City Tourism National Capital Perspectives

CITY TOURISM
National Capital Perspectives

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CITY TOURISM
National Capital Perspectives
Edited by
Robert Maitland
The Centre for Tourism Research
University of Westminster
UK
and
Brent W. Ritchie
The School of Tourism
The University of Queensland
Australia
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
City tourism : national capital perspectives / edited by Robert Maitland and Brent W.
Ritchie.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-84593-546-7 (alk. paper)
1. Tourism. 2. Capitals (Cities) 3. Cities and towns. I. Maitland, Robert, 1950- II.
Ritchie, Brent W. III. Title.
G155.A1.C4875 2010
338.4’791091734--dc22
2009022347
ISBN-13: 978 1 84593 546 7
Typeset by SPi, Pondicherry, India.

Printed and bound in the UK by MPG Books Group.
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Contents
Contributors viii
National Capitals in the City Tourism System
1 Introduction: National Capitals and City Tourism 1

Robert Maitland
2 City Tourism: National Capital Perspectives 14

Robert Maitland and Brent W. Ritchie
Imaging and Branding
3 The Capital City as a ‘Product’ Brand Under 27

the Nation’s Corporate Umbrella
Heather Skinner
4 Images of Canberra: Destination Marketing 37

and the Capital City of Australia
Leanne White
5 Migrating Capitals: Diverging Images of Tradition 50

and Modernity in Japanese Urban Tourism
Jerry Eades and Malcolm Cooper
6 Branding and Positioning an African Capital City: 62

the Case of Tshwane in South Africa
Ernie Heath and Elizabeth Kruger
v
vi Contents
Visitor Experiences
7 Inside the Triangle: Images of a Capital 77

Bruce Hayllar, Deborah Edwards, Tony Griffin
and Tracey Dickson
8 Seeing the Sites: Perceptions of London 94

Nancy Stevenson and Charles Inskip
9 Changing Visitor Perceptions of a Capital City: 110

the Case of Wellington, New Zealand
Abel Duarte Alonso and Yi Liu
10 The Relationship between Capital City 125

Monumentality and Tourism in Valletta
Andrew Smith
Tourism Markets
11 Brussels: a Multilayered Capital City 142

Myriam Jansen-Verbeke and Robert Govers
12 Putting the Capital ‘C’ into Cardiff’s Identity 159

as a Conference Tourism Destination
Claire Haven-Tang and Eleri Jones
13 International Business Tourism: the Case of Dublin 172

Heather Skinner and Paul Byrne
14 School Excursion Management in National 185

Capital Cities
Brent W. Ritchie
Tourism Development
15 Twenty-three Districts in Search of a City: 201

Budapest – the Capitaless Capital?
Melanie Smith, László Puczkó and Tamara Rátz
16 Reinvented National Capital City: 214

the Case of Hanoi, Vietnam
Lee Jolliffe and Huong Thanh Bui
17 Resurrecting Phoenicia: Tourist Landscapes 225

and National Identity in the Heart of
the Lebanese Capital
Ghada Masri
Contents vii
18 Diversifying the Tourism Product in Brussels: 239

European Capital and Multicultural City
Anya Diekmann and Géraldine Maulet
19 Modern Tourist Development and the Complexities 253

of Cross-border Identities Within a Planned
Capital Region
Guy Chiasson and Caroline Andrew
Future Developments
20 Conclusions and Future Directions for 264

National Capital Tourism
Robert Maitland and Brent W. Ritchie
Index 279
Contributors
Editors
Professor Robert Maitland is Director of the Centre for Tourism Research at
the University of Westminster. He is an authority on tourism in cities, in
particular world cities and national capitals. His other research interests
focus on tourism and everyday life, new tourist areas in London and social
tourism. The Centre for Tourism Research, University of Westminster,
35 Marylebone Road, London NW1 5LS UK.
Dr Brent W. Ritchie is a senior lecturer at the University of Queensland. His
research and teaching interests include tourism destination marketing, visi-
tor behaviour, tourism crisis management, and capital- and city-based tour-
ism. School of Tourism, The University of Queensland, Brisbane,
Queensland 4072, Australia. Email: b.ritchie1@uq.edu.au
Contributors
Dr Abel Duarte Alonso is an assistant professor at Auburn University,
Alabama, and an Honorary Fellow at Edith Cowen University, western
Australia. His research interests include business-related areas of concern
in small and medium enterprises as well as wine-consumer and winery-
visitor behaviour. School of Marketing Tourism and Leisure, Edith
Cowan University, 100 Joondalup Drive, Building 2, Joondalup
Western Australia 6027. Email: a.alonso@ecu.edu.au
Caroline Andrew is the Director of the Centre on Governance, School of
Political Studies, at the University of Ottawa. Her research interests are in
municipal politics, intergovernmental relations and community–municipality
relations. School of Political Studies, University of Ottawa, 3192
Desmarais Building, 55 Laurier East, Ottawa K1N 6N5. Email:
candrew@uottawa.ca
viii
Contributors ix
Huong Thanh Bui is a PhD student at Griffith University, Australia. Her

PhD research interests are Asian backpackers, identity and cultural
issues influencing travel behaviour. Department of Tourism, Leisure,
Hotel and Sport Management, Griffith Business School, Griffith
University, Gold Coast Campus QLD 4222, Australia. Email: j.bui@
griffith.edu.au
Paul Byrne is a lecturer in International and Strategic Marketing at the EAE
Business School in Barcelona, and is a conference and business event
consultant.
Guy Chiasson teaches political science and regional development at the
Université du Québec en Outaouais in Gatineau. His research is focused on
local and municipal governance in medium-sized cities. Social Work and
Social Sciences Department, Université du Québec en Outaouais, 283
Boulevard Alexandre Taché, C.P. 1250 succ. Hull Gatineau, Québec
J8X 3X7, Canada. Email: guy.chiasson@uqo.ca
Dr Malcolm Cooper is Vice President and Professor at Ritsumeikan Asia
Pacific University, Beppu, Japan, specializing in tourism and environmen-
tal management, and has published over 100 articles and books. Vice
President of International Cooperation and Research, Ritsumeikan
Asia Pacific University, 1–1 Jumonjibaru, Beppu 874–8577, Japan.
Dr Tracey Dickson is a senior research fellow at the University of Canberra.
Her research interests include Alpine tourism and how visitors move within
and engage with a tourism destination. She is National Secretary for the
International Society for Skiing Safety. Sustainable Tourism CRC and
Centre for Tourism Research, Faculty of Business and Government,
University Drive, University of Canberra ACT 2601. Email: tracey.
dickson@canberra.edu.au
Anya Diekmann is Assistant Professor (Chair of Cultural Tourism) and co-
director of LIToTeS at the Université Libre de Bruxelles. Current research
focuses, among others, on urban and social tourism issues. Igeat (ULB),
avenue Franklin Roosevelt 50, CP 130/02, B-1050 Bruxelles. Email:
adiekmann@ulb.ac.be
Professor Jerry Eades is Dean of Asia Pacific Studies, Ritsumeikan Asia
Pacific University, Beppu, Japan. His many publications focus on the
anthropology of migration, urbanization and tourism in Asia and Africa.
College of Asia Pacific Studies, Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University,
1–1 Jumonjibaru, Beppu 874–8577, Japan.
Dr Deborah Edwards is a STCRC senior research fellow in Urban Tourism,
University of Technology, Sydney, with interests in sustainable tourism
management, urban attractions, tourism planning, volunteers and event
impacts. She is also a member of the executive of the BEST Education
Network. School of Leisure, Sport and Tourism, Faculty of Business,
University of Technology, Sydney, PO Box 222 Lindfield NSW 2070.
Email: deborah.edwards-1@uts.edu.au
Dr Robert Govers is Adjunct Associate Professor occupying the Visit
Flanders Chair in Tourism Management at the Consortium University of
Leuven and is author of Place Branding (with Frank M. Go, forthcom-
x Contributors
ing with Palgrave). Consortium University of Leuven, Celestijnenlaan

200E, PO Box 2407, 3001 Heverlee, Belgium. Email: rgovers@geo.
kuleuven.be
Tony Griffin is a senior lecturer in Tourism at the University of Technology,
Sydney. With a professional background in urban planning, his recent
research has focused on understanding tourist experiences in cities. School
of Leisure, Sport and Tourism, Faculty of Business, University of
Technology, Sydney, PO Box 222 Lindfield NSW 2070, Australia.
Email: tony.griffin@uts.edu.au
Dr Claire Haven-Tang is a senior lecturer in Cardiff School of Management.
Her recent research includes destination development, tourism SMEs,
sense of place, human resource development and best practice in business
and event tourism. Cardiff School of Management, University of Wales
Institute, Colchester Avenue, Cardiff CF23 9XR. Email: chaven-tang@
uwic.ac.uk
Dr Bruce Hayllar is an associate professor in the School of Leisure, Sport and
Tourism at the University of Technology, Sydney. His research interests
concern how visitors use and experience cities, in particular, tourist pre-
cincts. His research approach to tourist experience is primarily informed
by phenomenology. School of Leisure, Sport and Tourism, Faculty of
Business, University of Technology, Sydney, PO Box 123, Broadway,
NSW. Email: Bruce.Hayllar@uts.edu.au
Professor Ernie Heath is Head of the department of Tourism Management at
the University of Pretoria, South Africa. Previously, he was Deputy
Executive Director of South African Tourism. Tourism Management,
Tourism House, University of Pretoria, Pretoria 0002, South Africa.
Email: ernie.heath@up.ac.za
Charles Inskip, City University London, is currently undertaking PhD research
into the communication processes, meaning making and information
needs of creatives in the film and music industries. His research interests
include visual/image analysis.
Dr Myriam Jansen-Verbeke, geographer, is Professor Emeritus at the Geo
Institute, University Leuven. Current research focuses on heritage, cultural
and urban tourism. She is a member of the International Academy for the
Study of Tourism. Tourism and Development, University Leuven 30,
Witte Bremlaan, 2360 Oud–Turnhout, Belgium. Email: jansen.
verbeke@skynet.be
Dr Lee Jolliffe is an associate professor of Hospitality and Tourism at the
University of New Brunswick, Canada. Her research interests are in herit-
age tourism, tourism and museums and culinary tourism. Faculty of
Business, University of New Brunswick – Saint John, 100 Tucker Park
Road, PO Box 5050, Saint John, NB, Canada E2L 4L5. Email:ljolliff@
unbsj.ca
Professor Eleri Jones is Director of Research, Cardiff School of Management,
UWIC. Her research interests include sustainable destination development.
Recent projects include BESTBET investigating best practice in business
and event tourism. Cardiff School of Management, University of Wales
Contributors xi
Institute, Colchester Avenue, Cardiff CF23 9XR. Email: ejones@uwic.

ac.uk
Elizabeth Kruger is a Masters student at the Department of Tourism
Management at the University of Pretoria, South Africa. Previously, she
taught tourism at high school level and authored two textbooks. Tourism
House, University of Pretoria, Pretoria 0002, South Africa. Email:
elizabeth.kruger@up.ac.za
Yi Liu is a PhD candidate at the Curtin University of Technology, western
Australia. Research interests include international business, and export and
human resource management strategies among multinational corporations
(MNCs) in transit economies.
Dr Ghada Masri is visiting assistant professor of Global Studies at the University
of Wisconsin, Milwaukee. She specializes in Urban Geography of south-
west Asia, and Feminist Geography. Her research interests focus on urban
public space, national identity formation, tourism, gender and modernity.
Geraldine Maulet is research fellow in the Tourism Research Department
LIToTeS (Laboratoire Interdisciplinaire Tourisme, Territoires et Societés) at
the Université Libre de Bruxelles (Belgium). Her current research focuses
on urban tourism and guided tour issues.
Dr László Puczkó is a consultant and researcher with special interest in city
tourism planning and marketing. He is the Managing Director of Xellum
Ltd (Hungary) and President of the Association of Tourism Consultants
(Hungary).
Tamara Ratz is Professor of Tourism and Head of the Tourism Institute at
Kodolanyi Janos University of Applied Sciences, Hungary, and Visiting
professor at HAMK University of Applied Sciences, Finland. Research
interests include cultural tourism management and tourism as a catalyst in
European integration.
Heather Skinner is a principal lecturer at the Glamorgan Business School,
researching the representation of national identity through nation brands,
and service marketing issues in leisure, sport and tourism. Glamorgan
Business School, University of Glamorgan, Trefforest, Rhondda Cynon
Taff, Wales, CF37 1DL. Email: hskinner@glam.ac.uk
Dr Andrew Smith is a senior lecturer at the University of Westminster. He has
published research on various aspects of urban tourism, including the role
of events, city image change and matters related to urban design.
Melanie Smith is a lecturer in Tourism Management with research interests
in urban tourism, cultural tourism and regeneration. She is currently
based at Corvinus University in Budapest, Hungary and is Chair of the
Association for Tourism and Leisure Education. Chair of ATLAS,
Corvinus University, Institute for Environmental Sciences, Faculty
of Business, Fovam Ter 8, 1093 Budapest. Email: melanie.smith@
uni-corvinus.hu
Dr Nancy Stevenson is the Undergraduate Programme Leader for Tourism at
the University of Westminster. Her research interests include tourism policy
and planning, the links and flows between people and places (includes
image analysis) and the implementation of the 2012 Cultural Olympiad.
xii Contributors
The Centre for Tourism Research, University of Westminster, 35

Marylebone Road, London NW1 5LS.
Dr Leanne White is a lecturer in Marketing and research associate of the
Centre for Tourism and Services Research at Victoria University in
Melbourne, Australia. Her research interests include advertising, destina-
tion marketing, events, national identity, commercial nationalism and
Australian popular culture. Centre for Tourism and Services Research,
Victoria University, Footscray Park campus, PO Box 14428, Melbourne,
Victoria 8001, Australia.
1 Introduction: National Capitals
and City Tourism
ROBERT MAITLAND
Capital cities represent a special case of urban tourism. Yet, in much of the
literature on capital cities, the planning and policy significance of tourism is
seemingly ignored, while similarly, little is made of the significance of capital
status in the tourism literature.
(Hall, 2005, p. 219)
Introduction
Twenty years ago, Ashworth (1989) pointed to a double neglect of city tour-
ism. Tourism researchers had neglected the city, though so much tourism took
place there, and urbanists had neglected tourism, despite its rapid growth and
increasing influence on cities. Much has changed. For developers and policy
makers, city tourism is now mainstream, and no longer associated just with
resorts and historic cities. Former industrial cities have taken to tourism as an
important part of the way they must make their living in a changing world, and
national capitals have given more attention to tourism. As is shown elsewhere
in the book, national capitals have always had special qualities that attract vis-
itors, but their attitudes towards tourism have at times been ambivalent. For
example, London has long been a leading – on some measures, the leading –
national capital destination, but until the 1980s city policy makers saw tourism
primarily as a problem to be managed, while admitting some benefits, mainly
to unskilled workers (e.g. Lipscomb and Weatheritt, 1977). For their part,
tourists have shown an increasing desire to visit cities, as global tourism num-
bers have grown and trips have multiplied. Now as Fainstein et al. (2003, p. 8)
say, ‘virtually every city sees a tourism possibility and has taken steps to
encourage it’.
Growth in city tourism has been accompanied by increasing interest from
researchers, and much more attention is now paid to the phenomenon.
©CAB International 2010. City Tourism: National Capital Perspectives

(eds R. Maitland and B.W. Ritchie) 1
2 R. Maitland
However, as Selby (2004) argues, a clear and analytical framework for under-
standing city tourism is still lacking. Studies have tended to focus on tracking,
describing and considering the impacts of tourism, often through isolated case
studies; systematic analysis has been limited. Longitudinal analyses of tourism
policies and their impacts have been rarer still (Maitland, 2006). One aspect of
the problem is the lack of data. It is ironic that despite the widely acknowledged
growth of city tourism, and the often-repeated claims by the tourism industry
that it is the biggest in the world, even basic information on visitor numbers in
cities is hard to find in any consistent form, so that comparisons between cities
over time are virtually impossible. This difficulty applies even to leading cities
and national capitals like London, Berlin and Paris (Maitland and Newman,
2009). Limited theoretical frameworks and lack of data inhibit a nuanced
understanding of how the different qualities of cities interact with changing
tourism demands to produce different outcomes – for both city and visitor – in
different places. While there is no shortage of descriptive categories of city
types (e.g. Page and Hall, 2003), analysis and connection to broader theory
and conceptual schemes is limited.
This may explain the disregard of national capital tourism, to which Hall
refers, which has been accompanied by a similar indifference by urbanists –
‘until recently, comparative urban research on capital cities has been a fairly
neglected subject matter, nor have capital cities received much special attention
in general urban histories’ (Kolbe, 2007, p. 81). This lack of attention is sur-
prising for a number of reasons. First, and most obviously, many national capi-
tals have long been leading destinations in their own right, and also act as
gateways to their countries. Second, capitals have a key role in presenting a
nation to the rest of the world: they ‘play such a vital role in establishing national
identity’ (Capitals Alliance, 2003, p. 9). Third, the era of the growth in mass
tourism has also seen growth in the number of national capitals, as empires
have fallen and peoples have asserted their independence (Hall, 2000).
Decolonization, beginning with Indian independence in 1947, saw new national
capitals in newly independent states around the world in the 1950s, 1960s and
1970s, while the disintegration of the USSR in the late 1980s and early 1990s
saw cities in central and eastern Europe and elsewhere adopting, re-adopting and
reinforcing roles as capitals of independent and more autonomous nations – a
process that both paralleled and contributed to a growth in urban tourism.
The effects have been profound: three-quarters of today’s national capital
cities were not capitals 100 years ago (Capitals Alliance, 2003, p. 9). The process
of dismantling global empires is now largely complete, but pressures for devolu-
tion and national identity mean that ‘new’ capitals continue to arise – Cardiff,
Edinburgh and, by some measures, Barcelona, for example. The effects of
these radical role changes on tourism, as well as other activities, are still being
played out and provide a fruitful opportunity for study. Finally, national capitals
have long displayed the rivalry, search for advantage and distinctiveness, and
emulation of competitors that now characterizes almost all cities in a globalized
and competitive era. As Gilbert and Driver (2000) show, European capitals in
the 19th and 20th centuries were at the heart of national and imperial compe-
tition, and this was played out in their architecture, planning and geography, as
Introduction: National Capitals and City Tourism 3
well as their museums, galleries and other attractions. However, these same
forces affected other cities too: ‘the form, use and representation of modern
European cities have been shaped by the global history of imperialism in
ways that continue to matter even in an apparently post-Imperial age’ (p. 23).
National capitals then deserve study in their own right, to help gain a more
nuanced understanding of cities and tourism, but they also provide a lens
through which to gain fresh insights into city tourism more generally.
This chapter reviews city tourism, and links it to the particular qualities of
national capitals. In doing so, it summarizes and synthesizes the most import-
ant forces driving growth and change in urban tourism. They are considered
from three perspectives. First, tourism and the economy of cities: the expan-
sion of tourism has been linked to and shaped the fortunes of cities, while tour-
ism itself has been fashioned by them. Second, tourism in a world of increasing
mobilities and dissolving boundaries: over 20 years, travel has become gener-
ally easier, the flow of images and information between people and places has
both expanded enormously and become more interactive, and the nature of
tourism and its place in an expanding range of mobilities has changed. Finally,
from the perspective of the tourists and how they experience cities, which until
recently has been particularly neglected in academic discussion (Page, 2002;
Maitland and Newman, 2004). The discussion draws on the developing litera-
ture on city tourism, and literature on national capitals, which rarely takes a
tourism perspective.
At this point a note of caution is required. The story of city tourism since the
late 1980s is one of growth. Cities have been affected by the series of crises that
have hit tourism – including terrorism, and health and natural disasters – but have
withstood them robustly; recovery has been quick and drops in visitor numbers
have been temporary. However, as I write, the world is contemplating unprece-
dented problems. The immediate effect on companies of a worldwide economic
crisis has also had immediate effects on consumers and their disposable income,
and on governments and their finances. However, a more profound impact may
be on the market-based and globalized institutional arrangements that prevailed
from the latter part of the 20th century into the 21st, and which favoured tourism
growth – for example through the expansion of low-cost carriers in deregulated
air travel markets. As the Financial Times (London) has pointed out: ‘The
assumptions that ruled policy and politics over three decades suddenly look as
outdated as revolutionary socialism’ (Wolf, 2009). At the same time, scientists
argue that climate changes are proving worse than feared, and that ‘there is no
excuse for inaction’ (Guardian, 2009). In a world of prolonged economic crisis,
and in which serious action to counter climate change may be taken, the past is
a limited guide to the future. While the World Travel and Tourism Council expects
an immediate effect from economic crisis, and forecasts a decline in tourism
industry GDP of −3.5% in 2009, it also forecasts annualized growth over the
next decade of 3.6% (World Travel and Tourism Council, 2009). It is not clear
whether such growth will be realized, or how the nature and distribution of tour-
ism will be affected. While not presuming to resolve these momentous issues, it
cannot be forgotten that we live in interesting times. The future prospects of
national capital tourism are discussed in the concluding chapter.
4 R. Maitland
Tourism and the Economy of Cities

