Submitted by: Zara Batool

Submitted to: Sir Anwar Ali

Roll number: 3016

Topic: Zambia

Semester: 2nd (IR)

Introduction:
Zambia, officially the Republic of Zambia, formerly Northern Rhodesia, a
border country, south-central Africa. Location: 290,586 sq mi (752,614 sq km).
Population: (2020 est.) 17,885,000. Capital: Lusaka. The population is made up
entirely of African-speaking African tribes. Languages: English (official); many
local languages are spoken. Religions: Christianity (Protestant, other Christians,
Roman Catholic); and traditional beliefs, Islam. Money: kwacha. The country is
made up of high plateaus where Zambezi flows (including Victoria Falls), Kafue,
and Luangwa. Lake Mwweru and Tanganyika cover the northern borders of
Zambia, while Lake Bangweulu and the Bangweulu wetlands form large swamps
in the south.

The Muchinga Mountains to the east and the eastern border are the highest in
the country. There are Zakezi teak forests in the southwest. Zambia's economy
depends on the production and export of copper. Other important mineral sources
include lead, zinc, cobalt, coal and gold. Agriculture is also important. There is
some production. Zambia is a multi-party republic with one house being beaten;
its head of state and government is the president. The Tongan ancestors arrived
in the region early in the second century CE, but some people from the
Democratic Republic of the Congo and Angola arrived in the country only in the
17th and 18th centuries. Portuguese trading machines were developed in the
early 18th century. Cecil Rhodes' envoys and the British South Africa Company
concluded agreements with several Zambian kings in the 1890's. The company
operated in what became known as Northern Rhodesia until 1924, when it
became a British colony. It was part of the Central African Federation of Rhodesia
and Nyasaland in 1953-63. In 1964 Northern Rhodesia gained independence as
the Republic of Zambia. The 1991 constitutional amendment allowed for
opposition parties.

History
Archeology and early history

Stone tools from early human species have been found near Victoria Falls and in
the far northeast, near Kalambo Falls. Excavations at Kabwe in 1921 uncovered
the complete skull of Homo sapiens rhodesiensis (“Broken Hill Man”), dating back
more than 100,000 years. However, in 20000 BCE, the only survivor of the
ancient world was the ancestor of modern humans, Homo sapiens sapiens, who
invented the use of spears, bows and arrows, sport traps and grinding stones.
Remains of these industries have been found in central and northern Zambia,
sometimes near lakes and rivers but often in caves and rock houses.
During the first millennium CE, Zambia was inhabited by foreigners from the far
north who spoke the vernacular languages; they inevitably cultivate crops and
keep domestic animals. The details of ironwork in central and western Zambia are
dated to the first or sixth century CE Metal tools and metals have greatly
increased dominance over man and nature and, together with food production,
have encouraged population growth. Hunters and stonecutters were accused of
escaping and being brought in by food producers, though some survived on the
outskirts of the farms until just a few centuries ago. The intricate paintings found
in stone shelters in northeastern Zambia show that the homes of stone hunters
became sanctuaries for invading farmers.

In central Zambia, in the 6th century CE, the first producers of food were
copper and iron. About the year 1000 CE, copper ingots were built in Kansanshi,
west of the Copperbelt, meaning that copper was widely traded and used as
money.

At the beginning of the 2nd century CE, cattle ranching intensified on the
Batoka Plateau in southern Zambia, with the introduction of cotton spinning and
pipe smoking. The pottery associated with it appears to have been directly related
to that of the 20th century. Similar evidence of long-term cultural continuity has
been found in similarities between modern pottery in central, northern, and
eastern Zambia and the type of clay mentioned in the 12th century CE The
cultural differences are due to migration. They also show the resilience of the
forest by embracing the chitemene cultivation, which is widespread in Zambia to
this day. That method relies heavily on the use of iron axes, since the seeds are
sown in the ashes of branches cut from trees.
 In southern Zambia, archeology has shed light on the emergence of
segmentation and the commencement of trade along the east coast. About the
14th century a few people were buried wearing seashell ornaments and unusual
glass beads near Kalomo and Ingombe Ilede, near the confluence of the Zambezi
and Kafue rivers. These later burials included gold beads, bronze statues, and
ornaments of some kind later associated with royalty. The shipments would have
come from the south of the Zambezi, but were probably re-shipped to the river by
Muslim traders, either Arabs or Africans.

