at least 3% in every legislative district—no public
funds may be spent and no government resources may be used in an initiative to
amend the Constitution. Verily, the Comelec cannot even entertain any petition
absent such signatures. However, I dissent most respectfully from the majority’s
two other rulings. Let me explain.
“Under the above restrictive holdings espoused by the Court’s majority, the
Constitution cannot be amended at all through a people’s initiative. Not by Delfin,
not by PIRMA, not by anyone, not even by all the voters of the country acting
together. This decision will effectively but unnecessarily curtail, nullify, abrogate
and render inutile the people’s right to change the basic law. At the very least, the
majority holds the right hostage to congressional discretion on whether to pass a
new law to implement it, when there is already one existing at present. This right
to amend through initiative, it bears stressing, is guaranteed by Section 2, Article
XVII of the Constitution, as follows:
‘SEC. 2. Amendments to this Constitution may likewise be directly proposed by the people
through initiative upon a petition of at least twelve per centum of the total number of
registered voters, of which every legislative district must be represented by
268

effectuate and realize our people’s power to amend the

Constitution.”
_______________
at least three per centum of the registered voters therein. No amendment under this section
shall be authorized within five years following the ratification of this Constitution nor
oftener than once every five years thereafter.’
“With all due respect, I find the majority’s position all too sweeping and all too
extremist. It is equivalent to burning the whole house to exterminate the rats, and
to killing the patient to relieve him of pain. What Citizen Delfin wants the
Comelec to do we should reject. But we should not thereby preempt any future
effort to exercise the right of initiative correctly and judiciously. The fact that the
Delfin Petition proposes a misuse of initiative does not justify a ban against its
proper use. Indeed, there is a right way to do the right thing at the right time and
for the right reason.
Taken Together and Interpreted Properly, the Constitution, R.A. 6735
and Comelec Resolution 2300 Are Sufficient to Implement Constitutional
Initiatives
“While R.A. 6735 may not be a perfect law, it was—as the majority openly
concedes—intended by the legislature to cover and, I respectfully submit, it
contains enough provisions to effectuate an initiative on the Constitution. I
completely agree with the inspired and inspiring opinions of Mr. Justice Reynato
S. Puno and Mr. Justice Ricardo J. Francisco that RA 6735, the Roco law on
initiative, sufficiently implements the right of the people to initiate amendments
to the Constitution. Such views, which I shall no longer repeat nor elaborate on,
are thoroughly consistent with this Court’s unanimous en banc rulings in Subic
Bay Metropolitan Authority vs. Commission on Elections, that “provisions for
initiative . . . are (to be) liberally construed to effectuate their purposes, to
facilitate and not hamper the exercise by the voters of the rights granted thereby”;
and in Garcia vs. Comelec, that any “effort to trivialize the effectiveness of people’s
initiatives ought to be rejected.”
“No law can completely and absolutely cover all administrative details. In
recognition of this, R.A. 6735 wisely empowered the Commission on Election “to
promulgate such rules and regulations as may be necessary to carry out the
purposes of this Act.” And pursuant thereto, the Comelec issued its Resolution
2300 on 16 January 1991.
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VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 269

Six months after, in my Separate Opinion in People’s

Initiative for Reform, Modernization and Action (PIRMA) v.
Comelec, I joined the
_______________
Such Resolution, by its very words, was promulgated “to govern the conduct of
initiative on the Constitution and initiative and referendum on national and local
laws,” not by the incumbent Commission on Elections but by one then composed of
Acting Chairperson Haydee B. Yorac, Comms. Alfredo E. Abueg, Jr., Leopoldo L.
Africa, Andres R. Flores, Dario C. Rama and Magdara B. Dimaampao. All of these
Commissioners who signed Resolution 2300 have retired from the Commission,
and thus we cannot ascribe any vile motive unto them, other than an honest,
sincere and exemplary effort to give life to a cherished right of our people.
“The majority argues that while Resolution 2300 is valid in regard to national
laws and local legislations, it is void in reference to constitutional amendments.
There is no basis for such differentiation. The source of and authority for the
Resolution is the same law, R.A. 6735.
“I respectfully submit that taken together and interpreted properly and
liberally, the Constitution (particularly Art. XVII, Sec. 2), R.A. 6735 and Comelec
Resolution 2300 provide more than sufficient authority to implement, effectuate
and realize our people’s power to amend the Constitution.
Petitioner Delfin and the Pedrosa Spouses Should Not Be Muzzled
“I am glad the majority decided to heed our plea to lift the temporary
restraining order issued by this Court on 18 December 1996 insofar as it
prohibited Petitioner Delfin and the Spouses Pedrosa from exercising their right of
initiative. In fact, I believe that such restraining order as against private
respondents should not have been issued, in the first place. While I agree that the
Comelec should be stopped from using public funds and government resources to
help them gather signatures, I firmly believe that this Court has no power to
restrain them from exercising their right of initiative. The right to propose
amendments to the Constitution is really a species of the right of free speech and
free assembly. And certainly, it would be tyrannical and despotic to stop anyone
from speaking freely and persuading others to conform to his/her beliefs. As the
eminent Voltaire once said, ‘I may disagree with what you say, but I will defend to
the death your right to say it.’ After
270

3
Reform, Modernization and Action (PIRMA) v. Comelec, I
joined the
_______________
all, freedom is not really for the thought we agree with, but as Justice Holmes
wrote, ‘freedom for the thought that we hate.’
Epilogue
“By way of epilogue, let me stress the guiding tenet of my Separate Opinion.
Initiative, like referendum and recall, is a new and treasured feature of the
Filipino constitutional system. All three are institutionalized legacies of the world-
admired EDSA people power. Like elections and plebiscites, they are hallowed
expressions of popular sovereignty. They are sacred democratic rights of our
people to be used as their final weapons against political excesses, opportunism,
inaction, oppression and misgovernance; as well as their reserved instruments to
exact transparency, accountability and faithfulness from their chosen leaders.
While on the one hand, their misuse and abuse must be resolutely struck down, on
the other, their legitimate exercise should be carefully nurtured and zealously
protected.
“WHEREFORE, I vote to GRANT the petition of Sen. Miriam D. Santiago, et al.
and to DIRECT Respondent Commission on Elections to DISMISS the Delfin
Petition on the ground of prematurity, but not on the other grounds relied upon by
the majority. I also vote to LIFT the temporary restraining order issued on 18
December 1996 insofar as it prohibits Jesus Delfin, Alberto Pedrosa and Carmen
Pedrosa from exercising their right to free speech in proposing amendments to the
Constitution.”
3 G.R. No. 129754, September 23, 1997 (still unpublished in the Philip-
pine Reports or in the Supreme Court Reports Annotated). Again, for ease
of reference, I reproduce my Separate Opinion in full:
“Petitioners assail the July 8, 1997 Resolution of Respondent Commission

dismissing their petition for a people’s initiative to amend the Constitution. Said
petition before the Comelec (henceforth, PIRMA petition) was backed up by nearly
six (6) million signatures constituting about 16% of the registered voters of the
country with at least 3% in each legislative district. The petition now before us
presents two grounds:
“1. In refusing to act on the PIRMA petition, the Comelec allegedly acted with
grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction; and
271
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 271

rest of the members of the Court in ruling “by a unanimous

vote, that no grave abuse of discretion could be attributed
to the Comelec in
_______________
“2. In declaring R.A. 6735 “inadequate to cover its system of initiative on

amendments to the Constitution” and “declaring void those parts of Resolution
2300 of the Commission on Elections prescribing rules and regulations on the
conduct of [an] initiative [on] amendments to the Constitution,” the Supreme
Court’s Decision in G.R. No. 127325 entitled Miriam Defensor Santiago vs.
Commission on Elections (hereafter referred to as Santiago) should be reexamined
because said Decision is allegedly “unconstitutional,” and because, in any event,
the Supreme Court itself, in reconsidering the said issue per its June 10, 1997
Resolution, was deadlocked at six votes one each side.
“The following in my position on each of these two issues:
First Issue:
No Grave Abuse of Discretion
in Comelec’s Refusal to Act
“The Respondent Commission’s refusal to act on the “prayers” of the PIRMA

petition cannot in any wise be branded as “grave abuse of discretion.” Be it
remembered that the Court’s Decision in Santiago permanently enjoined the
Comelec “from entertaining or taking cognizance of any petition for initiative on
amendments to the Constitution x x x.” While concededly, petitioners in this case
were not direct parties in Santiago, nonetheless the Court’s injunction against the
Comelec covered ANY petition, not just the Delfin petition which was the
immediate subject of said case. As a dissenter in Santiago, I believed, and
still do, that the majority gravely erred in rendering such a sweeping
injunction, but I cannot fault the Comelec for complying with the ruling
even if it, too, disagreed with said decision’s ratio decidendi. Respondent
Comelec was directly enjoined by the highest Court of the land. It had no
choice but to obey. Its obedience cannot constitute grave abuse of
discretion. Refusal to act on the PIRMA petition was the only recourse open to
the Comelec. Any other mode of action would have constituted defiance of the
Court and would have been struck down as grave abuse of discretion and
contumacious disregard of this Court’s supremacy as the final arbiter of justiciable
controversies.
272

dismissing the petition filed by PIRMA therein,” since the

Commission had “only complied” with the Santiago
Decision.
_______________
Second Issue:
Sufficiency of RA 6735
“I repeat my firm legal position that RA 6735 is adequate to cover

initiatives on the Constitution, and that whatever administrative details
may have been omitted in said law are satisfactorily provided by Comelec
Resolution 2300. The promulgation of Resolution 2300 is sanctioned by Section 2,
Article IX-C of the Constitution, which vests upon the Comelec the power to
“enforce and administer all laws and regulations relative to the conduct of an
election, plebiscite, initiative, referendum and recall.” The Omnibus Election
Code likewise empowers the electoral body to “promulgate rules and regulations
implementing the provisions of this Code or other laws which the Commission is
required to enforce and administer x x x.” Finally and most relevantly, Section 20
of RA 6735 specifically authorizes Comelec “to promulgate rules and regulations as
may be necessary to carry out the purposes of this Act.”
“In my dissent in Santiago, I wrote that “there is a right way to do the right
thing at the right time and for the right reason.” Let me explain further.
The Right Thing
“A people’s initiative is direct democracy in action. It is the right thing that

citizens may avail themselves of to articulate their will. It is a new and treasured
feature of the Filipino constitutional system. Even the majority implicitly conceded
its value and worth in our legal firmament when it implored Congress “not to
tarry any longer in complying with the constitutional mandate to provide for
implementation of the right (of initiative) of the people x x x.” Hence, in the en
banc case of Subic Bay Metropolitan Authority vs. Comelec, [G.R. No. 125416,
September 26, 1996, 262 SCRA 492], this Court unanimously held that “(l)ike
elections, initiative and referendum are powerful and valuable modes of
expressing popular sovereignty. And this Court as a matter of policy and doctrine
will exert every effort to nurture, protect and promote their legitimate exercise.”
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VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 273

I added “that my position upholding the adequacy of RA

6735 and the validity of Comelec Resolution 2300 will not
ipso facto validate
_______________
The Right Way
“From the outset, I have already maintained the view that “taken together and
interpreted properly and liberally, the Constitution (particularly Art. XVII, Sec. 2),
RA 6735 and Comelec Resolution 2300 provide more than sufficient authority to
implement, effectuate and realize our people’s power to amend the Constitution.”
Let me now demonstrate the adequacy of RA 6735 by outlining, in concrete terms,
the steps to be taken—the right way—to amend the Constitution through a
“Pursuant to Section 3(f) of the law, the Comelec shall prescribe the form of the
petition which shall contain the proposition and the required number of
signatories. Under Sec. 5(c) thereof, the petition shall state the following:
‘c.1 contents or text of the [provision or provisions] sought to be x x x amended,

x x x;
c.2 the proposition [in full text];
c.3 the reason or reasons therefor [fully and clearly explained];
c.4 that it is not one of exceptions provided herein;
c.5 signatures of the petitioners or registered voters; and
c.6 an abstract or summary proposition in not more than one hundred (100)
words which shall be legibly written or printed at the top of every page of
the petition.’
“Section 8(f) of Comelec Resolution 2300 additionally requires that the petition
include a formal designation of the duly authorized representatives of the
signatories.
“Being a constitutional requirement, the number of signatures becomes a
condition precedent to the filing of the petition, and is jurisdictional. Without such
requisite signatures, the Commission shall motu proprio reject the petition.
“Where the initiators have substantially complied with the above requirements,
they may thence file the petition with the Comelec which is tasked to determine
the sufficiency thereof and to verify the signatures on the basis of the registry list
of voters, voters’ affidavits and voters’ identification cards. In deciding whether the
petition is suffi-
274

the PIRMA petition and automatically lead to a plebiscite

to amend
_______________
cient, the Comelec shall also determine if the proposition is proper for an
initiative, i.e., if it consists of an amendment, not a revision, of the Constitution.
Any decision of the electoral body may be appealed to the Supreme Court within
thirty (30) days from notice.
“Within thirty (30) days from receipt of the petition, and after the
determination of its sufficiency, the Comelec shall publish the same in Filipino
and English at least twice in newspapers of general and local circulation, and set
the date of the plebiscite. The conduct of the plebiscite should not be earlier than
sixty (60) days, but not later than ninety (90) days after certification by the
Comelec of the sufficiency of the petition. The proposition, if approved by a
majority of the votes cast in the plebiscite, becomes effective as of the day of the
plebiscite.
“From the foregoing, it should be clear that my position upholding the adequacy
of RA 6735 and the validity of Comelec Resolution 2300 will not ipso facto validate
the PIRMA petition and automatically lead to a plebiscite to amend the
Constitution. Far from it. Among others, PIRMA must still satisfactorily hurdle
the following searching issues:
1. Does the proposed change—the lifting of the term limits of elective officials
—constitute a mere amendment and not a revision of the Constitution?
2. Which registry of voters will be used to verify the signatures in the
petition? This question is relevant considering that under RA 8189, the old
registry of voters used in the 1995 national elections was voided after the
barangay elections on May 12, 1997, while the new list may be used
starting only in the elections of May 1998.
3. Does the clamor for the proposed change in the Constitution really
emanate from the people who signed the petition for initiative? Or it is the
beneficiaries of term extension who are in fact orchestrating such move to
advance their own political self-interest?
4. Are the six million signatures genuine and verifiable? Do they really
belong to qualified warm bodies comprising at least 12% of the registered
voters nationwide, of which every legislative district is represented by at
least 3% of the registered voters therein?
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VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 275

the Constitution. Far from it.” I stressed that PIRMA must

show the following, among others:
_______________
“I shall expound on the third question in the next section, The Right Reason.
Question Nos. 1 and 2 above, while important, are basically legal in character and
can be determined by argumentation and memoranda. However, Question No. 4
involves not only legal issues but gargantuan hurdles of factual determination.
This to my mind is the crucible, the litmus test, of a people’s petition for initiative.
If herein petitioners, led by PIRMA, succeed in proving—not just alleging—that
six million voters of this country indeed want to amend the Constitution, what
power on earth can stop them? Not this Court, not the Comelec, not even the
President or Congress.
“It took only one million people to stage a peaceful revolution at EDSA, and the
very rafters and foundations of the martial law society trembled, quaked and
crumbled. On the other hand, PIRMA and its co-petitioners are claiming that they
have gathered six million signatures. If, as claimed by many, these six million
signatures are fraudulent, then let them be exposed and damned for all history in
a signature-verification process conducted under our open system of legal
advocacy.
“More than anything else, it is the truth that I, as a member of this Court and
as a citizen of this country, would like to seek: Are these six million signatures
real? By insisting on an entirely new doctrine of statutory inadequacy, the
majority effectively suppressed the quest for that truth.
The Right Reason
“As mentioned, the third question that must be answered, even if the adequacy
of RA 6735 and the validity of Comelec Resolution 2300 were upheld by the
majority is: Does the clamor for the proposed change to the Constitution really
emanate from the people who signed the petition for initiative? Or is it the
beneficiaries of term extension who are in fact orchestrating such move to advance
their own political self-interests? In other words, is PIRMA’s exercise of the right
to initiative being done in accordance with our Constitution and our laws? Is such
attempted exercise legitimate?
“In Garcia vs. Commission on Elections, we described initiative, along with
referendum, as the ‘ultimate weapon of the people to negate government
malfeasance and misfeasance.’ In Subic Bay, we specified that ‘initiative is
entirely the work of the electorate x x x a process of
276

(1) The proposed change—the lifting of term limits of

elective officials—“constitute[s] a mere amendment
and not a revision of the Constitution.”
_______________
lawmaking by the people themselves without the participation and against the
wishes of their elected representatives.’ As ponente of Subic Bay, I stand
foursquare on this principle: The right to amend through initiative
belongs only to the people—not to the government and its minions. This
principle finds clear support from utterances of many constitutional
commissioners like those quoted below:
“[Initiative is] a reserve power of the sovereign people, when they are
dissatisfied with the National Assembly x x x [and] precisely a fallback position of
the people in the event that they are dissatisfied.”—Commissioner Ople
“[Initiative is] a check on a legislative that is not responsive [and resorted to]
only if the legislature is not as responsive to the vital and urgent needs of
people.”—Commissioner Gascon
“[Initiative is an] extraordinary power given to the people [and] reserved for the
people [which] should not be frivolously resorted to.”—Commissioner Romulo
“Indeed, if the powers-that-be desire to amend the Constitution, or even to
revise it, our Charter itself provides them other ways of doing so, namely, by
calling a constitutional convention or constituting Congress into a constituent
assembly. These are officialdom’s weapons. But initiative belongs to the people.
“In the present case, are PIRMA and its co-petitioners legitimate people’s
organizations or are they merely fronts for incumbents who want to extend their
terms? This is a factual question which, unfortunately, cannot be judicially
answered anymore, because the Supreme Court majority ruled that the law that
implements it, RA 6735, is inadequate or insufficient insofar as initiatives to the
Constitutions are concerned. With such ruling, the majority effectively abrogated a
constitutional right of our people. That is why in my Separate Opinion in
Santiago, I exclaimed that such precipitate action “is equivalent to burning the
whole house to exterminate the rats, and to killing the patient to relieve him of
pain.” I firmly maintain that to defeat PIRMA’s effort, there is no need to “burn”
the constitutional right to initiative. If PIRMA’s exercise is not “legitimate,” it can
be exposed as such in the
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VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 277

(2) The “six million signatures are genuine and

verifiable”; and they “really belong to qualified
warm bodies comprising at least 12%
_______________
ways I have discussed—short of abrogating the right itself. On the other hand, if
PIRMA’s position is proven to be legitimate—if it hurdles the four issues I outlined
earlier—by all means, we should allow and encourage it. But the majority’s theory
of statutory inadequacy has pre-empted—unnecessarily and invalidly, in my view
—any judicial determination of such legitimacy or illegitimacy. It has silenced the
quest for truth into the interstices of the PIRMA petition.
The Right Time
“The Constitution itself sets a time limitation on when changes thereto may be
proposed. Section 2 of Article XVII precludes amendments “within five years
following [its] ratification x x x nor oftener than once every five years thereafter.”
Since its ratification, the 1987 Constitution has never been amended. Hence, the
five-year prohibition is now inoperative and amendments may theoretically be
proposed at any time.
“Be that as it may, I believe—given the present circumstances—that there is no
more time to lift term limits to enable incumbents to seek reelection in the May
11, 1998 polls. Between today and the next national elections, less than eight (8)
months remain. Santiago, where the single issue of the sufficiency of RA 6735 was
resolved, took this Court three (3) months, and another two (2) months to decide
the motion for reconsideration. The instant case, where the same issue is also
raised by the petitioners, took two months, not counting a possible motion for
reconsideration. These time spans could not be abbreviated any further, because
due process requires that all parties be given sufficient time to file their pleadings.
“Thus, even if the Court were to rule now in favor of the adequacy of RA 6735—
as I believe it should—and allow the Comelec to act on the PIRMA petition, such
eight-month period will not be enough to tackle the four weighty issues I
mentioned earlier, considering that two of them involve tedious factual questions.
The Comelec’s decision on any of these issues can still be elevated to this Court for
review, and reconsiderations on our decisions on each of those issues may again be
sought.
“Comelec’s herculean task alone of verifying each of the six million signatures is
enormously time-consuming, considering that any
278

of the registered voters nationwide, of which every

legislative districtis represented by at least 3% of the
registered voters therein.”
_______________
person may question the authenticity of each and every signature, initially before
the election registrar, then before the Comelec on appeal and finally, before this
Court in a separate proceeding. Moreover, the plebiscite itself—assuming such
stage can be reached—may be scheduled only after sixty (60) but not more than
ninety (90) days, from the time the Comelec and this Court, on appeal, finally
declare the petition to be sufficient.
“Meanwhile, under Comelec Resolution 2946, political parties, groups
organizations or coalitions may start selecting their official candidates for
President, Vice President and Senators on November 27, 1997; the period for filing
certificates of candidacy is from January 11 to February 9, 1998; the election
period and campaign for national officials start on February 10, 1998, while the
campaign period for other elective officials, on March 17, 1998. This means, by the
time PIRMA’s proposition is ready—if ever—for submission directly to the voters
at large, it will have been overcome by the elections. Time will simply run out on
PIRMA, if the intention is to lift term limits in time for the 1998 elections.
“That term limits may no longer be lifted prior to the 1998 elections via a
people’s initiative does not detract one whit from (1) my firm conviction that RA
6735 is sufficient and adequate to implement this constitutional right and, more
important, (2) my faith in the power of the people to initiate changes in local and
national laws and the Constitution. In fact, I think the Court can deliberate on
these two items even more serenely and wisely now that the debates will be free
from the din and distraction of the 1998 elections. After all, jurisprudence is not
merely for the here and now but, more so, for the hereafter and the morrow. Let
me therefore stress, by way of epilogue, my unbending credo in favor of our
people’s right to initiative.
Epilogue
“I believe in democracy—in our people’s natural right to determine our own

destiny.
“I believe in the process of initiative as a democratic method of enabling our
people to express their will and chart their history. Initiative is an alternative to
bloody revolution, internal chaos and civil
279
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 279

In both Opinions, I concluded that we must implement “the

right thing [initiative] in the right way at the right time
and for the right reason.”
_______________
strife. It is an inherent right of the people—as basic as the right to elect, the right
to self-determination and the right to individual liberties. I believe that Filipinos
have the ability and the capacity to rise above themselves, to use this right of
initiative wisely and maturely, and to choose what is best for themselves and their
posterity.
“Such beliefs, however, should not be equated with a desire to perpetuate a
particular official or group of officials in power. Far from it. Such perpetuation is
anathema to democracy. My firm conviction that there is an adequate law
implementing the constitutional right of initiative does not ipso facto result in the
victory of the PIRMA petition or of any proposed constitutional change. There are,
after all, sufficient safeguards to guarantee the proper use of such constitutional
right and to forestall its misuse and abuse. First, initiative cannot be used to
revise the Constitution, only to amend it. Second, the petitioners’ signatures must
be validated against an existing list of voters and/or voters’ identification cards.
Third, initiative is a reverse power of and by the people, not of incumbent officials
and their machinators. Fourth and most important of all, the signatures must be
verified as real and genuine; not concocted, fictitious or fabricated. The only legal
way to do this is to enable the Commission on Elections to conduct a nationwide
verification process as mandated by the Constitution and the law. Such
verification, it bears stressing, is subject to review by this Court.
“There were, by the most generous estimate, only a million people who gathered
at EDSA in 1986, and yet they changed the history of our country. PIRMA claims
six times that number, not just from the National Capital Region but from all over
the country. Is this claim through the invention of its novel theory of statutory
insufficiency, the Court’s majority has stifled the only legal method of determining
whether PIRMA is real or not, whether there is indeed a popular clamor to lift
term limits of elected officials, and whether six million voters want to initiate
amendments to their most basic law. In suppressing a judicial answer to such
questions, the Court may have unwittingly yielded to PIRMA the benefit of the
legal presumption of legality and regularity. In its misplaced zeal to exterminate
the rats, it burned down the whole house. It unceremoniously divested the people
of a basic constitutional right.
280

In the present case, I steadfastly stand by my foregoing

Opinions in Santiago and PIRMA. Tested against them,
the present Petition of Raul Lambino and Erico Aumentado
must be DISMISSED. Unfortunately, the right thing is
being rushed in the wrong way and for the wrong
reasons. Let me explain.
No Grave Abuse of Discretion by Comelec

As in PIRMA, I find no grave abuse of discretion in
Comelec’s dismissal of the Lambino Petition. After all, the
Commission merely followed the holding in Santiago
permanently enjoining the poll body “from entertaining or
implementation of the system.”
Indeed, the Comelec did not violate 4
the
Constitution, the laws or any jurisprudence. Neither
can whim, caprice, arbitrariness 5
or personal bias be
attributed to the Commission. Quite the contrary, it
prudently followed this Court’s jurisprudence in Santiago
and PIRMA. Even assuming arguendo that Comelec erred
in ruling on a very difficult and unsettled question of law,
this Court
_______________
“In the ultimate, the mission of the judiciary is to discover truth and to make it
prevail. This mission is undertaken not only to resolve the vagaries of present
events but also to build the pathways of tomorrow. The sum total of the entire
process of adversarial litigation is the verity of facts and the application of law
thereto. By the majority copout in this mission of discovery, our country and our
people have been deprived not only of a basic constitutional right, as earlier noted,
but also of the judicial opportunity to verify the truth.”
4 Republic v. COCOFED, 423 Phil. 735; 372 SCRA 462, December 14,
2001.
5 Well-entrenched is this definition of grave abuse of discretion. Id.;
Benito v. Commission on Elections, 349 SCRA 705, January 19, 2001;
Defensor-Santiago v. Guingona, Jr., 359 Phil. 276; 298 SCRA 756,
November 18, 1998; and Philippine Airlines, Inc. v. Confesor, 231 SCRA
41, March 10, 1994.
281
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 281

still cannot attribute grave abuse6

of discretion to the poll
body with respect to that action.
The present Lambino Petition is in exactly the same
situation as that of PIRMA in 1997. The differences pointed
out by Justice Reynato S. Puno are, with due respect,
superficial. It is argued that, unlike the present Lambino
Petition, PIRMA did not contain verified signatures. These
are distinctions that do not make a difference. Precisely,
Justice Puno is urging a remand, because the verification
issue is “contentious” and remains unproven by petitioners.
Clearly, both the PIRMA and the Lambino Petitions
contain unverified signatures. Therefore, they both
deserve the same treatment: DISMISSAL.
Besides, the only reason given in the unanimous
Resolution on PIRMA v. Comelec was that the Commission
had “only complied” with this Court’s Decision in Santiago,
the same reason given by Comelec in this case. The
Separate Opinions in PIRMA gave no other reason. No one
argued, even remotely, that the PIRMA Petition
should have been dismissed because the signatures
were unverified.
To stress, I adhere to my Opinion in PIRMA that,
“[b]eing a constitutional requirement, the number of
signatures becomes a condition precedent 7
to the filing of
the petition, and is jurisdictional. Without those
signatures, the Comelec shall motu proprio reject the
petition.”
_______________
6 In PIRMA, I submitted as follows: “I believed, and still do, that the

majority gravely erred in rendering such a sweeping injunction [that
covered ANY petition, not just the Delfin petition], but I cannot fault the
Comelec for complying with the ruling even if it, too, disagreed with said
decision’s ratio decidendi. Respondent Comelec was directly enjoined by
the highest Court of the land. It had no choice but to obey. Its obedience
cannot constitute grave abuse of discretion. Refusal to act on the PIRMA
petition was the only recourse open to the Comelec. Any other mode of
action would have constituted defiance of the Court and would have been
struck down as grave abuse of discretion and contumacious disregard of

this Court’s supremacy as the final arbiter of justiciable controversies.”
7 42 Am. Jr. 2d, §26, citing Birmingham Gas Co. v. Bessemer; 250 Ala
137, 33 So 2d 475, 250 Ala 137; Tacker v. Board of Comrs., 127 Fla 248,
170
282