There is substantial literature on the way in which cities have been reconfig-
ured or ‘converted’ (Judd and Fainstein, 1999) into centres of consumption,
with tourism playing a central role. As Harvey (1989) notes, tourism has both
material and symbolic effects: on economic and physical structures, and on
representation and image. Although there has been a particular emphasis on
former industrial cities – and former industrial areas of large polycentric cities
– the argument extends to urban tourism generally. The need for restructur-
ing in the face of economic change and competition leads to product reor-
ganization, product transformation and spatial relocation (Agarwal, 2002).
Tourism becomes a more important element in the economy, and efforts are
made to transform and vary the offer. Frequently, this involves spatial change
as areas are reconfigured as tourism zones or precincts (Hayllar et al., 2008).
In a familiar model, a tourist bubble (Judd, 1999) can be created, including a
more or less standardized mix of attractions – a museum or gallery, confer-
ence centre, entertainment or edutainment, such as an aquarium, branded
bars, restaurants and shopping. This is typically located in a former industrial
area, with historic buildings restored and revalorized as heritage. Waterfronts
have been particularly popular locations (Jones, 1998). Thus, tourism con-
tributes to a process of area ‘regeneration’, in which spaces of industrial
production are replaced by consumption of industrial heritage or spaces of
leisure, entertainment and predominantly middle-class urban living. Other
approaches, intended to be less solipsistic than the tourism bubble, have
included the designation of cultural quarters, ethnic quarters and heritage
precincts (see Hayllar et al., 2008, for a review of types of tourism precincts
in cities).
Tourism zones or precincts then have been at the heart of cities and tour-
ism. A number of points follow. First, and most obviously, city tourism is
concentrated in particular areas, and not dispersed evenly across the city.
Usually the idea of tourists visiting Brussels or Canberra implicitly means visit-
ing very particular areas of the city, usually in the centre; few visitors spend
much time in the suburbs (although some visitors aim to experience the city in
a different way – see our discussion below). Second, these areas are often
themed and planned to lure in and impress the visitor. This has a particular
resonance with national capitals, one of the purposes of which has always
been to impress the visitor, whether domestic or foreign. How this is done
varies: there are big differences between an old imperial capital like London
and one like Canberra that is modern and purpose-built. However, inevitably
the landscapes of capitals are symbolically rich, achieving their effect through
spatial layout, pattern of architecture, monumentality and the nomenclature
of public space (Therborn, 2002), in a complex representation of power. At
the same time, capital status promotes an accumulation of facilities and assets
that attract visitors – national museums, galleries, theatres, opera and per-
formance spaces, and sports arenas, for example. While all cities tend to
concentrate symbolic and functional attributes in tourist zones, capitals do so
with a particular intensity.
Third, rapid economic change and growing inter-city and international

competition have meant that city image and city marketing have become dom-
inant concerns. Cities seeking to attract mobile investment or mobile profes-
sionals in search of amenity (Florida, 2002) have become increasingly concerned
with creating facilities and symbols that signal their aspirations and status. The
numerous attempts to capture city status through international rankings and
league tables are highly contestable and have been subject to considerable aca-
demic critique, so perhaps their real significance is in the continuing concerns
of cities to show up well in at least some of the registers – best city for business,
most creative city, greenest city, etc. (Maitland and Newman, 2009). Again,
national capitals have particular roles to play. Their accumulation of cultural
assets, landmarks, celebratory events and ‘zones of prestige’ (Maguire, 2005)
gives them advantages in representing themselves and also a specific role in
representing and symbolizing the nation. Furthermore, they frequently receive
priority for national government investment, building projects and planned
development and redevelopment of symbolic importance (Hall, 2000; Kolbe,
2007). Against this, perhaps especially for domestic visitors, they have sym-
bolic disadvantages, as the home of politicians and government bureaucracy
and may be seen as ‘dull’, ‘government orientated’, ‘cool’ and ‘stuffy’ (Ritchie
and Peirce, 2007).
Preoccupation with city image has meant increasing attention to creating
icons and monuments, which can attract attention and symbolize the positive
attributes or image the city wishes to convey. This is a process of synecdoche,
where a part of something is used to stand for the whole. In the case of cities,
the place is recalled or brought to mind by single or a few memorable images
(Smith, 2005, p. 414). The Eiffel Tower is perhaps the most famous example
of synecdoche, and much city investment in ‘iconic attractions’ can be under-
stood as an attempt to achieve something similar. Cities seeking to assert a new
status and changing role try to do so through creating new icons. Smith (2005)
sees Barcelona’s development of new cultural monuments as providing synech-
dochical images as well as meeting ‘political objectives in connoting that
Barcelona is a Catalan, Euro city, rather than a provincial Spanish city within
Spain’ – that is, connoting Barcelona as the Catalan national capital.
Cities also have to renegotiate and reinterpret their existing landscapes
and symbols. This is especially complex in national capitals, since icons and
iconic areas frequently represent not simply the city, but also the nation.
Changing national power relationships and contested stories can be played
out in the representation of cities to visitors and the world – for example in
Tshwane/Pretoria in South Africa (Heath and Kruger, Chapter 6). In London,
the continuing reimaging of the East End, reinforced by the 2012 Olympic
Games, is integral to the rebranding of London from an imperial capital to one
that is an ‘open, multi-racial, multi-religious, multicultural city and rather proud
of it’ – according to Tony Blair, Britain’s former Prime Minister (Tran, 2005).
In addition, the capital’s marketing is itself part of a broader project to build
up an image of British multiculturalism, which for some commentators ‘now
serves as Britain’s distinctive rationale in the current world order’ (Dench
et al., 2006).
6 R. Maitland
All this stress on image, marketing and reconfiguring the city to attract vis-
itors creates debate around commodification of the city and its culture; stand-
ardization as cities seek to emulate successful initiatives elsewhere; and a loss
of distinctiveness and authenticity. In their attempt to achieve competitive
advantage, cities invest in new attractions and facilities that increasingly resem-
ble those of their competitors. Bilbao’s achievements saw more cities bidding
for their own Guggenheim museum, while the success of the London Eye since
2000 seems to have prompted – or reflected – renewed interest in big wheels
in cities. In Britain alone, Belfast, Birmingham, Edinburgh, Manchester and
York installed their own wheels, while worldwide competition for the biggest
wheel intensifies, with new installations planned, in building stage or recently
completed in, for instance, Berlin, Beijing, Dubai and Singapore (Jeffries,
2009). New ‘icons’ may be inserted in cities with which they have no linkage
or association, intended to act as symbols of modernity. Ironically, this ‘serial
reproduction’ of attractions and symbols reduces the distinctive qualities of cit-
ies, and runs the risk of making them commodity destinations, with reduced
competitive advantage (see Richards and Wilson, 2007, for discussions of these
issues). Once again, the debate is especially pointed in national capitals, seek-
ing to negotiate changing cultures and relationships, signal their continuing
modernity and at the same time emphasize a coherent national narrative amid
complex legacies.
Dissolving Boundaries, Multiplying Mobilities
City tourism has been promoted and made easier in a more globalized, and for
many, more prosperous world. Boundaries and barriers of many sorts have
been dissolving. Higher disposable incomes and changing working patterns
have allowed more spending on leisure travel, and encouraged additional short
breaks, for which cities are especially suitable, with their ease of access and
range of activities. Airline deregulation meant the development of low-cost car-
riers, offering not only cheaper fares but denser point-to-point services. In
Europe, particularly, the fall of communist regimes in the late 1980s and early
1990s, the expansion of the EU and the Eurozone reduced formalities made
travel easier. For western Europeans, a range of cities in central and eastern
Europe became newly accessible at comparatively low cost. For central and
eastern Europeans, travel to western cities was newly possible. Furthermore,
while the flow of people between cities has increased, the flow of images has
become a cascade.
The growth of the Internet and of multifunctional mobile phones have
made it easier to access and share official and unofficial images and commen-
tary on cities. While destination marketing organizations have new channels
through which to develop induced images (Gartner, 1993) and representations
of their city, the organic images created by shared pictures and discussions
between past, potential and intending visitors (and local people) mean that cit-
ies and their possibilities can be explored at a distance as never before. Most
obviously, the way in which many people book and arrange their visit has
changed, with increased use of the Internet and emphasis on customizing their
own choice of destination, travel, accommodation and itinerary. But perhaps
more significantly, it is changing how people learn about and understand places
they visit – ‘web-pages play a central role in providing direct and fast informa-
tion, especially related to countries, cities and places’ (Kolbe, 2007, p. 79).
Easy availability of more and more information, images and shared experi-
ences means that some barriers to visiting new places are reduced.
National capitals are especially affected by dissolving boundaries and bar-
riers. In newer destinations, in places such as central and eastern Europe, they
are often the best-known city, and the transportation hub for inbound travel.
As such they are the focus for early tourist growth, may continue to outpace
other cities, and can be seen to conflict with efforts to promote tourism growth
elsewhere in the country. At the same time, capitals are the focus of much of
the image, symbolism and information about the country as a whole, through
news media and other organic sources; coverage of politics, government and
events in the country spills over into the city’s image (Hall, 2002). As Puczko
et al. (2007) illustrate, re-emerging capitals wrestle with fulfilling multiple roles
and creating multiple images: as the quintessence of the nation, as a modern
international city, as an attraction in their own right and as a gateway to the
rest of the country.
The effects of globalization go beyond leisure tourism. In a globalized econ-
omy, cities have important integrating functions, whether as ‘global cities’
(Sassen, 1991), ‘gateway cities’ managing flows of people and relationships
between regions (Short et al., 2000), ‘global cultural cities’ (Yeoh, 2005) or
through other roles. Business travel and tourism have grown rapidly in response
to the changing management requirements of globalized organizations, and are
focused on cities in general and national capitals in particular. Capitals are key
sites for meetings and lobbying efforts because they are the seat of national
(and often international) power and authority, through government and inter-
governmental organizations. They are popular locations for international or
regional headquarter offices for global business and other organizations,
encouraging more business travel and further reinforcing their status. The com-
bination of this concentration of government and business power, cultural insti-
tutions, heritage sites and ‘zones of prestige’ inevitably make capitals attractive
locations for conferences and exhibitions (Ritchie and Peirce, 2007). This can
be a two-way process. Attracting international conferences, meetings and
events is an effective way for re-emerging or new capitals (e.g. Tallinn or
Cardiff) to assert their status and reinforce their capital qualities.
Dissolving boundaries means more than the reduction of political barriers
to travel or institutional barriers to international business. It is less and less
clear that tourism can be bounded off as a separate activity, distinguishable
from other mobilities or that tourist demands can be clearly separated from
those of city residents and other users of cities. Hannam (2009) argues that
tourism needs to be understood as part of a wider set of mobilities, while
Sheller and Urry (2004) argue that mobilities represent a new paradigm within
social science, including the movement of people, information and capital.
One consequence is to see ‘tourism’, as conventionally defined (World Tourism
8 R. Maitland
Organization and United Nations, 1994), as just part of a continuum of mobi-

lities that range from the short term to the permanent. In national capitals, for
example, diplomats arrive on postings; business people and professionals
come on temporary assignment or short-term contract; academics take up
short-term posts or work on research projects; and creatives make films, give
artistic performances or devise campaigns. In many ways, their activities and
behaviours will overlap those of comparatively well-off business and leisure
tourists. At lower levels of the employment hierarchy, temporary migrants
take temporary jobs for long hours and low pay. They will share similarities
with students, in town to study, from a few weeks to a few years, and with
backpacker or drifter tourists, travelling on a low budget and taking temporary
jobs (Fainstein et al., 2003; Maitland and Newman, 2009). The presence of
migrants generates more tourism, as their friends and relatives have new rea-
sons to visit capital cities.
Clearly, national capitals are particularly affected by this range of mobili-
ties, and the process of globalization. They are diplomatic centres. They are
often the focus of national artistic activity – national theatre, opera and so on.
They are home to universities, often ones with a particular focus on inter-
national links. As previously discussed, they attract business and other head-
quarters. The more tourism is seen as part of the set mobilities, the more it is
clear that capital qualities are crucial, affecting a range of mobilities. At the
same time, as Cochrane (2006, p. 5) points out, capitals provide a useful coun-
terpoint to dominant perspectives that seek to understand cities primarily
through their place in global networks. Capitals are defined ‘by their role within
nations or the construction of nations . . . and fit uneasily in the dominant model
of the entrepreneurial city’, since while they have ‘some competitive strengths,
they also exhibit fundamental flaws’ – principally the dominance of govern-
ment and government institutions, which both make it harder for other employ-
ers to compete for labour, and which foster a bureaucratic rather than
entrepreneurial culture. Thinking about capitals helps set tourism within and
beyond a process of globalization.
Tourists’ and Residents’ Experience of Cities

One aspect of dissolving boundaries is that tourism and touristic behaviour is
coming to be seen as an integral part of daily life. For Franklin and Crang
(2001, p. 3), touristic behaviours and experiences are less and less separated
from daily life by time and space, and indeed tourism has become ‘a significant
modality through which transnational modern life is organized’. In part, that
means residents consume the city in ways that are similar to tourists: ‘citi-
zens . . . increasingly make quality of life demands treating their own urban loca-
tions as if tourists, emphasizing aesthetic concerns’ (Clark, 2003, p. 294).
They enjoy the same activities as visitors, and consume ‘the new urban culture’
(Judd, 2003, p. 32). In some cases, in large cities, this may be a straightfor-
ward case of internal tourism: residents visit parts of the city that are new to
them or which have particular attractions, especially the central areas. But
more broadly, there is a de-differentiation between touristic practices and other

spheres of cultural experience (Lash, 1990; Urry, 1990), and between tourism
and everyday life (Urry, 2002; Bauman, 1996). While, as discussed, many
people enjoy touristic behaviours even though they do not count as tourists
under official definitions, some of those who do fit official definitions do not
think of themselves as tourists at all. For example, those visiting friends and
relations, frequent business travellers or those with second homes may simply
not see themselves as tourists, although they do have touristic behaviours
(Maitland, 2007).
Careful consideration is needed of the changing tourist experience of cities.
Of course, some city tourism goes on much as it has before, especially in well-
established destinations. First time visitors still arrive in London in organized
groups, consume iconic attractions like Big Ben or the London Eye, adding to
their personal cultural capital in the process; then they move on their next des-
tination. However, a lot of city tourism is no longer like this. Many visitors are
now experienced users of cities who want to move beyond traditional tourism
precincts; some are frequent visitors and feel a sense of belonging to the place
they visit. The boundaries between tourism and other mobilities and between
tourists and the host community are blurring and dissolving, especially for mem-
bers of the ‘cosmopolitan consuming class’ (Fainstein et al., 2003, p. 243).
Some visitors deliberately seek out everyday life and the ‘real city’. They
want to go beyond ‘enclavic tourist spaces’ created for them, and find ‘hetero-
geneous tourist spaces’; ‘multi-purpose spaces in which a wide range of activi-
ties and people co-exist’ (Edensor, 2001, p. 64). These visitors value ‘getting
off the beaten track’, and away from tourist enclaves. They value the everyday
and the presence of local people as markers of authenticity, and indicators that
they are in the ‘real city’. As they do so, they contribute to the renewal and
rebranding of neighbourhoods and broader processes of urban change, devel-
opment and gentrification, which it turn feed through to the city’s image, and
what it has to offer. Such areas are not comprehensively planned for tourists,
and while public policy can have important influences in attracting visitors, here
they are largely unintended. Exploring tourists and gentrifying residents can
have convivial links and contribute to the creation and re-creation of upscale
areas enjoyed by visitors and locals. Tourism and touristic behaviour seems in
some cities to be integral to urban processes ‘off the beaten track’ as well as in
recognized tourism precincts (see Maitland and Newman, 2009, for a detailed
discussion of these themes).
In these circumstances, conventional attempts to distinguish tourists from
residents in terms of time and distance – tourists are in the city only temporarily
and have travelled some distance to get there – seem unhelpful in understand-
ing the interaction between cities and those who use them. It is better to think
in terms of a range of city users with a series of demands, behaviours and prac-
tices that reflects their widely different incomes, power and urban preferences.
The consumption demands and behaviours of some visitors will overlap with
those of some residents and will help shape cities.
These perspectives have relevance for capital cities, in the creation of attract-
ive areas off the beaten track, and in the presence of experience travellers who
10 R. Maitland
may seek out such places. Capital cities’ roles can contribute to an international
and cosmopolitan slant – government and diplomacy, elite cultural activities,
universities and international business, for example. Those same activities help
account for the fact that per capita income in capitals is usually above the national
average (Jasmand and Stiller, 2005). One result is likely to be significant resident
populations that combine spending power with cosmopolitan aspirations. People
with high levels of cultural capital value cosmopolitanism to maintain status dis-
tinctions (Thompson and Tambyah, 1999), and tend to see themselves as part of
‘transnational elites’ or seek to articulate a ‘global persona’ (Rofe, 2003). They
will seek out and develop places that allow them to enjoy and display such tastes.
At the same time, cosmopolitan visitors will aim to get beyond conventional tour-
ism precincts, and to experience neighbourhoods in the ‘real’ city. Such ‘places
of seduction’ can be seen as ‘touristed landscapes’ – not formed by tourists
although tourists significantly patronize them; places that have historic and inte-
gral meaning and where ‘people are also engaged in diverse aspects of daily life’
(Cartier and Lew, 2005, p. 3). The mundane practices of everyday life – of a
particular sort – may be attractive to visitors and act as a signifier of the real or
authentic city (Maitland, 2008). For the ‘cosmopolitan consuming class’, national
capitals can offer many advantages, whether they are there as ‘tourists’ (by offi-
cial definitions’), temporary migrants or residents, and even the most familiar
national icons can be appropriated and consumed to create personal meaning
(Stevenson and Inskip, Chapter 8).
Conclusions
While city tourism is now more considered by tourism scholars and by urban-
ists, tourism in capital cities remains neglected. This is a pity. As the discussion
has shown, tourism in national capitals has particular qualities, reflecting the
particularities of capital cities themselves. However, considering capitals also
illuminates tourism in cities more generally. The increasing, and increasingly
complex, role that touristic activities play in the economy of cities is highlighted
in national capitals. They pointedly raise broader questions about the image
and representation of the city, the reinterpretation of complex histories and
relationships with the nation and the wider world, the contributions of iconic
structure and developments in representing the city, and the dangers of emula-
tion and loss of distinctiveness. Yet, these are questions capitals have had to
face before, which may offer particular insights.
Boundaries between the public and tourism are dissolving, travel is easier,
and new technologies allow cities to be explored at a distance. At the same
time, it is becoming harder to distinguish tourism from other mobilities, espe-
cially in cities where the rich mix of leisure visitors, business visitors (who may
stay on for a short leisure break) and people visiting friends and relations merges
imperceptibly with short-term migrants working or studying, and residents who
are themselves mobile. Within the city, touristic activities and behaviours are
not confined to those officially defined as visitors, but are shared by a wide
range of city users. National capitals experience these changes, sometimes in