The period between 1500 and 1800 remains unclear. This happened when
copper was mined in Kansanshi, but it was not known who bought it. The main
evidence for these centuries is the oral tradition. In many parts of Zambia, from
the top of the Kafue to the Malawi border, there are tribal legends founded by
family heads from the Luba region in what is now the southeastern part of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. These stories should not be taken literally;
they mimic the long processes of human flooding and the spread of cultural
influences. By the 18th century, the empire that had been used for most of its
power had probably spread to the north and east of Zambia, but few modern-day
tribal names can mean much; those terms do not refer to long-term societies but
to changing perceptions of cultural and political diversity.

In the early 19th century, however, there were at least four places where the
growth of empires strengthened nationalism: east, among the Chewa; northeast,
among the Bemba people; in lower Luapula, among the Lunda (actually invading
from the west about 1740); and up the Zambezi, among the Luyana (later called
Lozi). In the Lunda and Luyana kingdoms a prosperous valley area promoted
densely populated settlements and promoted the development of central
government.
Government and society:

Constitutional framework.

Zambia's first constitution was abandoned in August 1973 when it became a

one-party state. The Constitution of the Second Republic provided for "one-party
democracy," with the United National Independence Party (UNIP) the only
legitimate political party. In response to increasing pressures in the country, the
constitution was amended in 1991 to allow for the re-introduction of the multi-
party system.

Under the terms of the constitution, the president, head of state and
commander-in-chief of the armed forces, is elected by an adult who is allowed to
serve for more than two or five years. He has been empowered to appoint a vice-
president, chief justice, and members of the Supreme Court on the advice of the
Judicial Service Commission. In the absence of the president, his duties are
taken over by the vice president. From among the elected members of the
Legislature, called the National Assembly, the president also appoints a Cabinet
consisting of ministers, deputy ministers and deputy ministers of the province. In
1996 the government passed constitutional amendments barring foreigners and
those with foreign parents from running for president, a change that sparked
heated debate.

In 2001, Levy Mwanawasa ascended to the helm of state and, in 2003

initiated Zambia’s fourth review process, headed by the Wila Mung’omba CRC.
Observers have pointed out that Zambia’s numerous attempts to draft a lasting
constitution has been elusive largely due to lack of constitutional legitimacy for
each process as the government in each case retained the power to reject or
accept the peoples recommendations. There have also been major
disagreements over the mode of adoption – whether through a constituent
assembly or government appointed commissions.

In December 2005, the Mung’omba Commission produced a draft

constitution and report that was seen as progressive but the whole process was
later suspended despite the agreement to adopt the document through a
Constituent Assembly.

In what has for all intents and purposes been described as Zambia’s fifth
constitutional review process, President Mwanawasa in December 2006
presented a lengthy 14-step roadmap for constitutional change spreading over 5
years (285 weeks). It justified the plan on the argument that since only parliament
was empowered under the current constitution to adopt a new constitution, the
existing constitution would have to be amended to provide for an alternative
method such as the agreed upon constituent assembly. To do so, Zambians
would have to decide through a national referendum – which must first be
preceded by a national census to determine number of eligible voters - whether to
mandate another institution outside parliament to enact a new constitution. The
civil society immediately accused the government of bad faith and lack of political
will and in April 2007, established an alternative (71) weeks roadmap, arguing
that there was no need to consider the old rules for establishing an entirely new
constitutional framework.