So, until and unless Santiago is revisited and changed by

this Court or the legal moorings of the exercise of the right
are substantially changed, the Comelec cannot be
faulted for acting in accord with this Court’s
pronouncements. Respondent Commission has no
discretion, under any guise, to refuse 8
enforcement of
any final decision of this Court. The refusal of the poll
body to act on the Lambino Petition was its only recourse.
Any other mode of action would appear not only
presumptuous, but also contemptuous. It would have
constituted defiance of the Court and would have surely
been struck down as grave abuse of discretion and
contumacious disregard of the supremacy of this Court as
the final arbiter of justiciable controversies.
Even assuming further that this Court rules, as I believe
it should (for the reasons given in my Opinions in Santiago
and PIRMA), that Republic Act 6735 is indeed sufficient to
implement an initiative to amend the Constitution, still, no
grave abuse of discretion can be attributed to the Comelec
for merely following prevailing jurisprudence extant at the
time it rendered its ruling in question.
Only Amendments, Not Revisions

I reiterate that only amendments, not revisions, may
be the proper subject of an initiative to change the
Constitution. This principle is crystal
9
clear from even a
layperson’s reading of the basic law.
_______________
So 458; Hoxie V. Scott, 45 Neb 199, 63 NW 387; Gill v. Board of Comrs.,

160 NC 176, 76, SE 204.
8 Partido ng Manggagawa v. Commission on Elections, G.R. No.
164702, March 15, 2006, 484 SCRA 671.
9 Article XVII (AMENDMENTS OR REVISIONS)
“SEC. 1. Any amendment to, or revision of, this Constitution may be proposed by:
(1) The Congress, upon the vote of three-fourths of all its Members; or
283
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 283

I submit that changing the system of government from

presidential to parliamentary and the form of the
legislature from bicameral to unicameral contemplates an
overhaul of the structure of government. The ponencia
has amply demonstrated that the merger of the legislative
and the executive branches under a unicameral-
parliamentary system, “[b]y any legal test and under any
jurisdiction,” will “radically alter the framework of
government as set forth in the Constitution.” Indeed, the
proposed changes have an overall implication on the entire
Constitution; they effectively rewrite its most important
and basic provisions. The prolixity and complexity of the
changes cannot be categorized, even by semantic
generosity, as “amendments.”
In addition, may I say that of the three modes of
changing the Constitution, revisions (or amendments) may
be proposed only through the first two: by Congress or by a
constitutional convention. Under
_______________
“SEC. 2. Amendments to this Constitution may likewise be directly proposed by

the people though initiative upon a petition of at least twelve per centum of the
total number of registered voters, of which every legislative district must be
represented by at least three per centum of the registered voters therein. No
amendment under this section shall be authorized within five years following the
ratification of this Constitution nor oftener than once every five years thereafter.
“SEC. 3. The Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of all its Members, call a
constitutional convention, or by a majority vote of all its Members, submit to the
electorate the question of calling such a convention.
“SEC. 4. Any amendment to, or revision of, this Constitution under Section 1
hereof shall be valid when ratified by a majority of the votes cast in a plebiscite
which shall be held not earlier than sixty days nor later than ninety days after the
approval of such amendment or revision.
“Any amendment under Section 2 hereof shall be valid when ratified by a
majority of the votes cast in a plebiscite which shall be held not earlier than sixty
days nor later than ninety days after the certification by the Commission on
Elections of the sufficiency of the petition.”
284

the third mode—people’s initiative—only amendments are

allowed. Many of the justices’ Opinions have cited the
historical, philosophical and jurisprudential bases of their
respective positions. I will not add to the woes of the reader
by reiterating them here.
Suffice it to say that, to me, the practical test to
differentiate an amendment from a revision is found in the
Constitution itself: a revision may be done only when
the proposed change can be drafted, defined,
articulated, discussed and agreed upon after a
mature and democratic debate in a deliberative body
like Congress or a Convention. The changes proposed
must necessarily be scrutinized, as their adoption or non-
adoption must result from an informed judgment.
Indeed, the constitutional bodies that drafted the 1935,
the 1972 and the 1987 Constitutions had to spend many
months of purposeful discussions, democratic debates and
rounds of voting before they could agree on the wordings
covering the philosophy, the underlying principles, and the
structure of government of our Republic.
Verily, even bills creating or changing the
administrative structure of local governments take several
weeks or even months of drafting, reading, and debating
before Congress can approve them. How much more when
it comes to constitutional changes?
A change in the form of government of our country from
presidential-bicameral to parliamentary-unicameral is
monumental. Even the initiative proponents admit this
fact. So, why should a revision be rammed down our
people’s throats without the benefit of intelligent discussion
in a deliberative assembly?
Added to the constitutional mandate barring revisions is
the provision of RA 6735 expressly prohibiting petitions for 10
initiative from “embracing more than one subject matter.”
The present initiative
_______________
10 Republic Act 6735, Sec. 10, provides:
“SEC. 10. Prohibited Measures.—The following cannot be the subject of an

initiative or referendum petition:
(a) No petition embracing more than one subject shall be submitted to the
electorate; and
285
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 285

covers at least two subjects: (1) the shift from a presidential

to a parliamentary form of government; and (2) 11
the change
from a bicameral to a unicameral legislature. Thus, even
under Republic Act 6735—the law that Justice Puno and I
hold to be sufficient and valid—the Lambino Petition
deserves dismissal.
12 Percent and 3 Percent Thresholds Not Proven by

Petitioners
The litmus test of a people’s petition for initiative is its
ability to muster the constitutional requirement that it be
supported by at least
_______________
(b) Statutes involving emergency measures, the enactment of which are

specifically vested in Congress by the Constitution, cannot be subject to
referendum until ninety (90) days after its effectivity.”
11 The principle of separation of powers operates at the core of a

presidential form of government. Thus, legislative power is given to the
legislature; executive power, to a separate executive (from whose
prominent position in the system, the presidential nomenclature is
derived); and judicial power, to an independent judiciary. This system
embodies interdependence by separation.
On the other hand, a parliamentary system personifies
interdependence by integration, its essential features being the following:
“(1) The members of the government or cabinet or the executive arm are,
as a rule, simultaneously members of the legislature. (2) The government
or cabinet, consisting of the political leaders of the majority party or of a
coalition who are also members of the legislative, is in effect a committee
of the legislature. (3) The government or cabinet has a pyramidal
structure, at the apex of which is the Prime Minister or his equivalent. (4)
The government or cabinet remains in power only for as long as it enjoys
the support of the majority of the legislature. (5) Both government and
legislature are possessed of control devices with which each can demand of
the other immediate political responsibility.” These control devices are a
vote of no-confidence (censure), whereby the government may be ousted by
the legislature; and the power of the government to dissolve the
legislature and call for new elections. (J. BERNAS, THE
CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINES A
COMMENTARY, Vol. II, 17-18 (1988 ed.).
With respect to the transformation from a bicameral to a unicameral

legislature, the change involves the form of representation and the
lawmaking process.
286

12 percent of the registered voters nationwide, of which at

least 3 percent of the registered voters in every legislative
district must be represented. As pointed out by Intervenors
One Voice, Inc., et al., however, records show that there 12
was a failure to meet the minimum percentages required.
Even Justice Puno concedes that the 12 percent and 3
percent constitutional requirements involve “contentious
facts,” which have not been proven by the Lambino
Petition. Thus, he is urging a remand to the Comelec.
But a remand is both imprudent and futile. It is
imprudent because the Constitution itself mandates the
said requisites of an initiative petition. In other words, a
petition that does not show the required percentages
is fatally defective and must be dismissed, as the
Delfin Petition was, in Santiago.
Furthermore, as the ponencia had discussed extensively,
the present Petition is void and unconstitutional. It points
out that the Petition dismally fails to comply with the
constitutional requirement that an initiative must be
directly proposed by the people. Specifically, the ponencia
has amply established that petitioners were unable to show
that the Lambino Petition contained, or incorporated by
attachment, the full text of the proposed changes.
So, too, a remand is futile. Even if the required
percentages are proven before the Commission, the
Petition must still be dismissed for proposing a
revision, not an amendment, in gross violation of the
Constitution. At the very least, it proposes more than one
subject, in violation of Republic Act 6735.
_______________
12 Attached to the Opposition-in-Intervention of Intervenors One Voice

Inc., etc., is a photocopy of the Certification dated August 23, 2006, issued
by Atty. Marlon S. Casquejo, the election officer for the 3rd District and
the officer-in-charge for the 1st and the 2nd Districts of Davao City. The
Certification states that “this office (First, Second and Third District,
Davao City) has not verified the signatures of registered voters x x x.”
287
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 287

Summation
Petitioners plead with this Court to hear the voice of the
people because, in the words of Justice Puno who supports
them, the “people’s voice is sovereign in a democracy.”
I, too, believe in heeding the people’s voice. I
reiterate my Separate Opinion in PIRMA that “initiative is
a democratic method of enabling our people to express their
will and chart their history. x x x. I believe that Filipinos
have the ability and the capacity to rise above themselves,
to use this right of initiative wisely and maturely, and to
choose what is best for themselves and their posterity.”
This belief will not, however, automatically and blindly
result in an initiative to change the Constitution, because
the present Petition violates the following:
• The Constitution (specifically Article XVII, which

allows only amendments, not revisions, and requires
definite percentages of verified signatures)
• The law (specifically, Republic Act 6735, which
prohibits petitions containing more than one subject)
• Jurisprudence (specifically, PIRMA v. Comelec,
which dismissed the Petition then under consideration
on the ground that, by following the Santiago ruling, the
Comelec had not gravely abused its discretion).
I submit further that a remand of the Lambino Petition is

both imprudent and futile. More tellingly, it is a cop-out, a
handwashing already discredited 2000 years ago.
Instead of finger-pointing, I believe we must confront
the issues head on, because the people expect no less from
this august and venerable institution of supreme justice.
288

Epilogue
At bottom,
13
the issue in this case is simply the Rule of
Law. Initiative, like referendum and recall, is a treasured
feature of the Filipino constitutional system. It was born

out of our world-admired and often-imitated People Power,
but its misuse and abuse must be resolutely rejected.
Democracy must be cherished, but mob rule vanquished.
The Constitution is a sacred social compact, forged
between the government and the people, between each
individual and the rest of the citizenry. Through it, the
people have solemnly expressed their will that all of them
shall be governed by laws, and their rights limited by
agreed-upon covenants to promote the common good. If we
are to uphold the Rule of Law and reject the rule of the
mob, we must faithfully abide by the processes the
Constitution has ordained in order to bring about a
peaceful, just and humane society. Assuming arguendo
that six million people allegedly gave their assent to the
proposed changes in the Constitution, they are
nevertheless still bound by the social covenant—the
present Constitution—which was ratified
14
by a far greater
majority almost twenty years ago. I do not denigrate the
majesty of the sovereign will;
_______________
13 In People v. Veneracion, the Court held: “Obedience to the rule of law

forms the bedrock of our system of justice. If judges, under the guide of
religious or political beliefs were allowed to roam unrestricted beyond
boundaries within which they are required by law to exercise the duties of
their office, then law becomes meaningless. A government of laws, not of
men, excludes the exercise of broad discretionary powers by those acting
under its authority. Under this system, judges are guided by the Rule of
Law, and ought ‘to protect and enforce it without fear or favor,’ resist
encroachments by governments, political parties, or even the interference
of their own personal beliefs.” (249 SCRA 244, October 13, 1995, per
Kapunan, J.)
14 An American professor on legal philosophy, A. Altman, puts it thus:
“By ratifying the constitution that included an explicit amendment
process, the sovereign people committed themselves to following the rule
of law, even when they wished to make changes in the basic system of
government.” A. ALTMAN, ARGUING ABOUT LAW 94 (2001).
289
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 289

rather, I elevate our society to the loftiest perch, because

our government must remain as one of laws and not
of men.
Upon assuming office, each of the justices of the

Supreme Court took a solemn oath to uphold the
Constitution. Being the protectors of the fundamental law
as the highest expression of the sovereign will, they must
subject to the strictest scrutiny any attempt to change it,
lest it be trivialized and degraded by the assaults of
the mob and of ill-conceived designs. The Court must
singlemindedly defend the Constitution from bogus
efforts falsely attributed to the sovereign people.
The judiciary may be the weakest branch of government.
Nonetheless, when ranged against incessant voices from
the more powerful branches of government, it should never
cower in submission. On the other hand, I daresay that the
same weakness of the Court becomes its strength when it
speaks independently through decisions that rightfully
uphold the supremacy of the Constitution and the
Rule of Law. The strength of the judiciary lies not in its
lack of brute power, but in its moral courage to perform its
constitutional duty at 15all times against all odds. Its might
is in its being right.
During the past weeks, media outfits have been ablaze
with reports and innuendoes about alleged carrots offered
and sticks
16
drawn by those interested in the outcome of this
case. There being no judicial proof of these allegations, I
shall not comment on them for the nonce, except to quote
the Good Book, which says, “There is nothing hidden that
will not be revealed, and17 nothing secret that will not be
known and come to light.”
Verily, the Supreme Court is now on the crossroads of
history. By its decision, the Court and each of its members
shall be judged by posterity. Ten years, fifty years, a
hundred years—or even a thousand years—from now, what
the Court did here, and how each justice
_______________
15 See my Separate Opinion in Francisco, Jr. v. House of

Representatives, 415 SCRA 45, November 10, 2003.
16 See, for instance, the front page Malaya report entitled “Lobbyists
soil dignity of Supreme Court” (October 23, 2006).
17 Lk 8:17.
290

opined and voted, will still be talked about, either in shame

or in pride. Indeed, the hand-washing of Pontius Pilate, the
abomination of Dred Scott, and the loathing of Javellana
still linger and haunt to this day.
Let not this case fall into the same damnation. Rather,
let this Court be known throughout the nation and the
world for its independence, integrity, industry and
intelligence.
WHEREFORE, I vote to DISMISS the Petition.
DISSENTING OPINION
PUNO, J.:
1
“It is a Constitution we are expounding…”
—Chief Justice John Marshall
The petition at bar is not a fight over molehills. At the crux

of the controversy is the critical understanding of the first
and foremost of our constitutional principles—“the
Philippines is a democratic and republican State.
Sovereignty resides in the people and 2
all government
authority emanates from them.” Constitutionalism
dictates that this creed must be respected with deeds; our
belief in its validity must be backed by behavior.
This is a Petition for Certiorari and Mandamus to set
aside the resolution of respondent Commission on Elections
(COMELEC) dated August 31, 2006, denying due course to
the Petition for Initiative filed by petitioners Raul L.
Lambino and Erico B. Aumentado in their own behalf and
together with some 6.3 million registered voters who
have affixed their signatures thereon, and praying for the
issuance of a writ of mandamus to compel respondent
COMELEC to set the date of the plebiscite for the
ratification of the proposed amendments to the
Constitution in accordance with Section 2, Article XVII of
the 1987 Constitution.
_______________
1 M’cCulloch v. Maryland, 17 U.S. (4 Wheat) 316, 407 (1819).

2 Section 1, Article II, 1987 Constitution.
291
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 291

First, a flashback of the proceedings of yesteryears.

In 1996, the Movement for People’s Initiative sought to
exercise the sovereign people’s power to directly propose
amendments to the Constitution through initiative under
Section 2, Article XVII of the 1987 Constitution. Its
founding member, Atty. Jesus S. Delfin, filed with the
COMELEC on December 6, 1996, a “Petition to Amend the
Constitution, to Lift Term Limits of Elective Officials, by
People’s Initiative” (Delfin Petition). It proposed to amend
Sections 4 and 7 of Article VI, Section 4 of Article VII, and
Section 8 of Article X of the 1987 Constitution by deleting
the provisions on the term limits for all elective officials.
The Delfin Petition stated that the Petition for
Initiative would first be submitted to the people and would
be formally filed with the COMELEC after it is signed by
at least twelve per cent (12%) of the total number of
registered voters in the country. It thus sought the
assistance of the COMELEC in gathering the
required signatures by fixing the dates and time
therefor and setting up signature stations on the
assigned dates and time. The petition prayed that the
COMELEC issue an Order (1) fixing the dates and time for
signature gathering all over the country; (2) causing the
publication of said Order and the petition for initiative in
newspapers of general and local circulation; and, (3)
instructing the municipal election registrars in all the
regions of the Philippines to assist petitioner and the
volunteers in establishing signing stations on the dates and
time designated for the purpose.
The COMELEC conducted a hearing on the Delfin
Petition.
On December 18, 1996, Senator Miriam Defensor
Santiago, Alexander Padilla and Maria Isabel Ongpin
filed a special civil action for prohibition before this Court,
seeking to restrain the COMELEC from further
considering the Delfin Petition. They impleaded as
respondents the COMELEC, Delfin, and Alberto and
Carmen Pedrosa (Pedrosas) in their capacities as founding
members of the People’s Initiative for Reforms,
Modernization and Action (PIRMA) which was likewise
engaged in signature gathering to support an initiative to
amend the Constitution. They argued that the
constitutional provision on people’s initiative may only be
implemented by a
292
law passed by Congress; that no such law has yet been

enacted by Congress; that Republic Act No. 6735 relied
upon by Delfin does not cover the initiative to amend the
Constitution; and that COMELEC Resolution No. 2300, the
implementing rules adopted by the COMELEC on the
conduct of initiative, was ultra vires insofar as the
initiative to amend the Constitution was concerned. The
case was docketed as G.R. No.3 127325, entitled Santiago
v. Commission on Elections.
Pending resolution of the case, the Court issued a
temporary restraining order enjoining the COMELEC from
proceeding with the Delfin Petition and the Pedrosas from
conducting a signature drive for people’s initiative to
amend the Constitution.
On March 19, 1997, the Court rendered its decision
on the petition for prohibition. The Court ruled that
the constitutional provision granting the people the power
to directly amend the Constitution through initiative is not
self-executory. An enabling law is necessary to implement
the exercise of the people’s right. Examining the provisions
of R.A. 6735, a majority of eight (8) members of the
Court held that said law was “incomplete, inadequate,
or wanting in essential terms and conditions insofar
as initiative4 on amendments to the Constitution is
concerned,” and thus voided portions of COMELEC
Resolution No. 2300 prescribing rules and regulations on
the conduct of initiative on amendments to the
Constitution. It was also held that even if R.A. 6735
sufficiently covered the initiative to amend the
Constitution and COMELEC Resolution No. 2300 was
valid, the Delfin Petition should still be dismissed as it
was not the proper initiatory pleading contemplated
by law. Under Section 2, Article VII of the 1987
Constitution and Section 5(b) of R.A. 6735, a petition for
initiative on the Constitution must be signed by at least
twelve per cent (12%) of the total number of registered
voters, of which every legislative district is represented by
at least three per cent (3%) of the registered voters therein.
The Delfin
_______________
3 270 SCRA 106, March 19, 1997.

4 Id., at p. 153.
293
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 293

Petition did not contain signatures of the required

number of voters. The decision stated:
CONCLUSION
This petition must then be granted, and the COMELEC
should be permanently enjoined from entertaining or
implementation of the system.
We feel, however, that the system of initiative to propose
amendments to the Constitution should no longer be kept
in the cold; it should be given flesh and blood, energy and
strength. Congress should not tarry any longer in
complying with the constitutional mandate to provide for
the implementation of the right of the people under that
system.
WHEREFORE, judgment is hereby rendered
a) GRANTING the instant petition;

b) DECLARING R.A. No. 6735 inadequate to cover the
system of initiative on amendments to the Constitution,
and to have failed to provide sufficient standard for
subordinate legislation;
c) DECLARING void those parts of Resolution No. 2300 of
the Commission on Elections prescribing rules and
regulations on the conduct of initiative or amendments to
the Constitution; and
d) ORDERING the Commission on Elections to forthwith
DISMISS the DELFIN petition (UND-96-037).
The Temporary Restraining Order issued on 18 December 1996

is made permanent against the Commission
5
on Elections, but is
LIFTED as against private respondents.”
Eight (8) members of the Court, namely, then Associate

Justice Hilario G. Davide, Jr. (ponente), Chief Justice
Andres R. Narvasa, and Associate Justices Florenz D.
Regalado, Flerida Ruth P. Romero, Josue N. Bellosillo,
Santiago M. Kapunan, Regino C. Hermosisima, Jr. and
Justo P. Torres, fully concurred in the majority opinion.
_______________
5 Id., at p. 157.
294

While all the6 members of the Court who participated in the

deliberation agreed that the Delfin Petition should be
dismissed for lack of the required signatures, five (5)
members, namely, Associate Justices Jose A.R. Melo,
Reynato S. Puno, Vicente V. Mendoza, Ricardo J. Francisco
and Artemio V. Panganiban, held that R.A. 6735 was
sufficient and adequate to implement the people’s right to
amend the Constitution through initiative, and that
COMELEC Resolution No. 2300 validly provided the
details for the actual exercise of such right. Justice Jose
C. Vitug, on the other hand, opined that the Court should
confine itself to resolving the issue of whether the Delfin
Petition sufficiently complied with the requirements of the
law on initiative, and there was no need to rule on the
adequacy of R.A. 6735.
The COMELEC, Delfin and the Pedrosas filed separate
motions for reconsideration of the Court’s decision.
After deliberating 7 on the motions for
reconsideration, six (6) of the eight (8) majority
members maintained their position that R.A. 6735
was inadequate to implement the provision on the
initiative on amendments to the Constitution.
Justice Torres filed an inhibition, while Justice
Hermosisima submitted a Separate Opinion
adopting the position of the minority that R.A. 6735
sufficiently covers the initiative to amend the
Constitution. Hence, of the thirteen (13) members of
the Court who participated in the deliberation, six
(6) members, namely, Chief Justice Narvasa and
Associate Justices Regalado, Davide, Romero,
Bellosillo and Kapunan voted to deny the motions
for lack of merit; and six (6) members, namely,
Associate Justices Melo, Puno, Mendoza, Francisco,
Hermosisima and Panganiban voted to grant the
same. Justice Vitug maintained his opinion that the
matter was not ripe for judicial adjudication. The
motions for reconsideration were therefore
_______________
6 Justice Teodoro R. Padilla did not take part in the deliberation as he

was related to a co-petitioner and co-counsel of petitioners.
7 Justice Davide (ponente), Chief Justice Narvasa, and Justices
Regalado, Romero, Bellosillo, and Kapunan.
295
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 295

denied for lack of sufficient votes 8 to modify or

reverse the decision of March 19, 1997.
On June 23, 1997, PIRMA filed with the COMELEC a
Petition for Initiative to Propose Amendments to the
Constitution (PIRMA Petition). The PIRMA Petition was
supported by around five (5) million signatures in
compliance with R.A. 6735 and COMELEC Resolution No.
2300, and prayed that the COMELEC, among others: (1)
cause the publication of the petition in Filipino and English
at least twice in newspapers of general and local
circulation; (2) order all election officers to verify the
signatures collected in support of the petition and submit
these to the Commission; and (3) set the holding of a
plebiscite where the following proposition would be
submitted to the people for ratification:
“Do you approve amendments to the 1987 Constitution giving the

President the chance to be reelected for another term, similarly
with the Vice-President, so that both the highest officials of the
land can serve for two consecutive terms of six years each, and
also to lift the term limits for all other elective government
officials, thus giving Filipino voters the freedom of choice,
amending for that purpose, Section 4 of Article VII, Sections 4 and
7 of Article VI and Section 8 of Article X, respectively?”
The COMELEC dismissed the PIRMA Petition in view of

the permanent restraining order issued by the Court in
Santiago v. COMELEC.
PIRMA filed with this Court a Petition for
Mandamus and Certiorari seeking to set aside the
COMELEC Resolution dismissing its petition for initiative.
PIRMA argued that the Court’s decision on the Delfin
Petition did not bar the COMELEC from acting on the
PIRMA Petition as said ruling was not definitive based on
the deadlocked voting on the motions for reconsideration,
and because there was no identity of parties and subject
matter between the two petitions. PIRMA also urged the
Court to re-examine its ruling in Santiago v. COMELEC.
_______________
8 Resolution dated June 10, 1997, G.R. No. 127325.
296

The Court dismissed the petition for mandamus and

certiorari in its resolution dated September 23, 1997. It
explained:
“The Court ruled, first, by a unanimous vote, that no grave abuse

of discretion could be attributed to the public respondent
COMELEC in dismissing the petition filed by PIRMA therein, it
appearing that it only complied with the dispositions in the
Decision of this Court in G.R. No. 127325 promulgated on March
19, 1997, and its Resolution of June 10, 1997.
The Court next considered the question of whether there was
need to resolve the second issue posed by the petitioners, namely,
that the Court reexamine its ruling as regards R.A. 6735. On this
issue, the Chief Justice and six (6) other members of the Court,
namely, Regalado, Davide, Romero, Bellosillo, Kapunan and
Torres, JJ., voted that there was no need to take it up. Vitug, J.,
agreed that there was no need for re-examination of said second
issue since the case at bar is not the proper vehicle for that
purpose. Five (5) other members of the Court, namely, Melo,
Puno, Francisco, Hermosisima, and Panganiban, JJ., 9
opined that
there was a need for such a re-examination x x x x”
In their Separate Opinions, Justice (later Chief Justice)

Davide and Justice Bellosillo stated that the PIRMA
petition was dismissed on the ground of res judicata.
Now, almost a decade later, another group, Sigaw ng
Bayan, seeks to utilize anew the system of initiative to
amend the Constitution, this time to change the form of
government from bicameralpresidential to unicameral-
parliamentary system.
Let us look at the facts of the petition at bar with
clear eyes.
On February 15, 2006, Sigaw ng Bayan, in
coordination with Union of Local Authorities of the
Philippines (ULAP), embarked on a nationwide drive to
gather signatures to support the move to adopt the
parliamentary form of government in the country through
charter change. They proposed to amend the Constitution
as follows:
_______________
9 People’s Initiative for Reforms, Modernization and Action (PIRMA) v.