a particularly intense way because of their international role. At the same time,
their inevitably strong link to the nation allows us to reflect on the limitations of
a simple globalization perspective.
The ways in which residents and visitors seek to experience the city also
increasingly overlaps. There is a de-differentiation between touristic and other
practices. National capitals maintain an attraction for tourists whose interests
and behaviours are familiar – aiming to see the most well known sights and
then move on. However, they also attract other, often more practised and
widely travelled visitors, who want to get ‘off the beaten track’, to experience
the ‘real’ city and whose consumption preferences and behaviours overlap
with those of city residents with similar ‘global’ or cosmopolitan outlook. This
phenomenon is by no means confined to nation capitals, but is likely to be
frequently found in them.
National capitals then focus on an important series of issues for city
tourism. None is unique to capitals, and there is no sense in which capitals’
experience of them is uniform or necessarily consistent. But understanding
how they play out in capitals develops a better understanding of national
capital tourism, and capital city qualities, and also of city tourism more
generally.
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2 City Tourism: National Capital
Perspectives
ROBERT MAITLAND1 AND BRENT W. RITCHIE2
1University of Westminster; 2University of Queensland
Introduction
This book sets out to provide the most detailed examination yet of tourism in
national capitals. It examines different aspects of tourism in a wide range of
capital cities from around the world. As pointed out in Chapter 1, there is con-
siderable value in doing so. Tourism in capitals shares and echoes many of the
experiences, challenges and opportunities found in other cities, but brings with
it distinct capital-city qualities. This means a better understanding of tourism in
national capitals sheds interesting light on city tourism generally. At the same
time it is of interest in its own right. National capitals are important tourism
destinations, with some particular tourism markets arising from their capital
qualities, or ‘capitalness’. They also often play a dominant role in their coun-
try’s tourism development – for example as the main gateway or source of
national imagery. Yet, although capitals have shared qualities, they are also
highly heterogeneous. Their function as the seat of government and their role
in national life means that they have shared experiences – ‘there is always
something special about a capital city’ (Gordon, 2006, p. vii). None the less,
they are highly varied, an inevitable consequence of the very different national
cultures from which they arise, and their varied age, size, history and functions.
This presents a serious challenge: how can we acknowledge the diversity and
range of experiences of cities as different as Hanoi and Budapest, Valetta and
London while also examining them in a methodical and critical fashion, and not
simply as a series of interesting but unrelated case studies. As Pearce (1998, p.
473) says: ‘Scope exists for a more systematic examination of the way in which
capital city functions distinguish these places from other urban areas and the
effects these functions have on determining the role, type, scale, and impact of
tourism experienced there.’
In this chapter, we take on the challenge of how to understand national
capital tourism – something that as Pearce (2007) points out, has received little
14 (eds R. Maitland and B.W. Ritchie)
City Tourism: National Capital Perspectives 15
attention in urban tourism or wider tourism literature. In doing so, we develop

an approach that acknowledges the diversity and richness of the cities and their
tourism roles, but which also examines them systematically and analytically. We
first review the different ways in which national capital cities can be classified,
and suggest a typology of capital cities from a tourism perspective, with an
emphasis on how different sets of attributes affect their attraction for visitors.
Second, we examine the different aspects of city tourism with particular rele-
vance to national capitals, focusing on city image and branding; the visitor
experience; tourism markets and tourism development. Third, we bring together
the typology of capitals and the aspects of tourism to provide an analytical
framework for capital city tourism. This provides a structure for the detailed
analysis and research set out in the remainder of the book. Finally, we briefly
review the chapters that follow.
Typologies of National Capitals for Tourism

One consequence of the city competition discussed in Chapter 1 has been that
cities have increasingly sought to claim ‘capital’ status as part of their marketing
and promotion efforts. Several cities vie with one another to be the global finance
capital, and there is a strong competition for designation as European Capital of
Culture (a 1-year title awarded by the European Union (EU) ) – so much so that it
is now awarded to two or three cities annually, rather than one. Many places
award themselves capital status in a particular field – Bordeaux, France, and British
Colombia, Canada, both assert ‘wine capital’ status’, while Monroe, Wisconsin
sees itself as the Swiss cheese capital of the USA. In this book, we confine our-
selves to national capital cities that are seats of governments. As Gottmann (1983,
p. 88) suggests the capital city is ‘a seat of power and a place of decision making
process’. Despite their heterogeneity, national capitals do share that common
function, and this is often cited as the root of a number of tourism marketing, plan-
ning and development advantages and challenges.
However even within this definition, devising ways to examine capitals
systematically is not straightforward. Indeed, Campbell (2003, p. 7) feels that
the ‘task of classifying all capitals might be as problematic as categorising the
nations they govern’, and instead identified three crucial factors that differenti-
ate the development of capitals. These are:
1. The size and structure of the national government.
2. The local and national economies.
3. The timing of the capital city’s establishment relative to the political formation
and economic development of the nation state. In particular, cities that were
‘early’ capitals at the beginning of the nation state’s consolidation and urban
industrialization both built and rode this wave of national economic development.
By contrast, cities that became capitals at later stages of the nation’s political and
economic development (‘late capitals’) – due either to late nation-state formation
or capital relocation – faced the challenge of establishing their political–economic
role amidst a pre-existing network of established economic cities.
16 R. Maitland and B.W. Ritchie
Here we review different approaches to developing a typology of national

capitals, and suggest a classification appropriate for a focus on tourism. One
reason that it is hard to develop a satisfactory typology is that national capi-
tals have presented a moving target. Their numbers grew very rapidly in the
latter part of the 20th century, and roles shifted, sometimes dramatically and
repeatedly. A listing of national capitals in 1950 would look very different to
a list made today. There are three interlinking reasons for this change, as Hall
(2006) points out. First, the end of empires, referred to in Chapter 1. The
dismantling of overseas colonial empires and of Eurasian land-based empires
has seen the creation of new capitals in former colonies and the reassertion
of capital status in cities freed from a subordinate role. This has been a com-
plex and variable process, sometimes rapid and unexpected (e.g. the disinte-
gration of the USSR) and sometimes more orderly (e.g. much of British
decolonization). It has effects on both newly emerging capitals and on former
imperial cities. Some have been profoundly affected by changing roles (e.g.
Berlin, Budapest, Vienna or Pretoria/ Tshwane), but elsewhere change has
been less drastic (London has experienced less sweeping changes with the
loss of its imperial role). Second, the adoption of federal or devolved and
decentralized systems, e.g. in Australia, South Africa, Spain and the UK,
which has seen the creation of new federal capitals (such as Canberra) or
former provincial cities gaining national capital status (like Cardiff). Finally,
the gradual emergence of supranational groupings has meant the evolution
of supranational capitals – Brussels and the EU most obviously. This pace of
change is unlikely to be maintained. The ending of empires has largely con-
cluded, although there will probably be continued pressures for devolution.
Comparative stability can be expected in the future, so now is a good time to
reconsider typologies of capitals.
Despite their diversity, capitals have key features in common. Pearce
(2007) draws on the work of Claval (2001) and Rapoport (1993) to argue that
despite their individuality, capitals have important similarities. These include
their centrality (as centres of transactions or government); wide interests;
images symbolizing national identity and power; ability to command national
resources; exercise of control and organization of territory. With these similar-
ities in mind, one initial typology is simply to distinguish capitals of federal,
more decentralized states from those of strongly centralized states. Federal
capitals tend neither to be the state’s dominant city, nor the commercial capi-
tal, nor to aspire to world city roles (Taylor, 2004). This is true even when, in
Campbell’s terms, the capital was ‘early’ (e.g. Washington, DC, in contrast to
New York City, Chicago or Los Angeles). They are likely to be smaller, and
more often comparatively new or planned cities, owing their location to politi-
cal decision rather than historic growth (e.g. Washington again or Brasilia).
These distinctions have implications for tourism. Large cities at the head of
centralized states are more likely to exhibit a heritage of monumentality and
an interaction between government and business power that will drive busi-
ness tourism. Planned capitals may take on a more conscious role in interpret-
ing the nation to its citizens (Chapter 14).
Hall (2006) develops a more detailed typology, identifying seven types of

capital city. One category is that of provincial capital, not relevant to our dis-
cussion. The typology of national capitals is:
1. Multifunctional capitals: combining all or most of the highest national-
level functions (e.g. London, Madrid, Paris, Stockholm, Moscow and Tokyo).
2. Global capitals: a special case of 1, representing cities that also perform
super-national roles in politics, commercial life, or both (e.g. London and
Tokyo).
3. Political capitals: created as seats of government, and often lacking other
functions that remain in older, commercial cities (e.g. The Hague, Bonn,
Washington, Ottawa, Canberra and Brasilia).
4. Former capitals: often the converse of category 2, representing cities that
have lost their role as the seat of government but that retain other historic func-
tions (e.g. Berlin, Leningrad, Philadelphia and Rio de Janeiro).
5. Ex-imperial capitals: a special case of category 3, representing former
imperial cities that have lost their empires though they may function as national
capitals, and may also perform important commercial and cultural roles for the
former imperial territories (e.g. London, Madrid, Lisbon and Vienna).
6. Super-capitals: functioning as centres for international organizations; these
may or may not be national capitals (e.g. Brussels, Strasbourg, Geneva, and
Rome, New York).
Clearly, there are overlaps here: London or Paris could plausibly claim entry
into categories 1, 2, 5 and 6, for example. But equally the list could be further
extended. Hall (2002) suggests one might add cultural and brand capitals, and
there are further possibilities.
Simply distinguishing federal from centralized capitals seems insufficient,
and yet there is a danger that extended typologies become unhelpful
analytically. To aid understanding of tourism and national capitals, we pro-
pose a fourfold classification. This is intended to capture the main distinction
between cities, from a tourism point of view, and the dynamism of recent
changes in national capital status.
Planned and political capitals
This category includes ex-imperial capitals, and so encompasses a wide range

of cities – for example, Canberra, Brasilia, Washington, DC, Ottawa, Lisbon
and Vienna. Their commonality is that they have been designed or shaped to
represent the nation to itself and to the world. That has provided a strong leg-
acy of monumentality in architecture and urban design, and an accumulation of
cultural facilities – theatres, galleries and museums, all of which shape their
tourism role. Although their nations may be economically important, the cities
themselves have significant but comparatively limited economic roles and are
not at the forefront of the global hierarchy: they are not alpha or beta world
cities (Taylor, 2004).
Global and multifunctional capitals
These include cities from Hall’s categories 1 and 2 above – for example
London, Tokyo or Madrid. These are cities that combine their political–
national–capital role with important economic and commercial functions;
they tend to dom inate their nation and may be categorized as world cities.
Their strong economic role makes them significant in business tourism
and a focus of mobilities, but their national dominance will also be reflected
by concentrations of cultural and heritage resources. Also included are
cities developing new supranational roles (category 6) – Brussels for
instance.
Historic and former capitals
These are cities that have enjoyed capital status at some time in the past, or
remain as historic capitals of smaller states. The legacy of past capital status
may be reflected in heritage, architecture and culture – for example Nara
and Kyoto, Japan, or St Petersburg, Russia. Cities maintaining capital status
may enjoy grandeur somewhat out of keeping with their current role – for
example Valetta, Malta, with its inheritance from the Knights of the Order of
St John.
(Re)emerging capitals
This category encompasses a range of cities whose roles and tourism attrac-
tion reflects recent or continuing change in their status, sometimes as a result
of the ending of empires, sometimes through processes of devolution.
It includes historic capitals regaining capital status after Soviet rule (e.g. in the
Baltic states) and those reasserting and reframing their post-communist posi-
tion (e.g. Berlin or Budapest). It also encompasses capitals that are changing
as part of wider processes of national change (e.g. Tshwane, South Africa)
including devolution and fragmentation of centralized states (e.g. Cardiff or
Edinburgh, UK). These cities share some qualities with those in other
categories – for example an inheritance of historic buildings and symbolic
monuments – but, because of their changing roles, are likely to have particu-
lar concerns about image and representation of the city and the nation.
Tourism in these circumstances has a particular resonance in a wider process
of national reconstruction.
We must stress that this classification is intended as a means of helping to
think about tourism in national capitals, and to highlight where there are dis-
tinctions as well as commonalities. It is not intended to be rigid, and the categor-
ization of any city may be open to debate. However, it helps to construct an
analytical framework through which capitals and tourism can be examined,
which is currently lacking.
Aspects of Tourism in National Capitals

Chapter 1 stressed that tourism was becoming an evermore important part of city
economies, with strong links to city image and representation; that boundaries
were dissolving between tourism and other activities and practices in the city and
between tourism and other mobilities; and that understanding the varied visitor
experience of cities was increasingly necessary. These general tendencies have
particular significance in national capitals, since they combine the magnetism of
city life with their own particular qualities – as a showpiece of the nation, and a
concentration of power and business, culture, heritage and monumentality, and
connectedness to the wider world (Hall, 2002; Campbell, 2003; Pearce, 2007).
This means that we can at once identify three important themes in capital
city tourism:
1. Image and brand: the images of the city, how the city seeks to shape
images and representations and the process of city branding.
2. Visitor experiences: how visitors perceive and experience the city.
3. Tourism markets: the different visitor markets that capitals can serve and
how these link to their developing roles.
However, there are overlaps and linkages between these categories, and
their purpose is as an analytical aid, not to establish rigid boundaries. Since
cities wish to take control of their futures, another theme inevitably follows –
tourism development:
4. Tourism Development: this is a particularly challenging and contentious
matter in national capitals. As Dube and Gordon (2000, p. 6) suggest, ‘plan-
ning for cities that include a seat of government often involves political and
symbolic concerns that are different from those of other urban areas’. Capital
cities have the dual function of being a city where ordinary people live out their
lives as well as being cities with a ‘special and highly particular relation to the
nation’ (Andrew and Taylor, 2000, p. 38). In this way, they are simultaneously
a municipality representing local interests, a capital representing national
power and a host for international embassies (Campbell, 2003).
At the same time, planning needs to take account of multiple levels – from
activist neighbourhoods, to municipal government, national government and
its buildings and activities, and the global reach of multinational businesses
and foreign governments with embassies and missions. A further issue may
arise from complex relationships between different levels of government –
federal and local, and between different jurisdictions in the capital region. For
example:
Canberra has a dual status as both a city and a federal territory and geographically
is entirely surrounded by the state of New South Wales. . . . Ottawa is cited as one
of the most difficult cities to govern for a number of reasons [including the] ‘uneasy
equilibrium’ between federal agencies and two provincial governments . . . [and that]
the national capital region is split between two municipal territories.
(Ritchie and Peirce, 2007, p. 5)
Tourism development and planning is inevitably a complex process with many

stakeholders, but the features of national capitals and their administration mean
that it requires particular attention to avoid political rivalry and reduced cohe-
sion in planning.
A Framework for National Capital Tourism
Combining our typology of national capitals with the aspects of tourism we need
to consider provides us with a systematic way of approaching this complicated
subject. By examining things in this way, we can explore how different types of
capital experience different aspects of tourism – or we can see how different
aspects of tourism develop in different types of capital. Inevitably there are over-
laps, and precisely what goes where is debatable, but we feel this helps bring
systematic enquiry in a field where the limited amount of research has been
largely confined to case studies, lacking wider comparability and applicability.
The framework is shown in Table 2.1, which also shows how it provides
an analytical structure to the book. Different chapters focus on particular
themes and their main focus is shown in bold in the matrix. But they also
inform other elements and where these are a strong part of the contribution;
this is also shown in plain type.
The book is set out in a sequence that follows the different aspects –
beginning with image and brand and proceeding through visitor experience,
tourism markets and ending with tourism development. But as the matrix
makes clear, strands can be followed to explore tourism in different types of
capitals. Readers with a particular interest in planned and political capitals, for
example, could focus on Chapters 3, 4, 7, 9, 15 and 19. The chapters and
their foci are briefly introduced below.
Book Overview
Part II focuses on issues concerning the imaging and branding of national cap-
ital cities covered by four chapters. Skinner (Chapter 3, this volume) provides a
fascinating introduction to this part, by suggesting the role of a capital city as a
‘product’ brand in the context of Wales. She views the branding of the nation
of Wales in a similar way to an overall corporate brand, with its constituent
places as similar to product brands, and its capital city as its flagship brand
subordinate to the overall brand. Skinner raises important issues concerning
the application of branding techniques for multidimensional constructs such as
nations and capital cities.
In Chapter 4, White examines the visual representations of Canberra,
Australia’s national capital. She applies aspects of semiotics (the study of signs,
codes and culture) to the national symbolism associated with this political and
planned capital. White uses the dual theoretical frameworks of nationalism and
destination marketing to suggest that Canberra does not attempt to compete
directly with larger more established cities, such as Melbourne or Sydney and
uses advertising and imagery that are unique to its national capital status.
City Tourism: National Capital Perspectives
Table 2.1. A framework for national capital tourism and book structure.
Aspects of city tourism
Types of capital Image and brand Visitor experience Tourism markets Tourism development
Planned and 3: Cardiff: product 7: Canberra: inside the 14: Canberra/Ottawa/ 19: Ottawa-Gatineau:
political brand triangle – images Washington, DC: cross border
capitals 4: Canberra: images of a capital school excursions identities
and marketing 9: Wellington: changing 19: Ottawa-Gatineau: cross
19: Ottawa-Gatineau: visitor perceptions border identities
cross border identities
Global and 5: Tokyo/Nara/Kyoto/ 8: London: seeing 11: Brussels: a 18: Brussels: diver-
multifunctional Kamakura/Edo: the sites multilayered city sifying the tourism
capitals migrating capitals product
11: Brussels: a
multilayered city
Historic and 5: Tokyo/Nara/Kyoto/ 10: Valetta: 13: Dublin: International 17: Beirut: tourist
former capitals Kamakura/Edo: monumentality and Business Tourism landscapes and
migrating capitals tourism national identity
10: Valetta: monumentality 10: Valetta:
and tourism monumentality
and tourism
Re-emerging 3: Cardiff: product 15: Budapest: capital city 12: Cardiff as a conference 15: Budapest: capital
capitals brand tourism in post-socialist tourism destination city tourism in
6: Tshwane: branding city 16: Hanoi: reinvented post-socialist city
and positioning capital city 16: Hanoi: reinvented
17: Beirut: tourist landscapes capital city
and national identity 17: Beirut: tourist
landscapes and
national identity
The main themes of the different chapters in this book are shown in bold. Other themes are shown in plain type.
21
Eades and Cooper (Chapter 5) present an interesting discussion of the