The government accused the civil society of disrespecing the legal process
and creating a deadlock, as both sides argued over the different plans. A
compromise was only reached in June 2007 when both parties agreed to a plan
brokered by political parties under the auspices of the Zambian Centre for
Interparty Dialogue (ZCID). The plan emphasized the need to establish a popular
body mandated to adopt a new constitution or amend the existing one but did not
provide that body with legislative powers in order to prevent the legal difficulties
involved. A popular body could come up with a draft constitution that would be
enacted by parliament and then be (partly) presented to Zambian citizens in a
referendum. The members of the proposed popular body, which was to be called
the National Constitutional Conference (NCC), were to be nominated by the
different interest groups instead of being elected. In July 2007, NCC Bill was
presented by the Minister of Justice to the stakeholders for input and by August
the Bill had been adopted mandating the NCC to draft a new Zambian
Constitution. The NCC's work is still ongoing.

Local government

Central government is represented throughout Zambia by a provincial

government system, in which local ministers - each directly representing the
president - are appointed by the president in each province. The provinces are
divided into districts, each with a district council chairperson responsible for the
deputy minister of the province; The chairperson of the regional council is deeply
concerned about political and economic development. His government colleague
is the regional secretary. The towns of Lusaka, Ndola, and Kitwe have councils
and mayors, but townships that were once divided into Copperbelt townships
have been dismantled.

Justice

The court system consists of the High Court, the High Court, the lower
magistrates' courts, and the local courts. Because the law governing all but the
local courts is based on the common law of England, the decisions of the British
higher courts have a persuasive value; in fact, a few of the provisions of the
British Parliament promulgated by law (decision) to apply in Zambia apply until
circumstances permit. Most of the laws currently in the constitution, however,
have been enacted locally or, since independence, are Zambian actions.

The Supreme Court consists of a chief judge, a deputy chief justice, and
several other judges; it is the final court. The Supreme Court is presided over by a
chief justice and is primarily a court of appeal. There are three categories of
magistrates' courts, with continuing degrees of criminal and civil authority. Local
courts have a sitting president or other members, all appointed by the Judicial
Services Commission. The authority is given to the minister of justice and may
include any written law, but the power of punishment is limited. Local courts also
deal with civil cases traditionally. Customary law is followed if it does not comply
with other laws.

Judges remain legally independent. The President appoints a chief justice

and, on the advice of the Judicial Service Commission, appoints additional
judges; however, the constitution severely restricts the president's power to expel,
and in some cases the judges have not hesitated to challenge the authority of the
state or the party. At the same time, the size of the judiciary was greatly reduced
by the president's power of confinement under emergency laws introduced during
the Rhodesian UDI in November 1965 and renewed by the National Assembly.
The end of these emergency laws on November 8, 1991, was one of the first acts
of the new government.
Political process

The president is elected on the basis of senior citizens; Simultaneous

elections to the National Assembly are also largely determined by this
constitution, although a small percentage of members of the National Assembly
are nominated by the president. There is a 27-member royal house, with two
years of rotating members. You have no law enforcement function: you can
process the debt but not prevent it from passing. Women hold many positions in
Zambia's political system, including positions in the National Assembly, Cabinet,
and the Supreme Court, with the nation being well represented in the political
system.

Zambia's major political parties include the MMD, the United Party for National
Development (UNDP), UNIP, and the Democracy and Development Forum
(FDD). Prior to the 2006 presidential election, UNDP, UNIP, and FDD organized
themselves into the United Democratic Alliance, with each party leader serving as
president.

Independent Zambia
Zambia under Kaunda (1964–91)

In the early years of independence, Zambia enjoyed considerable prosperity.

Prices for copper rose sharply from 1964 to 1970, boosted by the Vietnam War,
and Zambia became the third largest copper producer in the world. Meanwhile,
the leak of copper profits abroad has been significantly reduced. In 1964 the
government acquired the BSAC mineral rights, after which it also increased
mining taxes. The country embarked on a long-term investment in
communications and public services. In 1960 there were only 2,500 Africans in
high schools; by 1971 there were 54,000. In gaining independence there were
less than 100 Zambian university degrees; in 1965 the University of Zambia was
established, and in 1971 it had 2,000 students. The copper industry still relied
heavily on white technology, but the color spectrum was over, and by 1966 black
miners received a dramatic increase in wages, which quickly affected overall
wage rates.