Commission on Elections, G.R. No. 129754, September 23, 1997.
297
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 297

A. Sections 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7 of Article VI shall be

amended to read as follows:
Section 1. (1) The legislative and executive powers shall be vested in a

unicameral Parliament which shall be composed of as many members as
may be provided by law, to be apportioned among the provinces,
representative districts, and cities in accordance with the number of their
respective inhabitants, with at least three hundred thousand inhabitants
per district, and on the basis of a uniform and progressive ratio. Each
district shall comprise, as far as practicable, contiguous, compact and
adjacent territory, and each province must have at least one member.
(2) Each Member of Parliament shall be a natural-born citizen of the
Philippines, at least twenty-five years old on the day of the election, a
resident of his district for at least one year prior thereto, and shall be
elected by the qualified voters of his district for a term of five years
without limitation as to the number thereof, except those under the
party-list system which shall be provided for by law and whose number
shall be equal to twenty per centum of the total membership coming from
the parliamentary districts.
B. Sections 1, 2, 3 and 4 of Article VII of the 1987

Constitution are hereby amended to read, as
follows:
Section 1. There shall be a President who shall be the Head of State. The
executive power shall be exercised by a Prime Minister, with the
assistance of the Cabinet. The Prime Minister shall be elected by a
majority of all the Members of Parliament from among themselves. He
shall be responsible to the Parliament for the program of government.
C. For the purpose of insuring an orderly transition

from the bicameral-Presidential to a unicameral-
Parliamentary form of government, there shall be a
new Article XVIII, entitled “Transitory Provisions,”
which shall read, as follows:
Section 1. (1) The incumbent President and Vice President shall serve
until the expiration of their term at noon on the thirtieth day of June
2010 and shall continue to exercise their powers under the 1987
Constitution unless impeached by a vote of two thirds of all the members

of the interim parliament.
(2) In case of death, permanent disability, resignation or removal

from office of the incumbent President, the incumbent Vice
President shall succeed as President. In case of death, permanent
disability, resignation or removal
298

from office of both the incumbent President and Vice President,

the interim Prime Minister shall assume all the powers and
responsibilities of Prime Minister under Article VII as amended.
Section 2. Upon the expiration of the term of the incumbent
3, 4, 5, 6 and 7 of Article VI of the 1987 Constitution which shall
hereby be amended and Sections 18 and 24 which shall be
deleted, all other Sections of Article VI are hereby retained and
unless they are inconsistent with the Parliamentary system of
government, in which case, they shall be amended to conform
with a unicameral parliamentary form of government; provided,
however, that any and all references therein to “Congress,”
“Senate,” “House of Representatives” and “Houses of Congress”
shall be changed to read “Parliament;” that any and all references
therein to “Member(s) of Congress,” “Senator(s)” or “Member(s) of
the House of Representatives” shall be changed to read as
“Member(s) of Parliament” and any and all references to the
“President” and/or “Acting President” shall be changed to read
“Prime Minister.”
Section 3. Upon the expiration of the term of the incumbent
3 and 4 of Article VII of the 1987 Constitution which are hereby
amended and Sections 7, 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12 which are hereby
deleted, all other Sections of Article VII shall be retained and
unless they shall be inconsistent with Section 1 hereof, in which
case they shall be deemed amended so as to conform to a
unicameral Parliamentary System of government; provided,
however, that any all references therein to “Congress,” “Senate,”
“House of Representatives” and “Houses of Congress” shall be
changed to read “Parliament;” that any and all references therein
to “Member(s) of Congress,” “Senator(s)” or “Member(s) of the
House of Representatives” shall be changed to read as “Member(s)
of Parliament” and any and all references to the “President” and

or “Acting President” shall be changed to read “Prime Minister.”
Section 4. (1) There shall exist, upon the ratification of these
amendments, an interim Parliament which shall continue until
the Members of the regular Parliament shall have been elected
and shall have qualified. It shall be composed of the incumbent
Members of the Senate and the House of Representatives and the
incumbent Members of the Cabinet who are heads of executive
departments.
(2) The incumbent Vice President shall automatically be a
Member of Parliament until noon of the thirtieth day of June
2010. He shall also be a member of the cabinet and shall head a
ministry. He shall initially convene
299
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 299

the interim Parliament and shall preside over its sessions for the
election of the interim Prime Minister and until the Speaker shall
have been elected by a majority vote of all the members of the
interim Parliament from among themselves.
(3) Senators whose term of office ends in 2010 shall be
Members of Parliament until noon of the thirtieth day of June
2010.
(4) Within forty-five days from ratification of these
amendments, the interim Parliament shall convene to propose
amendments to, or revisions of, this Constitution consistent with
the principles of local autonomy, decentralization and a strong
bureaucracy.
Section 5. (1) The incumbent President, who is the Chief
Executive, shall nominate, from among the members of the
interim Parliament, an interim Prime Minister, who shall be
elected by a majority vote of the members thereof. The interim
Prime Minister shall oversee the various ministries and shall
perform such powers and responsibilities as may be delegated to
him by the incumbent President.”
(2) The interim Parliament shall provide for the election of the
members of Parliament, which shall be synchronized and held
simultaneously with the election of all local government officials.
The duly elected Prime Minister shall continue to exercise and
perform the powers, duties and responsibilities of the interim
Prime Minister until the expiration
10
of the term of the incumbent
President and Vice President.
Sigaw ng Bayan prepared signature sheets, on the upper

portions of which were written the abstract of the proposed
amendments, to wit:
Abstract: Do you approve of the amendment of Articles VI and

VII of the 1987 Constitution, changing the form of government
from the present bicameral-presidential to a unicameral-
parliamentary system of government, in order to achieve greater
efficiency, simplicity and economy in government; and providing
an Article XVIII as Transitory Provisions for the orderly shift
from one system to another?
The signature sheets were distributed nationwide to

affiliated nongovernment organizations and volunteers of
Sigaw ng Bayan, as well as to the local officials. Copies of
the draft petition for initiative con-
_______________
10 Amended Petition for Initiative, pp. 4-7.
300

taining the proposition were also circulated to the local

officials and multi-sectoral groups.
Sigaw ng Bayan alleged that it also held barangay
assemblies which culminated on March 24, 25 and 26,
2006, to inform the people and explain to them the
proposed amendments to the Constitution. Thereafter, they
circulated the signature sheets for signing.
The signature sheets were then submitted to the local
election officers for verification based on the voters’
registration record. Upon completion of the verification
process, the respective local election officers issued
certifications to attest that the signature sheets have
been verified. The verified signature sheets were
subsequently transmitted to the office of Sigaw ng Bayan
for the counting of the signatures.
On August 25, 2006, herein petitioners Raul L.
Lambino and Erico B. Aumentado filed with the
COMELEC a Petition for Initiative to Amend the
Constitution entitled “In the Matter of Proposing
Amendments to the 1987 Constitution through a People’s
Initiative: A Shift from a Bicameral Presidential to a
Unicameral Parliamentary Government by Amending
Articles VI and VII; and Providing Transitory Provisions
for the Orderly Shift from the Presidential to the
Parliamentary System.” They filed an Amended Petition on

August 30, 2006 to reflect the text of the proposed
amendment that was actually presented to the people.
They alleged that they were filing the petition in their own
behalf and together with some 6.3 million registered voters
who have affixed their signatures on the signature sheets
attached thereto. Petitioners appended to the petition
signature sheets bearing the signatures of registered voters
which they claimed to have been verified by the respective
city or municipal election officers, and allegedly
constituting at least twelve per cent (12%) of all registered
voters in the country, wherein each legislative district is
represented by at least three per cent (3%) of all the
registered voters therein.
As basis for the filing of their petition for initiative,
petitioners averred that Section 5 (b) and (c), together with
Section 7 of R.A. 6735, provide sufficient enabling details
for the people’s exercise of
301
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 301

the power. Hence, petitioners prayed that the COMELEC

issue an Order:
“1. Finding the petition to be sufficient pursuant to

Section 4, Article XVII of the 1987 Constitution;
2. Directing the publication of the petition in Filipino
and English at least twice in newspapers of general
and local circulation; and
3. Calling a plebiscite to be held not earlier than sixty
nor later than ninety days after the Certification by
the COMELEC of the sufficiency of the petition, to
allow the Filipino people to express their sovereign
will on the proposition.
Several groups filed with the COMELEC their

respective oppositions to the petition for initiative,
among them ONEVOICE, Inc., Christian S. Monsod, Rene
B. Azurin, Manuel L. Quezon III, Benjamin T. Tolosa, Jr.,
Susan V. Ople, and Carlos P. Medina, Jr.; Alternative Law
Groups, Inc., Senate Minority Leader Aquilino Q. Pimentel,
Jr., Senators Sergio Osmeña III, Jamby A.S. Madrigal,
Alfredo S. Lim, Panfilo M. Lacson, Luisa P. Ejercito-
Estrada, and Jinggoy Estrada; Representatives Loretta
Ann P. Rosales, Mario Joyo Aguja, and Ana Theresia
Hontiveros-Baraquel; Bayan, Kilusang Mayo Uno,

Ecumenical Bishops Forum, Migrante, Gabriela, Gabriela
Women’s Party, Anakbayan, League of Filipino Students,
Leonardo San Jose, Jojo Pineda, Drs. Darby Santiago and
Reginald Pamugas; Attys. Pete Quirino-Quadra, Jose
Anselmo I. Cadiz, Byron D. Bocar, Ma. Tanya Karina A.
Lat, Antonio L. Salvador, and Randall C. Tabayoyong.
On August 31, 2006, the COMELEC denied due course
to the Petition for Initiative.
11
It cited this Court’s ruling in
Santiago v. COMELEC permanently enjoining the
Commission from entertaining or taking cognizance of any
petition for initiative on amendments to the Constitution
until a sufficient law shall have been validly enacted to
provide for the implementation of the system.
Forthwith, petitioners filed with this Court the instant
Petition for Certiorari and Mandamus praying that the
Court set aside the Au-
_______________
11 G.R. No. 127325, March 19, 1997, 270 SCRA 106.
302

gust 31, 2006 resolution of the COMELEC, direct

respondent COMELEC to comply with Section 4, Article
XVII of the Constitution, and set the date of the plebiscite.
They state the following grounds in support of the petition:
I.
The Honorable public respondent COMELEC committed grave

abuse of discretion in refusing to take cognizance of, and to give
due course to the petition for initiative, because the cited
Santiago ruling of 19 March 1997 cannot be considered the
majority opinion of the Supreme Court en banc, considering that
upon its reconsideration and final voting on 10 June 1997, no
majority vote was secured to declare Republic Act No. 6735 as
inadequate, incomplete and insufficient in standard.
II.
The 1987 Constitution, Republic Act No. 6735, Republic Act

No. 8189 and existing appropriation of the COMELEC provide for
sufficient details and authority for the exercise of people’s
initiative, thus, existing laws taken together are adequate and

complete.
III.
The Honorable public respondent COMELEC committed grave

abuse of discretion in refusing to take cognizance of, and in
refusing to give due course to the petition for initiative, thereby
violating an express constitutional mandate and disregarding and
contravening the will of the people.
A.
Assuming in arguendo that there is no enabling law, respondent

COMELEC cannot ignore the will of the sovereign people and must
accordingly act on the petition for initiative.
1.
The framers of the Constitution intended to give the people the power to propose
amendments and the people themselves are now giving vibrant life to this
constitutional provision.
2.
Prior to the questioned Santiago ruling of 19 March 1997, the right of the
people to exercise the sovereign power of initiative and recall has been invariably
upheld.
303
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 303

3.
The exercise of the initiative to propose amendments is a political question which

shall be determined solely by the sovereign people.
4.
By signing the signature sheets attached to the petition for initiative duly
verified by the election officers, the people have chosen to perform this sacred
exercise of their sovereign power.
B.
The Santiago ruling of 19 March 1997 is not applicable to the instant

petition for initiative filed by the petitioners.
C.
The permanent injunction issued in Santiago vs. COMELEC only

applies to the Delfin petition.
1.
It is the dispositive portion of the decision and not other statements in the body of
the decision that governs the rights in controversy.
IV.
The Honorable public respondent failed or neglected to act or

perform a duty mandated by law.
A.
The ministerial duty of the COMELEC is to set the initiative for

12
plebiscite.
The oppositors-intervenors, ONEVOICE, Inc., Christian

S. Monsod, Rene B. Azurin, Manuel L. Quezon III,
Benjamin T. Tolosa, Jr., Susan V. Ople, and Carlos P.
Medina, Jr.; Alternative Law Groups, Inc.; Bayan,
Kilusang Mayo Uno, Ecumenical Bishops Forum, Migrante,
Gabriela, Gabriela Women’s Party, Anakbayan, League of
Filipino Students, Leonardo San Jose, Jojo Pineda, Dr.
Darby Santiago, and Dr. Reginald Pamugas; Senate
Minority Leader
_______________
12 Petition, pp. 12-14.
304

Aquilino Q. Pimentel, Jr., and Senators Sergio Osmeña III,

Jamby A.S. Madrigal, Alfredo S. Lim, Panfilo M. Lacson,
Luisa P. Ejercito-Estrada, and Jinggoy Estrada;
Representatives Loretta Ann P. Rosales, Mario Joyo Aguja,
and Ana Theresia Hontiveros-Baraquel; and Attys. Pete
Quirino-Quadra, Jose Anselmo I. Cadiz, Byron D. Bocar,
Ma. Tanya Karina A. Lat, Antonio L. Salvador, and
Randall C. Tabayoyong moved to intervene in this case and
filed their respective Oppositions/Comments-in-
Intervention.
The Philippine Constitution Association, Conrado F.
Estrella, Tomas C. Toledo, Mariano M. Tajon, Froilan M.
Bacungan, Joaquin T. Venus, Jr., Fortunato P. Aguas, and
Amado Gat Inciong; the Integrated Bar of the Philippines

Cebu City and Cebu Province Chapters; former President
Joseph Ejercito Estrada and Pwersa ng Masang Pilipino;
and the Senate of the Philippines, represented by Senate
President Manuel Villar, Jr., also filed their respective
motions for intervention and Comments-in-Intervention.
The Trade Union Congress of the Philippines,
Sulongbayan Movement Foundation, Inc., Ronald L.
Adamat, Rolando Manuel Rivera, Ruelo Baya, Philippine
Transport and General Workers Organization, and
Victorino F. Balais likewise moved to intervene and
submitted to the Court a Petition-in-Intervention. All
interventions and oppositions were granted by the Court.
The oppositors-intervenors essentially submit that
the COMELEC did not commit grave abuse of discretion in
denying due course to the petition for initiative as it merely
followed this Court’s ruling in Santiago v. COMELEC as
affirmed in the case of PIRMA v. COMELEC, based on the
principle of stare decisis; that there is no sufficient law
providing for the authority and the details for the exercise
of people’s initiative to amend the Constitution; that the
proposed changes to the Constitution are actually
revisions, not mere amendments; that the petition for
initiative does not meet the required number of signatories
under Section 2, Article XVII of the 1987 Constitution; that
it was not shown that the people have been informed of the
proposed amendments as there was disparity between the
proposal presented to them and the proposed amendments
attached to the petition for initiative, if indeed there was;
that the verification
305
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 305

process was done ex parte, thus rendering dubious the

signatures attached to the petition for initiative; and that
petitioners Lambino and Aumentado have no legal capacity
to represent the signatories in the petition for initiative.
The Office of the Solicitor General (OSG), in
compliance with the Court’s resolution of September 5,
2006, filed its Comment to the petition. Affirming the
position of the petitioners, the OSG prayed that the Court
grant the petition at bar and render judgment: (1)
declaring R.A. 6735 as adequate to cover or as reasonably
sufficient to implement the system of initiative on
amendments to the Constitution and as having provided
sufficient standards for subordinate legislation; (2)

declaring as valid the provisions of COMELEC Resolution
No. 2300 on the conduct of initiative or amendments to the
Constitution; (3) setting aside the assailed resolution of the
COMELEC for having been rendered with grave abuse of
discretion amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction; and,
(4) directing the COMELEC to grant the petition for
initiative and set the corresponding plebiscite pursuant to
R.A. 6735, COMELEC Resolution No. 2300, and other
pertinent election laws and regulations.
The COMELEC filed its own Comment stating that
its resolution denying the petition for initiative is not
tainted with grave abuse of discretion as it merely adhered
to the ruling of this Court in Santiago v. COMELEC
which declared that R.A. 6735 does not adequately
implement the constitutional provision on initiative to
amend the Constitution. It invoked the permanent
injunction issued by the Court against the COMELEC from
taking cognizance of petitions for initiative on amendments
to the Constitution until a valid enabling law shall have
been passed by Congress. It asserted that the permanent
injunction covers not only the Delfin Petition, but also all
other petitions involving constitutional initiatives.
On September 26, 2006, the Court heard the case.
The parties
13
were required to argue on the following
issues:
_______________
13 Advisory issued by Court, dated September 22, 2006.
306

1. Whether petitioners Lambino and Aumentado are

proper parties to file the present Petition in behalf
of the more than six million voters who allegedly
signed the proposal to amend the Constitution.
2. Whether the Petitions for Initiative filed before the
Commission on Elections complied with Section 2,
Article XVII of the Constitution.
3. Whether the Court’s decision in Santiago v.
COMELEC (G.R. No. 127325, March 19, 1997) bars
the present petition.
4. Whether the Court should re-examine the ruling in

Santiago v. COMELEC that there is no sufficient
law implementing or authorizing the exercise of
people’s initiative to amend the Constitution.
5. Assuming R.A. 6735 is sufficient, whether the
Petitions for Initiative filed with the COMELEC
have complied with its provisions.
5.1 Whether the said petitions are sufficient in form

and substance.
5.2 Whether the proposed changes embrace more than
one subject matter.
6. Whether the proposed changes constitute an

amendment or revision of the Constitution.
6.1 Whether the proposed changes are the proper
subject of an initiative.
7. Whether the exercise of an initiative to propose
amendments to the Constitution is a political
question to be determined solely by the sovereign
people.
8. Whether the Commission on Elections committed
grave abuse of discretion in dismissing the Petitions
for Initiative filed before it.
With humility, I offer the following views to these issues as

profiled:
I
Petitioners Lambino and Aumentado are proper
parties to file the present Petition in behalf of the
more than six million voters who allegedly signed
the proposal to amend the Constitution.
307
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 307

Oppositors-intervenors contend that petitioners Lambino

and Aumentado are not the proper parties to file the
instant petition as they were not authorized by the
signatories in the petition for initiative.
The argument deserves scant attention. The
Constitution requires that the petition for initiative should
be filed by at least twelve per cent (12%) of all registered
voters, of which every legislative district must be
represented by at least three per cent (3%) of all the

registered voters therein. The petition for initiative filed by
Lambino and Aumentado before the COMELEC was
accompanied by voluminous signature sheets which prima
facie show the intent of the signatories to support the
filing of said petition. Stated above their signatures in the
signature sheets is the following:
“x x x My signature herein which shall form part of the petition

for initiative to amend
14
the Constitution signifies my support for
the filing thereof.”
There is thus no need for the more than six (6) million
signatories to execute separate documents to authorize
petitioners to file the petition for initiative in their behalf.
Neither is it necessary for said signatories to authorize
Lambino and Aumentado to file the petition for certiorari
and mandamus before this Court. Rule 65 of the 1997
Rules of Civil Procedure provides who may file a petition
for certiorari and mandamus. Sections 1 and 3 of Rule 65
read:
SECTION 1. Petition for certiorari.—When any tribunal,

board or officer exercising judicial or quasi-judicial functions has
acted without or in excess of his jurisdiction, or with grave abuse
of discretion amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction, and there
is no appeal, nor any plain, speedy, and adequate remedy in the
ordinary course of law, a person aggrieved thereby may file a
verified petition in the proper court x x x x.
SEC. 3. Petition for mandamus.—When any tribunal,
corporation, board, officer or person unlawfully neglects the
performance of an act which the law specifically enjoins as a duty
resulting from an office, trust, or station x x x and there is no
other plain, speedy and adequate remedy in the ordinary
_______________
14 Exhibit “B,” Memorandum of Petitioner Lambino.
308

course of law, the person aggrieved thereby may file a verified

petition in the proper court x x x x.
Thus, any person aggrieved by the act or inaction of the

respondent tribunal, board or officer may file a petition for
certiorari or mandamus before the appropriate court.

Certainly, Lambino and Aumentado, as among the
proponents of the petition for initiative dismissed by the
COMELEC, have the standing to file the petition at bar.
II
The doctrine of stare decisis does not bar the
reexamination of Santiago.
The latin phrase stare decisis et non quieta movere
means “stand by the thing and do not disturb the calm.” 15
The doctrine started with the English Courts.
Blackstone observed that at the beginning of the 18th
century, “it is an established rule to abide by former
precedents16 where the same points come again in
litigation.” As the rule evolved, early limits to its
application were recognized: (1) it would not be
followed if it were “plainly unreasonable;” (2) where courts
of equal authority developed conflicting decisions; and, (3)
the binding force of the decision was the “actual principle
or principles necessary for the decision;
17
not the words or
reasoning used to reach the decision.”
The doctrine migrated to the United States. It was 18
recognized by the framers of the U.S. Constitution.
According to Hamilton, “strict rules and precedents” are 19
necessary to prevent “arbitrary discretion in the courts.”
Madison agreed but stressed that “x x x once
_______________
15 Barnhart, Principled Pragmatic Stare Decisis in Constitutional

Cases, 80 Notre Dame Law Rev., 1911-1912, (May 2005).
16 Ibid.
17 Id., at p. 1913.
18 Consovoy, The Rehnquist Court and the End of Constitutional Stare
Decisis: Casey, Dickerson and the Consequences of Pragmatic
Adjudication, 53 Utah Law Rev. 53, 67 (2002).
19 Id., at p. 68.
309
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 309

the precedent ventures into the realm of altering

20
or
repealing the law, it should be rejected.” Prof.
Consovoy well noted that Hamilton and Madison
“disagree about the countervailing policy considerations
21
21
that would allow a judge to abandon a precedent.” He
added that their ideas “reveal a deep internal conflict
between the concreteness required by the rule of law and
the flexibility demanded in error correction. It is this
internal conflict that the Supreme Court 22
has
attempted to deal with for over two centuries.”
Indeed, two centuries of American case law will confirm
Prof. Consovoy’s observation although stare decisis
developed its own life in the United States. Two strains
23
of
stare decisis have been isolated by legal scholars. The
first, known as vertical stare decisis deals with the duty
of lower courts to apply the decisions of the higher
courts to cases involving the same facts. The second,
known as horizontal stare decisis requires that high
courts must follow its own precedents. Prof. Consovoy
correctly observes that vertical stare decisis has been
viewed as an obligation, while horizontal stare decisis,
has been 24viewed as a policy, imposing choice but not a
command. Indeed, stare decisis is not one of the precepts
set in stone in our Constitution.
It is also instructive to distinguish the two kinds of
horizontal stare decisis—constitutional
25
stare decisis
and statutory stare decisis. Constitutional stare
decisis involves judicial interpretations of the Constitution
while statutory stare decisis involves interpretations of
statutes. The distinction is important for courts enjoy
more flexibility in refusing to apply stare decisis in
constitutional litigations. Justice Brandeis’ view on the
binding effect of the doctrine in constitutional litigations
still holds sway today. In soothing prose, Brandeis stated:
“Stare decisis is not . . . a universal
_______________
20 Id., at p. 69.
21 Id., at p. 67.
22 Id., at p. 69.
23 Consovoy, supra note 18, at p. 57.
24 Id., at p. 58.
25 Id., at p. 64.
310

and inexorable command. The rule of stare decisis is

not inflexible. Whether it shall be followed or departed
from, is a question entirely within the discretion of the

court, which 26is again called upon to consider a question
once decided.” In the same vein, the venerable Justice
Frankfurter opined: “the ultimate touchstone of
constitutionality is the Constitution
27
itself and not what
we have said about it.” In contrast, the application of
stare decisis on judicial interpretation of statutes is more
inflexible. As Justice Stevens explains: “after a statute
has been construed, either by this Court or by a consistent
course of decision by other federal judges and agencies, it
acquires a meaning that should be as clear as if 28
the judicial
gloss had been drafted by the Congress itself.” This stance
reflects both respect for Congress’ role and the need to
preserve the courts’ limited resources.
In general, courts 29follow the stare decisis rule for an
ensemble of reasons, viz.: (1) it legitimizes judicial
institutions; (2) it promotes judicial economy; and, (3) it
allows for predictability. Contrariwise, courts refuse30
to
be bound by the stare decisis rule where (1) its
application perpetuates illegitimate and unconstitutional
holdings; (2) it cannot accommodate changing social and
political understandings; (3) it leaves the power to overturn
bad constitutional law solely in the hands of Congress; and,
(4) activist judges can dictate the policy for future courts
while judges that respect stare decisis are stuck agreeing
with them.
_______________
26 Burnet v. Coronado Oil & Gas Co., 285 U.S. 405-06 (1932) (Justice
Brandeis, dissenting).
27 Graves v. New York ex rel. O’Keefe, 306 U.S. 466, 491-492 (Justice
Frankfurter, concurring).
28 Commissioner of Internal Revenue v. Fink, 483 U.S. 89 (1987)
(Justice Stevens, dissenting).
29 Barnhart, supra note 15, at p. 1922.
30 Id., at p. 1921.
311
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 311

In its 200-year history, the U.S. Supreme Court has

refused to follow the stare
31
decisis rule and reversed its
decisions in 192 cases. The most famous 32
of these
reversals is Brown v. Board
33
of Education which junked
Plessy v. Ferguson’s “separate but equal doctrine.”
Plessy upheld as constitutional a state law requirement

that races be segregated on public transportation. In
Brown, the U.S. Supreme Court, unanimously held that
“separate . . . is inherently unequal.” Thus, by freeing
itself from the shackles of stare decisis, the U.S. Supreme
Court freed the colored Americans from the chains of
inequality. In the Philippine setting, this Court has
likewise refused to be straitjacketed by the stare decisis
rule in order to promote public welfare. In34 La Bugal-
B’laan Tribal Association, Inc. v. Ramos, we reversed
our original ruling that certain provisions of the Mining
Law are unconstitutional.
35
Similarly, in Secretary of
Justice v. Lantion, we overturned our first ruling and
held, on motion for reconsideration, that a private
respondent is bereft of the right to notice and hearing
during the evaluation stage of the extradition process.
An examination of decisions on stare decisis in
major countries will show that courts are agreed on
the factors that should be considered before
overturning prior rulings. These are workability,
reliance, intervening developments in the law and
changes in fact. In addition, courts put in the
balance the following determinants: closeness 36of the
voting, age of the prior decision and its merits.
The leading case in deciding whether a court should
follow the stare decisis rule in constitutional litigations is
Planned Parent-
_______________
31 Filippatos, The Doctrine of Stare Decisis and the Protection of Civil

Rights and Liberties in the Rehnquist Court, 11 Boston College Third
World Law Journal, 335, 343 (Summer 1991).
32 347 U.S. 483 (1954).
33 163 U.S. 537 (1896).
34 G.R. No. 127882, December 1, 2004, 445 SCRA 1.
35 G.R. No. 139465, October 17, 2000, 343 SCRA 377.
36 Barnhart, supra note 15, at p. 1915.
312