issues associated with the changing (or migrating) role of capitals in Japan. The
authors highlight the main functions of capital cities and the way these are
distributed in Japan. They note that each capital city is distinctive, both with
respect to the national imagination, as well as the tourist market. They suggest
that international and domestic tourists looking for the ‘old Japan’ will look
beyond Tokyo to the ancient capitals of Nara, Kamakura or Kyoto, while those
wanting a post-modern experience will venture to the global and multifunc-
tional Tokyo.
Chapter 6 by Heath and Kruger on Pretoria/ Tshwane outlines issues aris-
ing from the only African capital city included in this volume. Their chapter
considers the question of the nature of capital city status in the branding and
positioning of a capital city. Using a case study approach, the authors detail the
strategic branding and positioning of the recently named City of Tshwane. They
note that capital city status provides many opportunities and unique selling
propositions for the city, particularly concerning its national government and
diplomatic presence as well as its culture, science, technology and sport attrac-
tions. The name change from Pretoria is also identified by the authors as requir-
ing significant effort to reposition the city in the mind of consumers, and provides
an interesting dimension to the case study of a capital city in transition.
Part III of the book focuses on visitor experiences and perceptions of
national capitals and comprises four chapters.
Hayllar, Edwards, Griffin and Dickson (Chapter 7) also focus on Canberra
the national capital of Australia. However, unlike White in Chapter 4, these
authors discuss the tourist experience in the capital, with particular emphasis
on the parliamentary precinct. Using an innovative phenomenological approach
that examined photographic images along with focus groups with visitors, the
authors outline the special significance or unique qualities related to a visit to
the national capital. Interestingly, the authors suggest that the affective experi-
ence of Canberra can be captured in the notion of ‘capitalness.’ Capital status,
the authors argue, acts to engage visitors through its role as a repository for the
national story and confirms a sense of national identify and meaning to an
individual visitor. However, it also creates detachment through the symbols of
power and the architecture and design of the planned landscape, which act to
keep the individual at bay.
Chapter 8, written by Stevenson and Inskip, continues this theme by inves-
tigating the photographic images and texts provided by students in London.
Using semiotics (in a similar way to White in Chapter 4), the authors use images
to illustrate the connections and experiences of the city from individual respond-
ents. The chapter describes the intricacies and nuances of peoples’ engage-
ment with the multifaceted and complex city. London’s role as a capital city
appears central to the collection of photographs that focus on buildings (such
as Big Ben) and street scenes. However, the commentaries from respondents
that accompany the images reflect broader connections to experiences, ideas
and memories of other places. The authors suggest that such connections are
also a symbol of peoples’ deeper connection to the city, and not just a symbol
of London as a capital city.
The next chapter of Part III (Chapter 9) by Alonso and Yi Lui examines visi-
tor perceptions of the capital city of New Zealand, Wellington. The chapter
examines the destination image among visitors travelling to and departing from
the capital city. The results suggest that overseas visitors placed a higher level
of importance in seeing Wellington as New Zealand’s capital city, compared
with domestic visitors. International visitors were also more likely to explore
city attractions and spend more money. This suggests using capital city status
particularly in international marketing. Issues concerning infrastructure, poor
signage and outdated hospitality facilities were raised by visitors, and may be
partly due to low levels of tourism investment by the public and private sector,
which have been noted by others writing about national capital tourism in
Wellington (Peirce and Ritchie, 2007).
Finally in this part, Smith (Chapter 10) provides a very interesting chap-
ter concerning the relationship between capital city monumentality and tour-
ism in Valetta, Malta. Although the monumentality of capital cities is
recognized as conducive to tourism, Smith raises concerns over the ‘liveabi-
lity’ for residents in the city as monumental tourism is receiving priority over
certain urban districts, which could lead to resentment and damage to the
long-term development of tourism. As Smith concludes, this ‘museumifica-
tion’ process could make capitals less interesting for tourists and less repre-
sentative of nations.
Part IV of this book focuses on specific tourism markets in capital cities
and covers four distinct chapters. The part begins by Jansen-Verbeke and
Govers in Chapter 11 discussing the mutlilayered nature of Brussels as a cap-
ital city. The authors note the complexity of the city (with no fewer than five
capital city functions including that of the Belgian nation and the EU). The
authors outline the missed opportunities to better capitalize on the capital
dimension of the city. They also note that, similarly to Canberra, the city has
suffered from negative perceptions of being dull and bureaucratic. It is also
handicapped by institutional fragmentation and diverging projected images,
in a similar way to Budapest (Chapter 15) and Ottawa (Chapter 19). They
conclude that the dynamics of a multilayered city are difficult to manage,
yet Brussels has great potential to increase its business tourism and cultural
tourism markets.
Haven-Tang and Jones continue the discussion of tourism market seg-
ments in Chapter 12. Specifically they outline the development of confer-
ence tourism in Wales and suggest that the main competition is seen as
coming not from other capitals, but regional cities such as Manchester and
Bournemouth. The authors conclude that Cardiff under-exploits its status as
capital city and gateway to Wales within its development and marketing of
conference tourism. Haven-Tang and Jones suggest that developing confer-
ence tourism could help accelerate Cardiff’s re-emergence as a capital city on
the international stage.
Chapter 13 is authored by Skinner and Byrne and outlines the devel-
opment and marketing of international business tourism in Dublin. They
note the unique cultural heritage and history, afforded in part by Dublin’s
capital city status, provides a unique feature for increasing business-related
tourism. The ability for Dublin to provide a gateway role in transportation

terms (similar to that of Cardiff and also noted in Chapter 2) also increases its
ability to target international business tourism. Interestingly in their research
into organizations’ perceptions of Dublin as an international business tourism
destination, they discovered different perceptions in different geographical
areas. Dublin was also noted as being cosmopolitan and perceived as being a
cultural capital. The authors conclude that other capital cities (such as Vienna,
Berlin or Paris) currently exceed Dublin with respect to business tourism num-
bers, and suggest that infrastructure problems are constraining Dublin’s future
competitiveness in this market.
In the final chapter of Part IV, Ritchie (Chapter 14) outlines the size and
nature of the school excursion market in three political national capital cities
before examining a number of school-excursion management issues that attrac-
tion and destination managers need to consider in such cities. In particular,
Ritchie suggests that relevant facilities and educational resources for teachers
and students are needed to enhance their understanding of the national capital.
Safety and infrastructure issues associated with school excursions in political
national capitals are also outlined. Although these exist in all cities, the author
believes that they are being exacerbated in national capitals because of their
political capital status. He provides evidence related to increased threats of
terrorism and (in)security and a lack of investment in cost-effective accommo-
dation to cater to this particular market segment.
Part V consists of five chapters that explore the nature of tourism devel-
opment in national capitals. Chapter 15 by Smith, Puczkó and Ratz discusses
the development of post-socialist Budapest. Like other chapters in this part
(and Chapters 11 and 18 on Brussels), the authors note the complex admin-
istrative structures and the fragmented nature of capital city development.
These issues make it difficult for visitors to access attractions spread through-
out the city. This is in part exacerbated by a lack of public and private sector
cooperation, an issue also noted as a problem in other capital cities (such as
Canberra and Brussels), which may be dominated by public sector activities.
According to the authors, this situation has led to few new attractions and
reduced the level of innovative development because of capital city status.
They conclude that if the 23 districts do not cooperate and create a coherent
‘capitalness’, it is possible that they will never find their city, and neither will
anyone else!
The case of Hanoi is discussed by Jolliffe and Bui in Chapter 16, who
contribute to this book by examining the role of capital cities in a third and
socialist world context. Their chapter uses a discussion of national identity
dimensions in six selected museums as a starting point before examining how
Hanoi has reinvented itself. They discover that Hanoi is able through the muse-
ums to combine old and new elements of the national story to appeal to multi-
ple audiences (both domestic and international). It also commemorates key
elements of the past while creating a revenant story for the present, and hope-
fully the future.
Chapter 17 by Masri examines the rebuilding of Beirut, capital of Lebanon,
with a specific focus on the development of heritage tourism. The chapter
notes that although tourism has been central to the transformation of the city
and assisting with post-war economic recovery, the processes do not necessar-
ily reflect local experiences and histories. Masri notes that Beirut is an archival
collection of multiple cultures, however, the decision over what tourist places to
preserve, reconstruct or demolish is highly value-laden and entrenched within
the politics of collective memory and national identity.
Chapter 18 by Diekmann and Maulet returns to Brussels to explore the
recent development and promotion of the EU and African quarters (or pre-
cincts) for tourism. The authors note a number of issues and problems associ-
ated with their potential development, including a lack of involvement of the
local people in the planning and development of the quarters. The absence of
tourism signage and interpretation is also noted as impacting upon the tourist
experience. According to Diekmann and Maulet, the purpose behind the devel-
opment of these quarters as a tourism focus is unclear and no link is made to
the capital dimension of the city. The authors suggest that these issues are cur-
rently constraining the sustainable development of both quarters.
The final chapter of Part V (Chapter 19) is authored by Andrew and
Chiasson, who discuss the complexities surrounding the development of the
National Capital Region of Canada (Ottawa-Gatineau). This chapter provides a
fascinating overview of challenges and issues in developing and implementing
cross-border identities for tourism. The authors note the linguistic, cultural and
socio-economic divisions between the anglophone and francophone parts of
the same capital region. Chiasson and Andrew note that the recent change in
focus towards festivals and events in destination marketing has contributed to
the separate development of tourism between the two main destination mar-
keting organizations in the region. They note in their conclusion that the eco-
nomic crisis could provide greater impetus for these agencies to cooperate
rather than compete.
Part VI of the book discusses the commonalities and contrasts between the
previous chapters, and presents and discusses the key aspects related to the
book themes, outlined earlier. It concludes with a discussion of future research
directions and priorities to expand the body of knowledge related to national
capital tourism, and in doing so contributes to a better understanding of city
tourism more generally.
Conclusion
This chapter continues from Chapter 1 by outlining an approach that not

only acknowledges the diversity and richness of the cities and their tourism
roles, but that also examines them systematically and analytically. We first
reviewed the different ways in which national capital cities can be classified,
and suggested a typology of capital cities from a tourism perspective. Second,
we examined the different aspects of city tourism with particular relevance to
national capitals, focusing on the key themes that are presented in the remain-
ing parts of this book: city image and branding; the visitor experience;
and tourism markets and tourism development. Third, we brought together
the typology of capitals and the aspects of tourism to provide an analytical

framework for capital city tourism. This provides a structure for the detailed
analysis and research set out in the remainder of the book. Finally, we briefly
reviewed the chapters that follow and outlined their key points and themes.
The next section of this book examines the first book theme; that of city
image and branding.
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3 The Capital City as a ‘Product’
Brand Under the Nation’s
Corporate Umbrella
HEATHER SKINNER
University of Glamorgan, Wales
Introduction
Similar to many other countries within the enlarged European Union (EU),
Wales, a relatively small Celtic nation of around 3 million inhabitants, has been
forced to embrace the need to reposition itself to meet the demands of an
increasingly competitive global marketplace. For similar reasons many cases
leading to the successful rebranding of places have been politically driven, with
benefits reaped in diverse areas such as tourism, economic immigration, for-
eign direct investment and export. In such cases, a strong positive identity
allows a place to gain competitive advantage over others that have a negative
or poorly developed identity (Kotler and Gertner, 2002). Many places, includ-
ing entire nations, remain plagued by stereotypical images, while others have
yet to develop strong positive identities. The study of place marketing is further
complicated because the ‘place’ itself is often not defined within the literature.
While there are many case studies delving into specific places and the way
these have been branded or rebranded, much of the general literature on place
marketing considers the concept of branding entire nations, and little has been
written concerning any differentiation in marketing or branding for a nation’s
regions, towns and cities. This chapter will therefore explore some of these key
issues of identity, representation and branding within the context of defining
and conceptualizing what is a very complex subject area. Further complexity
also stems from the creation of large supranational entities such as the EU.
This not only calls into question the dominant role of the nation state in a post-
national globalized era (Skinner and Kubacki, 2007), but also raises the status
of post-devolution capital cities of nations such as Wales, as the concept of
‘Britishness’ becomes of increasingly less relevance to the identities of the UK’s
devolved nations (Wellings, 2007).
On a personal note, I was born in 1962 and brought up in Cardiff, a city
that has been the official capital of Wales since 1955. Growing up proud to
28 H. Skinner
be Welsh, I was amazed to find that, for many non-British people I met while
abroad on holiday during the 1970s and 1980s, Wales had no point of refer-
ence until its neighbour England was mentioned. At school, I took part in St
David’s Day celebrations for our national patron saint, wearing a traditional
woollen shawl and tall black hat, I sang songs in the old language and recited
penillion verse at Eisteddfodau. At home we spoke only English, although
my father was brought up in a Welsh-speaking household in the Rhondda
Valleys in the 1920s before moving to Cardiff as a young man before the
Second World War. I learnt the Welsh language at school, and even though I
cannot use Welsh in everyday conversation, I can still just about understand
enough of the language to get by when the need arises. However, to me
being Welsh was never just about speaking the language. Being Welsh also
encompassed a feeling of belonging to my own nation, with its own capital
city, its own unique identity and having a nationality that was distinct from
others within the UK – a nationality which distinguished me as ‘Welsh’ rather
than ‘British’. Being Welsh meant being part of a heritage of music and
poetry, of mythology, of the tales of the Mabinogi, of stories about fire-
breathing dragons and old tales of Welsh heroes. My Welsh identity is also
inextricably linked in some way to my identity as a capital city dweller – a
dweller of a cosmopolitan, multicultural and ethnically diverse capital, whose
historic architecture is now flanked by new shops, offices and leisure facilities.
My city has both a gothic-style castle and a Victorian prison at the heart of
the city centre, along with an Edwardian civic centre, and a modern and
growing retail development that will offer one of the largest shopping centres
in the UK. My Cardiff is able to retain its identity as a centre of rich cultural
heritage, while at the same time being able to respond to contemporary busi-
ness, leisure and social needs.
As a citizen I am able to reconcile these apparent paradoxes, yet as a
scholar I am able to find little in the academic literature that either aids my
understanding of the way such a hybrid identity has been created and man-
aged, or can be communicated effectively within an appropriate conceptual
framework. As a marketing scholar, the literature that is available to aid my
understanding is based firmly within the product and service branding construct,
yet instinctively I believed that this may not be the most appropriate construct
with which to study the marketing of places. This chapter will therefore explore
how Cardiff, a relatively new, planned and political capital city, has re-emerged
since government has been devolved to Wales. The chapter will also explore
the nature of the relationship between the marketing and branding of the capi-
tal as a tourist destination, and the marketing and branding of the nation as a
whole. The many problems associated with using branding techniques for such
multidimensional constructs as nations have opened questions of whether or
not marketing academics and practitioners alike are using appropriate frame-
works in their approaches to the marketing of places. The key argument that
will be presented is that a nation should best be understood in terms of corpo-
rate identity, rather than the more commonly applied concept of branding. The
brand concept is then better applied to the individual places within the nation,
such as capital cities.
The Capital City as a ‘Product’ Brand 29
‘For Wales, See England’

The Welsh Assembly Government is proud of its claim that Wales is ‘one of the
oldest nations in Europe with our own language and a rich and diverse cultural
inheritance’ (National Assembly for Wales, 2000). This is in stark contrast to
one of the most famous slights on the nation, when the entry in the 1888
Encyclopaedia Britannica simply read ‘for Wales, see England’. Even up to the
midpoint of the 20th century, many of Wales’ cultural symbols reflected a post-
war nation, which Aneurin Bevan, in a speech to the House of Commons on
28th October 1946, noted had ‘too great a tendency to identify Welsh culture
with Welsh speaking’. This tendency remains even though only ‘a half million
people in Wales (19% of the total population) speak Welsh’ (Office for National
Statistics, 1991). However, the mid-20th century was also the time when a
contemporary Welsh cultural identity began to be differentiated from that of the
rest of the UK (Table 3.1).
The latter part of the 20th century also brought changes to the economy of
Wales, as the nation saw similar declines in its economy to that of other European
nations that, in the past, had relied upon what was now a decline in traditional
employment in manufacturing and heavy industry (Berg et al., 1995; Lennon
and Seaton, 1998), combined with an attendant rise in growth and importance
of the service sector in general, and the tourism industry in particular, leading to
the need to create new strategies and skills bases (Skinner, 2005).
It took until the 1990s for Wales to feel the benefits of economic regenera-
tion. As a major port, Cardiff had been the main commercial centre of Wales
long before achieving city status in 1905, and then becoming the nation’s offi-
cial capital in 1955. The 1990s also brought the establishment of the Cardiff
International Arena as a major conference, exhibition and music venue; the
completion of the Millennium Stadium capable of holding major music and
Table 3.1. The development of a contemporary Welsh national identity.
1948 Establishment of a ‘Council of Wales’ to advise (but not rule on)