Zambia, on the other hand, suffered huge losses from the survival of the white
monarchy across the Zambezi. Following the (Southern) Unilateral Declaration of
Independence (UDI) of Rhodesia in 1965, the United Nations imposed sanctions
aimed at dividing the country, but this greatly affected Zambia. The export of
copper has been called the most expensive north, and a tarmac road and oil
pipeline have been built in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Trade with Rhodesia was
gradually reduced, and the border was finally closed in 1973. The new coal mine
and new power generation systems made Zambia particularly independent of the
Rhodesian-controlled power station at Kariba Dam (built in 1959). In 1970–75
China built a railway from the Copperbelt to Dar es Salaam, which pledged
Zambia and Tanzania to trade more with China.

National integration has been a major undertaking for Zambian leaders in

freedom. The white settlers did not have much difficulty, and those farmers who
remained there were recognized for their great value in food production. African
“nationalism” was a major problem. This had little to do with the survival of pre-
union political loyalty than the regional diversity exacerbated under colonial rule
and the absence of any African language. The Lozis and other people in the far
west and south depend on the migration of workers across the Zambezi; The
Copperbelt was owned by Bemba speakers from the northeast. Kaunda was not
a racist, but his continued power required constant change in his party and
government colleagues to prevent the emergence of a rival. In the name of
national unity, UNIP sometimes exaggerated its claim to integrity; such claims
brought about the 1964 armed conflict with the Lumpa church founded by Alice
Lenshina and in the late 1960's with Jehovah's Witnesses. UNIP has also
challenged legal freedom, although since 1969 the authority of the bench has
been strengthened by the appointment of black Zambian judges.

In the early 1970's Zambia's economy changed dramatically. Copper

continued to provide large amounts of exports, but inflation fluctuated sharply and
experienced a long-term decline in 1975. The government, committed to high,
public and private spending, has responded with significant overseas borrowing
and spending. Investment has declined, as has the efficiency of the transport
network. State regulation in the mining industry, which was achieved in 1969–75,
not only increased its livelihoods but also increased its corruption, as did the
government agencies that established it to promote industrial diversity.

The government became a dictator. Kaunda felt intimidated by critics at

home and in the illegal state of Rhodesia, which was harassing African terrorists
based in Zambia. The UDI had previously urged Kaunda to enact emergency
legislation, after which it was regularly renewed by the National Assembly and
empowered the president to arrest political opponents without trial. In 1973 the
National Assembly approved a one-party constitution, and in 1975 UNIP adopted
Zambia's main newspaper. To some extent, fear of foreign invasion diminished
with the arrival of independence from Portugal in 1975 and Rhodesia (Zimbabwe)
in 1980. But the war in Angola and South Africa of interference continued to
provide demands to prevent internal opposition.
Of particular concern, however, was the economic downturn. Kaunda urged
Zambians to focus on agriculture rather than mining to find a solution, but rural
development policies, despite the use of foreign aid, were not well thought out
and failed to curb the practice of urbanization. By 1980, of the 5.7 million people,
more than two million lived in cities - many without jobs or without housing - and
disease and crime were on the rise. Urban dwellers have refused to pay higher
prices which may have encouraged more farmers to produce in the market.
Government subsidies sometimes closed the gap, but its gradual abolition in
1986 and 1990 sparked major urban food riots.

The repatriation of grants in 1987 called for Zambia support from the
International Monetary Fund, although such support was crucial in tackling large
foreign debt. Increasing dissatisfaction was evident in the repeated closure of the
University of Zambia, and in August 1991, due to widespread pressure, the
National Assembly overthrew the one-party state. Multi-party elections were held
in October, and Kaunda was brutally defeated by union leader Frederick Chiluba
of the Movement for Multi-party Democracy (MMD). UNIP now has less than one
in six seats in the National Assembly.