37
hood v. Casey. It established a 4-pronged test. The
court should (1) determine whether the rule has proved to
be intolerable simply in defying practical workability; (2)
consider whether the rule is subject to a kind of reliance
that would lend a special hardship to the consequences of

overruling and add inequity to the cost of repudiation; (3)
determine whether related principles of law have so
far developed as to have the old rule no more than a
remnant of an abandoned doctrine; and, (4) find out
whether facts have so changed or come to be seen
differently, as to have robbed the old rule of significant
application or justification.
Following these guidelines, I submit that the stare
decisis rule should not bar the re-examination of
Santiago. On the factor of intolerability, the six (6)
justices in Santiago held R.A. 6735 to be insufficient as it
provided no standard to guide COMELEC in issuing its
implementing rules. The Santiago ruling that R.A. 6735 is
insufficient but without striking it down as
unconstitutional is an intolerable aberration, the only
one of its kind in our planet. It improperly assails the
ability of legislators to write laws. It usurps the exclusive
right of legislators to determine how far laws implementing
constitutional mandates should be crafted. It is elementary
that courts cannot dictate on Congress the style of writing
good laws, anymore than Congress can tell courts how to
write literate decisions. The doctrine of separation of
powers forbids this Court to invade the exclusive
lawmaking domain of Congress for courts can construe
laws but cannot construct them. The end result of the
ruling of the six (6) justices that R.A. 6735 is insufficient is
intolerable for it rendered lifeless the sovereign right of
the people to amend the Constitution via an initiative.
On the factor of reliance, the ruling of the six (6)
justices in Santiago did not induce any expectation from
the people. On the contrary, the ruling smothered the hope
of the people that they could amend the Constitution by
direct action. Moreover, reliance is a nonfactor in the case
at bar for it is more appropriate to consider in decisions
involving contracts where private rights are adjudicated.
The
_______________
37 112 S.Ct. 2791 (1992).
313
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 313

case at bar involves no private rights but the sovereignty of

the people.
On the factor of changes in law and in facts,
certain realities on ground cannot be blinked away. The
urgent need to adjust certain provisions of the 1987
Constitution to enable the country to compete in the new
millennium is given. The only point of contention is the
mode to effect the change—whether through constituent
assembly, constitutional convention or people’s initiative.
Petitioners claim that they have gathered over six (6)
million registered voters who want to amend the
Constitution through people’s initiative and that their
signatures have been verified by registrars of the
COMELEC. The six (6) justices who ruled that R.A.
6735 is insufficient to implement the direct right of
the people to amend the Constitution through an
initiative cannot waylay the will of 6.3 million people
who are the bearers of our sovereignty and from
whom all government authority emanates. New
developments in our internal and external social, economic,
and political settings demand the re-examination of the
Santiago case. The stare decisis rule is no reason for
this Court to allow the people to step into the future
with a blindfold.
III
A reexamination of R.A. 6735 will show that it is
sufficient to implement the people’s initiative.
Let us reexamine the validity of the view of the six (6)
justices that R.A. 6735 is insufficient to implement Section
2, Article XVII of the 1987 Constitution allowing
amendments to the Constitution to be directly proposed by
the people through initiative.
When laws are challenged as unconstitutional,
courts are counseled to give life to the intent of
legislators. In enacting R.A. 6735, it is daylight luminous
that Congress intended the said law to implement the
right of the people, thru initiative, to propose amendments
to the Constitution by direct action. This all-important
intent is palpable from the following:
314

First. The text of R.A. 6735 is replete with references to

the right of the people to initiate changes to the
Constitution:
The policy statement declares:
“Sec. 2. Statement of Policy.—The power of the people under a

system of initiative and referendum to directly propose, enact,
approve or reject, in whole or in part, the Constitution, laws,
ordinances, or resolutions passed by any legislative body upon
compliance with the requirements of this Act is hereby affirmed,
recognized and guaranteed.” (emphasis supplied)
It defines “initiative” as “the power of the people to

propose amendments to the Constitution or to propose
and enact legislations through an election called for
the purpose,” and “plebiscite” as “the electoral process by
which an initiative on the Constitution is approved or
rejected by the people.”
It provides the requirements for a petition for initiative
to amend the Constitution, viz.:
“(1) That “(a) petition for an initiative on the 1987

Constitution must have at least twelve per centum
(12%) of the total number of registered voters as
signatories, of which every legislative district must
be represented by at least three38
per centum (3%) of
the registered voters therein;” and
(2) That “(i)nitiative on the Constitution may be
exercised only after five (5) years from the
ratification of the 1987 Constitution
39
and only once
every five (5) years thereafter.”
It fixes the effectivity date of the amendment under Section

9(b) which provides that “(t)he proposition in an initiative
on the Constitution approved by a majority of the votes cast
in the plebiscite shall become effective as to the day of the
plebiscite.”
Second. The legislative history of R.A. 6735 also
reveals the clear intent of the lawmakers to use it as the
instrument to implement people’s initiative. No less than
former Chief Justice Hilario
40
G. Davide, Jr., the ponente
in Santiago, concedes:
_______________
38 Section 5(b).
39 Ibid.
40 Santiago v. Commission on Elections, supra note 11, at p. 145.
315
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 315

“We agree that R.A. No. 6735 was, as its history reveals,
intended to cover initiative to propose amendments to the
Constitution. The Act is a consolidation of House Bill No. 21505
and Senate Bill No. 17 x x x x The Bicameral Conference
Committee consolidated Senate Bill No. 17 and House Bill No.
21505 into a draft bill, which was subsequently approved on 8
June 1989 by the Senate and by the House of Representatives.
This approved bill is now R.A. No. 6735.”
Third. The sponsorship speeches by the authors of

R.A. 6735 similarly demonstrate beyond doubt this intent.
In his sponsorship remarks, the late Senator Raul Roco
(then a Member of the House of Representatives)
emphasized the intent to make initiative as a mode
whereby the people can propose amendments 41
to the
Constitution. We quote his relevant remarks:
“SPONSORSHIP REMAKRS (sic) OF REP. ROCO
MR. ROCO. Mr. Speaker, with the permission of the committee,

we wish to speak in support of House Bill No. 497, entitled:
INITIATIVE AND REFERENDUM ACT OF 1987, which later on
may be called Initiative and Referendum Act of 1989.
As a background, we want to point out the constitutional basis
of this particular bill. The grant of plenary legislative power upon
the Philippine Congress by the 1935, 1973 and 1987
Constitutions, Mr. Speaker, was based on the principle that any
power deemed to be legislative by usage and tradition is
necessarily possessed by the Philippine Congress unless the
Organic Act has lodged it elsewhere. This was a citation from
Vera vs. Avelino (1946).
The presidential system introduced by the 1935 Constitution
saw the application of the principle of separation of powers. While
under the parliamentary system of the 1973 Constitution the
principle remained applicable, Amendment 6 or the 1981
amendments to the 1973 Constitution ensured presidential
dominance over the Batasang Pambansa. Our constitutional
history saw the shifting and sharing of legislative power between
the legislature and the executive.
_______________
41 85 RECORD OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 140-142

(February 14, 1989).
316

Transcending such changes in the exercise of legislative power is

the declaration in the Philippine Constitution that he Philippines
is a Republican State where sovereignty resides in the people and
all government authority emanates from them.
In a Republic, Mr. Speaker, the power to govern is vested in its
citizens participating through the right of suffrage and indicating
thereby their choice of lawmakers.
Under the 1987 Constitution, lawmaking power is still
preserved in Congress. However, to institutionalize direct action
of the people as exemplified in the 1986 Revolution, there is a
practical recognition of what we refer to as people’s sovereign
power. This is the recognition of a system of initiative and
referendum.
Section 1, Article VI of the 1987 Constitution provides, and I
quote:
The legislative power shall be vested in the Congress of the Philippines

which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives, except to
the extent reserved to the people by the provision on initiative and
referendum.
In other words, Mr. Speaker, under the 1987 Constitution,

Congress does not have plenary powers. There is a reserved
legislative power given to the people expressly.
Section 32, the implementing provision of the same article of
the Constitution provides, and I quote:
The Congress shall, as early as possible, provide for a system of initiative

and referendum, and the exceptions therefrom, whereby the people can
directly propose and enact laws or approve or reject any act or law or part
thereof passed by the Congress or local legislative body after the
registration of a petition therefor signed by at least ten per centum of the
total number of registered voters, or which every legislative district must
be represented by at least three per centum of the registered voters
thereof.
In other words, Mr. Speaker, in Section 1 of Article VI which

describes legislative power, there are reserved powers given to the
people. In Section 32, we are specifically told to pass at the
soonest possible time a bill on referendum and initiative. We are
specifically mandated to share the legislative powers of Congress
with the people.
Of course, another applicable provision in the Constitution is
Section 2, Article XVII, Mr. Speaker. Under the provision on
amending the Constitution, the section reads, and I quote:
317
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 317

Amendments to this Constitution may likewise be directly proposed by

the people through initiative upon a petition of at least twelve per centum
of the total number of registered voters, of which every legislative district
must be represented by at least three per centum of the registered voters
therein. No amendment under this section shall be authorized within five
years following the ratification of this Constitution nor oftener than once
every five years thereafter.
We in Congress therefore, Mr. Speaker, are charged with the duty

to implement the exercise by the people of the right of initiative
and referendum.
House Bill No. 21505, as reported out by the Committee on
Suffrage and Electoral Reforms last December 14, 1988, Mr.
Speaker, is the response to such a constitutional duty.
Mr. Speaker, if only to allay apprehensions, allow me to show
where initiative and referendum under Philippine law has
occurred.
Mr. Speaker, the system of initiative and referendum is not
new. In a very limited extent, the system is provided for in our
Local Government Code today. On initiative, for instance, Section
99 of the said code vests in the barangay assembly the power to
initiate legislative processes, to hold plebiscites and to hear
reports of the sangguniang barangay. There are variations of
initiative and referendum. The barangay assembly is composed of
all persons who have been actual residents of the barangay for at
least six months, who are at least 15 years of age and citizens of
the Philippines. The holding of barangay plebiscites and
referendum is also provided in Sections 100 and 101 of the same
Code.
Mr. Speaker, for brevity I will not read the pertinent
quotations but will just submit the same to the Secretary to be
incorporated as part of my speech.
To continue, Mr. Speaker these same principles are extensively
applied by the Local Government Code as it is now mandated by
the 1987 Constitution.
In other jurisdictions, Mr. Speaker, we have ample examples of
initiative and referendum similar to what is now contained in
House Bill No. 21505. As in the 1987 Constitutions and House
Bill No. 21505, the various constitutions of the states in the
United States recognize the right of registered voters to initiate
the enactment of any statute or to reject any existing law or parts
thereof in a referendum. These states are Alaska, Alabama,
Montana, Massachusetts, Dakota, Oklahoma, Oregon, and
practically all other states.
318

In certain American states, the kind of laws to which initiative

and referendum applies is also without ay limitation, except for
emergency measures, which is likewise incorporated in Section
7(b) of House Bill No. 21505.
The procedure provided by the House bill—from the filing of
the petition, the requirement of a certain percentage of supporters
to present a proposition to submission to electors—is
substantially similar to those of many American laws. Mr.
Speaker, those among us who may have been in the United
States, particularly in California, during election time or last
November during the election would have noticed different
propositions posted in the city walls. They were propositions
submitted by the people for incorporation during the voting.
These were in the nature of initiative, Mr. Speaker.
Although an infant then in Philippine political structure,
initiative and referendum is a tried and tested system in other
jurisdictions, and House Bill No. 21505 through the various
consolidated bills is patterned after American experience in a
great respect.
What does the bill essentially say, Mr. Speaker? Allow me to
try to bring our colleagues slowly through the bill. The bill has
basically only 12 sections. The constitutional Commissioners, Mr.
Speaker, saw this system of initiative and referendum as an
instrument which can be used should the legislature show itself
indifferent to the needs of the people. That is why, Mr. Speaker, it
may be timely, since we seem to be amply criticized, as regards
our responsiveness, to pass this bill on referendum and initiative
now. While indifference would not be an appropriate term to use
at this time, and surely it is not the case although we are so
criticized, one must note that it is a felt necessity of our times
that laws need to be proposed and adopted at the soonest possible
time to spur economic development, safeguard individual rights
and liberties, and share governmental power with the people.
With the legislative powers of the President gone, we alone,
together with the Senators when they are minded to agree with
us, are left with the burden of enacting the needed legislation.
Let me now bring our colleagues, Mr. Speaker, to the process
advocated by the bill.
First, initiative and referendum, Mr. Speaker, is defined.
Initiative essentially is what the term connotes. It means that the
people, on their own political judgment, submit fore the
consideration and voting of the general electorate a bill or a piece

of legislation.
319
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 319

Under House Bill No. 21505, there are three kinds of initiative.
One is an initiative to amend the Constitution. This can occur
once every five years. Another is an initiative to amend statutes
that we may have approved. Had this bill been an existing law,
Mr. Speaker, it is most likely that an overwhelming majority of
the barangays in the Philippines would have approved by
initiative the matter of direct voting.
The third mode of initiative, Mr. Speaker, refers to a petition
proposing to enact regional, provincial, city, municipal or
barangay laws or ordinances. It comes from the people and it
must be submitted directly to the electorate. The bill gives a
definite procedure and allows the COMELEC to define rules and
regulations to give teeth to the power of initiative.
On the other hand, referendum, Mr. Speaker, is the power of
the people to approve or reject something that Congress has
already approved.
For instance, Mr. Speaker, when we divide the municipalities
or the barangays into two or three, we must first get the consent
of the people affected through plebiscite or referendum.
Referendum is a mode of plebiscite, Mr. Speaker. However,
referendum can also be petitioned by the people if, for instance,
they do not life (sic) the bill on direct elections and it is approved
subsequently by the Senate. If this bill had already become a law,
then the people could petition that a referendum be conducted so
that the acts of Congress can be appropriately approved or
rebuffed.
The initial stage, Mr. Speaker, is what we call the petition. As
envisioned in the bill, the initiative comes from the people, from
registered voters of the country, by presenting a proposition so
that the people can then submit a petition, which is a piece of
paper that contains the proposition. The proposition in the
example I have been citing is whether there should be direct
elections during the barangay elections. So the petition must be
filed in the appropriate agency and the proposition must be clear
stated. It can be tedious but that is how an effort to have direct
democracy operates.
Section 4 of the bill gives requirements, Mr. Speaker. It will
not be all that easy to have referendum or initiative petitioned by
the people. Under Section 4 of the committee report, we are given
certain limitations. For instance, to exercise the power of
initiative or referendum, at least 10 percent of the total number of

registered voters, of which every legislative district is represented
by at least 3 percent of the registered voters thereof, shall sign a
petition. These numbers, Mr. Speaker, are not taken from the air.
They are mandated by the Constitution. There must be a
requirement of 10 percent for ordinary laws and 3 percent
representing all districts. The same requirement
320

is mutatis mutandis or appropriately modified and applied to the

different sections. So if it is, for instance, a petition on initiative
or referendum for a barangay, there is a 10 percent or a certain
number required of the voters of the barangay. If it is for a
district, there is also a certain number required of all towns of the
district that must seek the petition. If it is for a province then
again a certain percentage of the provincial electors is required.
All these are based with reference to the constitutional mandate.
The conduct of the initiative and referendum shall be
supervised and shall be upon the call of the Commission on
Elections. However, within a period of 30 days from receipt of the
petition, the COMELEC shall determine the sufficiency of the
petition, publish the same and set the date of the referendum
which shall not be earlier than 45 days but not later than 90 days
from the determination by the commission of the sufficiency of the
petition. Why is this so, Mr. Speaker? The petition must first be
determined by the commission as to its sufficiency because our
Constitution requires that no bill can be approved unless it
contains one subject matter. It is conceivable that in the fervor of
an initiative or referendum, Mr. Speaker, there may be more than
two topics sought to be approved and that cannot be allowed. In
fact, that is one of the prohibitions under this referendum and
initiative bill. When a matter under initiative or referendum is
approved by the required number of votes, Mr. Speaker, it shall
become effective 15 days following the completion of its
publication in the Official Gazette. Effectively then, Mr. Speaker,
all the bill seeks to do is to enlarge and recognize the legislative
powers of the Filipino people.
Mr. Speaker, I think this Congress, particularly this House,
cannot ignore or cannot be insensitive to the call for initiative and
referendum. We should have done it in 1987 but that is past.
Maybe we should have done it in 1988 but that too had already
passed, but it is only February 1989, Mr. Speaker, and we have
enough time this year at least to respond to the need of our people
to participate directly in the work of legislation.
For these reasons, Mr. Speaker, we urge and implore our

colleagues to approve House Bill No. 21505 as incorporated in
Committee Report No. 423 of the Committee on Suffrage and
Electoral Reforms.
In closing, Mr. Speaker, I also request that the prepared text of
my speech, together with the footnotes since they contain many
references to statutory history and foreign jurisdiction, be
reproduced as part of the Record for future purposes.”
321
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 321

Equally unequivocal on the intent of R.A. 6735 is the

sponsorship speech42 of former Representative Salvador
Escudero III, viz.:
“SPONSORSHIP REMARKS OF REP. ESCUDERO
MR. ESCUDERO. Thank you, Mr. Speaker.

Mr. Speaker and my dear colleagues: Events in recent years
highlighted the need to heed the clamor of the people for a truly
popular democracy. One recalls the impatience of those who
actively participated in the parliament of the streets, some of
whom are now distinguished Members of this Chamber. A
substantial segment of the population feel increasingly that under
the system, the people have the form but not the reality or
substance of democracy because of the increasingly elitist
approach of their chosen Representatives to many questions
vitally affecting their lives. There have been complaints, not
altogether unfounded, that many candidates easily forge their
campaign promises to the people once elected to office. The 1986
Constitutional Commission deemed it wise and proper to provide
for a means whereby the people can exercise the reserve power to
legislate or propose amendments to the Constitution directly in
case their chose Representatives fail to live up to their
expectations. That reserve power known as initiative is explicitly
recognized in three articles and four sections of the 1987
Constitution, namely: Article VI, Section 1; the same article,
Section 312; Article X, Section 3; and Article XVII, Section 2. May
I request that he (sic) explicit provisions of these three articles
and four sections be made part of my sponsorship speech, Mr.
Speaker.
These constitutional provisions are, however, not self-
executory. There is a need for an implementing law that will give
meaning and substance to the process of initiative and
referendum which are considered valuable adjuncts to
representative democracy. It is needless to state that this bill

when enacted into law will probably open the door to strong
competition of the people, like pressure groups, vested interests,
farmers’ group, labor groups, urban dwellers, the urban poor and
the like, with Congress in the field of legislation.
Such probability, however, pales in significance when we
consider that through this bill we can hasten the politization of
the Filipino which in turn
_______________
42 85 RECORD OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 142-143 (February

14, 1989).
322

will aid government in forming an enlightened public opinion, and

hopefully produce better and more responsive and acceptable
legislations.
Furthermore, Mr. Speaker, this would give the
parliamentarians of the streets and cause-oriented groups an
opportunity to articulate their ideas in a truly democratic forum,
thus, the competition which they will offer to Congress will
hopefully be a healthy one. Anyway, in an atmosphere of
competition there are common interests dear to all Filipinos, and
the pursuit of each side’s competitive goals can still take place in
an atmosphere of reason and moderation.
Mr. Speaker and my dear colleagues, when the distinguished
Gentleman from Camarines Sur and this Representation filed our
respective versions of the bill in 1987, we were hoping that the bill
would be approved early enough so that our people could
immediately use the agrarian reform bill as an initial subject
matter or as a take-off point.
However, in view of the very heavy agenda of the Committee
on Local Government, it took sometime before the committee
could act on these. But as they say in Tagalog, huli man daw at
magaling ay naihahabol din. The passage of this bill therefore,
my dear colleagues, could be one of our finest hours when we can
set aside our personal and political consideration for the greater
good of our people. I therefore respectfully urge and plead that
this bill be immediately approved.
Thank you, Mr. Speaker.”
We cannot dodge the duty to give effect to this intent

for the “[c]ourts have the duty to interpret the law as
legislated and when possible, to honor the clear meaning of 43

statutes as revealed by its language, purpose and history.”
The tragedy is that while conceding this intent, the
six (6) justices, nevertheless, ruled that “x x x R.A. No.
6735 is incomplete, inadequate, or wanting in essential
terms and conditions insofar as initiative on amendments
to the Constitution is concerned” for the following reasons:
(1) Section 2 of the Act does not suggest an initiative on
amendments to the Constitution; (2) the Act does not
provide for the contents of the petition for initiative on the
Constitution; and (3) while the Act provides subtitles for
National Initiative and Referendum (Subtitle II) and for
Local Initiative and Referendum
_______________
43 Zeringue v. State Dept. of Public Safety, 467 So. 2d 1358.
323
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 323

(Subtitle III), no subtitle is provided for initiative on the

Constitution.
To say the least, these alleged omissions are too weak a
reason to throttle the right of the sovereign people to
amend the Constitution through initiative. R.A. 6735
clearly expressed the legislative policy for the people to
propose amendments to the Constitution by direct action.
The fact that the legislature may have omitted certain
details in implementing the people’s initiative in R.A.
6735, does not justify the conclusion that, ergo, the law is
insufficient. What were omitted were mere details and
not fundamental policies which Congress alone can and
has determined. Implementing details of a law can be
delegated to the COMELEC and can be the subject of its
rule-making power. Under Section 2(1), Article IX-C of the
Constitution, the COMELEC has the power to enforce and
administer all laws and regulations relative to the conduct
of initiatives. Its rule-making power has long been
recognized by this Court. In ruling R.A. 6735 insufficient
but without striking it down as unconstitutional, the six (6)
justices failed to give due recognition to the indefeasible
right of the sovereign people to amend the Constitution.
IV
The proposed constitutional changes, albeit
substantial, are mere amendments and can be

undertaken through people’s initiative.
Oppositors-intervenors contend that Sections 1 and 2,
Article XVII of the 1987 Constitution, only allow the use of
people’s initiative to amend and not to revise the
Constitution. They theorize that the changes proposed by
petitioners are substantial and thus constitute a revision
which cannot be done through people’s initiative.
In support of the thesis that the Constitution bars the
people from proposing substantial amendments
amounting to revision, the oppositors-intervenors cite the
following deliberations
44
during the Constitutional
Commission, viz.:
_______________
44 I RECORD, CONSTITUTIONAL COMMISSION 386, 392 (July 9,

1986).
324

MR. SUAREZ: x x x x This proposal was suggested on the

theory that this matter of initiative, which came about
because of the extraordinary developments this year,
has to be separated from the traditional modes of
amending the Constitution as embodied in Section 1.
The Committee members felt that this system of
initiative should not extend to the revision of the entire
Constitution, so we removed it from the operation of
Section 1 of the proposed Article on Amendment or
Revision.
x x x x x x x x x x x x
MS. AQUINO. In which case, I am seriously bothered by
providing this process of initiative as a separate section
in the Article on Amendment. Would the sponsor be
amenable to accepting an amendment in terms of
realigning Section 2 as another subpararaph (c) of
Section 1, instead of setting it up as another separate
section as if it were a self-executing provision?
MR. SUAREZ. We would be amenable except that, as we
clarified a while ago, this process of initiative is limited
to the matter of amendment and should not expand into
a revision which contemplates a total overhaul of the
Constitution. That was the sense that was conveyed by
the Committee.
MS. AQUINO. In other words, the Committee was

attempting to distinguish the coverage of modes (a) and
(b) in Section 1 to include the process of revision;
whereas the process of initiation to amend, which is
given to the public, would only apply to amendments?
MR. SUAREZ. That is right. Those were the terms
envisioned in the Committee.
Commissioner (later Chief

45
Justice) Hilario G. Davide, Jr.,
espoused the same view:
MR. DAVIDE. x x x x We are limiting the right of the

people, by initiative, to submit a proposal for
amendment only, not for revision, only once every five
years x x x x
MR. MAAMBONG. My first question: Commissioner
Davide’s proposed amendment on line 1 refers to
“amendment.” Does it cover the word “revision” as
defined by Commissioner Padilla when he
_______________
45Id., at pp. 400, 402-403.
325
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 325

made the distinction between the words “amendments”

and “revision?”
MR. DAVIDE. No, it does not, because “amendments” and
“revision” should be covered by Section 1. So insofar as
initiative is concerned, it can only relate to
“amendments” not “revision.”
Commissioner (now a distinguished Associate Justice 46

of
this Court) Adolfo S. Azcuna also clarified this point —
MR. OPLE. To more closely reflect the intent of Section 2,

may I suggest that we add to “Amendments” “OR
REVISIONS OF” to read: “Amendments OR REVISION
OF this Constitution.”
MR. AZCUNA. I think it was not allowed to revise the
Constitution by initiative.
MR. OPLE. How is that again?
MR. AZCUNA. It was not our intention to allow a revision
of the Constitution by initiative but merely by
amendments.
MR. BENGZON. Only by amendments.
MR. AZCUNA. I remember that was taken on the floor.
MR. RODRIGO. Yes, just amendments.
The oppositors-intervenors then point out that by their

proposals, petitioners will “change the very system of
government from presidential to parliamentary, and the
form of the legislature from bicameral to unicameral,”
among others. They allegedly seek other major revisions
like the inclusion of a minimum number of inhabitants per
district, a change in the period for a term of a Member of
Parliament, the removal of the limits on the number of
terms, the election of a Prime Minister who shall47
exercise
the executive power, and so on and so forth. In sum,
oppositors-intervenors submit that “the proposed changes
to the Constitution effect major changes in the political
structure and system, the fundamental powers and duties
of the branches of the government, the political rights of
the people, and the
_______________
46 V RECORD, CONSTITUTIONAL COMMISSION 806 (October 10,

1986).
47 Opposition-in-Intervention filed by ONEVOICE, p. 39.
326

48
modes by which political rights may be exercised.” They
conclude that they are substantial amendments which
cannot be done through people’s initiative. In other words,
they posit the thesis that only simple but not
substantial amendments can be done through
With due respect, I disagree. To start with, the words
“simple” and “substantial” are not subject to any accurate
quantitative or qualitative test. Obviously, relying on the
quantitative test, oppositors-intervenors assert that the
amendments will result in some one hundred (100) changes
in the Constitution. Using the same test, however, it is
also arguable that petitioners seek to change basically
only two (2) out of the eighteen (18) articles of the 1987
Constitution, i.e. Article VI (Legislative Department) and
Article VII (Executive Department), together with the
complementary provisions for a smooth transition from a

presidential bicameral system to a parliamentary
unicameral structure. The big bulk of the 1987
Constitution will not be affected including Articles I
(National Territory), II (Declaration of Principles and State
Policies), III (Bill of Rights), IV (Citizenship), V (Suffrage),
VIII (Judicial Department), IX (Constitutional
Commissions), X (Local Government), XI (Accountability of
Public Officers), XII (National Economy and Patrimony),
XIII (Social Justice and Human Rights), XIV (Education,
Science and Technology, Arts, Culture, and Sports), XV
(The Family), XVI (General Provisions), and even XVII
(Amendments or Revisions). In fine, we stand on unsafe
ground if we use simple arithmetic to determine
whether the proposed changes are “simple” or
“substantial.”
Nor can this Court be surefooted if it applies the
qualitative test to determine whether the said changes
are “simple” or “substantial” as to amount to a revision
of the Constitution. The wellregarded political scientist,
Garner, says that a good constitution should contain at
least three (3) sets of provisions: the constitution of
liberty which sets forth the fundamental rights of the
people and
_______________
48 Opposition-in-Intervention filed by Alternative Law Groups, Inc., p.

30.
327
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 327

imposes certain limitations on the powers of the

government as a means of securing the enjoyment of these
rights; the constitution of government which deals with
the framework of government and its powers, laying down
certain rules for its administration and defining the
electorate; and, the constitution of sovereignty which
prescribes the mode
49
or procedure for amending or revising
the constitution. It is plain that the proposed changes
will basically affect only the constitution of
government. The constitutions of liberty and sovereignty
remain unaffected. Indeed, the proposed changes will
not change the fundamental nature of our50state as “x
x x a democratic and republican state.” It is self-
evident that a unicameral-parliamentary form of

government will not make our State any less democratic or
any less republican in character. Hence, neither will the
use of the qualitative test resolve the issue of
whether the proposed changes are “simple” or
“substantial.”
For this reason and more, our Constitutions did not
adopt any quantitative or qualitative test to
determine whether an “amendment” is “simple” or
“substantial.” Nor did they provide that
“substantial” amendments are beyond the power of
the people to propose to change the Constitution.
Instead, our Constitutions carried the traditional
distinction between “amendment” and “revision,” i.e.,
“amendment” means change, including complex
changes while “revision” means complete change,
including the adoption of an entirely new covenant. The
legal dictionaries express this traditional difference
between “amendment” and “revision.” Black’s Law
Dictionary defines “amendment” as “[a] formal revision
or addition proposed or made to a statute, constitution,
pleading, order, or other instrument; specifically,
51
a change
made by addition, deletion, or correction.” Black’s also
refers to 52“amendment” as “the process of making such a
revision.” Revision, on the other hand, is defined as “[a]
reexamination
_______________
49 Introduction to Political Science, pp. 397-398.