Welsh affairs
1950 Appointment of a Minister for Welsh Affairs
1955 Cardiff becomes the official capital of Wales
1958 Establishment of a Welsh Grand Committee of Welsh constituent MPs
1964 Creation of the post, and cabinet position, of Secretary of State for Wales
1965 Creation of a Welsh Office in Cardiff
1966 Election to parliament of the first Plaid Cymru (Party of Wales) MP
1969 Investiture of Prince Charles as Prince of Wales
1974 MPs allowed to swear Oaths of Allegiance in the Welsh language
1978 Wales Act proposes establishment of an Assembly for Wales
1970 Referendum rejects devolution
1997 Referendum accepts devolution
1999 Establishment of National Assembly for Wales
2007 ‘One Wales’ agreement of coalition parties in the Welsh Assembly
Government
30 H. Skinner
sporting events, and the redevelopment and regeneration of Cardiff Bay. It is

in particular the redevelopment of the Cardiff Bay area (formerly Tiger Bay),
now home to the Welsh Assembly Government, the location of many of the
capital city’s tourist attractions, visitor centres, shopping centres, leisure and
recreation facilities, and outdoor summer festival activities that have received
wide media attention, that is often seen as one of the driving forces behind the
rebranding of Wales.
However, even at the start of the 1990s Wales was still struggling to main-
tain a unique sense of identity that was not solely based on its past cultural
heritage. There was a perceived need to establish a greater awareness of Wales
as a separate nation with its own unique identity to both those outside and
within the principality. In the year the National Assembly for Wales (now the
Welsh Assembly Government) was officially opened, Ron Davies, assembly
member (AM), member of parliament (MP), in his paper Devolution – A Process
not an Event (1999) announced that he wanted ‘to rebrand Wales and notions
of Welshness to reflect the real living modern Wales, to establish the idea of
Wales as a vibrant, diverse, tolerant and outward-looking country with an
internationalist spirit’. Indeed, Hannan (1999, p. 12) takes the view that:
the creation of the assembly is the most significant change in a process during
which Wales seems, looking back, to have altered at breakneck speed and to
have done so, not simply in the creation of new institutions, but in the way in
which people have increasingly come to confront the Welsh dimension of
public life.
Place Marketing
The notion of a place as a marketable commodity has traceable origins within
tourism marketing (Hankinson, 2004). This has led to places most often being
referred to as ‘destinations’ within the body of literature that contains many
examples of the use of terms such as ‘destination marketing’ and ‘destination
branding’. Similar to many other practitioners responsible for the marketing of
places, the leaders of the Welsh Assembly Government use branding ter-
minology to discuss their efforts. This is also consistent with the perspective
taken by many academics, who also apply the branding construct to place
marketing. However, Skinner (2005, p. 299) has outlined many problems in
attempting to manage marketing communications for place brands in the same
way that communications are managed for product and service brands, leading
to the conclusion that ‘true integration of a place brand’s marketing communi-
cations may be impossible to achieve’. This is not the only reason that has led
some scholars to question whether branding as considered in product and
service terms is the correct construct to apply when marketing places (Skinner,
2008). Yet, while there still remains little consensus, there has been some effort
to clarify the use of terms relating to place marketing and branding. Place mar-
keting involves ‘applying principles of corporate identity to places with logos,
straplines, messages and promotional campaigns. . . . Place branding, on the
other hand, is concerned with the pre-existing reputation, or the context

within which marketing communications operate’ (Parkerson, 2007,
p. 264). However, an alternative view is offered from an etymological per-
spective where the word marketing ‘comes from “market getting” and has the
market as its starting point, while branding literally means “burning” or “mark-
ing” something’ (Hospers, 2007, p. 3). While this may appear to be a simplis-
tic way of reconciling the issue, it does have merits when considering that
‘place marketing starts from the image outsiders have of a place (outside-in-
approach). In turn, place branding is an act by the place itself and tells the
outside world what it is or how it wants to be seen (inside-out-approach)’
(Hospers, 2007, p. 3).
Town centre management and the place of capital cities
There is a recognition within the literature on town centre management of the

need to create a positive image and identity for cities in order ‘to identify and
differentiate themselves from competitors’ (Trueman et al., 2007, p. 21), and
to counter the impact of negative perceptions, which otherwise ‘can under-
mine regeneration and destroy the confidence of local communities, leading to
the notion of a “lost” city with no clear identity or brand’ (Trueman et al.,
2007, p. 20). However, while this issue is less applicable to capital cities that
do tend to have stronger identities than other city places, a place, unlike a new
product launched on to the market, ‘does not begin from a zero base’
(Hankinson, 2004, p. 7).
Cardiff had been a thriving commercial centre for many years before it was
granted city status just over 100 years ago in 1905, and became the capital of
Wales in 1955, yet there is evidence of the city being built on the site of a much
earlier Roman fort built around 75 AD, so while its status may have changed,
Cardiff as a place already existed and already had an identity. One other issue
confusing studies of place marketing is, therefore, the role played by a place’s
culture and heritage, particularly when such a relatively new planned and politi-
cal capital city as Cardiff is attempting to refashion and manage its identity in
contemporary terms, such as marketing and branding, to meet the challenges
of an increasingly competitive global market for tourism, foreign direct invest-
ment, economic immigration and export. This subject is becoming of increas-
ing importance not only for the UK’s post-devolution constituent nations, but
is also of importance further afield as new nation states with new capital cities
are created or recreated the situation such as following the break up of the
USSR, all of which has brought the matter of national and cultural identities
into sharp focus.
The historic ‘capital’ of Wales is often claimed to be the market town of
Machynlleth in mid-Wales, seat of the Welsh Parliament of Owain Glyndwr in
the early 1400s, although Machynlleth has never received any official recogni-
tion as having either capital or city status. Owain Glyndwr led a rebellion
against the English King Henry IV, and was crowned Prince of Wales in
Machynlleth in 1404, 3 years after claiming the title. The rebellion was
32 H. Skinner
unsuccessful; it had followed centuries of English occupation following William

the Conqueror’s invasion, and Edward I’s attempts to conquer Wales in the late
13th century. Wales was eventually incorporated into a single state comprising
England and Wales by the Laws in Wales Acts 1535–1542. This, and the sub-
sequent Act of Union in 1707, which politically united England and Wales with
Scotland, created the Kingdom of Great Britain, with its capital in London. It is
only since devolution that Cardiff’s role as the capital of Wales is becoming
meaningful in allowing the city and nation to refashion their own political iden-
tities. In contrast to Machynlleth, Cardiff is not located centrally in Wales; rather
its location is on the south-east coast. Its history as a trading port has led to it
being a city of cultural diversity rather than a cultural centre recognizable as
homogeneously and identifiably ‘Welsh’. Yet, despite this, its reinvention as a
national capital is evident in the location of many of Wales’ national institutions
such as the National Museum in the city’s civic centre, the National History
Museum at St Fagans on the outskirts of the capital city, the National Assembly’s
Senedd building and the Wales Millennium Centre, which opened in 2004 and
now houses Academi – the Welsh National Literature Promotion Agency and
Society For Writers, Diversions – Wales’ National Dance company, the Welsh
National Opera, and the BBC National Orchestra of Wales.
As outlined in the introduction to this chapter, the way a place’s brand is
perceived as either positive, negative, or underdeveloped affects its ability to
compete effectively in a global marketplace. One key measure of effectiveness
is the way a place’s brand affects its attraction as a destination for tourism. Of
the 243 tourist attractions that provided figures for the 2007 Visit Wales survey
(Beaufort Research, 2008), 58 are located in south-east Wales. The south-east
of Wales is also the region that saw the highest increase in visitor numbers, up
26% between 2006 and 2007, and with around 3,600,000 visitors a year, it
also has the highest volume of visitors of any region of Wales. Moreover, attrac-
tions based in the south-east gain the highest average visits per attraction per
region (around 81,000 visits per attraction). Cardiff is home to 17 of these vis-
itor attractions. Two of these appear in the list of the top-ten paid attractions
in Wales – Cardiff Castle (third) and Techniquest Science Museum (eighth). Five
of Cardiff’s visitor attractions also appear in the list of the top-ten free attrac-
tions in Wales – Wales Millennium Centre (first), St Fagans National History
Museum (second), National Musuem (third), National Assembly Debating
Chamber (eighth) and Cardiff Bay Visitor Centre (ninth). Indeed, the Wales
Millennium Centre and National History Museum are among the most popular
destinations in Wales, attracting nearly 1.5 million visitors between them.
However, even before Cardiff became the official capital, it had been
home to the National Museum of Wales, which had been established by Royal
Charter in 1907 with its current home in Cardiff’s civic centre opening to the
public in 1927. The dominance of the region around the nation’s capital as a
tourist attractor can sometimes lead to tensions between the capital city and
other cities and towns within the nation. As an example, following disagree-
ments about the proposed location being Cardiff, the National Library of
Wales, established at the same time as the National Museum in 1907, was
actually housed in Aberystwyth, a town located centrally on the west coast of
Wales. More recently, other national centres have been created in places other
than the national capital, such as Wales National Pool in Swansea that was
completed in 2003, and the National Waterfront Museum which opened in
2005 and is also located in Swansea. Decisions about such locations can
therefore seem to be politically driven in response to calls for equitable geo-
graphic dispersal of such attractions around the nation. These planned politi-
cal decisions can be seen to contrast to the location of ‘national’ institutions
being geographically spread around the nation due to the nature of the attrac-
tion either: being based upon sites of historic interest (such as the Roman
Legion Museum situated at Caerleon in south-east Wales on the site of a
Roman fort); being based in areas relating to the industrial heritage of a region,
such as the National Slate Museum located in Llanberis in north Wales; or
the location of Wales’ national parks in Snowdonia (north Wales), Brecon
(mid-Wales) and Pembrokeshire (west Wales).
Cultural heritage or ‘fakelore’?
Atkinson Wells (1994) uses the term ‘fakelore’ when questioning the authenti-
city of what is being promoted about a place, particularly when targeting the
heritage tourism market. Examples of such questionable promotions have been
well documented: Brown (2001) questions the entire heritage tourism ‘rever-
sion to retro’ phenomenon in general, and the images of Ireland promoted
through cultural products such as Riverdance in particular (Brown, 1998);
Aherne (2000) similarly questions the authenticity of the entire ‘Celtic Revival’;
while Atkinson et al. (2002) claim that Hull’s maritime heritage had all but
been overlooked in the creation of its new post-industrial urban identity. Wales
has also been subjected to a similar examination, with Skinner (2005) identify-
ing Wales Tourist Board promotions focusing so heavily on the nation’s history,
language and culture that tourists to its capital city would be in danger of facing
significant levels of dissonance when experiencing the place in reality. It has
also been noted earlier that Cardiff is not usually perceived as a centre of
‘Welshness’. Rather, it is an economic and political capital that may be seen to
be reinventing itself as a cultural capital by locating within it many of Wales’
‘national’ cultural attractions.
Skinner and Kubacki (2007) recognize not only the role played by both the
cultural and political perspectives of nation and nationhood, but also that the
nation brand both informs and is informed by its constituent people and places.
The model of the nation brand proposed by Skinner and Kubacki recognizes
that the nation brand is affected by events occurring in the outside (macro)
environment as the nation does not exist in isolation from others. The brand is
communicated through a range of contact points, including the formal com-
munications originating from its managerial and creative subsystems (Solomon
et al., 1999), and these contact points are also experienced by those with per-
sonal experience of the nation and those who may receive informal communi-
cations about the nation, for example someone may never have visited a nation
but may have a perception about the identity of that nation from having seen
34 H. Skinner
a film set in a certain country, or by reading what someone has written about
the place in a blog. While that may not offer a ‘true’ representation of the place
(as far as that is even possible), it may be the only one that person has encoun-
tered. In this respect, a person’s perceptions of the nation may also be affected
by the dominance of tourism and FDI (foreign direct investment) to a nation’s
capital city rather than other less easily accessible places within it.
These contact points of the national brand identity are also moderated by
other factors. For example, it has been noted that a nation’s identity changes
over time (Bechhofer et al., 1999; Cameron, 1999), but that this change can
often be perceived more slowly by those outside the nation than those living or
working within it, or who have visited it since change occurred. Time therefore
becomes a moderating factor, as some people outside the nation may still be
holding on to historic perspectives of a nation that has since moved on. This is
particularly pertinent when considering newly emerging or re-emerging nations,
which may have experienced relatively low levels of investment or tourism.
As a nation, there is evidence that Wales has an underdeveloped identity in
the wider world. Where it does have an identity, it is often based upon historic
perceptions grounded in cultural symbols of dragons, druids and coal mining,
yet Cardiff is a vibrant cosmopolitan capital city with many facilities and attrac-
tions, and an infrastructure that can support both general and business tourism
to a very high standard. Post-devolution, it is easier for Cardiff to raise its status
as a national rather than merely regional capital, and thereby refashion its
brand identity to meet the global challenges of an increasingly competitive
market for place brands.
Conclusion
The literature contains many examples of regions, cities and suburbs that have
applied principles of place branding to positive effect. The perspective of place
marketing presented in this chapter reflects the view identified in the literature
of the nation as corporate brand. It would therefore seem that national identi-
ties can be best understood in terms of the creation and communication of
corporate identity and corporate image, while the outputs of that nation, its
products and services, places and capital cities, may be best perceived in brand-
ing terms:
The wider term ‘place marketing’ may therefore be better suited to issues about
a place’s overall management – a place can then be considered as a location
having a single identity with multiple facets, a history, and cultural heritage,
and pre-existing perceptions, and be managed as akin to a corporation, market
getting, from an outside-in approach by its multiple stakeholders, in partnership.
If the term ‘branding’ applies here at all, it can be seen to relate to the creation
of a corporate brand identity. The term ‘place branding’ is then better clarified
as linking to a place’s promotional activities, contextualized in the domain of
marketing communications, marking the place with a distinct identity in the minds
of the various target groups targeted by the incorporated place, from an inside-
out approach, assuring the place’s multiple stakeholders, in partnership, manage

and communicate the place’s brand identity to the wider world as they wish it to
be presented.
(Skinner, 2008, pp. 923–924)
In marketing terms, Wales as a nation can be seen to be making attempts at

place marketing – creating a single Welsh identity although with multiple
facets. It may also be seen to be making attempts at place branding when it
communicates with its various target audiences for tourism, economic immi-
gration, FDI and the export of its goods and services. Wales therefore can be
perceived as the corporate brand of the Welsh Assembly Government’s cor-
poration. As corporations rebrand themselves, so has Wales, as a post-
devolution nation in its own right, no longer necessarily to be perceived
merely as a subordinate region of Britain. Moreover, this can be compared to
the way the nation brand of Scotland is reclaiming its own political and cul-
tural identity distinct and separate from that of a ‘British’ identity. While other
political issues affect Northern Ireland’s identity as a post-devolution nation,
and the nation’s cultural identity is not distinguished from Britishness to the
same extent as Wales and Scotland, its political identity can be seen to
be doing so (Gould and Skinner, 2007). The problematic issue becomes the
creation of ‘Brand England’, and it has historically been seen to be inextrica-
bly linked with ‘Brand Britain’ (Wellings, 2007). Wales as a corporate brand
then becomes the umbrella brand of its constituent places, in the same way
as one business organization may produce a wide range of different product
and service brands. The nation’s capital city can then be seen to be one of
the place brands subordinate to the overall nation brand. As with business
corporations, some of these places may be seen to be more identifiable with
the umbrella brand than others, and these individual place brands may target
different audiences for different reasons.
Interestingly, one issue that is lacking in academic investigation is any way
of distinguishing the brand of a capital city from any other place brand. It would
not be inconsistent with the brand literature to consider a nation’s capital as its
‘flagship brand’. Cardiff can be seen to be the flagship brand of the nation. It
houses not only many of the nation’s attractions, but also more of the attrac-
tions most valued by its visitors than other place brands within the nation, as
the city and its surrounding region receives the highest number of visitors to the
nation, and its attractions are more popular with visitors than other places
within the nation. This is also consistent with the academic literature on prod-
uct and service marketing and branding.
Conceptualizing the nation as being similar to an overall corporate brand,
with its constituent places as similar to product brands, and its capital city as
its flagship brand may help not only minimize the confusion brought about by
the inconsistent use of marketing and branding terminology that is currently
evident in the extant literature, but may also help us better understand the inter-
related nature of various types of place brands based upon the different status
held by each, be they nation, capital city, region, town city or individual visitor
attraction.
36 H. Skinner
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4 Images of Canberra:
Destination Marketing and
the Capital City of Australia
LEANNE WHITE
Victoria University
Introduction
This chapter examines visual representations (mediated images) of both
Canberra and the marketing of Australia’s capital city. The chapter examines
numerous signs and symbols surrounding the national capital and its marketing
in 2008 and 2009. The key organizations involved in marketing Canberra are
Australian Capital Tourism and the Canberra and Region Visitors Centre.
These groups effectively control the way in which Canberra is marketed locally,
nationally and internationally.
The national symbolism associated with the nation’s capital will be exam-
ined. Textual analysis, in particular semiotics (examining how signs generate
meaning) is a useful methodology for deconstructing mediated representations
of national imagery and branding. Some semiotic analysis will be undertaken to
analyse the way in which images and perceptions of Australia’s national capital
are imagined, created, represented, replicated and relayed across Australia and
beyond. The images examined in this chapter will also be explored through the
dual theoretical frameworks of nationalism and destination marketing.
The heart of Canberra is the Parliamentary Zone (sometimes also referred
to as the ‘Parliamentary Triangle’) and is bounded by Capital Hill, Kings and
Commonwealth Avenues and Lake Burley Griffin. Some of the key tourist sites
found in or just beyond this area include the Australian War Memorial, Captain
Cook Memorial Jet, Carillon, National Library of Australia, Reconciliation
Place, High Court of Australia, National Gallery of Australia, Old Parliament
House and Parliament House. The visual representation of Canberra generally,
and this area in particular, will be the focus of this chapter.
At an important conference in 1993 – ‘Canberra: Face of the Nation?’ –
organized by the Canberra Business Council, the University of Canberra, the
National Capital Planning Authority (NCPA) and the federal government, chair
of the NCPA Joe Skrzynski stated: ‘In 80 years, Canberra has come from sheep
38 L. White
pastures to one of the world’s most beautiful and successful cities. . . . Whether
you love Canberra or hate it, you have to admit it is unique’ (Birtles, 1993, p. 6).
At the same conference, Kerry Stokes, Managing Director of the Canberra
Times declared: ‘Mention Washington to an everyday American and you’re
likely to see a patriotic hand move across his heart. Mention Canberra to an
average Australian and you’ll no doubt get a gesticulation of a demonstrably dif-
ferent kind!’ (Birtles, 1993, p. 9).
In describing Canberra, Lonely Planet’s guide to Australia states, ‘This city
is a celebration of what Australians hold dear – their origins, sacrifices, treas-
ures and values’ (Vaisutis, 2007, p. 265). While the authors of Rough Guide
to Australia claim that most Australians regard Canberra as a ‘frosty boring
place where politicians (the lowest form of human life) and public servants (only
marginally higher on the evolutionary scale) live it up at the expense of the
hard-done-by Australian taxpayer’ (Daly et al., 1999, p. 210).
Methodology
Semiotics
As discussed earlier, this chapter is concerned with examining images of