Chiluba Presidency (1991–2001)

Although the 1991 election put Zambia in the position of one of Africa's
leaders in the political arena, its fulfillment was hampered by various domestic
problems. Chiluba's administration worked to bring about economic change, but
ironically, economic progress was limited due to widespread corruption that
became a problem under his rule. In addition, Chiluba's presidency was marked
by the unsuccessful attempts by the opposition forces to overthrow the ruling
party, dubbed the "coup d'état," although they did not include bloodshed or
popular support.
On May 16, 1996, the National Assembly approved amendments to the
constitution, declaring that candidates for the presidency must be Zambian
citizens born to Zambian parents by birth and that the candidate must not be a
national leader. The amendments were widely seen at local and international
rallies as a deliberate attempt to prevent Kaunda - whose parents are originally
from Malawi - and his colleague, Senior Chief Inyambo Yeta, from running in the
election. Despite widespread opposition, however, the National Assembly
approved the amendments, thereby blocking Kaunda's election. Later that year
Chiluba was re-elected. Some saw his re-election as an empty victory, however,
as Kaunda was barred from running and UNIP boycotted the election.

Chiluba suffered another brutal attempt on October 28, 1997, when a group
of Zambian military commanders took control of a national radio station in Lusaka
and announced that they had overthrown the Chiluba government; Within hours,
however, the group was defeated by Zambian soldiers loyal to the president.
Several people were later charged in connection with the incident, including
Kaunda, who was arrested on December 25. He was released six days later, but
was held in solitary confinement until June 1998, when all charges were dropped.

Discontent with the state of the economy was evident in May 2001 when the
country’s public sector workers went on strike, demanding an increase in salaries
and improved working conditions. The strike lasted several weeks and had a
detrimental effect on the daily functioning of the country, closing schools and
hospital wards and bringing the judicial system to a halt. The government
resolved the strike in July, just days before Zambia was to host an international
summit. Chiluba was also concerned with the growing refugee population in the
country: beginning in 1999 and continuing for several years, Zambia received
more than 200,000 refugees fleeing conflicts in the neighbouring Democratic
Republic of the Congo and Angola. Limited to two terms in office, Chiluba
stepped down in 2001. His handpicked successor, Levy Mwanawasa of the MMD,
was declared the winner of the hotly contested election and was sworn into office
in January 2002.

Zambia in the 21st century

Despite the turmoil in the election campaign, Mwanawasa quickly exercised

his authority and launched an anti-corruption campaign. The first objectives of the
campaign - people suspected of being responsible for the corruption that plagued
Zambia's economy in the 1990s - included former president Chiluba and many of
his friends. Mwanawasa resumed reviewing the country's constitution in 2003 in
an effort to bring about political change, but some organizations invited to
participate in the review refused, saying the review process itself was flawed.

Concerns about Mwanawasa's health came too late in his first term, after he
suffered a stroke in April 2006. He reassured the country that he was ready for
the post, and ran for re-election later that year, receiving more than two-fifths of
the vote. His closest rival, Michael Sata of the Patriotic Front (PF), has filed a
lawsuit against the election. Violence erupted in areas loyal to Sata, but the
election results came to a close, with Mwanawasa sworn in for a second term in
October 2006. Mwanawasa suffered another stroke in late June 2008. Rumors of
his death spread a few days later but were quickly disputed by Zambian
government officials. He did not fully recover, however, and died a few weeks
later.
 Under the terms of the constitution, a special election to choose a new
president was eventually scheduled for later that year; in the interim, Vice
President Rupiah Banda (also of the MMD) served as acting president. The
election, held on October 30, was contested by four candidates, including Banda
and Sata. Banda won, although by only a narrow margin, and Sata, who finished
a close second, alleged that the vote had been flawed.

Banda and Sata faced each other again in 2011, when they ran for president
on September 20. The presidential campaign was in conflict, with poverty and the
role of foreign investment in Zambia - especially China - being one of the biggest
problems. Anger erupted as the country eagerly awaited the election results,
which came in more slowly than expected. Some areas have witnessed incidents
of violence and violence, and the media has been barred from reporting any
preliminary results before they are officially released. On September 23, officials
announced that Sata had won the election by more than 40 percent of the vote.
Banda readily agreed, and Sata was sworn in that day.