50 Section 1, Art. II of the 1987 Constitution.
51 Eighth Edition, p. 89 (2004).
52 Ibid.
328

53
or careful review for correction or improvement.” In
parliamentary law, it is described as “[a] general and
thorough rewriting of a governing document, in 54
which the
entire document is open to amendment.” Similarly,
Ballentine’s Law Dictionary defines “amendment”—as
“[a] correction or revision of a writing
55
to correct errors or
better to state its intended purpose” and “amendment of
constitution” as “[a] process of proposing, passing, 56 and
ratifying amendments to the x x x constitution.” In
contrast, “revision,” when applied to a statute (or

constitution), “contemplates the re-examination of the
same subject matter contained in the statute (or
constitution), and the substitution of a57 new, and what is
believed to be, a still more perfect rule.”
One of the most authoritative constitutionalists of his
time to whom we owe a lot of intellectual debt, Dean
Vicente G. Sinco, of the University of the Philippines
College of Law, (later President of the U.P. and delegate to
the Constitutional Convention of 1971) similarly spelled
out the difference between “amendment” and “revision.” He
opined: “the revision of a constitution, in its strict sense,
refers to a consideration of the entire constitution and the
procedure for effecting such change; while amendment
refers only to particular provisions
58
to be added to or to be
altered in a constitution.”
Our people were guided by this traditional
distinction when they effected changes in our 1935
and 1973 Constitutions. In 1940, the changes to the 1935
Constitution which included the conversion from a
unicameral system to a bicameral structure, the
shortening of the tenure of the President and Vice-
President from a six-year term without reelection to a four-
year term with one reelection, and the establishment of the
COMELEC, together with the complementary
constitutional provisions to effect the changes, were
considered amendments only, not a revision.
_______________
53 Id., at p. 1346.
54 Ibid.
55 Third Edition, p. 67 (1969).
56 Id., at p. 68.
57 Id., at p. 1115.
58 Vicente G. Sinco, PHILIPPINE POLITICAL LAW, 2nd ed., p. 46.
329
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 329

The replacement of the 1935 Constitution by the 1973

Constitution was, however, considered a revision since
the 1973 Constitution was “a completely new
fundamental charter 59
embodying new political, social and
economic concepts.” Among those adopted under the 1973
Constitution were: the parliamentary system in place of the
presidential system, with the leadership in legislation and

administration vested with the Prime Minister and his
Cabinet; the reversion to a single-chambered lawmaking
body instead of the twochambered, which would be more
suitable to a parliamentary system of government; the
enfranchisement of the youth beginning eighteen (18) years
of age instead of twenty-one (21), and the abolition of
literacy, property, and other substantial requirements to
widen the basis for the electorate and expand democracy;
the strengthening of the judiciary, the civil service system,
and the Commission on Elections; the complete
nationalization of the ownership and management of mass
media; the giving of control to Philippine citizens of all
telecommunications; the prohibition against alien
individuals to own educational institutions, and the
strengthening of the government
60
as a whole to improve the
conditions of the masses.
The 1973 Constitution in turn underwent a series of
significant changes in 1976, 1980, 1981, and 1984. The
two significant innovations introduced in 1976 were (1)
the creation of an interim Batasang Pambansa, in place of
the interim National Assembly, and (2) Amendment No. 6
which conferred on the President the power to issue
decrees, orders, or letters of instruction, whenever the
Batasang Pambansa fails to act adequately on any matter
for any reason that in his judgment requires immediate
action, or there is grave emergency or threat or imminence
thereof, with such decrees, or letters of instruction to form
part of the law of the land. In 1980, the retirement age of
seventy (70) for justices and judges was restored. In 1981,
the presidential system with parliamentary features was
in-
_______________
59 Concurring Opinion of Mr. Justice Felix Q. Antonio in Javellana v.

The Executive Secretary, No. L-361432, March 31, 1973, 50 SCRA 30,
367368.
60 J. M. Aruego, THE NEW PHILIPPINE CONSTITUTION
EXPLAINED, iii-iv (1973).
330

stalled. The transfer of private land for use as residence to

naturalborn citizens who had lost their citizenship was also
allowed. Then, in 1984, the membership of the Batasang

Pambansa was reapportioned by provinces, cities, or
districts in Metro Manila instead of by regions; the Office of
the Vice-President was created while the executive
committee was abolished; and, urban land reform 61
and
social housing programs were strengthened. These
substantial changes were simply considered as mere
amendments.
In 1986, Mrs. Corazon C. Aquino assumed the
presidency, and repudiated the 1973 Constitution. She
governed under Proclamation No. 3, known as the Freedom
Constitution.
In February 1987, the new constitution was ratified
by the people in a plebiscite and superseded the Provisional
or Freedom Constitution. Retired Justice Isagani Cruz
underscored the outstanding features of the 1987
Constitution which consists of eighteen articles and is
excessively long compared to the Constitutions of 1935 and
1973, on which it was largely based. Many of the original
provisions of the 1935 Constitution, particularly those
pertaining to the legislative and executive departments,
have been restored because of the revival of the bicameral
Congress of the Philippines and the strictly presidential
system. The independence of the judiciary has been
strengthened, with new provisions for appointment thereto
and an increase in its authority, which now covers even
political questions formerly beyond its jurisdiction. While
many provisions of the 1973 Constitution were
retained, like those on the Constitutional Commissions
and local governments, still the new 1987 Constitution
was deemed as a revision of the 1973 Constitution.
It is now contended that this traditional distinction
between amendment and revision was abrogated by the
1987 Constitution. It is urged that Section 1 of Article XVII
gives the power to amend or revise to Congress acting as a
constituent assembly, and to a Constitutional Convention
duly called by Congress for the purpose. Section 2 of the
same Article, it is said, limited the people’s right to change
_______________
61 E. Quisumbing-Fernando, PHILIPPINE CONSTITUTIONAL LAW,

pp. 422-425 (1984).
331
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 331

the Constitution via initiative through simple

amendments. In other words, the people cannot
propose substantial amendments amounting to
revision.
With due respect, I do not agree. As aforestated, the
oppositorsintervenors who peddle the above proposition
rely on the opinions of some Commissioners expressed in
the course of the debate on how to frame the
amendment/revision provisions of the 1987 Constitution. It
is familiar learning, however, that opinions in a
constitutional convention, especially if inconclusive of
an issue, are of very limited value as explaining
doubtful phrases, and are an unsafe guide (to the intent of
the people) since the constitution derives its force as a
fundamental law, not from the action of the convention but
from the powers
62
(of the people) who have ratified and
adopted it. “Debates in the constitutional convention ‘are
of value as showing the views of the individual members,
and as indicating the reasons for their votes, but they
give us no light as to the views of the large majority
who did not talk, much less of the mass of our fellow
citizens whose votes at the63 polls gave that instrument the
force of fundamental law.’” Indeed, a careful perusal of
the debates of the Constitutional Commissioners can
likewise lead to the conclusion that there was no
abandonment of the traditional distinction between
“amendment” and “revision.” For during the debates,
some of the commissioners referred to the concurring
opinion of former Justice Felix Q. 64
Antonio in Javellana v.
The Executive Secretary, that stressed the
traditional distinction
65
between amendment and
revision, thus:
MR. SUAREZ: We mentioned the possible use of only one term

and that is, “amendment.” However, the Committee finally agreed
to use the terms—“amendment” or “revision” when our attention
was called by the
_______________
62 N. Gonzales, PHILIPPINE POLITICAL LAW 30 (1969 ed.).

63 Civil Liberties Union v. Executive Secretary, G.R. No. 83896, February 22,
1991, 194 SCRA 317, 337 quoting Commonwealth v. Ralph, 111 Pa. 365, 3 Alt. 220
(1886).
64 L-36142, March 31, 1973, 50 SCRA 30, 367.
65 I RECORD, CONSTITUTIONAL COMMISSION 373 (July 8, 1986).
332

honorable Vice-President to the substantial difference in the

connotation and significance between the said terms. As a result
of our research, we came up with the observations made in the
famous—or notorious—Javellana doctrine, particularly66
the
decision rendered by Honorable Justice Makasiar, wherein he
made the following distinction between “amendment” and
“revision” of an existing Constitution: “Revision” may involve a
rewriting of the whole Constitution. On the other hand, the act of
amending a constitution envisages a change of specific provisions
only. The intention of an act to amend is not the change of the
entire Constitution, but only the improvement of specific parts or
the addition of provisions deemed essential as a consequence of
new conditions or the elimination of parts already considered
obsolete or unresponsive to the needs of the times.
The 1973 Constitution is not a mere amendment to the 1935
Constitution. It is a completely new fundamental Charter
embodying new political, social and economic concepts.
So, the Committee finally came up with the proposal that these
two terms should be employed in the formulation of the Article
governing amendments or revisions to the new Constitution.
To further explain “revision,” former Justice Antonio, in his

concurring opinion, used an analogy—“When a house is
completely demolished and another is erected on the same
location, do you have a changed, repaired and altered
house, or do you have a new house? Some of the material
contained in the old house may be used again, some of the
rooms may be constructed the same, but this does not alter 67
the fact that you have altogether another or a new house.”
Hence, it is arguable that when the framers of the 1987
Constitution used the word “revision,” they had in mind the
“rewriting of the whole Constitution,” or the “total
overhaul of the Constitution.” Anything less is an
“amendment” or just “a change of specific provisions only,”
the intention being “not the change of the entire
Constitution, but only the improvement of specific parts or
the addition of provisions deemed essential as a
consequence of new conditions or the elimination of parts
already considered obsolete or unre-
_______________
66 The opinion was actually made by Justice Felix Antonio.

67 Javellana v. Executive Secretary, supra note 64, citing Wheeler v.
Board of Trustees, 37 S.E.2d 322, 327 (1946).
333
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 333

sponsive to the needs of the times.” Under this view,

“substantial” amendments are still “amendments” and thus
can be proposed by the people via an initiative.
As we cannot be guided with certainty by the
inconclusive opinions of the Commissioners on the
difference between “simple” and “substantial” amendments
or whether “substantial” amendments amounting to
revision are covered by people’s initiative, it behooves us to
follow the cardinal rule in interpreting Constitutions,
i.e., construe them to give effect to the intention of the
people who adopted 68
it. The illustrious Cooley explains
its rationale well, viz.:
“x x x the constitution does not derive its force from the

convention which framed, but from the people who ratified it, the
intent to be arrived at is that of the people, and it is not to be
supposed that they have looked for any dark or abstruse meaning
in the words employed, but rather that they have accepted them
in the sense most obvious to the common understanding, and
ratified the instrument in the belief that that was the sense
designed to be conveyed. These proceedings therefore are less
conclusive of the proper construction of the instrument than are
legislative proceedings of the proper construction of a statute;
since in the latter case it is the intent of the legislature we seek,
while in the former we are endeavoring to arrive at the intent of
the people through the discussion and deliberations of their
representatives. The history of the calling of the convention, the
causes which led to it, and the discussions and issues before the
people at the time of the election of the delegates, will sometimes
be quite as instructive and satisfactory as anything to be gathered
form the proceedings of the convention.”
Corollarily, a constitution is not to be interpreted on

narrow or technical principles, but liberally and on
broad general lines, to accomplish the object of its
establishment and carry out the 69great principles of
government—not to defeat them. One of these great
principles is the sovereignty of the people.
_______________
68 T. M. Cooley, I A TREATISE ON CONSTITUTIONAL

LIMITATIONS 143-144 (8th ed. 1927).
69 H.C. Black, HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW

S. 47, p. 67 (2nd ed. 1897).
334

Let us now determine the intent of the people when they

adopted initiative as a mode to amend the 1987
Constitution. We start with the Declaration of
Principles and State Policies which Sinco 70
describes as
“the basic political creed of the nation” as it “lays71
down
the policies that government is bound to observe.” Section
1, Article II of the 1935 Constitution and Section 1, Article
II of the 1973 Constitution, similarly provide that “the
Philippines is a republican state. Sovereignty resides in
the people and all government authority emanates from
them.” In a republican state, the power of the
sovereign people is exercised and delegated to their
representatives. Thus in Metropolitan Transportation
Service v. Paredes, this Court held that “a republican
state, like the Philippines x x x (is) derived from the will of
the people themselves in freely creating a government ‘of
the people, by the people, and for the people’—a
representative government through which they have
agreed to exercise the powers and discharge the duties of
their sovereignty
72
for the common good and general
welfare.”
In both the 1935 and 1973 Constitutions, the sovereign
people delegated to Congress or to a convention, the
power to amend or revise our fundamental law. History
informs us how this delegated power to amend or
revise the Constitution was abused particularly
during the Marcos regime. The Constitution was
changed several times to satisfy the power requirements of
the regime. Indeed, Amendment No. 6 was passed giving
unprecedented legislative powers to then President
Ferdinand E. Marcos. A conspiracy of circumstances from
above and below, however, brought down the Marcos
regime through an extra constitutional revolution,
albeit a peaceful one by the people. A main reason for
the people’s revolution was the failure of the
representatives of the people to effectuate timely
changes in the Constitution either by acting as a
constituent assembly or by calling a constitutional
convention. When the representatives of the people
defaulted in
_______________
70 V. Sinco, supra note 58.

71 Ibid.
72 No. L-1232, 79 Phil. 819, 826 (1948).
335
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 335

using this last peaceful process of constitutional change,

the sovereign people themselves took matters in
their own hands. They revolted and replaced the 1973
Constitution with the 1987 Constitution.
It is significant to note that the people modified
the ideology of the 1987 Constitution as it stressed
the power of the people to act directly in their
capacity as sovereign people. Correspondingly, the
power of the legislators to act as representatives of
the people in the matter of amending or revising the
Constitution was diminished for the spring cannot
rise above its source. To reflect this significant shift,
Section 1, Article II of the 1987 Constitution was
reworded. It now reads: “the Philippines is a
democratic and republican state. Sovereignty resides in
the people and all government authority emanates from
them.” The commissioners of the 1986 Constitutional
Commission explained the addition of the word
“democratic,” in our first Declaration of Principles, viz.:
MR. NOLLEDO. I am putting the word “democratic”

because of the provisions that we are now adopting
which are covering consultations with the people. For
example, we have provisions on recall, initiative, the
right of the people even to participate in lawmaking and
other instances that recognize the validity of
interference by 73the people through people’s
organizations x x x x
MR. OPLE. x x x x The Committee added the word
“democratic” to “republican,” and, therefore, the first
sentence states: “The Philippines is a republican and
democratic state x x x x
May I know from the committee the reason for adding
the word “democratic” to “republican”? The
constitutional framers of the 1935 and 1973
Constitutions were content with “republican.” Was this
done merely for the sake of emphasis?
MR. NOLLEDO. x x x x “democratic” was added

because of the need to emphasize people power
and the many provisions in the Constitution that
we have approved related to recall, people’s
organizations, initiative and the like, which
_______________
73 IV RECORD, CONSTITUTIONAL COMMISSION 735 (September

17, 1986).
336

recognize the participation of the people in policy-

making in certain circumstances x x x x
MR. OPLE. I thank the Commissioner. That is a very clear
answer and I think it does meet a need x x x x
MR. NOLLEDO. According to Commissioner Rosario Braid,
“democracy”74 here is understood as participatory
democracy. (emphasis supplied)
The following exchange between Commissioners Rene V. 75

Sarmiento and Adolfo S. Azcuna is of the same import:
MR. SARMIENTO. When we speak of republican

democratic state, are we referring to representative
democracy?
MR. AZCUNA. That is right.
MR. SARMIENTO. So, why do we not retain the old
formulation under the 1973 and 1935 Constitutions
which used the words “republican state” because
“republican state” would refer to a democratic state
where people choose their representatives?
MR. AZCUNA. We wanted to emphasize the participation
of the people in government.
MR. SARMIENTO. But even in the concept “republican
state,” we are stressing the participation of the people x
x x x So the word “republican” will suffice to cover
popular representation.
MR. AZCUNA. Yes, the Commissioner is right. However,
the committee felt that in view of the introduction of the
aspects of direct democracy such as initiative,
referendum or recall, it was necessary to emphasize the
democratic portion of republicanism, of representative
democracy as well. So, we want to add the word
“democratic” to emphasize that in this new

Constitution there are instances where the people
would act directly, and not through their
representatives. (emphasis supplied)
Consistent with the stress on direct democracy, the

systems of initiative, referendum, and recall were
enthroned as polestars in the
_______________
74 Id., at p. 752.
75 Id., at p. 769.
337
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 337

1987 Constitution. Thus, Commissioner Blas F. Ople 76

who introduced the provision on people’s initiative said:
MR. OPLE. x x x x I think this is just the correct time in

history when we should introduce an innovative mode of
proposing amendments to the Constitution, vesting in
the people and their organizations the right to
formulate and propose their own amendments and
revisions of the Constitution in a manner that will
be binding upon the government. It is not that I believe
this kind of direct action by the people for amending a
constitution will be needed frequently in the future, but
it is good to know that the ultimate reserves of
sovereign power still rest upon the people and
that in the exercise of that power, they can
propose amendments or revision to the
Constitution. (emphasis supplied)
Commissioner Jose E. Suarez also explained the

people’s initiative as a safety valve, as a peaceful way for
the people to change their Constitution, by77 citing our
experiences under the Marcos government, viz.:
MR. SUAREZ. We agree to the difficulty in implementing

this particular provision, but we are providing a channel
for the expression of the sovereign will of the people
through this initiative system.
MR. BENGZON. Is Section 1, paragraphs (a) and (b), not
sufficient channel for expression of the will of the people,
particularly in the amendment or revision of the

Constitution?
MR. SUAREZ. Under normal circumstances, yes. But we
know what happened during the 20 years under
the Marcos administration. So, if the National
Assembly, in a manner of speaking, is operating
under the thumb of the Prime Minister or the President
as the case may be, and the required number of votes
could not be obtained, we would have to provide for a
safety valve in order that the people could ventilate in
a very peaceful way their desire for amendment to the
Constitution.
_______________
76 Id., at pp. 767-769.

77 Id., at p. 377.
338

It is very possible that although the people may be

pressuring the National Assembly to constitute itself
as a constituent assembly or to call a constitutional
convention, the members thereof would not heed the
people’s desire and clamor. So this is a third avenue
that we are providing for the implementation of what is
now popularly known as people’s power. (emphasis
supplied)
Commissioner Regalado E. Maambong opined that 78

the
people’s initiative could avert a revolution, viz.:
MR. MAAMBONG. x x x x the amending process of the

Constitution could actually avert a revolution by
providing a safety valve in bringing about changes in the
Constitution through pacific means. This, in effect,
operationalizes what political law authors call the
“prescription of sovereignty.” (emphasis supplied)
The end result is Section 2, Article XVII of the 1987

Constitution which expressed the right of the sovereign
people to propose amendments to the Constitution by direct
action or through initiative. To that extent, the delegated
power of Congress to amend or revise the
Constitution has to be adjusted downward. Thus,
Section 1, Article VI of the 1987 Constitution has to be

reminted and now provides: “The legislative power
shall be vested in the Congress of the Philippines which
shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives,
except to the extent reserved to the people by the
provision on initiative and referendum.”
Prescinding from these baseline premises, the
argument that the people through initiative cannot
propose substantial amendments to change the
Constitution turns sovereignty on its head. At the
very least, the submission constricts the democratic
space for the exercise of the direct sovereignty of the
people. It also denigrates the sovereign people who they
claim can only be trusted with the power to propose
“simple” but not “substantial” amendments to the
Constitution. According to Sinco, the concept of
sovereignty should be strictly understood in its legal
meaning as it
_______________
78 Id., at p. 395.
339
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 339

79
was originally developed in law. Legal sovereignty, he
explained, is “the possession of unlimited power to make
laws. Its possessor is the legal sovereign. It implies the
absence of any other party endowed with legally superior
powers and privileges. It is not subject to law ‘for it is
the author and source of law.’ Legal80sovereignty is thus
the equivalent of legal omnipotence.”
To be sure, sovereignty or popular sovereignty,
emphasizes the supremacy of the people’s will over the
state which they themselves have created. The state is
created by and subject to the will of the people, who are the
source of all political power. Rightly, we have ruled that
“the sovereignty of our people is not a kabalistic principle
whose dimensions are buried in mysticism. Its metes and
bounds are familiar to the framers of our Constitutions.
They knew that in its broadest sense, sovereignty is meant
to be supreme,
81
the jus summi imperu, the absolute right to
govern.”
James Wilson, regarded by many as the most brilliant,
scholarly, and visionary lawyer in the United States in the
1780s, laid down the first principles of popular sovereignty

during the Pennsylvania ratifying 82
convention of the 1787
Constitution of the United States:
There necessarily exists, in every government, a power from

which there is no appeal, and which, for that reason, may be
termed supreme, absolute, and uncontrollable.
x x x x Perhaps some politician, who has not considered with
sufficient accuracy our political systems, would answer that, in
our governments, the supreme power was vested in the
constitutions x x x x This opinion approaches a step nearer to the
truth, but does not reach it. The truth is, that in our
governments, the supreme, absolute, and uncontrollable
power remains in the people. As our constitutions are superior
to our legislatures, so the people are superior to our constitutions.
Indeed the superiority, in this last instance, is much greater; for
the people possess over our constitution, control in act, as well as
right. (emphasis supplied)
_______________
79 Sinco, supra note 58, at p. 22.

80 Id., at pp. 20-21.
81 Frivaldo v. Commission on Elections, G.R. No. 120295, June 28,
1996, 257 SCRA 727.
82 G. Wood, THE CREATION OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC, 530.
340

I wish to reiterate that in a democratic and

republican state, only the people is sovereign—not
the elected President, not the elected Congress, not this
unelected Court. Indeed, the sovereignty of the people
which is indivisible cannot be reposed in any organ of
government. Only its exercise may be delegated to any
of them. In our case, the people delegated to
Congress the exercise of the sovereign power to
amend or revise the Constitution. If Congress, as
delegate, can exercise this power to amend or revise the
Constitution, can it be argued that the sovereign people
who delegated the power has no power to substantially
amend the Constitution by direct action? If the sovereign
people do not have this power to make substantial
amendments to the Constitution, what did it delegate to
Congress? How can the people lack this fraction of a
power to substantially amend the Constitution when by

their sovereignty, all power emanates from them? It will
take some mumbo jumbo to argue that the 83
whole is lesser
than its part. Let Sinco clinch the point:
“But although possession may not be delegated, the exercise of

sovereignty often is. It is delegated to the organs and agents of
the state which constitute its government, for it is only through
this instrumentality that the state ordinarily functions. However
ample and complete this delegation may be, it is
nevertheless subject to withdrawal at any time by the
state. On this point Willoughby says:
“Thus, States may concede to colonies almost complete autonomy of

government and reserve to themselves a right to control of so slight and
so negative a character as to make its exercise a rare and improbable
occurrence; yet so long as such right of control is recognized to exist, and
the autonomy of the colonies is conceded to be founded upon a grant and
continuing consent of the mother countries the sovereignty of those
mother countries over them is complete and they are to be considered as
possessing only administrative autonomy and not political independence.’
”
At the very least, the power to propose substantial

amendments to the Constitution is shared with the
people. We
_______________
83 Sinco, supra note 58, at p. 29.
341
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 341

should accord the most benign treatment to the

sovereign power of the people to propose substantial
amendments to the Constitution especially when the
proposed amendments will adversely affect the
interest of some members of Congress. A contrary
approach will suborn the public weal to private
interest and worse, will enable Congress (the
delegate) to frustrate the power of the people to
determine their destiny (the principal).
All told, the teaching of the ages is that constitutional
clauses acknowledging the right of the people to exercise
initiative and referendum are liberally 84and generously
construed in favor of the people. Initiative and
referendum powers must be broadly construed

85
to maintain
maximum power in the people. We followed this
orientation in Subic Bay 86 Metropolitan Authority v.
Commission on Elections. There is not an iota of reason
to depart from it.
V
The issues at bar are not political questions.
Petitioners submit that “[t]he validity of the exercise of the
right of the sovereign people to amend the Constitution and
their will, as expressed by the fact that over six million
registered voters indicated their support of the Petition for
Initiative, is a purely political question which is beyond
even the very long arm of this Honorable Court’s power of
judicial review. Whether or not the 1987 Constitution
should be amended is a matter which the people and the 87
people alone must resolve in their sovereign capacity.”
They argue that “[t]he power to propose amendments to the
Constitution is a right explicitly bestowed upon the
sovereign people. Hence, the determina-
_______________
84 State v. Moore, 103 Ark 48, 145 SW 199 (1912); Whittemore v. Seydel,
74 Cal App 2d 109 (1946).
85 Town of Whitehall v. Preece, 1998 MT 53 (1998).
86 G.R. No. 125416, September 26, 1996, 262 SCRA 492, 516-517, citing
42 Am. Jur. 2d, p. 653.
87 Memorandum for petitioner Aumentado, pp. 151-152.
342

tion by the people to exercise their right to propose

amendments under the system of initiative is a sovereign
act and falls88
squarely within the ambit of a ‘political
question.’ ”
The petitioners cannot be sustained. This issue has long
been89 interred by Sanidad v. Commission on Elections,
viz.:
“Political questions are neatly associated with the wisdom, not the
legality of a particular act. Where the vortex of the controversy
refers to the legality or validity of the contested act, that matter is
definitely justiciable or non-political. What is in the heels of the
Court is not the wisdom of the act of the incumbent President in
proposing amendments to the Constitution, but his constitutional

authority to perform such act or to assume the power of a
constituent assembly. Whether the amending process confers on
the President that power to propose amendments is therefore a
downright justiciable question. Should the contrary be found, the
actuation of the President would merely be a brutum fulmen. If
the Constitution provides how it may be amended, the judiciary
as the interpreter of that Constitution, can declare whether the
procedure followed or the authority assumed was valid or not.
We cannot accept the view of the Solicitor General, in pursuing
his theory of non-justiciability, that the question of the
President’s authority to propose amendments and the regularity
of the procedure adopted for submission of the proposals to the
people ultimately lie in the judgment of the latter. A clear
Descartes fallacy of vicious cycle. Is it not that the people
themselves, by their sovereign act, provided for the authority and
procedure for the amending process when they ratified the
present Constitution in 1973? Whether, therefore, that
constitutional provision has been followed or not is indisputably a
proper subject of inquiry, not by the people themselves—of course
—who exercise no power of judicial review, but by the Supreme
Court in whom the people themselves vested that power, a power
which includes the competence to determine whether the
constitutional norms for amendments have been observed or not.
And, this inquiry must be done a priori not a posteriori, i.e., before
the submission to and ratification by the people.”
In the instant case, the Constitution sets in black and

white the requirements for the exercise of the people’s
initiative to amend the Constitution. The amendments
must be proposed by the people “upon
_______________
88 Id., at pp. 153-154.