Canberra. The chapter undertakes an analysis of the images by applying
aspects of semiotics – a key qualitative research methodology for deconstruct-
ing mediated representations of national imagery. The search for representa-
tions of ‘Canberra-ness’ can be discovered through a close examination of the
city and its visual imagery, as well as the way it is promoted to local and inter-
national visitors.
Semiotics is the study of signs, codes and culture, and a methodology for
reading ‘soft data’ such as visual representations of Australia’s national capi-
tal. The word ‘semiotics’ is derived from the Greek name for an interpreter
of signs – semeiotikos (Cobley and Jansz, 1999, p. 4). Semiotics is a useful
tool for examining the sometimes multilayered images of a city. The area of
study originated in the early 20th century. Essentially, it is the study of how
signs operate in society or ‘the study of the social production of meaning’
(O’Sullivan et al., 1994, p. 281) generated from sign systems. Meaning in
this context is the dynamic interaction between the ‘reader’ and the message.
Meaning is influenced by the reader’s socio-cultural experiences, and the
reader undoubtedly plays a central role in any semiotic analysis. Semiotics is
a useful methodology for deconstructing our daily experiences and attempts
to capture those experiences more permanently, with tools such as still and
moving cameras.
According to Leiss et al. (1990), the real strength of semiotics is ‘its capac-
ity to dissect and examine closely a cultural code and its sensitivity to the
nuances and oblique references in cultural systems’. They incorporate the
notion of a cultural frame into their research, and argue that ‘a cultural frame
is the predominant set of images, values, and forms of communication in a
Images of Canberra: Destination Marketing 39
particular period that arises out of the interplay between marketing and adver-
tising strategies, the mass media, and popular culture’ (Leiss et al., 1990, p.
62). This notion is important to the primary object of examination of this chap-
ter – the ‘cultural frame’ of Canberra that has been produced through numer-
ous visual depictions of the capital city.
Invented images of a nation
Richard White broke significant ground on the topic of national imagery, sym-
bols and icons when he claimed:
There is no ‘real’ Australia waiting to be uncovered. A national identity is an
invention. There is no point asking whether one version of this essential Australia
is truer than another because they are all intellectual constructs, neat, tidy,
comprehensible – and necessarily false.
(White, 1981, p. viii)
White (1981, p. x) argued that national identity is an invention which is con-

stantly being ‘fractured, questioned and redefined’. He claimed that the ques-
tion is not whether definitions of Australia are correct, but who is responsible
for the production of these definitions and in whose interest do they serve?
White (1981, p. viii) observed that the continual questioning and search for an
Australian identity in this country has become a ‘national obsession’.
Observing that visual images are always embedded in texts, Willis (1993, p. 9)
examined ‘how visual imagery becomes enmeshed in processes of the construc-
tion of national identity’. The work of Willis provides a useful framework for the
analysis of the manufactured images of nation. She contends that in Australia in
the late 1980s, a form of ‘hyper nationalism’ emerged (Willis, 1993, p. 26), and
distinguishes the ‘cultural nationalism’ of the Whitlam years from the ‘corpora-
tized figural nationalism’ (Willis, 1993, p. 88), which she refers to as the ‘con-
sumer nationalism’ (Willis, 1993, p. 180) of Australia’s bicentenary of European
settlement in 1988. The bicentenary was indeed a key moment in the syntax of
national imaging, and a key moment in the branding of Canberra due to the open-
ing of Australia’s new national icon – Parliament House.
Without entering into an exhaustive examination about the abundant meth-
ods by which the idea of a ‘nation’ is presented to the citizen, it is worth noting
one regularly used technique. A popular strategy employed by image makers
which most Australians encounter daily is the representation of the landmass of
their island continent in various forms. According to Benedict Anderson (1991,
p. 12), nationalism is a taken-for-granted frame of reference. For one example of
this, we need look no further than the words and logo of the masthead of Australia’s
national newspaper, The Australian. The concept of the nation is doubly rein-
forced in both the title of the newspaper and the red image of the Australian
landmass. Although the citizen may not always consciously register that they are
viewing the symbol, the point remains that these images are being generated and
presented by numerous individuals and organizations. The marketing of Canberra
40 L. White
as the nation’s capital works on a similar level in that many key aspects of the
national story are taken-for-granted frames of reference.
Destination marketing
As early as 1979, Peter Spearritt and David Walker recognized that popular
culture in Australia had been largely ignored as a subject worthy of academic
analysis. Spearritt argued: ‘The battle for Australia’s symbols was really won or
lost in tourist pamphlets and encyclopaedias’ (Spearritt and Walker, 1979,
p. 58). It was in the 1980s and the 1990s that the marketing of national sym-
bols started to become an area of interest to researchers and scholars.
More recent studies in tourism have considered the role of particular attrac-
tions in assisting with the creation of a national identity. Pretes (2003) notes
that tourists receive messages sent to them by the creators of the sites they
visit, and these sites of significance, presented as aspects of a national heritage,
help to shape a common national identity, or ‘imagined community’ among a
diverse population. If tourist sites can help create a common identity, can the
main iconic images of a capital city represent aspects of an overall culture and
help to develop a collective story or imagined community?
The Australian Tourist Commission (ATC), now known as Tourism
Australia, made it clear that it saw the Sydney 2000 Olympic Games as an
opportunity to shift attitudes towards Australia. The ATC wanted to use the
Games to remove the ‘Crocodile Dundee’ image of Australia (Rivenburgh
et al., 2004). In 1995, the ATC embarked on a new way to promote Australia,
known as ‘Brand Australia’. In this campaign, a unified and cohesive image of
Australia was developed for the major markets – Asia, Europe and the USA.
Australia’s personality was presented as youthful, energetic, optimistic, unpre-
tentious and genuine. In their cross-cultural study of foreign attitudes towards
Australia before, during and after the Sydney Games, Rivenburgh and her
co-writers (2004, p. 13) argued that ‘the ATC saw the Opening Ceremony as
an opportunity to sell Sydney and Australia to the world’ and to get Australia
recognized as an exciting and desirable travel destination. Any marketing of a
nation’s major cities must necessarily take into account the marketing of the
complete tourist product (at least for the international tourist) – the nation.
Canberra: a Semiotic City
While Canberra is the capital city of Australia, with a population of 339,000

(Australian Capital Tourism, 2009, p. 4), the cities of Sydney and Melbourne
are better known around the world. Like Washington and New Delhi, Canberra
came from ‘ideas and not from circumstances. . . . It was a test-tube insemina-
tion conducted in a laboratory’ (Slessor, 1966, p. 9). After the 1899 Referendum,
when it was decided that the Australian colonies would become a federated
nation, it was recognized that there was a need for a Federal Capital Territory
(owned by the Commonwealth of Australia), from which Australia could be
governed. In 1908, the location of Australia’s capital city was decided upon.
The site chosen was a large valley and natural amphitheatre known as Limestone
Plains. The area is primarily boarded by Mount Pleasant, Black Mountain and
Mount Ainslie, while the Mongolo River flows through the valley. The area
became known as the Australian Capital Territory (ACT) in 1938.
The traditional owners of the land are the Ngunnawal Aborigines, who
have lived in the area for more than 20,000 years (Sheppard, 2002, p. 14).
The name ‘Canberra’ is derived from the Ngunnawal word ‘Kanberra’ or
‘Canberry’, which means ‘meeting place’ (Slessor, 1966, p. 12). Due to the
location, Canberra is also affectionately known as the ‘Bush Capital’ (refer
Fig. 4.1). Almost 50% of the ACT’s 2538 km2 is comprised of national parks
and reserves. Canberra’s coat of arms features a black swan (symbolizing
Aboriginal people) and a white swan (representing European settlers) on either
side of a shield with a castle, sword and the parliamentary mace (Nicholson,
2002, p. 83). The Canberra valley was a particularly special meeting place for
performing corroborees and feasting on Bogong moths. The Bogong moth
breeds on the plains west of the Great Dividing Range and migrates to caves
within the High Plains and Snowy Mountains each summer.
Having located the site for Australia’s new capital, an international com-
petition was organized in 1911 to design the city. Consequently, the found-
ers of Canberra had the unique opportunity to build a capital city which
would combine the best visual features of cities throughout the world. Of the
126 entries, it was decided that the designs of American landscape architect,
Walter Burley Griffin and his wife Marion Mahony Griffin (an architectural
drafter) were the most outstanding. The Griffins had been former associates
of Frank Lloyd Wright and managed to plan Canberra without having visited
Fig. 4.1. Australia’s ‘Bush Capital’ Canberra featuring Lake Burley Griffin.
42 L. White
the area. Walter and Marion eventually moved to Australia in 1913, and also
designed Melbourne’s Capital Theatre, Newman College, properties in
Sydney’s Castlecrag and a number of architectural projects including large
municipal incinerators.
The Canberra plan emphasized land, water and municipal axes, with roads
radiating out in concentric circles. Peter Proudfoot argues that while Griffin’s
plan for an ideal city is generally regarded as arising from a combination of the
City Beautiful and Garden City movements in architecture at the time, in his
highly detailed semiotic analysis, he claims that the inspiration for the design
evolved from ancient spiritual ideals and geomancy, which like feng shui is a
‘science which places man in harmony with the earth’ (Proudfoot, 1994, p. 4).
He argues that Canberra shares similarities with Stonehenge, Glastonbury, the
Egyptian pyramids and the new Jerusalem (Proudfoot, 1994, p. 4).
Australia’s Lonely Planet guide irreverently explains, ‘Think crop circles in
suburbia and you have an aerial picture of this city, conceived on an architect’s
drawing board with the aid of ruler, compass and protractor’ (Vaisutis, 2007,
p. 267). The focal point of Griffin’s plan was a grand Capital Building on
‘Camp Hill’ (later known as ‘Capital Hill’), while the main ‘water feature’ is a
series of connected basin or artificial lakes – 11 km wide in places – now known
as Lake Burley Griffin (refer Fig. 4.2). The filling of the lake in 1963 and the
opening of Parliament House in 1988 enabled Griffin’s original plans to finally
be realized. The ‘really dramatic change’ to Canberra which gave the city ‘a
cohesion that was previously lacking’ came with the filling of the lake (Linge,
1975, p. 68). When Prime Minister Robert Menzies was questioned about the
cost of constructing the lake he replied, ‘What would London be without the
Thames? What would Paris be without the Seine?’ (Slessor, 1966, p. 27).
Fig. 4.2. The focal point of Canberra is Parliament House.

An international competition was again held in 1980 for the design of

Australia’s new Parliament House. The brief was to ‘create a building true to
Walter Burley Griffin’s vision of a city nestling into the natural folds of the land’
(Daly et al., 1999, p. 216). The winning design, which was chosen from 329
entries, was submitted by another American team of architects – Mitchell,
Giurgola and Thorp. Italian Romaldo Giurgola was the chief designer of the
building, which both reflected and respected Griffin’s original plans for the site
as the surrounding landscape rather than the building itself is the dominant
feature. The building is set on a 32 ha site, is one of the largest buildings in the
southern hemisphere and ‘serves as a reminder of the purpose for which the
city was built’ (Gibbney, 1986, p. 35).
Australia’s Parliament House cost US$1.1 billion to build (almost ten times
the original estimate), boasts 4500 rooms and was made with enough concrete
to build 25 Sydney Opera Houses (Nicholson, 2002, p. 86). It was officially
opened for Australia’s Bicentennial celebrations in 1988. The forecourt of
Parliament House features a ceremonial pool and a 196 m2 granite mosaic
designed by Aboriginal artist Michael Nelson Tjakamara. An 81 m high stain-
less steel flagpole (sometimes referred to as the ‘Hill’s Hoist’) rises from the
lawn roof (refer Fig. 4.3). The Australian flag, which adorns the flagpole, is
widely marketed as being bigger than a double-decker bus. In a bid to save time
and cut costs towards the end of the project, the notable lawn roof almost did
not go ahead. Giurgola and Thorp managed to convince the government of
the day to proceed with the original plans (Machen, 2000, p. 132). The lawn
roof was considered important to the concepts of democracy and power as
visitors could metaphorically ‘walk on top of’ the working (and paid for by the
taxpayer) politicians below.
Fig. 4.3. Australia’s Parliament House was opened in 1988.

44 L. White
It did not take long for Australia’s newest iconic landmark to become a
subject of interest for advertisers. In 1988, a Sorbent toilet tissue television
advertisement incorporated Australian locations and icons to link the nation.
The structure of the advertisement was loosely based on the 1 January 1988,
4-hour media extravaganza Australia Live – Celebration of a Nation, hosted
by Ray Martin, Jana Wendt and Clive James. Like the television programme,
introductions to places around Australia are orchestrated from one central loca-
tion – in this case, the nation’s capital, Canberra. Another similarity between
the advertisement and the television event is that at the base of screen the
name of the location is printed next to a map of the relevant state, with a pul-
sating dot to pinpoint the general site. The locations for the Sorbent commer-
cial are Canberra, Tully, Hobart, Tanunda, Paraburdoo, Bondi and Camberwell.
Thus, all states and territories, with the exception of the Northern Territory, are
included.
The original Parliament House (now officially known as ‘Old Parliament
House’ and unofficially as the ‘wedding cake’) was opened in 1927 and only
ever intended to be the temporary home of Australia’s Federal parliamentary
system. It is a white neoclassical design and now also houses the National
Portrait Gallery. In 1972, an Aboriginal Tent Embassy was first established on
the lawn area in front of the building. Directly across the lake from both old and
new Parliament House, at the top of Anzac Parade and foot of Mount Ainslie,
is the Australian War Memorial (Fig. 4.4).
The spatial relationship between the two buildings has been compared to
Viceroy’s Palace and the All-India Memorial in New Delhi (Metcalf, 2003,
p. 42). Somewhat ironically, Griffin’s plan for Canberra included a casino on
Fig. 4.4. The Australian War Memorial at the foot of Mount Ainslie, and old
Parliament House as seen from the Parliament House.
the site where the war memorial now stands. A decision to build the memorial
was made in 1923, and it was officially opened in 1941. The impressive
limestone monument features a hall of memory and a reflection pool
surrounded by bronze panels (Rolls of Honour) listing the names of more
than 102,000 Australians who lost their lives in battle. After the Second
World War, the Australian War Memorial ‘quickly became an icon and the
most visited Canberra site’ (Metcalf, 2003, p. 43). Applying a semiotic
analysis, the red gravel of Anzac Parade is said to symbolize the bloodied
sands of Gallipoli.
Apart from Parliament House, the Australian War Memorial and Lake
Burley Griffin (materializing in 1963 after dam waters flooded the basin), other
significant tourist attractions in Canberra include: Old Parliament House,
National Gallery of Australia, High Court of Australia, National Library of
Australia, National Museum of Australia, National Archives of Australia,
National Zoo and Aquarium, Questacon – National Science and Technology
Centre, National Film and Sound Archive, Australian Institute of Sport, Royal
Australian Mint, the Lodge (home of the prime minister), Government House
(home of the governor general), foreign embassies, the Australian National
Botanic Gardens, Black Mountain Tower, Mount Ainslie and Red Hill. Some of
Canberra’s significant festivals and events include Summernats Car Festival,
Australia Day Live, National Folk Festival, National Autumn Balloon Spectacular,
Floriade (billed as ‘Australia’s Celebration of Spring’ and possibly Canberra’s
best-known event) and the Australian Mountain Bike Championships. The
range of events taking place in Canberra may just reflect Lyn Spillman’s (1997)
suggestion that, in a diverse country, diversity itself becomes an aspect of
national identity.
The Marketing of a Semiotic City

Canberra and its key attractions are marketed in a way that does not attempt
to compete with Sydney and Melbourne. Canberra is largely perceived by non-
Canberrans as a highly ‘planned’ city for politicians and government workers.
Landmarks, monuments, memorials, gardens, galleries, libraries, archives and
political attractions are the main drawcards of this carefully designed city with
many circular roads and roundabouts. As Catriona Elder argues, ‘those who
manage and market Canberra to overseas visitors and Australian citizens know
exactly what their story of Canberra is – Canberra embodies Australian-ness’
(Elder, 2007, p. 339).
ACT is the principle body for the promotion of Canberra. In recent times
their slogan has been the rather lengthy: ‘See yourself in the nation’s capital’.
The shorter version of this, which is used as the tag line in television advertise-
ments and in marketing material such as brochures and posters, is simply ‘See
for yourself’. The ACT logo is a gold seven-pointed Federation star in the
shape of an autumn leaf. Almost unnoticeable, and in the middle of the leaf, is
a sketch of Canberra’s major tourist attraction, Parliament House. Canberra is
46 L. White
known for its lined avenues of mature European trees, which result in impres-
sive displays of red, orange and yellow each autumn.
The main publication used to promote the city and its attractions is the
‘Canberra Capital Region Holiday Planner’. Some of the key images of the
2008 and 2009 versions of the planner (essentially remarkably similar publica-
tions) will be explored. Both planners urge visitors to ‘Discover unexpected
delights!’ A young couple (i.e. a male and a female) dressed in white and by the
shore of Lake Burley Griffin feature on the cover of the 2008 planner, while
for the 2009 planner a young couple dressed in red are situated at the Mount
Ainslie lookout with a predominantly green Canberra sprawled below them.
Both planners also use different images of a selection of young models.
Apart from the green trees in the 2009 image, the main colours featured
on these covers are the colours of the Australian flag – red, white and blue.
Peter Luck (1992, p. vii) argues that Australians consider the Australian flag to
be ‘our ultimate icon’. The green and gold boxing kangaroo flag became popu-
lar with Australia’s success at the 1983 America’s Cup yacht race. Garrie
Hutchinson (2002, p. 72) explains that since 1983, the flag has become ‘a kind
of unofficial Australian sporting flag – but was officially endorsed for waving at
the Sydney Olympics’. Richard Cashman argues that spectators at major sport-
ing matches in Australia wave almost as many boxing kangaroo flags as the
national flag and that ‘sport is contributing to the current debate on flag reform’
(Cashman, 2001, p. 9).
When advertisers and marketers (often armed with an understanding of sem-
iotics) select colour schemes to effectively represent Australia, they generally
choose one of three colour sets. Combinations of colours used to represent the
nation include those contained in the Australian flag – red, white and blue; the
colours used to represent Australia in sporting events – green and gold (also seen
in the leaves and flowers of a wattle tree) and the colours of the harsh Australian
landscape such as ochre and brown. For example, Australian colours were cho-
sen to complement the Driza-Bone coats when Australia hosted the Asia-Pacific
Economic Cooperation (APEC) in 2007. The 21 world leaders were paraded on
the steps of the Sydney Opera House for the traditional summit ‘class photo-
graph’ sporting the traditional bush coasts. The collars of the Driza-Bone coats
were trimmed in the colours of either mustard yellow, red ochre, slate blue or
eucalyptus green representing Australia’s sun and sandy beaches, outback, sky
and the Australian bush, respectively. Along with dining on the best Australian
food and wine, the leaders and their spouses were also presented with Akubra
hats, Australian art, folders made from kangaroo skin and black opals.
The 2009 Canberra Holiday Planner begins by urging the prospective
visitor to ‘Discover the home of the Australian story in Canberra . . .’, while
the potential (apparently Australian) tourist is also told that Canberra’s
national attractions ‘hold the story of our nation’. Identical headings appear
in the 2008 and 2009 publications. They include: ‘Canberra . . . see for your-
self’, ‘See yourself on the go’, ‘See our nation reflected in its capital’, ‘Share
our local secrets’, ‘See indigenous culture’, ‘Tempt your tastebuds’, ‘Sample
the fruits of their labour’, ‘Step back in time’, ‘Explore the region’, and finally
‘See yourself in the nation’s capital’. Most of the headings in the planner
begin with a verb with one of the key verbs being ‘see’. As Canberra is a
beautiful city, with impressive planned avenues and vistas, it is not surprising
that Australia’s national capital is marketed in this manner. The tourist’s role
in discovering and exploring in a very ‘hands-on’ manner is highlighted in the
marketing of Australia’s capital. The final call to action in the 2008 planner
declares ‘Book your holiday now!’, while in 2009 the emphasis is on a retreat
with ‘Book your Canberra escape!’
The television advertising for Canberra’s ‘See for yourself’ campaign fea-
tures two different 30-second commercials, the text of each is detailed below.
The ‘Australian Story’ advertisement features a father, a mother and a male
and a female child. The ‘Unexpected Delights’ commercial begins with the
nuclear family in the same manner as the first. However, a young couple sud-
denly appear with the words ‘fresh air’ and dominate the second half of the
advertisement. In the ‘See for yourself’ campaign the emphasis is on the
visual world. The campaign begins with illustrations of Lake Burley Griffin
and Parliament House being viewed through a child’s viewfinder, and con-
cludes with photographs from the Canberra trip. The slogan and website
(visitcanberra.com.au) are displayed in the final shot. Indeed, the campaign
uses integrated marketing communications (IMC) particularly well and thus
presents a highly consistent branded product as all marketing collateral (such
as brochures, the website, print and television commercials) promote other
aspects of the promotion.
Australian Story
Your capital…
renowned for a huge lake, and a giant flagpole.
And those massive roundabouts,
spinning you off to discover a piece of the Australian story.
Feel the courage of our Anzacs.
Behold our nation’s journey!
Or, get up close and personal with a legend in training.
In fact, you’ll be flat chat doing half of what’s on offer here.
So come on…
See for yourself!
Unexpected Delights
Your capital…
famed for a huge lake, and a giant flagpole.
And those massive roundabouts,
spinning you off to discover unexpected delights.
Like spontaneous group hugs,
Savage beasts and clean fresh air!
Or simply meeting a local and sampling the fruits of their labour.
In fact, you’ll be flat chat doing half of what’s on offer here.
So come on…
See for yourself!
To make accessing information easier for the visitor, Canberra has also recently
installed a number of ‘tourism touch screens’. Located at key locations such as
48 L. White
Canberra Airport, Canberra Visitors Centre, National Zoo and Aquarium and
Black Mountain Tower, the facility allows the tourist to search for attractions,
accommodation, restaurants and shopping in both the ACT and New
South Wales.
Conclusion
Canberra is an Australian city like no other, and has been carefully planned and
marketed as such. Despite the largely negative image of the national capital, it
may be that Australians like to visit Canberra to obtain some sense of national
or civic pride, and also witness their taxes at work. Visitors from other states of
Australia and around the world form a range of positive and negative percep-
tions of the national capital based on the anticipated experience (often formed
through marketing) and the actual experience. Some may find appeal in the
organized and clean simplicity of this seemingly semi-artificial built environ-
ment, while others may find that the over-planned nature of the city lacks
authenticity and creates a somewhat clinical or sterile tourist experience.
Whatever the response to Canberra, it is clear that Australia’s capital city bene-
fits enormously from having been carefully planned. In 2008 and 2009,
Canberra was cleverly marketed across the nation and beyond to capitalize on
the tourist dollar.
Canberra and its key attractions are marketed in a way that does not even
try to compete with the cities of Sydney and Melbourne. Canberra is largely
perceived by her southern and northern neighbours as the pristine, ‘planned’
city for politicians and government workers – thus some demarketing forces
may also be at play. Canberra is generally considered a playground for politi-
cians and thus a relatively lacklustre tourist destination for many Australians.
Landmarks, monuments, memorials, gardens, galleries, libraries, archives and
political attractions are the main drawcards of this carefully designed city with
many circular roads and roundabouts.
Capital cities like Canberra will inevitably continue to attract a steady
stream of visitors from the pool of their own national citizen base as well as
curious international tourists. Capital city planners and marketers who effec-
tively manage the delicate balance of city planning and promotion are bound
to find their city a special place in the nation’s identity and a respected position
in the global community.
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5 Migrating Capitals: Diverging
Images of Tradition and
Modernity in Japanese
Urban Tourism
JERRY EADES AND MALCOLM COOPER
Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University
Introduction
As the editors of this book point out, the functions of the capital cities of the
world are not uniform cross-nationally, for historical reasons. Probably, the
most common pattern is where the capital city is at the same time the largest
city in the urban hierarchy, the main centre of government and administration,
the main centre of the economy and the embodiment of national history and
culture. In the case of East Asia, however, an equally common pattern is a suc-
cession of imperial capitals, whose extant remains form a base for contempo-
rary historical and heritage tourism. Thus, Vietnam has both Hue and Hanoi,
Thailand has both Ayutthaya and Bangkok, Indonesia has both Yogyakarta and
Jakarta, Laos has both Luang Prabang and Vientiane and Cambodia has both
Angkor Wat and Phnom Penh. This provides the tourism industry with a series
of contrasting destinations, in which older cities embodying narratives of the
glorious imperial past contrast with present-day capitals variously embodying
colonialism, socialism or modernity. But, perhaps the most complex cases are
those of China and Japan, where multiple capitals are open for business within
the national tourist industry.
Ancient capitals abound in the case of China, where they rose and fell
along with the dynasties. Japan’s early development was also heavily influ-
enced by China, and the early capitals of Nara and Kyoto followed Chinese
planning principles, with the palace in the north presiding over a grid of
broad avenues, which has survived to the present (Fiévé, 1996). Later, how-
ever, Japanese history took a distinctive twist of its own, as dynasties of
shôguns (warlords) took over the powers of the emperor in Kyoto and estab-
lished their own administrative headquarters elsewhere (Jansen, 1995a).
Thus, power moved first to Kamakura, and later, from the 17th century
onwards, to Edo (present-day Tokyo). Warrior rule collapsed in 1868, and
Japan’s rapid modernization began. The emperor himself finally moved from
Tradition and Modernity in Japanese Urban Tourism 51
Kyoto to Tokyo, which remains the capital until the present. The other cities
remain important tourist destinations, though presenting different themes
and ages in different ways.
Functions of Capitals
One way to conceptualize these successive changes, and the kinds of tourism
resources to which they give rise, is to separate out the main functions of cap-
ital cities and the way these are distributed within Japan. The distinctive feature
of the Japanese case is the way in which these functions are distributed between
different cities, rather than being concentrated in a single location, a polariza-
tion which can be traced back to the different histories of these cities.
Myths of national origin – Nara
An important function of many capital cities is to embody the narratives of the