Although the economy experienced growth during the presidency of Sata,

there was growing dissatisfaction among the people over his failure to deliver on
some of his electoral promises, such as reducing unemployment, improving social
and economic policy, and supporting democratic governance. Sata did not
tolerate opposition, and political opponents were repeatedly oppressed and
imprisoned. Throughout his term, Sata's life has been the subject of much
speculation, and he has done little to dispel rumors. On October 28, 2014, while
abroad for medical treatment, Sata died at a London hospital. Deputy President
Guy Scott was elected interim president, and the new presidential election to
complete the remaining Sata term would be within 90 days. Scott's parents were
not born in Zambia, and amendments to the 1996 constitution, which stipulate
that a candidate must be a Zambian citizen and have Zambian parents by birth
prevent Scott from running for president. Scott's temporary rise to presidency was
marked by the fact that Scott was the first white supremacist in Zambia and the
first in Africa since the end of apartheid in South Africa.

A special election was held on January 20, 2015. Edgar Lungu, a PF

candidate, won by 48.3% of the vote, a little higher than the 46.7 percent of his
rival, Hakainde Hichilema of the United Party for National Development (UPND).
Lungu was sworn in as president on January 25.

Regular elections were held the following year, on August 11, 2016. Lungu
faced eight other people, including Hichilema. The new election rules stipulate
that more than 50 percent of the vote must be won in the first round to avoid a
run-off election, and days after the counting of votes, the electoral commission
announced that the Member had won 50.35 percent. His main opponent is
Hichilema, who scored 47.63 percent. Hichilema and the UPND have raised
allegations of irregularities, however, and have filed a complaint with the country's
Constitutional Court. Their case, however, was dismissed, as were their high
court-related charges, and Lungu was sworn in on September 13, 2016.
Demographics of Zambia:
Population

Population Population
Total
aged 0–14 aged 15–64 Population aged 65+ (%)
population[7]
(%) (%)

195
2 340 000 44.9 52.3 2.7
0

195
2 653 000 44.7 52.7 2.6
5

196
3 045 000 44.9 52.6 2.5
0

196
3 537 000 45.2 52.2 2.6
5

197
4 139 000 46.4 50.9 2.7
0

197
4 900 000 47.0 50.3 2.7
5

198
5 775 000 47.3 49.9 2.8
0

198
6 785 000 46.6 50.6 2.8
5

199
7 860 000 45.8 51.4 2.8
0
199
8 919 000 45.3 51.8 2.9
5

200
10 202 000 45.3 51.8 2.9
0

200
11 462 000 45.9 51.0 3.0
5

201
13 089 000 46.4 50.6 3.1
0

201
17,351,708 46.7 51.3 3.5
8

Vital statistics:
Registration of vital events is in Zambia not complete. The Population
Departement of the United Nations prepared the following estimates

Live Natural
Deaths
Period births change CBR* CDR* NC* TFR* IMR*
per year
per year per year

1950-
117 000 54 000 63 000 46.8 21.7 25.1 6.75 148
1955

1955-
136 000 57 000 78 000 47.6 20.1 27.5 6.90 137
1960

1960-
160 000 62 000 98 000 48.6 18.8 29.8 7.15 127
1965
1965-
189 000 68 000 121 000 49.3 17.7 31.6 7.40 118
1970

1970-
219 000 72 000 147 000 48.5 16.0 32.5 7.43 107
1975

1975-
254 000 79 000 174 000 47.5 14.9 32.6 7.38 100
1980

1980-
283 000 91 000 192 000 45.1 14.4 30.6 6.95 99
1985

1985-
322 000 113 000 209 000 44.0 15.4 28.6 6.66 103
1990

1990-
365 000 151 000 214 000 43.5 18.0 25.5 6.30 107
1995

1995-
427 000 187 000 240 000 44.6 19.6 25.1 6.20 105
2000

2000-
480 000 212 000 269 000 44.4 19.6 24.8 6.10 103
2005

2005-
547 000 204 000 342 000 44.5 16.7 27.9 6.20 95
2010