89 L-44640, October 12, 1976, 73 SCRA 333, 360-361.
343
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 343

a petition of at least twelve per centum of the total

number of registered voters, of which every legislative
district must be represented by at least three per centum
of the registered voters therein. No amendment under this
section shall be authorized within five years following the
ratification of this Constitution nor oftener than once
90
90
every five years thereafter.” Compliance with these
requirements is clearly a justiciable and not a political
question. Be that as it may, how the issue will be resolved
by the people is addressed to them and to them alone.
VI
Whether the Petition for Initiative filed before the
COMELEC complied with Section 2, Article XVII of
the Constitution and R.A. 6735 involves contentious
issues of fact which should first be resolved by the
COMELEC.
Oppositors-intervenors impugn the Petition for Initiative
as it allegedly lacks the required number of signatures
under Section 2, Article XVII of the Constitution. Said
provision requires that the petition for initiative be
supported by at least twelve per cent (12%) of the total
number of registered voters, of which every legislative
district must be represented by at least three per cent (3%)
of the registered voters therein. Oppositors-intervenors
contend that no proper verification of signatures was
done in several legislative districts. They assert that mere
verification of the names listed on the signature sheets
without verifying the signatures reduces the signatures
submitted for their respective legislative districts to mere
scribbles on a piece of paper.
Oppositor-intervenor ONEVOICE, Inc., submitted to
this Court a certification dated August 23, 2006 issued by
Atty. Marlon S. Casquejo, Election Officer IV, Third
District and OIC, First and Second District, Davao City,
stating that his office has not verified the
_______________
90 Section 2, Article XVII, 1987 Constitution.
344

signatures submitted by the proponents of the people’s

initiative. The certification reads:
“This is to CERTIFY that this office (First, Second and Third

District, Davao City) HAS NOT VERIFIED the signatures of
registered voters as per documents submitted in this office by the
proponents of the People’s Initiative. Consequently, NO
ELECTION DOCUMENTS AND/OR ORDER ISSUED BY
HIGHER SUPERIORS
91
used as basis for such verification of
signatures.”
Senate Minority Leader Aquilino Pimentel, Jr., among

others, further clarified that although Atty. Casquejo and
Reynne Joy B. Bullecer, Acting Election Officer IV, First
District, Davao City, later issued certifications stating that
the Office of the City Election Officer has examined the92
list
of individuals appearing in the signature sheets, the
certifications reveal that the office had verified only the
names of the signatories, but not their signatures.
Oppositors-intervenors submit that not only the names of
the signatories should be verified, but also their signatures
to ensure the identities of the persons affixing their
signatures on the signature sheets.
Oppositor-intervenor Luwalhati Antonino also alleged
that petitioners failed to obtain the signatures of at least
three per cent (3%) of the total number of registered voters
in the First Legislative District of South Cotabato. For the
First District of South Cotabato, petitioners submitted
3,182 signatures for General Santos City, 2,186 signatures
for Tupi, 3,308 signatures for Tampakan and 10,301
signatures for Polomolok, or 18,977 signatures out of
359,488 registered voters of said district. Antonino,
however, submitted to this Court a copy of the certification
by Glory D. Rubio, Election Officer III, Polomolok, dated
_______________
91 Annex “3,” Opposition-In-Intervention of Oppositors-Intervenors

ONEVOICE, INC., et al.
92 Certification dated April 21, 2006 issued by Reynne Joy B. Bullecer,
Annex “B,” Memorandum of Oppositor-Intervenor Pimentel, et al.;
Certification dated April 20, 2006 issued by Atty. Marlon S. Casquejo,
Annex “C,” Memorandum of Oppositor-Intervenor Pimentel, et al.;
Certification dated April 26, 2006 issued by Atty. Marlon S. Cascuejo,
Annex “D,” Memorandum of Oppositor-Intervenor Pimentel, et al.
345
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 345

May 8, 2006, showing that the signatures from Polomolok

were not verified because the Book of Voters for the whole
municipality was in the custody of the Clerk of Court of the
Regional 93Trial Court, Branch 38, Polomolok, South
Cotabato. Excluding the signatures from Polomolok from
the total number of signatures from the First District of

South Cotabato would yield only a total of 8,676 signatures
which falls short of the three per cent (3%) requirement for
the district.
Former President Joseph Ejercito Estrada and Pwersa
ng Masang Pilipino likewise submitted to this Court a
certification issued by Atty. Stalin A. Baguio, City Election
Officer IV, Cagayan de Oro City, stating that the list of
names appearing on the signature sheets corresponds to
the names of registered voters in the city, thereby implying
94
that they have not actually verified the signatures.
The argument against the sufficiency of the signatures
is further bolstered by Alternative Law Groups, Inc., which
submitted copies of similarly worded certifications
95
from the
election officers from
96
Zamboanga del Sur and from
Compostela Valley. Alternative Law Groups, Inc., further
assails the regularity of the verification process as it
alleged that verification in some areas were conducted by
Barangay officials and not by COMELEC election officers.
It filed with this Court copies of certifications from Sulu
and Sultan Kudarat showing that the verification was
conducted 97 by local officials instead of COMELEC
personnel.
Petitioners, on the other hand, maintain that the
verification conducted by the election officers sufficiently
complied with the requirements of the Constitution and the
law on initiative.
Contravening the allegations of oppositors-intervenors
on the lack of verification in Davao City and in Polomolok,
South Cotabato, peti-
_______________
93 Annex “1,” Memorandum of Oppositor-Intevenor Antonino.

94 Annex “10-A,” Memorandum of Oppositor-Intevenor Joseph Ejercito
Estrada, et al.
95 Annexes “1-29,” Memorandum of Oppositor-Intevenor Alternative
Law Groups, Inc.
96 Annexes “30-31,” Id.
97 Annexes “44-64,” Id.
346

tioner Aumentado claimed that the same election officers

cited by the oppositors-intervenors also issued
certifications showing that they have verified the

signatures submitted by the proponents of the people’s
initiative. He presented copies of the certifications issued
by Atty. Marlon S. Casquejo for the Second and Third
Legislative Districts of Davao City stating that he verified
the signatures of the proponents of the people’s initiative.
His certification for the Second District states:
“This is to CERTIFY that this Office has examined the list of

individuals as appearing in the Signature Sheets of the
Registered Voters of District II, Davao City, submitted on April 7,
2006 by MR. NONATO BOLOS, Punong Barangay, Centro, Davao
City for verification which consists of THIRTY THOUSAND SIX
HUNDRED SIXTY-TWO (30,662) signatures.
Anent thereto, it appears that of the THIRTY THOUSAND SIX
HUNDRED SIXTY-TWO (30,662) individuals, only TWENTY-
TWO THOUSAND SIX HUNDRED SIXTY-EIGHT (22,668)
individuals were found to be REGISTERED VOTERS, in the
Computerized List of Voters 98
of SECOND CONGRESSIONAL
DISTRICT, DAVAO CITY.”
It was also shown that Atty. Casquejo had issued a

clarificatory certification regarding the verification process
conducted in Davao City. It reads:
“Regarding the verification of the signatures of registered voters,

this Office has previously issued two (2) separate certifications for
the 2nd and 3rd Districts of Davao City on April 20, 2006 and
April 26, 2006, respectively, specifically relating to the voters who
supported the people’s initiative. It was stated therein that the
names submitted, comprising 22,668 individual voters in the 2nd
District and 18,469 individual voters in the 3rd District, were
found [to] be registered voters of the respective districts
mentioned as verified by this Office based on the Computerized
List of Voters.
It must be clarified that the August 23, 2006 Certification was
issued in error and by mistake for the reason that the signature
verification has not been fully completed as of that date.
I hereby CERTIFY that this Office has examined the
signatures of the voters as appearing in the signature sheets and
has compared these with the
_______________
98 Consolidated Reply of Petitioner Aumentado, p. 54.
347
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 347
signatures appearing
99
in the book of voters and computerized list
of voters x x x”
Petitioner Aumentado also submitted a copy of the

certification dated May 8, 2006 issued by Polomolok
Election Officer Glory D. Rubio to support their claim that
said officer had conducted a verification of signatures in
said area. The certification states:
“This is to certify further, that the total 68,359 registered voters

of this municipality, as of the May 10, 2004 elections, 10,804
names with signatures were submitted for verification and out of
which 10,301 were found to be legitimate voters as per official list
of registered voters, which is equivalent to 15.07%100
of the total
number of registered voters of this Municipality.”
In addition to the lack of proper verification of the

signatures in numerous legislative districts, allegations of
fraud and irregularities in the collection of signatures in
Makati City were cited by Senator Pimentel, among others,
to wit:
“(1) No notice was given to the public, for the benefit of

those who may be concerned, by the Makati
COMELEC Office that signature sheets have
already been submitted to it for “verification.” The
camp of Mayor Binay was able to witness the
“verification process” only because of their pro-
active stance;
(2) In District 1, the proponents of charter change
submitted 43,405 signatures for verification. 36,219
alleged voters’ signatures (83% of the number of
signatures submitted) were rejected outright. 7,186
signatures allegedly “passed” COMELEC’s initial
scrutiny. However, upon examination of the
signature sheets by Atty. Mar-len Abigail Binay,
the said 7,186 signatures could not be accounted
for. Atty. Binay manually counted 2,793 signatures
marked with the word “OK” and 3,443 signatures
marked with a check, giving only 6,236 “apparently
verified signatures.” Before the COMELEC officer
issued the Certification, Atty. Binay already
submitted to the said office not less than 55 letters
of “signature withdrawal,” but no action was ever
taken thereon;
_______________
99 Exhibit “E,” Memorandum of Petitioner Lambino.

100 Annex “A,” Consolidated Response of Petitioner Aumentado.
348

(3) In District 2, 29,411 signatures were submitted for

verification. 23,521 alleged voters’ signatures (80%
of those submitted) were rejected outright. Of the
5,890 signatures which allegedly passed the
COMELEC’s initial scrutiny, some more will surely
fail upon closer examination;
(4) In the absence of clear, transparent, and uniform
rules the COMELEC personnel did not know how to
treat the objections and other observations coming
from the camp of Mayor Binay. The oppositors too
did not know where to go for their remedy when the
COMELEC personnel merely “listened” to their
objections and other observations. As mentioned
earlier, the COMELEC personnel did not even
know what to do with the many “letters of signature
withdrawal” submitted to it;
(5) Signatures of people long dead, in prison, abroad,
and other forgeries appear on the Sigaw ng Bayan
Signature Sheets. There is even a 15-year old
alleged signatory;
(6) There are Signature Sheets obviously signed by one
person;
(7) A Calara M. Roberto and a Roberto M.101Calara both
allegedly signed the Signature Sheets.”
Also, there are allegations that many of the signatories did

not understand what they have signed as they were merely
misled into signing the signature sheets. Opposed to these
allegations are rulings that a person who affixes his
signature on a document raises the presumption that the
person so signing has knowledge of what the document
contains. Courts have recognized that there is great value
in the stability of records, so to speak, that no one should
commit herself or himself to something in writing unless
she or he is fully aware102and cognizant of the effect it may
have upon her on him. In the same vein, we have held
that a person is presumed to have103 knowledge of the
contents of a document he has signed. But as this Court
is not a trier of facts, it cannot resolve the issue.
In sum, the issue of whether the petitioners have

complied with the constitutional requirement that the
petition for initiative be signed by at least twelve per cent
(12%) of the total number of regis-
_______________
101 Memorandum of Oppositor-Intevenor Pimentel, et al., pp. 12-13.

102 Helvey v. Wiseman, 199 F. Supp. 200, 8 A.F.T.2d 5576 (1961).
103 BNO Leasing Corp. v. Hollins & Hollins, Inc., 448 So.2d 1329
(1984).
349
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 349

tered voters, of which every legislative district must be

represented by at least three per cent (3%) of the registered
voters therein, involves contentious facts. Its
resolution will require presentation of evidence and
their calibration by the COMELEC according to its
rules. During the oral argument on this case, the
COMELEC, through Director Alioden Dalaig of its Law
Department, admitted that it has not examined the
documents submitted by the petitioners in support of the
petition for initiative, as well as the documents filed by the
oppositors to buttress their claim that the required number
of signatures has not been met. The exchanges during the
oral argument likewise clearly show the need for further
clarification and
104
presentation of evidence to prove certain
material facts.
_______________
104
ASSOCIATE JUSTICE CARPIO:

How many copies of the petition, that you mention(ed), did you print?
ATTY. LAMBINO:
We printed 100 thousand of this petition last February and we
distributed to the different organizations that were volunteering to
support us.
So, you are sure that you personally can say to us that 100 thous and
of these were printed?
ATTY. LAMBINO:
It could be more than that, Your Honor.

But you asked your friends or your associates to re-print, if they
can(?)
ATTY. LAMBINO:
Yes, Your Honor.
Okay, so you got 6.3 Million signatures, but you only printed 100
thousand. So you’re saying, how many did your friends print of the
petition?
350

The only basis used by the COMELEC to dismiss the

petition for initiative was this Court’s ruling in Santiago
v. COMELEC that
_______________
ATTY. LAMBINO:
I can no longer give a specific answer to that, Your Honor. I relied
only to the assurances of the people who are volunteering that they
are going to reproduce the signature sheets as well as the draft
petition that we have given them, Your Honor.
Did you also show this amended petition to the people?
ATTY. LAMBINO:
Your Honor, the amended petition reflects the copy of the original
petition that we circulated, because in the original petition that we
filed before the COMELEC, we omitted a certain paragraph that is,
Section 4, paragraph 3 which were part of the original petition that
we circulated and so we have to correct that oversight because that is
what we have circulated to the people and we have to correct that…
But you just stated now that what you circulated was the petition of
August 25, now you are changing your mind, you’re saying what you
circulated was the petition of August 30, is that correct?
ATTY. LAMBINO:
In effect, yes, Your Honor.
So, you circulated the petition of August 30, but what you filed in the
COMELEC on August 25 was a different petition, that’s why you
have to amend it?
ATTY. LAMBINO:
We have to amend it, because there was an oversight, Your Honor,
that we have omitted one very important paragraph in Section 4 of
our proposition.
Okay, let’s be clear. What did you circulate when you gathered the
signatures, the August 25 which you said you circulated orthe August
30?
351
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 351

R.A. 6735 was insufficient. It has yet to rule on the

sufficiency of the form and substance of the petition.
I respectfully submit that this issue should be properly
litigated before the COMELEC where both parties will
be given full opportunity to prove their allegations.
For the same reasons, the sufficiency of the
Petition for Initiative and its compliance with the
requirements of R.A. 6735 on initiative and its
implementing rules is a question that should be resolved by
the COMELEC at the first instance, as it is the body that is
mandated by the Constitution to administer all laws and
regulations relative to the conduct
105
of an election, plebiscite,
initiative, referendum and recall.
_______________
ATTY. LAMBINO:
Both the August 25 petition that included all the provisions, Your
Honor, and as amended on August 30. Because we have to include the
one that we have inadvertently omitted in the August 25 petition,
Your Honor.
And (you cannot tell that) you can only say for certain that you
printed 100 thousand copies?
ATTY. LAMBINO:
That was the original printed matter that we have circulated by the
month of February, Your Honor, until some parts of March, Your
Honor.
That is all you can assure us?
ATTY. LAMBINO:
That is all I can assure you, Your Honor, except that I have asked
some friends, like for example (like) Mr. Liberato Laos to help me
print out some more of this petition … (TSN, September 26, 2006, pp.
7-17)
105 Section 2 (1), Article IX-C, 1987 Constitution.
352

VII
COMELEC gravely abused its discretion when it
denied due course to the Lambino and Aumentado
petition.
In denying due course to the Lambino and Aumentado
petition, COMELEC relied on this Court’s ruling in
Santiago permanently enjoining it from entertaining or
implementation of the system.
Again, I respectfully submit that COMELEC’s reliance
on Santiago constitutes grave abuse of discretion
amounting to lack of jurisdiction. The Santiago case did
not establish the firm doctrine that R.A. 6735 is not a
sufficient law to implement the constitutional provision
allowing people’s initiative to amend the Constitution. To
recapitulate, the records show 106
that in the original
decision, eight (8) justices voted 107
that R.A. 6735 was
not a sufficient law; five (5) justices
108
voted that said law
was sufficient; and one (1) justice abstained from voting
on the issue holding that unless and until a proper
initiatory pleading
109
is filed, the said issue is not ripe for
adjudication.
Within the reglementary period, the respondents filed
their motion for reconsideration. On June 10, 1997, the
Court denied the motion. Only thirteen (13) justices 110
resolved the motion for Justice Torres inhibited himself.
Of the original majority of eight (8) justices,
_______________
106 Chief Justice Andres R. Narvasa and Justices Hilario G. Davide, Jr.,
Florenz D. Regalado, Flerida Ruth P. Romero, Josue N. Bellosillo,
Santiago M. Kapunan, Regino C. Hermosisima, Jr. and Justo P. Torres.
107 Justices Jose A.R. Melo, Reynato S. Puno, Vicente V. Mendoza,
Ricardo J. Francisco and Artemio V. Panganiban.
108 Justice Jose C. Vitug.
109 Only fourteen (14) justices participated in the deliberations as
Justice Teodoro R. Padilla took no part on account of his relationship with
the lawyer of one of the parties.
110 Citing conscience as ground.
353
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 353

only six (6) reiterated their ruling that R.A. 6735 was
an insufficient law. Justice Hermosisima, originally part
of the majority of eight (8) justices, changed his vote and
joined the minority of five (5) justices. He opined without
any equivocation that R.A. 6735 was a sufficient law, thus:
“It is one thing to utter a happy phrase from a protected cluster;

another to think under fire—to think for action upon which great
interests depend.” So said Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, and so
I am guided as I reconsider my concurrence to the holding of the
majority that “R.A. No. 6735 is inadequate to cover the system of
initiative on amendments to the Constitution and to have failed to
provide sufficient standard for subordinate legislation” and now to
interpose my dissent thereto.
xxx
WHEREFORE, I vote to dismiss the Delfin petition.
I vote, however, to declare R.A. No. 6735 as adequately
providing the legal basis for the exercise by the people of
their right to amend the Constitution through initiative
proceedings and to uphold the validity of COMELEC Resolution
No. 2300 insofar as it does not sanction the filing of the initiatory
petition for initiative proceedings to amend the Constitution
without the required names and/or signatures of at least 12% of
all the registered voters, of which every legislative district must
be represented by at least 3% of the registered voters therein.”
(emphasis supplied)
Justice Vitug remained steadfast in refusing to rule on the

sufficiency of R.A. 6735. In fine, the final vote on whether
R.A. 6735 is a sufficient law was 6-6 with one (1) justice
inhibiting himself and another justice refusing to rule on
the ground that the issue was not ripe for adjudication.
It ought to be beyond debate that the six (6)
justices who voted that R.A. 6735 is an insufficient
law failed to establish a doctrine that could serve as
a precedent. Under any alchemy of law, a deadlocked
vote of six (6) is not a majority and a nonmajority
cannot write a rule with precedential value. The
opinion of the late Justice Ricardo J. Francisco is
instructive, viz.:
“As it stands, of the thirteen justices who took part in the

deliberations on the issue of whether the motion for
reconsideration of the March 19, 1997
354

decision should be granted or not, only the following justices sided

with Mr. Justice Davide, namely: Chief Justice Narvasa, and
Justices Regalado, Romero, Bellosillo and Kapunan. Justices
Melo, Puno, Mendoza, Hermosisima, Panganiban and the
undersigned voted to grant the motion; while Justice Vitug
“maintained his opinion that the matter was not ripe for judicial
adjudication.” In other words, only five, out of the other twelve
justices, joined Mr. Justice Davide’s June 10, 1997 ponencia
finding R.A. No. 6735 unconstitutional for its failure to pass the
so called “completeness and sufficiency standards” tests. The
“concurrence of a majority of the members who actually took part
in the deliberations” which Article VII, Section 4(2) of the
Constitution requires to declare a law unconstitutional was,
beyond dispute, not complied with. And even assuming, for the
sake of argument, that the constitutional requirement on the
concurrence of the “majority” was initially reached in the March
19, 1997 ponencia, the same is inconclusive as it was still open for
review by way of a motion for reconsideration. It was only on June
10, 1997 that the constitutionality of R.A. No. 6735 was settled
with finality, sans the constitutionally required “majority.” The
Court’s declaration, therefore, is manifestly grafted with infirmity
and wanting in force necessitating, in my view, the reexamination
of the Court’s decision in G.R. No. 127325. It behooves the Court
“not to tarry any longer” nor waste this opportunity accorded by
this new petition (G.R. No. 129754) to relieve the Court’s
pronouncement from constitutional infirmity.”
The jurisprudence that an equally divided Court can

never set a precedent is well-settled. Thus, in the
United States, an affirmance in the Federal Supreme
Court upon equal division of opinion is not an
authority for the determination of other cases, either in
that Court
111
or in the inferior federal courts. In Neil v.
Biggers, which was a habeas corpus state proceeding by
a state prisoner, the U.S. Supreme Court held that its
equally divided affirmance of petitioner’s state court
conviction was not an “actual adjudication” barring
subsequent consideration by the district court on habeas
corpus. In discussing the non-binding effect of an equal
division ruling, the Court reviewed the history of cases
explicating the disposition “affirmed by an equally divided
Court:”
_______________
111 409 U.S. 188, 93 S. Ct. 375, 34 L. Ed. 2d 401 (1972).

355
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 355

“In this light, we review our cases explicating the disposition

“affirmed by an equally divided Court.” On what was apparently
the first occasion of an equal division, The Antelope, 10
Wheat, 66, 6 L. Ed. 268 (1825), the Court simply affirmed on the
point of division without much discussion. Id., at 126-127. Faced
with a similar division during the next Term, the Court again
affirmed, Chief Justice Marshall explaining that “the principles of
law which have been argued, cannot be settled; but the judgment
is affirmed, the court being divided in opinion upon it.” Etting v.
Bank of United States, 11 Wheat. 59, 78, 6 L. Ed. 419 (1826).
As was later elaborated in such cases, it is the appellant or
petitioner who asks the Court to overturn a lower court’s decree.
“If the judges are divided, the reversal cannot be had, for no order
can be made. The judgment of the court below, therefore, stands
in full force. It is indeed, the settled practice in such case to enter
a judgment of affirmance; but this is only the most convenient
mode of expressing the fact that the cause is finally disposed of in
conformity with the action of the court below, and that that court
can proceed to enforce its judgment. The legal effect would be the
same if the appeal, or writ of error, were dismissed.” Durant v.
Essex Co., 7 Wall. 107, 112, 19 L. Ed. 154 (1869). Nor is an
affirmance by an equally divided Court entitled to precedential
weight. Ohio ex rel. Eaton v. Price, 364 U.S. 263, 264, 80 S. Ct.
1463, 1464, 4 L. Ed. 2d 1708 (1960). x x x”
This doctrine established in Neil has not been overturned

and has been cited 112
with approval in a number of
subsequent cases, and has been applied in various
state jurisdictions.
In the case of In 113the Matter of the Adoption of Erin
G., a Minor Child, wherein a putative father sought to
set aside a decree granting petition for adoption of an
Indian child on grounds of noncompliance with the
requirements of Indian Child Welfare Act (ICWA), the
Supreme Court of Alaska held 114
that its decision in In re
Adoption of T.N.F. (T.N.F.), which lacked majority
opinion supporting holding that an action such as the
putative father’s would be governed by the state’s one-year
statute of limitations, was
_______________
112 Trans World Airlines, Inc. v. Hardison, 97 S. Ct. 2264 (1977);

Arkansas Writers’ Project, Inc. v. Ragland, 107 S. Ct. 1722, 1730 n. 7, 95
L. Ed. 2d (1987); France v. Nelson, 292 Ark. 219, 729 S.W. 2d 161 (1987).
113 40 P. 3d 886 (2006).
114 781 P. 2d 973 (Alaska, 1989).
356

not entitled to stare decisis effect. In T.N.F., a majority of

the justices sitting did not agree on a common
rationale, as two of four participating justices agreed that
the state’s one-year statute of limitations applied, one
justice concurred in the result only, and one justice
dissented. There was no “narrower” reasoning agreed upon
by all three affirming justices. The concurring justice
expressed no opinion on the statute of limitations issue,
and in agreeing with the result, he reasoned115
that ICWA did
not give the plaintiff standing to sue. The two-justice
plurality, though agreeing that the state’s one-year statute
of limitations applied, specifically disagreed 116
with the
concurring justice on the standing issue. Because a
majority of the participating justices in T.N.F. did not
agree on any one ground for affirmance, it was not accorded
stare decisis effect by the state Supreme Court.
The Supreme Court of Michigan likewise ruled that
the doctrine of stare decisis does not apply to plurality
decisions in which no majority of the justices participating
agree to the reasoning and as such are not authoritative
117
interpretations binding on the Supreme Court. 118
In State ex rel. Landis v. Williams, the Supreme
Court of119
Florida, in an equally divided opinion on the
matter, held that chapter 15938, Acts of 1933 must be
allowed to stand, dismissing a quo warranto suit without
prejudice. The Court held:
“In a cause of original jurisdiction in this court a statute cannot be

declared unconstitutional nor its enforcement nor operation
judicially interfered with, except by the concurrence of a majority
of the members of the Supreme
_______________
115 Id., at pp. 982-84 (Compton, J., concurring).

116 Id., at pp. 975-78.
117 Negri v. Slotkin, 244 N.W. 2d 98 (1976).
118 112 Fla. 734, 151 So. 284 (1933).

119 Penned by Justice Whitfield, and concurred in by Chief Justice Davis and
Justice Terrell; Justices Ellis, Brown and Buford are of the opinion that chapter
15938, Acts of 1933, is a special or local law not duly advertised before its passage,
as required by sections 20 and 21 of article 3 of the state Constitution, and
therefore invalid. This evenly divided vote resulted in the affirmance of the
validity of the statute but did not constitute a binding precedent on the Court.
357
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 357

Court sitting in the cause wherein the constitutionality of the

statute is brought in question or judicial relief sought against its
enforcement. Section 4 of Article 5, state Constitution.
Therefore in this case the concurrence of a majority of the
members of this court in holding unconstitutional said chapter
15938, supra, not having been had, it follows that the statute in
controversy must be allowed to stand and accordingly be
permitted to be enforced as a presumptively valid act of the
Legislature, and that this proceeding in quo warranto must be
dismissed without prejudice. Spencer v. Hunt (Fla.) 147 So.
282. This decision is not to be regarded as a judicial precedent on
the question of constitutional law involved concerning the
constitutionality vel non of chapter 15938. State ex rel.
Hampton v. McClung, 47 Fla. 224, 37 So. 51.
Quo warranto proceeding dismissed without prejudice by equal
division of the court on question of constitutionality of statute
involved.”
120
In U.S. v. Pink, the Court held that the affirmance by
the U.S. Supreme Court by an equally divided vote of a
decision of the New York Court of Appeals that property of
a New York branch of a Russian insurance company was
outside the scope of the Russian Soviet government’s
decrees terminating existence of insurance companies in
Russia and seizing their assets, while conclusive and
binding upon the parties as respects the controversy in that
action, did not constitute an authoritative
“precedent.” 121
In Berlin v. E.C. Publications, Inc., the U.S. Court
of Appeals Second Circuit, in holding that printed lyrics
which had the same meter as plaintiffs’ lyrics, but which
were in form a parody of the latter, did not constitute
infringement of plaintiffs’ copyrights,
122
ruled that the prior
case of Benny v. Loew’s, Inc., which was affirmed by
an equally divided court, was not binding upon it, viz.:
“Under the precedents of this court, and, as seems justified by

reason as well as by authority, an affirmance by an equally
divided court is as between the parties, a conclusive
determination and adjudication of the matter ad-
_______________
120 62 S. Ct. 552 (1942).