origins of the nation. In some capitals, such as Cairo, Athens or Rome, there
are impressive historical remains, which provide frameworks for these narra-
tives. In the case of Japan, this role is played by Nara, a city of around 400,000
people south of Kyoto, a short train ride from both Kyoto and Osaka. Nara
was the site of the first permanent capital of Japan in the 8th century AD, from
710 to 784. Before this, new emperors had set up their own capitals at a
number of different locations. Buddhism had already arrived in Japan, suppos-
edly under the patronage of Prince Shotoku (573–621), the legendary figure
credited with many of the religious and constitutional reforms which laid the
basis of the Japanese state (Como, 2008). The Nara region is also the site of
many of the kofun, vast mounds in a distinctive keyhole pattern which are
supposedly the tombs of the early emperors. Traditionally, these tombs have
been dated to the 3rd century AD, but they could be older (Edwards, 1997a).
As imperial tombs, they fall under the jurisdiction of the famously conservative
Imperial Household Agency (Edwards, 1997b), hindering excavation, and thus
a proper analysis of their age and function.
The cultural influence of China was strong in ancient Japan, and Nara was
laid like Chang’an, the capital of Tang Dynasty (China), on a rectangular grid,
with the palace to the north and religious buildings located in other key points
around the city (Coaldrake, 1996, pp. 60–66). Although the palace was aban-
doned when the capital moved to Kyoto, many of the religious buildings survive
(Ôka, 1965) and remain as important historical sites. The main complex of build-
ings in Nara Park, includes Tôdaiji (‘Eastern Great Temple’) (Coaldrake, 1996,
pp. 70–80), with its huge Daibutsuden (‘Great Buddah Hall’), housing an enor-
mous bronze seated Buddah, some 16 m high. The present hall, dating to 1709,
is smaller than the original, which was damaged by fires and earthquakes. Also
noteworthy is the nearby Hôryûji complex of temples. Like the temples of Nara
and Kyoto, Hôryûji is also a United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization (UNESCO) World Heritage Site. It supposedly contains the world’s
52 J. Eades and M. Cooper
oldest wooden buildings, though much of the original material has been replaced
in the regular restoration work carried out by the Japanese government on its
official national treasures (Cooper et al., 2008). Nara is also closely associated
with the origins of Japanese literature, as it was there that the earliest surviving
collections of histories (Kojiki) and poetry (Manyoshu) were compiled.
Classical Japan – Kyoto
Kyoto succeeded Nara as the capital of Japan in the late 8th century, and
remained the de jure capital until 1868. Like Nara, the city was laid out along
the lines of Chang’an, with its distinctive grid pattern of large surrounding
avenues and numbered streets running between them, and this pattern still
survives today (Mimura et al., 1998, pp. 39–41).
During the Heian period, the arts flourished, including painting, architec-
ture and literature (Fiévé, 1996). Buddhism also spread, with the foundation of
major sects, which still survive. Women took to writing using phonetic script,
and the most famous Heian-period book, The Book of Genji, was written by a
woman of the imperial court, Murasaki Shikibu. Episodes and themes from this
form the basis for much of the later artistic production scattered throughout
Kyoto’s historical buildings and museums.
The Heian period lasted from 794 to around 1185 AD, but unlike China,
actual power was wielded not by the Emperors but by dynasties of regents
drawn from other families. In this period, the power behind the throne was the
Fujiwara family, itself an offshoot of the imperial house. This lasted until
emperor Go-Sanjo- (1068–1073) who attempted to take back power himself.
The competition between the Fujiwara, attempting to regain their power, and
other factions of the imperial house such as the Taira and Minamoto families,
paved the way for the collapse of central government and the takeover of
power by the shôguns.
Even though effective political power shifted to the warrior regime in
Kamakura at the end of the 12th century (Mass, 1995), Kyoto remained the
imperial capital and the seat of the emperors. It also became a major centre for
the development of the ‘Zen arts’ of flower arrangement, and the tea ceremony
while theater was banned (Fiévé, 1996). Much of the infrastructure of Kyoto
collapsed or was destroyed in the civil wars which periodically convulsed the
region (Berry, 1994). In response, the aristocracy increasingly built their villas
in the hills on the outskirts of the city, where they could practice their artistic
pursuits in a quieter environment (Fiévé, 1996, p. 157), including the famous
Golden Pavilion (Kinkakuji) and Silver Pavilion (Ginkakuji) which are still major
tourist attractions. The imperial palace itself still exists in Kyoto, though little
can actually be seen by tourists. More important as a historical site is Nijo
Castle, the seat of the shôgun’s representative in Kyoto during the Edo period
(Coaldrake, 1996, pp. 142–161). The fine outbuildings of the castle still
remain, though the central tower has long since disappeared.
Despite the mayhem of the Middle Ages, Kyoto has more old buildings
than any other city in Japan, and houses around a fifth of its national
treasures, including those specified in the heritage site by UNESCO. Kyoto

was the only one of the major cities of Japan not to be destroyed by the
Americans in the Second World War, despite being briefly on the list of
potential targets for the atomic bomb. Ironically, however, there has been so
much modern building since 1945 that Kyoto now looks very like any other
Japanese city. Recent authors have attempted to rehabilitate early-20th-
century buildings in Kyoto as an attraction in their own right (e.g. Kawakami,
2007; Sugino, 2007), but in fact, they provide a less-than-inspiring back-
drop to the major Kyoto festivals or matsuri: the Aoi Matsuri (15 May), the
Gion Matsuri (throughout July) and the Jidai Matsuri (22 October, see http://
www.city.kyoto.jp/koho/eng/index.html). Apart from their large scale,
these festivals are similar to many other festivals throughout Japan that form
an important part of local tourist calendars (cf. Ashkenazi, 1993; Plutschow,
1996 ). They usually feature actors, musicians, and dancers recruited from
the local community, festival floats loaded with musicians pulled around the
streets, visits to Shinto shrines, and large-scale consumption of sake by all
concerned.
Of all the cities in Japan, Kyoto is the one which has cultivated its ‘trad-
itional’ image most assiduously. This is symbolized by the film studios of
Arashiyama, where samurai warriors slug it out with each other on the sets
of jidaigeki, costume dramas for the cinema or the TV. However, the increas-
ing incongruity between Kyoto’s rich past and the dull modernity of many of
its buildings has become a source of concern. These came to a head in the
1990s, with the construction of the new Kyoto Station, a vast rectangular
building also housing hotels, theaters, restaurants and performance spaces.
Although some see it as a symbol of modernity, others have argued that it is
built on too large a scale and in the wrong city – the more modern cities of
Tokyo or Osaka would have been more suitable. The height of buildings has
become a major issue in Kyoto, with proposals that the heights of the tallest
modern buildings should be reduced, to make the traditional architecture nes-
tling between them more visible. Until this question is resolved, the struggle
for the architectural soul of Kyoto, as the embodiment of Japanese tradition,
seems set to continue.
Romance and warfare in the Middle Ages: Kamakura
As mentioned above, in the late-12th-century political power in Japan was