121 329 F. 2d 541 (1964).
122 239 F. 2d 532 (9th Cir. 1956).
358

judged; but the principles of law involved not having been agreed
upon by a majority of the court sitting prevents the case from
becoming an authority for the 123
determination of other cases, either
in this or in inferior courts.”
124
In Perlman v. First National Bank of Chicago, the
Supreme Court of Illinois dismissed the appeal as it was
unable to reach a decision because two judges recused
themselves and the remaining members of the Court were
so divided, it was impossible to secure the concurrence of
four judges as is constitutionally required. The Court
followed the procedure employed by the U.S.
Supreme Court when the Justices of that Court are
equally divided, i.e. affirm the judgment of the court that
was before it for review. The affirmance is a conclusive
determination and adjudication as between the parties to
the immediate case, it is not authority for the
determination of other cases, either in the Supreme Court
or in any other court. It is not “entitled to precedential
weight.” The legal effect of such125
an affirmance is the same
as if the appeal was dismissed.
The same rule is126settled in the English Courts. Under
English precedents, an affirmance by an equally divided
Court is, as between the parties, a conclusive
determination and adjudication of the matter adjudged; but
the principles of law involved not having been agreed upon
by a majority of the court sitting prevents the case from
becoming an authority for the determination of other cases,
either in that or in inferior courts.
After a tour of these cases, we can safely conclude that
the prevailing doctrine is that, the affirmance by an
equally divided court merely disposes of the present
controversy as between the parties and settles no
issue of law; the affirmance leaves unsettled the principle

of law presented by the case and is not entitled to
precedential weight or value. In other words, the
decision
_______________
123 Citing Hertz v. Woodman, 218 U.S. 205, 30 S. Ct. 621 (1910).
124 331 N.E. 2d 65 (1975).
125 Neil v. Biggers, supra note 108.
126 Catherwood v. Caslon, 13 Mees. & W. 261; Beamish v. Beamish, 9 H.
L. Cas. 274.
359
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 359

only has res judicata and not stare decisis effect. It is not
conclusive and binding upon other parties as
respects the controversies in other actions.
Let us now examine the patent differences between
the petition at bar and the Delfin Petition in the
Santiago case which will prevent the Santiago ruling from
binding the present petitioners. To start with, the parties
are different. More importantly, the Delfin Petition did
not contain the signatures of the required number of
registered voters under the Constitution: the requirement
that twelve per cent (12%) of all the registered voters in the
country wherein each legislative district is represented by
at least three per cent (3%) of all the registered voters
therein was not complied with. For this reason, we ruled
unanimously that it was not the initiatory petition which
the COMELEC could properly take cognizance of. In
contrast, the present petition appears to be accompanied
by the signatures of the required number of registered
voters. Thus, while the Delfin Petition prayed that an
Order be issued fixing the time and dates for signature
gathering all over the country, the Lambino and
Aumentado petition, prayed for the calling of a plebiscite to
allow the Filipino people to express their sovereign will on
the proposition. COMELEC cannot close its eyes to these
material differences.
Plainly, the COMELEC committed grave abuse of
discretion amounting to lack of jurisdiction in denying due
course to the Lambino and Aumentado petition on the basis
of its mistaken notion that Santiago established the
doctrine that R.A. 6735 was an insufficient law. As
aforestressed, that ruling of six (6) justices who do not

represent the majority lacks precedential status and is non-
binding on the present petitioners.
The Court’s dismissal of the PIRMA petition is of no
moment. Suffice it to say that we dismissed the PIRMA
petition on the principle of res judicata. This was stressed
by former Chief Justice Hilario G. Davide Jr., viz.:
“The following are my reasons as to why this petition must be

summarily dismissed:
360

First, it is barred by res judicata. No one aware of the

pleadings filed here and in Santiago v. COMELEC (G.R. No.
127325, 19 March 1997) may plead ignorance of the fact that the
former is substantially identical to the latter, except for the
reversal of the roles played by the principal parties and inclusion
of additional, yet not indispensable, parties in the present
petition. But plainly, the same issues and reliefs are raised and
prayed for in both cases.
The principal petitioner here is the PEOPLE’S INITIATIVE
FOR REFORM, MODERNIZATION, AND ACTION (PIRMA) and
spouses ALBERTO PEDROSA and CARMEN PEDROSA. PIRMA
is self-described as “a nonstock, non-profit organization duly
organized and existing under Philippine laws with office address
at Suite 403, Fedman Suites, 199 Salcedo Street, Legaspi Village,
Makati City,” with “ALBERTO PEDROSA and CARMEN
PEDROSA” as among its “officers.” In Santiago, the PEDROSAS
were made respondents as founding members of PIRMA which, as
alleged in the body of the petition therein, “proposes to undertake
the signature drive for a people’s initiative to amend the
Constitution.” In Santiago then, the PEDROSAS were sued in
their capacity as founding members of PIRMA.
The decision in Santiago specifically declared that PIRMA was
duly represented at the hearing of the Delfin petition in the
COMELEC. In short, PIRMA was intervenor-petitioner therein.
Delfin alleged in his petition that he was a founding member of
the Movement for People’s Initiative, and under footnote no. 6 of
the decision, it was noted that said movement was “[l]ater
identified as the People’s Initiative for Reforms, Modernization
and Action, or PIRMA for brevity.” In their Comment to the
petition in Santiago, the PEDROSAS did not deny that they were
founding members of PIRMA, and by their arguments,
demonstrated beyond a shadow of a doubt that they had joined

Delfin or his cause.
No amount of semantics may then shield herein petitioners
PIRMA and the PEDROSAS, as well as the others joining them,
from the operation of the principle of res judicata, which needs no
further elaboration.” (emphasis supplied)
Justice Josue N. Bellosillo adds:
The essential requisites of res judicata are: (1) the former

judgment must be final; (2) it must have been rendered by a court
having jurisdiction over the subject matter and the parties; (3) it
must be a judgment on the
361
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 361

merits; and (4) there must be between the first and second actions
identity of parties,
127
identity of subject matter, and identity of
causes of action.
Applying these principles in the instant case, we hold that all
the elements of res judicata are present. For sure, our Decision in
Santiago v. COMELEC, which was promulgated on 19 March
1997, and the motions for reconsideration thereof denied with
finality on 10 June 1997, is undoubtedly final. The said Decision
was rendered by this Court which had jurisdiction over the
petition for prohibition under Rule 65. Our judgment therein was
on the merits, i.e., rendered only after considering the evidence
presented by the parties as well as their arguments in support of
their respective claims and defenses. And, as between Santiago v.
COMELEC case and COMELEC Special Matter No. 97-001
subject of the present petition, there is identity of parties, subject
matter and causes of action.
Petitioners contend that the parties in Santiago v. COMELEC
are not identical to the parties in the instant case as some of the
petitioners in the latter case were not parties to the former case.
However, a perusal of the records reveals that the parties in
Santiago v. COMELEC included the COMELEC, Atty. Jesus S.
Delfin, spouses Alberto and Carmen Pedrosa, in their capacities
as founding members of PIRMA, as well as Atty. Pete Quirino-
Quadra, another founding member of PIRMA, representing
PIRMA, as respondents. In the instant case, Atty. Delfin was
never removed, and the spouses Alberto and Carmen Pedrosa
were joined by several others who were made parties to the
petition. In other words, what petitioners did was to make it
appear that the PIRMA Petition was filed by an entirely separate
and distinct group by removing some of the parties involved in

Santiago v. COMELEC
128
and adding new parties. But as we said in
Geralde v. Sabido —
“A party may not evade the application of the rule of res judicata by
simply including additional parties in the subsequent case or by not
including as parties in the later case persons who were parties in the
previous suit. The joining of new parties does not remove the case from
the operation of the rule on res judicata if the party against whom the
judgment is offered in evidence was a party in the first action; otherwise,
the parties might renew the litigation by simply joining new parties.
_______________
127 Maglalang v. Court of Appeals, G.R. No. 85692, July 31, 1989, 175
SCRA 808, 811, 812; Development Bank of the Philippines v. Pundogar,
G.R. No. 96921, January 29, 1993, 218 SCRA 118.
128 No. L-35440, August 19, 1982, 115 SCRA 839, citing Anticamara v.
Ong, No. L-29689, April 14, 1978, 82 SCRA 337.
362

The fact that some persons or entities joined as parties in the

PIRMA petition but were not parties in Santiago v. COMELEC
does not affect the operation of the prior judgment against those
parties to the PIRMA Petition who were likewise parties in
Santiago v. COMELEC, as they are bound by such prior
judgment.”
Needless to state, the dismissal of the PIRMA petition

which was based on res judicata binds only PIRMA but
not the petitioners.
VIII
Finally, let the people speak.
“It is a Constitution we are expounding” solemnly
intoned the great Chief Justice John Marshall of the
United States
129
in the 1819 case of M’cCulloch v.
Maryland. Our Constitution is not a mere collection of
slogans. Every syllable of our Constitution is suffused with
significance and requires our full fealty. Indeed, the rule of
law will wither if we allow the commands of our
Constitution to underrule us.
The first principle enthroned by blood in our
Constitution is the sovereignty of the people. We ought
to be concerned with this first principle, i.e., the inherent

right of the sovereign people to decide whether to amend
the Constitution. Stripped of its abstractions, democracy
is all about who has the sovereign right to make decisions
for the people and our Constitution clearly and
categorically says it is no other than the people themselves
from whom all government authority emanates. This right
of the people to make decisions is the essence of
sovereignty, and it cannot receive any minimalist
interpretation from this Court. If there is any principle
in the Constitution that cannot be diluted and is non-
negotiable, it is this sovereign right of the people to decide.
This Court should always be in lockstep with the
people in the exercise of their sovereignty. Let them
who will diminish or destroy the sovereign right of the
people to decide be warned. Let not
_______________
129 Supra note 1.
363
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 363

their sovereignty be diminished by those who belittle their

brains to comprehend changes in the Constitution as if the
people themselves are not the source and author of our
Constitution. Let not their sovereignty be destroyed by the
masters of manipulation who misrepresent themselves as
the spokesmen of the people.
Be it remembered that a petition for people’s initiative
that complies with the requirement that it “must be signed
by at least 12% of the total number of registered voters of
which every legislative district is represented by at least
3% of the registered voters therein” is but the first step
in a long journey towards the amendment of the
Constitution. Lest it be missed, the case at bar involves but
a proposal to amend the Constitution. The proposal will
still be debated by the people and at this time, there is
yet no fail-safe method of telling what will be the result of
the debate. There will still be a last step to the process of
amendment which is the ratification of the proposal by a
majority of the people in a plebiscite called for the
purpose. Only when the proposal is approved by a
majority of the people in the plebiscite will it
become an amendment to the Constitution. All the
way, we cannot tie the tongues of the people. It is the

people who decide for the people are not an obscure
footnote in our Constitution.
The people’s voice is sovereign in a democracy.
Let us hear them. Let us heed them. Let us not only
sing paens to the people’s sovereignty. Yes, it is
neither too soon nor too late to let the people speak.
IN VIEW WHEREOF, I vote to REVERSE and SET
ASIDE the resolution of the Commission on Elections
dated August 31, 2006, denying due course to the Petition
for Initiative filed by Raul L. Lambino and Erico B.
Aumentado in their own behalf and together with some 6.3
million registered voters who affixed their signatures
thereon and to REMAND the petition at bar to the
Commission on Elections for further proceedings.
364

SEPARATE OPINION
QUISUMBING, J.:
1. With due respect to the main opinion written by J.

Antonio T. Carpio, and the dissent of J. Reynato S. Puno, I
view the matter before us in this petition
1
as one mainly
involving a complex political question. While admittedly
the present Constitution lays down certain numerical
requirements for the conduct of a People’s Initiative, such
as the percentages of signatures—being 12% of the total
number of registered voters, provided each legislative
district is represented by at least 3%—they are not the
main points of controversy. Stated in simple terms, what
this Court must decide is whether the Commission on
Elections gravely abused its discretion when it denied the
petition to submit the proposed changes to the Constitution
directly to the vote of the sovereign people in a plebiscite.
Technical questions, e.g. whether petitioners should have
filed a Motion for Reconsideration before coming to us, are
of no moment in the face of the transcendental issue at
hand. What deserve our full attention are the issues
concerning the applicable rules as well as statutory and
constitutional limitations on the conduct of the People’s
Initiative.
2. It must be stressed that no less than the present

Constitution itself empowers the people to “directly”
propose amendments through their own “initiative.” The
subject of the instant petition is by way of exercising that
initiative in order to change our form of government from
presidential to parliamentary. Much has been written
about the fulsome powers of the people in a democracy. But
the most basic concerns the idea that sovereignty resides in
the people and that all government authority emanates
from them. Clearly, by the power of popular initiative, the
people have the sovereign right to change the
_______________
1 Political questions have been defined as “Questions of which the

courts of justice will refuse to take cognizance, or to decide, on account of
their purely political character, or because their determination would
involve an encroachment upon the executive or legislative powers; e.g.,
what sort of government exists in a state….” Black’s Law Dictionary, p.
1319 citing Kenneth v. Chambers, 14 How. 38, 14 L.Ed. 316.
365
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 365

present Constitution. Whether the initial moves are done

by a Constitutional Convention, a Constitutional Assembly,
or a People’s Initiative, in the end every amendment—
however insubstantial or radical—must be submitted to a
plebiscite. Thus, it is the ultimate 2
will of the people
expressed in the ballot, that matters.
3. I cannot fault the COMELEC, frankly, for turning
down the petition of Messrs. Lambino, et al. For the
COMELEC was just relying on precedents, with the
common understanding3 that, pursuant to the cases 4
of
Santiago v. COMELEC and PIRMA v. COMELEC, the
COMELEC had been permanently enjoined from
entertaining any petition for a people’s initiative to amend
the Constitution by no less than this Court. In denying due
course below to Messrs. Lambino and Aumentado’s
petition, I could not hold the COMELEC liable for grave
abuse of discretion when they merely relied on this Court’s
unequivocal rulings. Of course, the Santiago and the
PIRMA decisions could be reviewed and reversed by this
Court, as J. Reynato S. Puno submits now. But until the
Court does so, the COMELEC was duty bound to respect
and obey this Court’s mandate, for the rule of law to

prevail.
4. Lastly, I see no objection to the remand to the
COMELEC of the petition of Messrs. Lambino and
Aumentado and 6.327 million voters, for further
examination of the factual requisites before a plebiscite is
conducted. On page 4 of the assailed Resolution of the
respondent dated August 31, 2006, the COMELEC
tentatively expressed its view that “even if the signatures
in the instant Petition appear to meet the required
minimum per centum of the total number of registered
voters,” the COMELEC could not give the Petition due
course because of our view that R.A. No. 6735 was
inadequate. That, however, is now refuted by Mr. Justice
Puno’s scholarly ponencia. Now that we have revisited the
Santiago v. COMELEC decision, there is only one clear
task for COMELEC. In my view, the only doable option left
for the COMELEC, once factual issues are heard and
resolved, is to give due course to the petition for the
initiative to amend our Constitution so that the sovereign
people can vote on
_______________
2 See 1987 Const., Art. XVII, Sec. 2.

3 G.R. No. 127325, March 19, 1997, 270 SCRA 106.
4 G.R. No. 129754, September 23, 1997.
366

whether a parliamentary system of government should

replace the present presidential system.
5. I am therefore in favor of letting the sovereign people
speak on their choice of the form of government as a
political question soonest. (This I say without fear of media
opinion that our judicial independence has been tainted or
imperiled, for it is not.) Thus I vote for the remand of the
petition. Thereafter, as prayed for, COMELEC should
forthwith certify the Petition as sufficient in form and
substance and call for the holding of a plebiscite within the
period mandated by the basic law, not earlier than sixty
nor later than ninety days from said certification. Only a
credible plebiscite itself, conducted peacefully and honestly,
can bring closure to the instant political controversy.
SEPARATE OPINION
YNARES-SANTIAGO, J.:
I agree with the ponencia of our esteemed colleague,

Justice Reynato1
Puno, that the Court’s ruling in Santiago
v. COMELEC is not a binding precedent. However, it is my
position that even if Santiago were reversed and Republic
Act No. 6735 (R.A. 6735) be held as sufficient law for the
purpose of people’s initiative to amend the Constitution,
the petition for initiative in this case must nonetheless be
dismissed.
There is absolutely no showing here that petitioners
complied with R.A. 6735, even as they blindly invoke the
said law to justify their alleged people’s initiative. Section
5(b) of R.A. 6735 requires that “[a] petition for an
initiative on the 1987 Constitution must have at least
twelve per centum (12%) of the total number of registered
voters as signatories, of which every legislative district
must be represented by at least three per centum (3%) of
the 2registered voters therein.” On the other hand, Section
5(c) of the same law requires
_______________
1 G.R. No. 127325, March 19, 1997, 270 SCRA 106.

2 SEC. 5. Requirements.—x x x
(c) The petition shall state the following:
367
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 367

that the 3petition should state, among others, the

proposition or the “contents or text of the proposed law
sought to be enacted, approved or rejected, amended or
repealed.” If we were to apply Section 5(c) to an initiative to
amend the Constitution, as petitioners submit, the petition
for initiative signed by the required number of voters
should incorporate therein a text of the proposed changes
to the Constitution. However, such requirement was not
followed in the case at bar.
During the oral arguments, petitioner Lambino
admitted that they printed a mere 100,000 copies of the
text of the proposed changes to the Constitution. According

to him, these were subsequently distributed to their agents
all over the country, for attachment to the sheets of paper
on which the signatures were to be affixed. Upon being
asked, however, if he in fact knew whether the text was
actually attached to the signature sheets which were
distributed for signing, he said that he merely assumed
that they were. In other words, he could not tell the Court
for certain whether their representatives complied with
this requirement.
The petition filed with the COMELEC, as well as that
which was shown to this Court, indubitably establish that
the full text of the proposed changes was not attached to
the signature sheets. All that the signature sheets
contained was the general proposition and abstract, which
falls short of the full text requirement of R.A. 6735.
_______________
c.1. contents or text of the proposed law sought to be enacted, approved

or rejected, amended or repealed, as the case may be;
c.2. the proposition;
c.3. the reason or reasons therefore;
c.4. that it is not one of the exceptions provided herein;
c.5. signatures of the petitioners or registered voters; and
c.6. an abstract or summary proposition in not more than one hundred
(100) words which shall be legibly written or printed at the top of
every page of the petition.
3 SEC. 3. Definition of Terms.—For purposes of this Act, the following

terms shall mean: x x x
(d) “Proposition” is the measure proposed by the voters.
368

The necessity of setting forth the text of the proposed

constitutional changes in the petition for initiative to be
signed by the people cannot be seriously disputed. To begin
with, Article XVII, Section 2 of the Constitution
unequivocally states that “[a]mendments to this
Constitution may likewise be directly proposed by the
people through initiative upon a petition of at least
twelve per centum of the total number of registered voters,
of which every legislative district must be represented by

at least three per centum of the registered voters therein.”
Evidently, for the people to propose amendments to the
Constitution, they must, in the first instance, know exactly
what they are proposing. It is not enough that they merely
possess a general idea of the proposed changes, as the
Constitution speaks of a “direct” proposal by the people.
Although the framers of the Constitution left the matter
of implementing the constitutional right of initiative to
Congress, it might be noted that they themselves
reasonably assumed that the draft of the proposed
constitutional amendments would be shown to the people
during the process of signature gathering. Thus—
MR. RODRIGO. Section 2 of the complete committee report

provides: “upon petition of at least 10 percent of the
registered voters.” How will we determine that 10
percent has been achieved? How will the voters manifest
their desire, is it by signature?
MR. SUAREZ. Yes, by signatures.
MR. RODRIGO. Let us look at the mechanics. Let us say
some voters want to propose a constitutional
amendment. Is the draft of the proposed constitutional
amendment ready to be shown to the people when they
are asked to sign?
MR. SUAREZ. That can be reasonably assumed, Madam
President.
MR. RODRIGO: What does the sponsor mean? The draft is
ready and shown to them before they sign. Now, who
prepares the draft? 4
MR. SUAREZ: The people themselves, Madam President.
It may thus be logically assumed that even without Section

5(c) of R.A. 6735, the full text of the proposed changes must
necessarily be
_______________
4 I RECORD, CONSTITUTIONAL COMMISSION 387-389 (July 9,

1986).
369
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 369

stated in or attached to the initiative petition. The

signatories to the petition must be given an opportunity to
fully comprehend the meaning and effect of the proposed

changes to enable them to make a free, intelligent and
well-informed choice on the matter.
Needless to say, the requirement of setting forth the
complete text of the proposed changes in the petition for
initiative is a safeguard against fraud and deception. If the
whole text of the proposed changes is contained in or
attached to the petition, intercalations and riders may be
duly avoided. Only then can we be assured that the
proposed changes are truly of the people and that the
signatories have been fully apprised of its implications.
If a statutory provision is essential to guard against
fraud, corruption or deception in the initiative and
referendum process, such provision must be viewed as an
indispensable requirement 5
and failure to substantially
comply therewith is fatal. The failure of petitioners in this
case to comply with the full text requirement resultantly
rendered their petition for initiative fatally defective.
The petition for initiative is likewise irretrievably infirm
because it violates the one subject rule under Section 10(a)
of R.A. 6735:
SEC. 10. Prohibited Measures.—The following cannot be the

subject of an initiative or referendum petition:
(a) No petition embracing more than one subject shall be
submitted to the electorate; x x x
The one subject rule, as relating to an initiative to amend

the Constitution, has the same object and purpose as the
one subject-one
6
bill rule 7 embodied in Article VI, Section
26(1) of the Constitution. To
_______________
5 Community Gas and Service Company, Inc. v. Walbaum, 404 P.2d

1014, 1965 OK 118 (1965).
6 Section 26. (1) Every bill passed by the Congress shall embrace only
one subject which shall be expressed in the title thereof.
7 The late Senator (then Congressman) Raul S. Roco stated this fact in
his sponsorship presentation of H.B. No. 21505, thus:
xxxx
D. Prohibited Subjects.
370

elaborate, the one subject-one bill rule was designed to do

away with the practice of inserting two or more unrelated
provisions in one bill, so that those favoring one provision
would be compelled to adopt the others. By this process of
log-rolling, the adoption of both provisions could be
accomplished and ensured, when neither, if standing alone,
could succeed on its own merits.
As applied to the initiative process, the one subject rule
is essentially designed to prevent surprise and fraud on the
electorate. It is meant to safeguard the integrity of the
initiative process by ensuring that no unrelated riders are
concealed within the terms of the proposed amendment.
This in turn guarantees that the signatories are fully
aware of the nature, scope and purpose of the proposed
amendment.
Petitioners insist that the proposed changes embodied in
their petition for initiative relate only to one subject
matter, that is—the shift from presidential to a
parliamentary system of government. According to
petitioners, all of the other proposed changes are merely
incidental to this main proposal 8
and are reasonably
germane and necessary thereto. An examination of the
text of the proposed changes reveals, however, that this is
not the case.
The proposed changes to the Constitution cover other
subjects that are beyond the main proposal espoused by the
petitioners. Apart from a shift from the presidential to a
parliamentary form of government, the proposed 9
changes
include the abolition of one House of Congress,
_______________
The bill provides for two kinds of measures which cannot be the subject
of an initiative or referendum petition. A petition that embraces more
than one subject cannot be submitted to the electorate as it would be
violative of the constitutional proscription on passing bills containing
more than one subject, and statutes involving emergency measures cannot
be subject to referendum until 90 days after its effectivity. [JOURNAL
AND RECORD OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,SECOND
REGULAR SESSION, VOL. 6, P. 975 (FEBRUARY 14, 1989).]
8 Memorandum of petitioner Aumentado, p. 117.
9 The proposed Section 4(3) of Article XVIII of the Constitution states
that Senators whose term of office ends in 2010 shall be members of
parliament until noon of the thirtieth day of June 2010. No counterpart
provision
371
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 371

and the convening of a constituent assembly 10

to propose
additional amendments to the Constitution. Also included
within its terms is an omnibus declaration that those
constitutional provisions under Articles VI and VII, which
are inconsistent with the unicameralparliamentary form of
government, shall be deemed amended to conform thereto.
It is not difficult to see that while the proposed changes
appear to relate only to a shift in the form of government, it
actually seeks to affect other subjects that are not
reasonably germane to the constitutional alteration that is
purportedly sought. For one, a shift to a parliamentary
system of government does not necessarily result in the
adoption of a unicameral legislature. A parliamentary
system can exist in many different “hybrid” forms of
government, 11which may or may not embrace
unicameralism. In other words, the shift from presidential
to parliamentary structure and from a bicameral to a
unicameral legislature is neither the cause nor effect of the
other.
I also fail to see the relation of convening a constituent
assembly with the proposed change in our system of
government. As a subject matter, the convening of a
constituent assembly to amend the Constitution presents a
range of issues that is far removed from the subject of a
shift in government. Besides, the constituent assembly is
supposed to convene and propose amendments to the
Constitution after the proposed change in the system of
government has already taken place. This only goes to
show that the convening of the constituent assembly is not
necessary to effectuate a change to a parliamentary system
of government.
_______________
was provided for members of the House of Representatives who, as

members of the interim parliament under the proposed changes, shall
schedule the elections for the regular parliament in its discretion.
10 The proposed Section 4(3), Article XVIII of the Constitution states
that the interim parliament shall convene to propose amendments to, or
revisions of, the Constitution within 45 days from ratification of the
proposed changes.
11 The United Kingdom, for instance, has a two-house parliament, the
House of Lords and the House of Commons.
372

The omnibus statement that all provisions under Articles

VI and VII which are inconsistent with a unicameral-
parliamentary system of government shall be deemed
amended is equally bothersome. The statement does not
specify what these inconsistencies and amendments may
be, such that everyone is left to guess the provisions that
could eventually be affected by the proposed changes. The
subject and scope of these automatic amendments cannot
even be spelled out with certainty. There is thus no
reasonable measure of its impact on the other
constitutional provisions.
The foregoing proposed changes cannot be the subject of
a people’s initiative under Section 2, Article XVII of the
Constitution. Taken together, the proposed changes
indicate that the intendment is not simply to effect
substantial amendments to the Constitution, but a revision
thereof. The distinction between an amendment and
revision was explained by Dean Vicente G. Sinco, as
follows:
“Strictly speaking, the act of revising a constitution involves

alterations of different portions of the entire document. It may
result in the rewriting either of the whole constitution, or the
greater portion of it, or perhaps only some of its important
provisions. But whatever results the revision may produce, the
factor that characterizes it as an act of revision is the original
intention and plan authorized to be carried out. That intention
and plan must contemplate a consideration of all the provisions of
the constitution to determine which one should be altered or
suppressed or whether the whole document should be replaced
with an entirely new one.
The act of amending a constitution, on the other hand,
envisages a change of only a few specific provisions. The intention
of an act to amend is not to consider the advisability of changing
the entire constitution or of considering that possibility. The
intention rather is to improve specific parts of the existing
constitution or to add to it provisions deemed essential on account
of changed conditions or to suppress portions of12 it that seem
obsolete, or dangerous, or misleading in their effect.”
_______________
12 Philippine Political Law [1954 ed.], Vicente G. Sinco, pp. 43-44,

quoted in Separate Opinion of J. Hilario G. Davide, Jr. in PIRMA v.
Commission on Elections, G.R. No. 129754, September 23, 1997, p. 7.
373
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 373

The foregoing traditional exposition of the difference

between amendment and revision has indeed guided us
throughout our constitutional history. However, the
distinction between the two terms is not, to my mind, as
significant in the context of our past constitutions, as it
should be now under the 1987 Constitution. The reason for
this is apparent. Under our past constitutions, it was
Congress alone, acting either as a constituent assembly or
by calling out a constitutional convention, that exercised
authority to either amend or revise the Constitution
through the procedures therein described. Although the
distinction between the two terms was theoretically
recognized under both the 1935 and 1973 Constitutions,
the need to highlight the difference was not as material
because it was only Congress that could effect
constitutional changes by choosing between the two
modalities.
However, it is different now under the 1987
Constitution. Apart from providing for the two modes of
either Congress constituting itself as a constituent
assembly or calling out for a constitutional convention, a
third mode was introduced for proposing changes to the
Constitution. This mode refers to the people’s right to
propose amendments to the fundamental law through the
filing of a petition for initiative.
Otherwise stated, our experience of what constitutes
amendment or revision under the past constitutions is not
determinative of what the two terms mean now, as related
to the exercise of the right to propose either amendments
or revision. The changes introduced to both the
Constitutions of 1935 and 1973 could have indeed been
deemed an amendment or revision, but the authority for
effecting either would never have been questioned
since the same belonged solely to Congress. In
contrast, the 1987 Constitution clearly limits the right of
the people to directly propose constitutional changes to
amendments only. We must consequently not be swayed by
examples of constitutional changes effected prior to the
present fundamental law, in determining whether such
changes are revisory or amendatory in nature.
374

In this regard, it should be noted that the distinction laid

down by Justice Felix 13
Q. Antonio in Javellana v.
Executive Secretary related to the procedure to be
followed in ratifying a completely new charter proposed by
a constitutional convention. The authority or right of the
constitutional convention itself to effect such a revision was
not put in issue in that case. As far as determining what
constitutes “amendments” for the purpose of a people’s
initiative, therefore, we have neither relevant precedent
nor prior experience. We must thus confine ourselves to
Dean Sinco’s basic articulation of the two terms.
It is clear from Dean Sinco’s explanation that a revision
may either be of the whole or only part of the Constitution.
The part need not be a substantial part as a change may
qualify as a revision even if it only involves some of the
important provisions. For as long as the intention and plan
to be carried out contemplate a consideration of all the
provisions of the Constitution “to determine which should
be altered or suppressed, or whether the whole document
should be replaced with an entirely new one,” the proposed
change may be deemed a revision and not merely an
amendment.
Thus, it is not by the sheer number alone of the
proposed changes that the same may be considered as
either an amendment or revision. In so determining,
another overriding factor is the “original intention and plan
authorized to be carried out” by the proposed changes. If
the same relates to a re-examination of the entire
document to see which provisions remain relevant or if it
has far-reaching effects on the entire document, then the
same constitutes a revision and not a mere amendment of
the Constitution.
From the foregoing, it is readily apparent that a
combination of the quantitative and qualitative test is
necessary in assessing what may be considered as an
amendment or revision. It is not enough that we focus
simply on the physical scope of the proposed changes, but
also consider what it means in relation to the entire
document. No clear demarcation line can be drawn to
distinguish the two terms and each circumstance must be
judged on the basis of its own peculiar condi-
_______________
13 151-A Phil. 35; 50 SCRA 30 (1973).
375
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 375

tions. The determination lies in assessing the impact that

the proposed changes may have on the entire instrument,
and not simply on an arithmetical appraisal of the specific
provisions which it seeks to affect.
14
In McFadden v. Jordan, the California Supreme
Court laid down the groundwork for the combination of
quantitative and qualitative assessment of proposed
constitutional changes, in order to determine whether the
same is revisory or merely amendatory. In that case, the
McFadden court found the proposed changes extensive
since at least 15 of the 25 articles contained in the
California Constitution would either be repealed in their
entirety or substantially altered, and four new topics would
be introduced. However, it went on to consider the
qualitative effects that the proposed initiative measure
would have on California’s basic plan of government. It
observed that the proposal would alter the checks and
balances inherent in such plan, by delegating far-
reaching and mixed powers to an independent commission
created under the proposed measure. Consequently, the
proposal in McFadden was not only deemed as broad and
numerous in physical scope, but was also held as having a
substantive effect on the fundamental governmental plan
of the State of California.
The dual aspect of the amendment/revision analysis was
reiterated by 15the California Supreme Court in Raven v.
Deukmeijan. Proposition 115, as the initiative in that
case was called, would vest in the United States Supreme
Court all judicial interpretative powers of the California
courts over fundamental criminal defense rights in that
state. It was observed that although quantitatively, the
proposition did “not seem so extensive as to change directly
the substantial entirety of the Constitution by the deletion
or alteration of numerous existing provisions,” the same,
nonetheless, “would substantially alter the substance and
integrity of the state Constitution as a document of
independent force and effect.” Quoting Amador Valley
Joint Union
_______________
14 196 P. 2d 787 (Cal. 1948), cert. denied, 336 U.S. 918 (1949).
15 801 P. 2d 1077 (Cal. 1990).
376

16
High School District v. State Board of Equalization,
the Raven court said:
“. . . apart from a measure effecting widespread deletions,

additions and amendments involving many constitutional articles,
‘even a relatively simple enactment may accomplish such far
reaching changes in the nature of our basic governmental plan as
to amount to a revision also …[A]n enactment which purported to
vest all judicial power in the Legislature would amount to a
revision without regard either to the length or complexity of the
measure or the number of existing articles or sections affected by
such change.’ ” (Italics supplied and citations omitted)
Thus, in resolving the amendment/revision issue, the

California Court examines both the quantitative and
qualitative effects of a proposed measure on its
constitutional scheme. Substantial 17
changes in either
respect could amount to a revision.
I am persuaded that we can approach the present issue
in the same manner. The experience of the courts in
California is not far removed from the standards
expounded on by Dean Sinco when he set out to
differentiate between amendment and revision. It is
actually consistent, not only with our traditional concept of
the two terms, but also with the mindset of our
constitutional framers when they referred 18
to the
disquisition of Justice Antonio in Javellana. We must
thus consider whether the proposed changes in this case
affect our Constitution in both its substantial physical
entirety and in its basic plan of government.
The question posed is: do the proposed changes,
regardless of whether these are simple or
substantial, amount to a revi-
_______________
16 583 P. 2d 1281 (Cal. 1982).

17 Raven v. Deukmeijan, supra, citing Brosnahan v. Brown, 651 P. 2d
274 (Cal. 1982).
18 Supra note 13. It may well be pointed out that in making the
distinction between amendment and revision, Justice Antonio relied not
only in the analogy presented in Wheeler v. Board of Trustees, 37 S.E. 2d

322, but cited also the seminal ruling of the California Supreme Court in
McFadden v. Jordan, supra.
377
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 377

sion as to be excluded from the people’s right to

directly propose amendments to the fundamental
law?
As indicated earlier, we may apply the
quantitative/quailtative test in determining the nature of
the proposed changes. These tests are consistent with Dean
Sinco’s traditional concept of amendment and revision
when he explains that, quantitatively, revision “may result
in the rewriting either of the whole constitution, or the
greater part of it, or perhaps only some of its provisions.” In
any case, he continues, “the factor that characterizes it as
an act of revision is the original intention and plan
authorized to be carried out.” Unmistakably, the latter
statement refers to the qualitative effect of the proposed
changes.
It may thus be conceded that, quantitatively, the
changes espoused by the proponents in this case will affect
only two (2) out of the eighteen (18) articles of the 1987
Constitution, namely, Article VI (Legislative Department)
and Article VII (Executive Department), as well as
provisions that will ensure the smooth transition from a
presidential-bicameral system to a parliamentary-
unicameral structure of government. The quantitative
effect of the proposed changes is neither broad nor
extensive and will not affect the substantial entirety of the
1987 Constitution.
However, it is my opinion that the proposed changes will
have serious qualitative consequences on the
Constitution. The initiative petition, if successful, will
undoubtedly alter, not only our basic governmental plan,
but also redefine our rights as citizens in relation to
government. The proposed changes will set into motion a
ripple effect that will strike at the very foundation of our
basic constitutional plan. It is therefore an impermissible
constitutional revision that may not be effected through a
Petitioners’ main proposal pertains to the shifting of our
form of government from the presidential to the
parliamentary system. An examination of their proposal
reveals that there will be a fusion of the executive and

legislative departments into one parliament that will be
elected on the basis of proportional representation. No term
limits are set for the members of parliament except for
those elected under the party-list system whose terms and
number shall be provided by
378

law. There will be a President who shall be the head of

state, but the head of government is the Prime Minister.
The latter and his cabinet shall be elected from among the
members of parliament and shall be responsible to
parliament for the program of government.
The preceding proposal indicates that, under the
proposed system, the executive and legislature shall be one
and the same, such that parliament will be the paramount
governing institution. What this implies is that there will
be no separation between the law-making and enforcement
powers of the state, that are traditionally delineated
between the executive and legislature in a presidential
form of government. Necessarily, the checks and balances
inherent in the fundamental plan of our U.S.-style
presidential system will be eliminated. The workings of
government shall instead be controlled by the internal
political dynamics prevailing in the parliament.
Our present governmental system is built on the
separation of powers among the three branches of
government. The legislature is generally limited to the
enactment of laws, the executive to the enforcement of laws
and the judiciary to the application of laws. This separation
is intended to prevent a concentration of authority in one
person or group that might lead to an irreversible error or
abuse in its exercise to the detriment of our republican
institutions. In the words of Justice Laurel, the doctrine of
separation of powers is intended to secure action, to
forestall 19overaction, to prevent despotism and obtain
efficiency.
In the proposed parliamentary system, there is an
obvious lack of formal institutional checks on the
legislative and executive powers of the state, since both the
Prime Minister and the members of his cabinet are drawn
from parliament. There are no effective limits to what the
Prime Minister and parliament can do, except the will of
the parliamentary majority. This goes against the central
principle of our present constitutional scheme that

distributes the powers of government and provides for
counteraction among the three branches. Although both the
presidential and parliamentary systems are theoreti-
_______________
19 Philippine Political Law, 1995 ed., Justice Isagani A. Cruz, p. 71,

citing Pangasinan Transportation Co. v. PSC, 40 O.G., 8th Supp. 57.
379
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 379

cally consistent with constitutional democracy, the

underlying tenets and resulting governmental framework
are nonetheless radically different.
Consequently, the shift from presidential to
parliamentary form of government cannot be regarded as
anything but a drastic change. It will require a total
overhaul of our governmental structure and involve a re-
orientation in the cardinal doctrines that govern our
constitutional set-up. As explained by Fr. Joaquin Bernas,
S.J., a switch from the presidential system to a
parliamentary system would be a revision because of20 its
over-all impact on the entire constitutional structure. It
cannot, by any standard, be deemed as a mere
constitutional amendment.
“An amendment envisages an alteration of one or a few specific

and separable provisions. The guiding original intention of an
amendment is to improve specific parts or to add new provisions
deemed necessary to meet new conditions or to suppress specific
portions that may have become obsolete or that are judged to be
dangerous. In revision, however, the guiding original intention
and plan contemplates a re-examination of the entire document, or
of provisions of the document which have over-all implications for
the entire document,
21
to determine how and to what extent they
should be altered.” (Italics supplied)
The inclusion of a proposal to convene a constituent

assembly likewise shows the intention of the proponents to
effect even more far-reaching changes in our fundamental
law. If the original intent were to simply shift the form of
government to the parliamentary system, then there would
have been no need for the calling out of a constituent
assembly to propose further amendments to the
Constitution. It should be noted that, once convened, a

constituent assembly can do away and replace any
constitutional provision which may not even have a bearing
on the shift to a parliamentary system of government. The
inclusion of such a proposal reveals the proponents’ plan to
consider all provisions of the constitution, either to
determine
_______________
20 The 1987 Constitution of the Philippines: A Commentary, 1996 ed.,

Fr. Joaquin G. Bernas, S.J., p. 1161.
21 Id.
380

which of its provisions should be altered or suppressed or

whether the whole document should be replaced with an
entirely new one.
Consequently, it is not true that only Articles VI and VII
are covered by the alleged people’s initiative. The proposal
to convene a constituent assembly, which by its terms is
mandatory, will practically jeopardize the future of the
entire Constitution and place it on shaky grounds. The
plan of the proponents, as reflected in their proposed
changes, goes beyond the shifting of government from the
presidential to the parliamentary system. Indeed, it could
even extend to the “fundamental nature of our state as a
democratic and republican state.”
To say that the proposed changes will affect only the
constitution of government is therefore a fallacy. To repeat,
the combined effect of the proposed changes to Articles VI
and VII and those pertaining to the Transitory Provisions
under Article XVIII indubitably establish the intent and
plan of the proponents to possibly affect even the
constitutions of liberty and sovereignty. Indeed, no valid
reason exists for authorizing further amendments or
revisions to the Constitution if the intention of the
proposed changes is truly what it purports to be.
There is no question here that only amendments to the
Constitution may be undertaken through a people’s
initiative and not a revision, as textually reflected in the
Constitution itself. This conclusion is inevitable especially
from a comparative examination of Section 2 in relation to
Sections 1 and 4 of Article XVII, which state:
SECTION 1. Any amendment to, or revision of, this Constitution

may be proposed by:
(1) The Congress, upon a vote of three-fourths of all its

Members; or
SECTION 2. Amendments to this Constitution may likewise be

directly proposed by the people through initiative upon a petition
of at least twelve per centum of the total number of registered
voters, of which every legislative district must be represented by
at least three per centum of the registered voters therein. No
amendment under this section shall be authorized within five
years following the ratification of this Constitution nor oftener
than once every five years thereafter.
381
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 381

The Congress shall provide for the implementation of the exercise

of this right.
xxxx
SECTION 4. Any amendment to, or revision of, this
Constitution under Section 1 hereof shall be valid when ratified
by a majority of the votes cast in a plebiscite which shall be held
not earlier than sixty days nor later than ninety days after the
approval of such amendment or revision.
Any amendment under Section 2 hereof shall be valid when
ratified by a majority of the votes cast in a plebiscite which shall
be held not earlier than sixty days nor later than ninety days
after the certification by the Commission of Elections of the
sufficiency of the petition. (Italics supplied)
It is clear that the right of the people to directly propose

changes to the Constitution is limited to amendments and
does not include a revision thereof. Otherwise, it would
have been unnecessary to provide for Section 2 to
distinguish its scope from the rights vested in Congress
under Section 1. The latter lucidly states that Congress
may propose both amendments and a revision of the
Constitution by either convening a constituent assembly or
calling for a constitutional convention. Section 2, on the
other hand, textually commits to the people the right to
propose only amendments by direct action.
To hold, therefore, that Section 2 allows
substantial amendments amounting to revision
obliterates the clear distinction in scope between

Sections 1 and 2. The intention, as may be seen from a
cursory perusal of the above provisions, is to provide
differing fields of application for the three modes of
effecting changes to the Constitution. We need not even
delve into the intent of the constitutional framers to see
that the distinction in scope is definitely marked. We
should thus apply these provisions with a discerning 22
regard for this distinction. Again, McFadden is
instructive:
“. . . The differentiation required is not merely between two words;

more accurately it is between two procedures and between their
respective fields of application. Each procedure, if we follow
elementary principles of statutory construction, must be
understood to have a substantial field of application, not to be x x
x a mere alternative procedure in the same field. Each of the two
_______________
22 Supra note 14.
382

words, then, must be understood to denote, respectively, not only

a procedure but also a field of application appropriate to its
procedure. The people of this state have spoken; they made it
clear when they adopted article XVIII and made amendment
relatively simple but provided the formidable bulwark of a
constitutional convention as a protection against improvident or
hasty (or any other) revision, that they understood that there was
a real difference between amendment and revision. We find
nothing whatsoever in the language of the initiative amendment
of 1911 (Art. IV, § 1) to effect a breaking down of that difference.
On the contrary, the distinction appears to be x x x scrupulously
preserved by the express declaration in the amendment x x x that
the power to propose and vote on “amendments to the Constitution”
is reserved directly to the people in initiative proceedings, while
leaving unmentioned the power and the procedure relative to
constitutional revision, which revisional power and procedure, it
will be remembered, had already been specifically treated in
section 2 of article XVIII. Intervenors’ contention—that any
change less than a total one is but amendatory—would reduce to
the rubble of absurdity the bulwark so carefully erected and
preserved. Each situation involving the question of amendment,
as contrasted with revision, of the Constitution must, we think, be

resolved upon its own facts.”
Thus, our people too have spoken when they

overwhelmingly ratified the 1987 Constitution, with the
provisions on amendments and revisions under Article
XVII. The voice and will of our people cannot be any clearer
when they limited people’s initiative to mere amendments
of the fundamental law and excluded revisions in its scope.
In this regard, the task of the Court is to give effect to the
people’s voice, as expressed unequivocally through the
Constitution.
Article XVII on amendments and revisions is called a
“constitution of sovereignty” because it defines the
constitutional meaning of “sovereignty of the people.” It is
through these provisions that the sovereign people have
allowed the expression of their sovereign will and have
canalized their powers which would otherwise be plenary.
By approving these provisions, the sovereign people have
decided to limit themselves and 23future generations in the
exercise of their sovereign power. They are thus bound by
the constitution and are powerless,
_______________
23 The Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, Vol. II, 1st ed.,
Fr. Joaquin G. Bernas, S.J., p. 567, citing B. Schwartz, I The Powers of
Government (1963).
383
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 383

whatever their numbers, to change or thwart its mandates,

except24 through the means prescribed by the Constitution
itself.
It is thus misplaced to argue that the people may
propose revisions to the Constitution through people’s
initiative because their representatives, whose power is
merely delegated, may do so. While Section 1 of Article
XVII may be considered as a provision delegating the
sovereign powers of amendment and revision to
Congress, Section 2, in contrast, is a self-limitation
on that sovereign power. In the words of Cooley:
“x x x Although by their constitutions the people have delegated

the exercise of sovereign powers to the several departments, they
have not thereby divested themselves of the sovereignty. They

retain in their own hands, so far as they have thought it needful
to do so, a power to control the governments they create, and the
three departments are responsible to and subject to be ordered,
directed, changed or abolished by them. But this control and
direction must be exercised in the legitimate mode previously
agreed upon. The voice of the people, acting in their sovereign
capacity, can be of legal force only when expressed at the times and
under the conditions which they themselves have prescribed and
pointed out by the Constitution, or which, consistently with the
Constitution, have been prescribed and pointed out for them by
statute; and if by any portion of the people, however large, an
attempt should be made to interfere with the regular working of
the agencies of government at any other time or in any other
mode than as allowed by existing law, either constitutional or
statutory, it would be revolutionary in character, and must be
resisted and repressed by the officers
25
who, for the time being,
represent legitimate government.” (Italics supplied)
Consequently, there is here no case of “the spring rising

above its source.” Nor is it one where the people’s sovereign
power has been relegated to a lesser plane than that of
Congress. In choosing to exercise self-limitation, there is no
absence or lack of even a fraction of the sovereign power of
the people since self-limitation itself is an expression
of that sovereign power. The people have chosen to
delegate and limit their sovereign power by virtue of the
Constitution
_______________
24 16 C.J.S. §3 at p. 24.
25 14 T.M. Cooley, II Constitutional Limitations, 8th ed. (1927), p. 1349.
384

and are bound by the parameters that they themselves

have ordained. Otherwise, if the people choose to defy their
self-imposed constitutional
26
restraints, we will be faced with
a revolutionary situation.
It has repeatedly been emphasized 27
that ours is a
democratic and republican state. Even as we affirm,
however, that aspect of direct democracy, we should not
forget that, first and foremost, we are a constitutional
democracy. To uphold direct democracy at the expense of
the fundamental law is to sanction, not a constitutional,

but an extra-constitutional recourse. This is clearly beyond
the powers of the Court who, by sovereign mandate, is the
guardian and keeper of the Constitution.
IN VIEW OF THE FOREGOING, I vote to DISMISS
the petition in G.R. No. 174153.
CONCURRING OPINION
SANDOVAL-GUTIERREZ, J.:
Vox populi vox Dei—the voice of the people is the voice of

God. Caution should be exercised in choosing one’s
battlecry, lest it does more harm than good to one’s cause.
In its original context, the complete version of this Latin
phrase means exactly the opposite of what it is frequently
taken to mean. It originated from a holy man, the monk
Alcuin, who advised Charlemagne, “nec audiendi qui solent
dicere vox populi vox Dei quum tumultuositas vulgi
semper insaniae proxima sit,” meaning, “And those
people should not be listened to who
_______________
26 A bogus revolution, Philippine Daily Inquirer, September 11, 2006,

Fr. Joaquin Bernas, S.J., p. A15.
27 Article II, Section 1 of the 1987 Constitution.
385
VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 385

keep on saying, ‘The voice of the people is the voice

of God,’ since the riotousness
1
of the crowd is always
very close to madness.” Perhaps, it is by providence that
the true meaning of the Latin phrase is revealed upon
petitioners and their allies—that they may reflect upon the
sincerity and authenticity of their “people’s initiative.”
History has been a witness to countless iniquities
committed in the name of God. Wars were waged,
despotism tolerated and oppressions justified—all these
transpired as man boasted of God’s imprimatur. Today,
petitioners and their allies hum the same rallying call,
convincing this Court that the people’s initiative is the
“voice of the people” and, therefore, the “voice of God.”
After a thorough consideration of the petitions, I have come
to realize that man, with his ingenuity and arrogance, has

perfected the craft of imitating the voice of God. It is
against this kind of genius that the Court must guard
itself.
The facts of the case are undisputed.
In 1996, the Movement for People’s Initiative sought to
exercise the power of initiative under Section 2, Article
XVII of the Constitution which reads:
Section 2. Amendments to this Constitution may likewise be

directly proposed by the people through initiative upon a petition
of at least twelve per centum of the total number of registered
voters, of which every legislative district must be represented by
at least three per centum of the registered voters therein. No
amendment under this section shall be authorized within five
years following the ratification of this Constitution nor oftener
than once every five years thereafter,
The Congress shall provide for the implementation of
the exercise of this right.
The exercise was thwarted by a petition for prohibition

filed with this Court by Senator Miriam Defensor Santiago,
et al., entitled
_______________
1 Works, Letter 164.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Latin_phrases_%28P%E2%80%93Z%29#endnote_ODoQ.
386

“Miriam Defensor Santiago, Alexander Padilla and Maria

Isabel Ongpin, petitioners, v. Commission on Elections
(COMELEC), Jesus Delfin, Alberto Pedrosa and Carmen
Pedrosa, in their capacities as founding members of the
People’s Initiative for Reforms,
2
Modernization and Action
(PIRMA), respondents.” The case was docketed as G.R. No.
127325. On March 19, 1997, this Court rendered its
Decision in favor of petitioners, holding that Republic Act
No. 6735 (R.A. No. 6735), An Act Providing for a System of
Initiative and Referendum and Appropriating Funds
Therefor, is “incomplete, inadequate, or wanting in
essential terms and conditions insofar as initiative
on amendments to the Constitution is concerned.” A
majority of eight (8) Justices fully concurred with this
ruling, while five (5) subscribed to the opposite view. One

(1) opined that there is no need to rule on the adequacy of
R.A. No. 6735.
On motion for reconsideration, two (2) of the eight (8)
Justices reconsidered their positions. One (1) filed an
inhibition and the other one (1) joined the minority opinion.
As a consequence, of the thirteen (13) Justices who
participated in the deliberation, six (6) voted in favor of the
majority opinion, while
3
the other six (6) voted in favor of
the minority opinion.
A few months thereafter, or on September 23, 1997, the
Court dismissed a similar case, entitled People’s Initiative
for Reform, Modernization 4
and Action (PIRMA) v.
Commission on Elections on the ground that the
COMELEC did not commit grave abuse of discretion when
it dismissed PIRMA’s Petition for Initiative to Propose
Amendments to the Constitution “it appearing that that
it only complied with the dispositions in the
Decision of the Court in G.R. No. 127325 (Santiago v.
COMELEC) promulgated on March 19, 1997, and its
Resolution of June 10, 1997.” Seven (7) Justices voted
that there was no need to re-examine its ruling, as regards
the issue of the sufficiency of R.A. No. 6735. Another
Justice concurred,

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6/13/2019 SUPREME COURT REPORTS ANNOTATED VOLUME 505

160 SUPREME COURT REPORTS ANNOTATED

RAUL L. LAMBINO and ERICO B. AUMENTADO,

ALTERNATIVE LAW GROUPS, INC., intervenor.

ONEVOICE, INC., CHRISTIAN S. MONSOD, RENE B.

ATTY. PETE QUIRINO QUADRA, intervenor.

BAYAN represented by its Chairperson Dr. Carolina

VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 161

Charter Change, DR. REGINALD PAMUGAS of Health

LORETTA ANN P. ROSALES, MARIO JOYO AGUJA, and

LUWALHATI RIACASA ANTONINO, intervenor.

ARTURO M. DE CASTRO, intervenor.

TRADE UNION CONGRESS OF THE PHILIPPINES,

LUWALHATI RICASA ANTONINO, intervenor.

PHILIPPINE CONSTITUTION ASSOCIATION

RONALD L. ADAMAT, ROLANDO MANUEL RIVERA,

PHILIPPINE TRANSPORT AND GENERAL WORKERS

SENATE OF THE PHILIPPINES, represented by its

SULONG BAYAN MOVEMENT FOUNDATION, INC.,

JOSE ANSELMO I. CADIZ, BYRON D. BOCAR, MA.

INTEGRATED BAR OF THE PHILIPPINES, CEBU CITY

SENATE MINORITY LEADER AQUILINO Q.

162 SUPREME COURT REPORTS ANNOTATED

GOY ESTRADA, ALFREDO S. LIM and PANFILO

JOSEPH EJERCITO ESTRADA and PWERSA NG

G.R. No. 174299. October 25, 2006.*

MAR-LEN ABIGAIL BINAY, SOFRONIO UNTALAN, JR.,

Constitutional Law; Amendments and Revisions of the

and, second, as an initiative upon a petition, the proposal must be

VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 163

Lambino vs. Commission on Elections

Same; Same; Same; The framers of the Constitution directly

repeatedly explained in several decisions of various courts. Thus,

Same; Same; Same; While the Constitution does not expressly

164 SUPREME COURT REPORTS ANNOTATED

Lambino vs. Commission on Elections

the Lambino Group invokes as valid, requires that the people

Same; Same; Same; There is no presumption that the

they complied with the constitutional requirements in gathering

Same; Same; Same; It is basic in American jurisprudence that

Same; Same; Same; Logrolling; There is logrolling when the

VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 165

Lambino vs. Commission on Elections

tion and not only the unrelated subject matter.—The Lambino

Same; Same; Same; Same; Logrolling confuses and even

initiative proposal. These difficulties clearly distinguish the

166 SUPREME COURT REPORTS ANNOTATED

Lambino vs. Commission on Elections

Same; Same; Same; An initiative that gathers signatures from

Same; Same; Same; “Amendment” and “Revision,”

the Constitution. The framers intended, and wrote, that a

Same; Same; Same; A popular clamor, even one backed by 6.3

VOL. 505, OCTOBER 25, 2006 167

Lambino vs. Commission on Elections

Constitution itself.—Similarly, in this jurisdiction there can be no

Same; Same; Same; Revision broadly implies a change that

improvement, or better carry out the purpose for which it was

Same; Same; Same; The quantitative test asks whether the

168 SUPREME COURT REPORTS ANNOTATED

Lambino vs. Commission on Elections