usurped by a series of warrior dynasties that were to dominate the politics of
the country for nearly 700 years. The first of these was established by Minamoto
Yoritomo. Born in 1147 as a member of the Minamoto family, he survived a
massacre of his own relatives at the hands of the Taira, another offshoot of the
imperial house. Eventually, he was able to form alliances and gather together
sufficient forces to defeat the Taira in battle in 1185. Much of his success was
due to the military skills of his brother Yoshitsune, who later became Japan’s
favourite tragic hero, being forced into rebellion and later to suicide by the
hostility of his suspicious elder brother.
Yoritomo was given the title of shôgun by the Emperor in 1192, and estab-
lished his headquarters in Kamakura, now in Kanagawa prefecture, south-west
of present-day Yokohama. The site was easily defended, guarded by mountains
to the north and the sea to the south. It rapidly grew in size, with an estimated
population of 200,000 people at its height, making it one of the world’s largest
cities at that time (the present population is around 173,000). However,
Yoritomo’s power did not last for long. He died in a riding accident in 1199.
His place was taken by his wife Masako, a member of the powerful Hôjô
family, and her father, Toshimasa. Hôjô rule lasted until 1333, until other
forces claiming to be loyal to the emperor besieged and captured Kamakura,
after which many Hôjô either committed suicide or were killed.
These colorful events were celebrated in the historical epics of the period,
such as the Tale of the Heike, and like Genji, have proved a fertile source of
plots for historical dramas ever since. As a tourist destination, Kamakura has
continued to exploit them, along with the rich religious and architectural trad-
ition that developed in the city alongside the warrior regime (Coaldrake, 1996,
pp. 91–96). After the defeat of the Hôjô, Kamakura went into decline as a
political and cultural centre. The city was almost entirely destroyed after another
siege in 1526, and was finally eclipsed by the rise of Edo to the north-west, at
the end of the 16th century.
The early modern state: the rise of Edo
The long series of civil wars continued in Japan until the end of the 16th cen-
tury, the latter half of which was dominated by three major figures, Oda
Nobunaga, Toyotomi Hideyoshi, and Tokugawa Ieyasu who gradually reunified
the country. Hideyoshi did a deal with Ieyasu, granting him the eastern part
of the country in return for control of the centre. Ieyasu’s lands included Edo,
a small castle town, founded in 1457, which Ieyasu selected as the site of his
headquarters in 1590 (Masai, 1998, p. 57). After Hideyoshi died in 1598,
Ieyasu gathered together his forces in a bid for power. He defeated the opposi-
tion at the Battle of Sekigahara in October 1600, leaving him in control of the
entire country and able to establish the foundations of the early modern state.
Edo soon became a vast symbol of centralized power, with a huge five-tier cas-
tle at the centre, surrounded by an extensive circular system of moats and walls
(McClain and Merriman, 1994, pp. 11–12; Coaldrake, 1996, pp. 129–137).
It was a city of water (Jinnai, 1995, pp. 66–118), whose canals and rivers
linked with a massive national marketing system shipping in luxury goods from
Kyoto and food produced around the narrow sea separating the islands of
Honshu, Shikoku and Kyushu (Hayashi, 1994). During the 17th century, Edo
became one of the largest cities in the world, with a population of around a
million (Masai, 1998, pp. 57–8). McClain and Merriman estimate that there
was a core population of some 250,000, including samurai administrators and
their households. Another 250,000 consisted of the households and retinues
of the 280 or provincial leaders, the daimyo, who were forced to spend alter-
nate years in Edo and leave their principal wives and heirs there to guarantee
their good behaviour. By the early 18th century, there were a similar number
of other residents, mainly merchants and artisans and their families (McClain
and Merriman, 1994, pp. 13–14). Edo Castle however did not survive, much
of it was burned down in the great fire of 1657 that destroyed most of the city.
It was never fully rebuilt, and is now the site of the much less ostentatious impe-
rial palace.
The Edo shôguns established authoritarian rule, expelling foreigners,
suppressing Christianity, and restricting trade with the outside world to the
port of Nagasaki, in the extreme west of the country. The residential districts
of Edo were divided between the various social classes (Seidensticker, 1983;
McClain, 1994; Jinnai, 1995, pp. 16–65; Cybriwsky, 1998, pp. 54–66;
Mimura et al., 1998, pp. 41–42; Sorensen, 2002), and a series of edicts
regulated their lifestyles in minute detail. The result was two distinctive urban
cultures, centred in different parts of the city. The warrior classes continued
to enjoy their traditional cultural pursuits developed in Kyoto in the Yamanote
areas to the west. The merchants and artisans developed a new, much less
restrained, urban culture, in the Shitamachi (downtown) areas to the east.
This was based on the ‘floating world’ of the licensed pleasure quarters, the
most famous of which was the Yoshiwara in Tokyo (Seigle, 1993; Elisonas,
1994). This world of the courtesans, the tea houses, kabuki theater, and
sumo wrestling was immortalized in the woodblock prints of the great artists
of the Edo period, producing motifs that are endlessly recycled in the souve-
nir and tourist industries of the present. Increasingly in the 19th century,
these included prints of Mount Fuji and other local landmarks, popular
among the increasing number of religious pilgrims, travellers and tourists to
the capital and the other major cities.
Tokyo: from imperial capital to global city
Even though the Edo period was one of great prosperity, the military technol-
ogy of Japan fell badly behind that of the West. This became clear in 1852,
when the Americans arrived in Tokyo Bay to force the country to open up to
Western trade. Japan signed a treaty to allow Western trade in a number of
ports, including Tokyo and Yokohama, but the tensions generated by the rift
between those wishing to ‘expel the Barbarians’ and those trying to deal prag-
matically with the new political realities resulted in political instability, the fall
of the Tokugawa regime, and the ‘restoration’ of power to the young Meiji
Emperor who ascended the throne in 1868 (Jansen, 1995b). The Meiji revo-
lution saw Japan modernize faster than any other nation in history. In the
1850s, it had been a feudal oligarchy. By 1900, it had become modern con-
stitutional monarchy, with a military able to defeat China and Russia, a mod-
ern education system, a nascent industrial sector, and the beginnings of a
colonial empire in Taiwan. These changes were actually implemented by the
‘Meiji oligarchs,’ the faction who had engineered the fall of the shôguns.
They awarded themselves aristocratic titles under the new constitution,
changed the name of Edo to Tokyo (‘Eastern Capital’), and transformed it into
a modern imperial city (Coaldrake, 1966, pp. 208–239; Finn, 1995; Jinnai,
1995, pp. 119–170; Fujitani, 1996; Cybriwsky, 1998, pp. 66–82; Sorensen,
2002). The new modernity was expressed in European-style civic monuments,
railway stations, and other symbols of imperial rule and capitalism, often built
in brick, stone and concrete rather than wood. Tokyo also benefited economi-
cally at the expense of the old commercial capital of Osaka (Mosk, 2001), as
many of the Osaka companies moved their offices to the centre of the new
political action.
The imperial splendor of Tokyo however proved short-lived, and the cen-
tral city was destroyed twice in the 20th century (Hirai, 1998, p. 26). In
September 1923, a massive earthquake shook Tokyo and Yokohama, destroy-
ing a large part of both cities in the fires that spread in its wake (Cybriwsky,
1998, pp. 82–85). The government response was a massive programme of
urban planning and rebuilding, but from late 1944 American bombers destroyed
the main Japanese cities with incendiary bombs; starting with Tokyo (Masai,
1998, pp. 66–67). Seventy per cent of Tokyo’s buildings were destroyed, and
the population of the city was reduced to 3 million (Masai, 1998, p. 67).
Japan eventually surrendered on 14 August 1945, making way for the
Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers, General Douglas MacArthur, to take
over. Hirohito, the Showa Emperor, retained his position but lost his divine sta-
tus. With the help of the Occupation Administration, he was reinvented as a Man
of the People (Bix, 2000, pp. 533–580), and was sent throughout the country
to raise morale and rally support for the new order. The allies initiated a series of
reforms, including land and educational reform, the abolition of the aristocracy
and the promulgation of a new constitution (Dower, 1999). The economy started
to revive with the Korean War, for which Japan supplied much of the materials,
and the boom lasted until the 1970s. Tokyo’s resurrection was symbolized by the
Olympic Games held there in 1964 and the grand stadiums constructed for it
(Coaldrake, 1996). Slower economic growth continued during the 1980s, but
the value of the yen now soared against most major international currencies, and
speculation drove up the price of land in Tokyo to astronomical heights (Wood,
1992). The bubble only burst at the start of the 1990s (Wood, 1992), giving rise
to the so-called Heisei Recession named after the new Heisei Emperor, Akihito,
who ascended the throne in 1989. It continues to the present.
Despite these disasters, much of present-day Tokyo was rebuilt using the
Edo period street plan (Jinnai, 1995, p. 48). The 23 wards of central Tokyo,
in the eastern part of Tokyo prefecture, remain predominantly a region of low-
rise buildings, narrow streets, and small communities. The railway system is the
most complex in the world, and the result is a dense network of stations
throughout the metropolitan area, each with its little cluster of family shops and
restaurants (cf. Bestor (1989) ). The major commercial areas – Ginza, Shibuya,
Shinjuku and Ikebukuro – are linked together by the eliptical Yamanote Line,
which also passes through Ueno, the site of some of the major national muse-
ums and the Tokyo Zoo. Meanwhile, in Tokyo Bay large islands of reclaimed
land have appeared (Cybriwsky, 1998, pp. 209–213; Takahashi, 1998). These
are the sites of new apartment blocks, offices, and major exhibition centres,
increasing Tokyo’s presence in the international exhibition market. Tokyo is
one of the three major ‘global cities’ identified by Sassen (1992), along with
New York and London, dominating the global financial services industry, and
spawning a super-rich international elite. Their lifestyles are increasingly visible
in areas like Roppongi, with its trendy bars and clubs, and Ark Hills, a huge
apartment-cum-retail block and one of the city’s most visited leisure facilities.
Not surprisingly, Tokyo is currently a contender for the 2016 Olympics.
Diverging Images and the Marketing of Tourism
In the previous sections, we have argued that capital cities perform a number
of roles, and that in the case of Japan these have been performed by different
cites: with Nara embodying the origins of the nation; with Kyoto the great age
of the classical period; with Kamakura the romance and violence of the middle
ages; with Edo the rise of the early modern state; and with Tokyo the succes-
sive roles of prewar imperial capital and postwar global financial centre. These
various roles and guises underlie the present-day tourist industry in each of the
cities, but these have to be seen in the general context of tourism in Japan.
One of the main characteristics of tourism in contemporary Japan is that
it is mainly domestic. Even when Japan has hosted global mega-events, such as
the 1964 Olympics, the 1980 and 1998 Winter Olympics, the 2002 World
Cup and the world expositions at Osaka in 1970 and Aichi in 2005, the vast
majority of the visitors have been domestic rather than international.
A second problem is the uniformity – some would say the monotony – of
many of Japan’s cities. They are safe, clean, comfortable and convenient places
to live. But many still lack character. This is not surprising – most of the large
cities with their old wooden buildings were destroyed during the Second World
War, and were rebuilt cheaply in utilitarian concrete in the period of growth
that followed. It is these buildings that still dominate most of the urban land-
scapes. It follows that cities have to exploit the distinctive features they do have
in contemporary tourism: local food, handicrafts and souvenirs, the rural land-
scapes in which they are set (with a nostalgic appeal to many newly urbanized
Japanese), the magnificence of their cherry blossoms or autumn leaves, the few
older buildings that have survived (usually temples and shrines) and local per-
formance traditions such as dance, drama and festivals.
Against this background, the thing about the capitals is that they are dis-
tinctive. Nara, Kyoto and Kamakura do have an abundance of period buildings,
designated national treasures (kokuho), and other important cultural
properties ( juyo bunkazai). Tokyo’s appeal is different – that of a global meg-
acity with world-class hotels and restaurants, a high profile in the international
convention market – and until recently, the only Disneyland in Asia (Raz,
1999). The tourist audience may be mainly domestic, but it is sophisticated.
The historical epics of Genji and the Heike have been endlessly recycled in
period drams on TV and in manga comic books. Archaeological finds are
widely reported in the national press, and displays of treasures both ancient
and modern, such as the Chinese artefacts in the Shoshoin treasury in Nara,
an evening opening of Kyoto temples under floodlights or the appearance of
the Barnes Collection of French Impressionist paintings in Tokyo can bring out
the cultural enthusiasts in their hundreds of thousands. Meanwhile, affluent
teenagers and students from all over the country head for Disneyland at week-
ends and on public holidays.
As tourist destinations, the four capitals reflect the structure of the Japanese
population. Even though it is ageing rapidly and set to decline, Japan’s popula-
tion is still the size of the UK and France combined, or just under half of that of
the USA, and the low birth rate means it is overwhelmingly adult. Much of this
population is concentrated in two de facto megacities: the Greater Tokyo Area,
which also includes both Yokohama and Kawasaki, and the Kyoto-Osaka-Kobe
conurbation in the Kansai region of central Japan. Kamakura is on the edge of
the former, while Nara is at the centre of the latter, a short suburban train ride
from both Osaka and Kyoto. The ancient monuments and temples of Nara,
Kamakura and Kyoto thus have a large and appreciative local audience to keep
them in business, in addition to other domestic and foreign tourists. However,
even here the perils of modernity and the threat it poses to this authentic dis-
tinctiveness are apparent, especially in Kyoto. Despite the lack of wartime
destruction, authentic fragments of the old city outside the major temple com-
plexes and palaces are surprisingly hard to find, and sections of old world
charm straight out of Geisha movies, like Gion or Pontocho, are extremely
expensive places to eat or drink. Thus the new railway station in Kyoto is seen
by many as an absurd mismatch both for the scale of the surrounding buildings
and Kyoto’s historical image.
Conclusion
The history of Japanese capitals means that they each have a distinctive role
within the national imagination, as well as the tourist market. As suggested at
the start of the chapter, this is a variant on a common East Asian pattern in
which ancient and contemporary capitals present different facets of national
narratives and mythologies: the contrast between tradition and modernity;
between authentic history and colonial intrusion; or between glorious past and
resurgent present.
In the case of Japan, the narrative is complicated by several distinctive fac-
tors. Japan was never colonized, but the Meiji restoration did provide a clean
break between feudalism and imperial modernity. However, the narrative of
modern imperialism was later largely erased from the map of Tokyo by the
firebombs of the Second World War, leaving the city free to express its resur-
gent modernity. The embodiment of tradition was therefore left to the earlier
capitals: Nara representing the earliest origins of the Japanese state, and Kyoto
and Kamakura the classical and medieval periods, which came after it.
While the historical and cultural associations of Nara and Kamakura are
confined to relatively specific historical periods. Kyoto is a much more complex
case. In terms of history, the great days of Kyoto were in the Heian period, and
even though the layout survives, much of the fabric of the city from that period
has been lost. Paradoxically, therefore, Kyoto tourism trades on a series of
historical images, only some of which date from the city’s great period as impe-
rial capital. Kyoto’s Tôdaiji with its iconic pagoda does date from the Heian
period and formed part of the original Chinese design of the city, but the villas
on the periphery date from the later Kamakura and Muromachi periods. Streets
such as Pontocho evoke generic images of ‘traditional Japan’, from much later
periods still. Kyoto has, therefore, taken on the image of ‘tradition’ compared
with Tokyo’s ‘modernity,’ a polarity that can already be traced back to the late
19th century, when the Emperor divided his time between the two cities, and
dressed appropriately in each, as a military leader in Tokyo and as a Shinto
priest in Kyoto. Part of the reaction to the new Kyoto vast railway station there-
fore stems from the incongruity between the project and Kyoto’s more trad-
itional image. Ultra-modernity in the Japanese tourist imaginary belongs in
Tokyo, Osaka and Yokohama, not in Kyoto, Nara or Kamakura.
Meanwhile, postmodern Tokyo is perhaps best represented by the vast
television billboards of Shibuya and Akihabara: a city of high-tech and eco-
experiments looking forward into the 21st century. As Global City, Tokyo’s
niche in the international tourism market lies in the future of business, conven-
tions, exhibitions and mega-events, areas in which it is competing with the
other ultra-modern cities in the region, including Singapore, Seoul, Hong
Kong, Shanghai and Beijing, as well as Osaka and Nagoya more locally.
As Jinnai (1995), Cybriwsky (1998) and many others have pointed out, a
surprising amount of the older fabric of Tokyo still remains, but in many cases
it is covered up or obscured by postwar concrete. Most of Tokyo’s monuments
that might have ranked with those of the older capitals, such as Edo Castle or
the tombs of the later shôguns in Hibiya Park, have long since been lost
thanks to natural disasters and war, and much of the older urban landscape
can be seen only in reconstructions in the Edo-Tokyo Museum or cultural and
historical theme parks around the country. Even the symbolism surrounding
the Japanese imperial house, including its residence, is surprisingly discreet
and minimalist in comparison with that of most European royal families. But
in another sense, this enormous loss has allowed Tokyo to become an even
purer embodiment of the present and the future rather than the past.
International and domestic tourists looking for the ‘old Japan’ will continue to
look elsewhere, to the ancient capitals of Nara, Kamakura and, above all, to
Kyoto. And the old Japan is not hard to find or access, given the incompara-
ble speed and efficiency of the rail network linking Japanese tradition with
modernity.
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6 Branding and Positioning an
African Capital City: the Case
of Tshwane in South Africa
ERNIE HEATH AND ELIZABETH KRUGER
University of Pretoria
Introduction
Capital city tourism is a subject that has up to now not received a lot of research
attention. As destinations, these cities are dynamic environments with complex
dimensions where a great variety of activities take place (Pearce, 2007; Prayag,
2007; Ritchie and Maitland, 2007). An important question that should be
asked by destination marketers is whether the capital city status actually plays
a role in visitors’ decision making, and to what extent this characteristic should
then be included in branding and positioning strategies.
The first part of this chapter focuses on some of the recent studies on cap-
ital city tourism; more specifically at the viability of using capital city status as a
significant component of such a city’s branding and positioning strategy. It then
continues in the form of a case-study approach, detailing the strategic branding
and positioning journey of the City of Tshwane, South Africa. Discussions are
primarily based on data obtained during participation in a series of stakeholder
workshops and strategic planning sessions of the city. The case study will
elaborate on the related literature studied by demonstrating how certain find-
ings can be applied to one specific capital city destination.
Capital City Status as a Potential Marketing Tool
As unique destinations, capital cities often have an abundance of resources in

the form of national institutions and attractions, and are often considered as
the stage upon which the host nation’s stories in terms of culture, history and
democracy are played out (Peirce and Ritchie, 2007). However, according to
research conducted by Pearce (2007), capital city status does not necessarily
constitute a motivation to visit a city. As was found with the capital city of New
Zealand, Wellington, it is ‘the combination of these national institutions with
Branding and Positioning an African Capital City 63
other attractions and activities that gives Wellington its appeal’ (Pearce, 2007,
p. 18). Peirce and Ritchie (2007) alluded to the same fact by stating that capital
cities are not only limited to administrative and public sector activities. Milroy
(in Campbell, 2003) similarly added that ‘capital cities are both ordinary and
unique, “doubly bound to be good physical environments where real people
live out ordinary lives, as well as symbolically rich cities that capture the quali-
ties a state wishes to portray to the larger” ’.
In the case of Wellington, city marketers only ‘indirectly or incidentally’
referred to the city as the nation’s capital, and then by also using this term in a
non-political sense (Pearce, 2007). The approach towards more ‘indirect’ cap-
ital city branding could prove valuable in countering another factor that has
been highlighted by Peirce and Ritchie (2007) as well as Mules et al. (2007),
namely the negative perceptions that a capital city is an uninteresting and cold
administrative environment and also very often suffers due to its association
with ‘unpopular political decisions and unfavourable actions of the nation’s
leaders’ (Peirce and Ritchie, 2007, p. 70).
From the preceding literature it is apparent that the branding of a capital
city holds a unique destination marketing challenge, and that it is necessary to
carefully manage its often-contrasting associated images and perceptions.
Taking cognizance of previous research pertaining to capital city marketing,
the focus in the following sections will be on the opportunities and challenges
facing the City of Tshwane, as well as guidelines and critical success factors to
optimally leverage its capital city status.
Key Tourism Features of the City of Tshwane as a Capital City
Tshwane is a metropolitan city within the province of Gauteng, South Africa.

It was established on 5 December 2000, and consists of 13 combined munici-
palities. The city comprises 2198 km2, and is home to 2.2 million inhabitants.
Tshwane is not only the administrative capital of South Africa, it is also the
diplomatic capital of the country. It is home to the government, which is housed
in the well-known Union Buildings, as well as the head office of the public
sector (City of Tshwane, 2003).
From a strategic perspective, the city is ideally located as it is only 48 km
away from Africa’s largest international gateway, the OR Tambo International
Airport. It can also easily be accessed via three other airports (Wonderboom,
Lanseria and Waterkloof), as well as several private landing strips.
The city has well-developed infrastructure, with the highway between
Tshwane and Johannesburg being the busiest in the southern hemisphere.
The development of a high-speed train linkage, affectionately known as the
Gautrain, is also scheduled to be completed in 2010, and will be the first of its
kind in Africa (Jacobs, 2008).
Tourism is the sixth largest contributor to the City of Tshwane’s economy,
after community services (government), finance, transport, manufacturing and
trade. During 2004, when the last comprehensive study was conducted, the
direct visitor spending in the city was estimated to be US$138 million, which
64 E. Heath and E. Kruger
resulted in more than US$230 million to the city’s GDP. The tourism sector
also supports more than 26,000 direct and indirect employment opportunities,
of which more than 8000 are directly employed in the tourism industry
(Thornton, 2005).
One of the key tourism objectives for Tshwane is to attract 6.9 million
annual visitors by 2010, up from an estimated 5 million visitors in 2004.
Should the objectives of the tourism plan for the city be realized, it is
expected that the direct visitor spending will almost double by 2010,
amounting to US$240 million and resulting in a US$400 million contribu-
tion to Tshwane’s GDP. This will support just over 35,000 direct and indi-
rect annual employment opportunities in the city. This figure could be even
higher if the opportunities related to the hosting of the 2010 Fédération
Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) Soccer World Cup are opti-
mally leveraged and if visitors are encouraged to spend more and stay longer
(Grant Thornton, 2005).
The Strategic Planning Journey for the City of Tshwane

During 2005, an integrated strategic tourism development plan was devel-
oped for the City of Tshwane in consultation with key stakeholders. The tour-
ism plan, which encompasses its tourism vision, strategic direction, objectives
and critical success factors to develop tourism in the city, is based on the
city’s comparative and competitive advantages. It also includes a development
plan, a marketing plan, an infrastructure strategy, a human-resources and
a small, micro- and medium enterprises (SMME) development plan, an invest-
ment development plan and an implementation framework. The shared
tourism vision that was agreed upon by stakeholders is:
For Tshwane to be globally recognized as the 21st century ‘must experience’

visitor capital in Africa, embracing vibrancy and progressiveness, yet retaining its
special identity, authenticity and hospitality, to the benefit of all.
This vision is underpinned by key guiding values and principles of which the
following pertain specifically to branding and positioning of the city:
continuous communication, coordination and collaboration between stake-
holders at all levels; ensuring consumer-driven quality products, services and
visitor experiences; respect for, and embracing of, the rich cultural diversity
and heritage of Tshwane and its people as unique selling proposition (USP)
for the city; as well as remaining uniquely Tshwane, and seeking to differen-
tiate the Tshwane tourism experience at every ‘touch-point’ in the city
(Heath, 2008).
The City of Tshwane’s strategic focus encompasses a number of elements,
such as its capital city status, its people, achieving remarkable change and the
concept of it being a ‘meeting place’. Transformation, responsible tourism and
partnerships are fundamental to the city’s comparative advantage, in line with
national government objectives (Grant Thornton, 2005).
Based on the outcomes of extensive research among tourism stakeholders

and tourists, the strategic focus for tourism in the city entails emphasizing the
city’s capital city status, strengthening the city’s intellectual or educational
image and portraying the city as a leisure destination. This three-pronged
approach is outlined in Fig. 6.1. The critical success factors for the tourism
industry to successfully embark on this strategic direction were indicated
as being: partnerships, access to relevant information, safety awareness and
mobility. Furthermore, transformation and black economic empowerment
(BEE) is also regarded as critical for sustainable tourism development in
the city.
The capital city status provides the City of Tshwane with various oppor-
tunities related to national government and the diplomatic community pres-
ence in the city. The city’s intellectual image arises from the fact that there are
a number of top-quality academic institutions and various technologically
advanced companies and research facilities in the city. Tshwane also qualifies
as a leisure destination based on, among other things, a variety of natural
attractions, its arts and its excellent shopping centres.
During 2008, as part of the strategic tourism planning journey for the city,
and in the light of changes in the macro-, competitive and market environ-
ments, the strategic planning process was revisited at a stakeholder conference
entitled ‘The New Face of Tourism in Tshwane’. Stakeholders agreed that cer-
tain strategic priorities pertaining to branding and positioning had to be
addressed during the 3-year rolling strategic planning process and also as a
build-up to the 2010 FIFA Soccer World Cup. A key priority identified is the
urgent matter of establishing and implementing a unique and distinctive
Tshwane tourism brand image and identity (aligned with the provincial and
national branding framework), and a powerful competitive positioning and
marketing strategy for Tshwane, both in the local and international
marketplace.
Stakeholders also urged the launching of a targeted and focused internal
marketing drive – to create tourism awareness by exciting and involving
Tshwane stakeholders at large (from local communities to the diplomatic
Transformation
Partnerships Capital Mobility

city
Intellectual Leisure
city city
Tourism awareness Safety and security
Fig. 6.1. Strategic direction for tourism in Tshwane and the critical success factors.
community) and in this way encouraging them to become brand ambassadors

and marketers for Tshwane. Fundamental to the future tourism strategy
should also be a strategic emphasis on environmentally responsible tourism.
Ideally, as the capital city, Tshwane should lead the environmental and social
responsibility drive and set itself a powerful vision in this regard (e.g. being
the ‘greenest’ city in Africa). This could become the USP of the city (Heath,
2008).
As a follow-up to the conference, the Tshwane Tourism Action Team was
formed, comprising both public and private sector stakeholders. The main
focus areas of this action team were formulated to include, among others:
facilitation of the establishment of a Regional Tourism Organization (RTO) by
July 2009; facilitation of the implementation of the branding and positioning
strategy for Tshwane, within the new national branding framework which will
be launched in April 2009; facilitation of an internal marketing drive to create
awareness and involvement of local stakeholders and communities, and moti-
vate them to become brand ambassadors for the City of Tshwane as well as
leveraging tourism marketing opportunities related to the hosting of major
events, such as the Confederations Cup in 2009 and the 2010 FIFA Soccer
World Cup in 2010.
Challenges and Opportunities Related to the Name

Change from Pretoria to Tshwane
When the National Geographical Names Council announced the name change
of Pretoria to Tshwane in 2005, there was considerable confusion and concern
among the tourism stakeholders in Tshwane, as is apparent from the comment
of the chairman of the Tshwane Tourism Association (TTA) at the time,
Mr Franco Jordaan, namely:
The Tshwane Tourism Association fully supports the name Tshwane as far
as the Metro is concerned, but changing the name of the Capital, Pretoria to
Tshwane, will have wider implications. Not only will tourists be confused about
what and where Tshwane is, but the trade will need to spend a lot of money and
marketing effort repositioning Tshwane in the minds of international visitors.
(Sandras, 2005)
Whereas Pretoria, which was established more than 150 years ago, was named
after a Boer settler and an Afrikaner hero, Andries Pretorius, Tshwane is the
name of a pre-colonial local chief and means ‘we are the same’. Supporters of
the change say that the switch will underscore South Africa’s break with apart-
heid in 1994. Others argue that the name Pretoria has some brand value and
should not be discarded overnight (BBC News, 2005).
To avoid confusion among stakeholders and tourists, the world soccer gov-
erning body, FIFA and South Africa agreed to use a dual-name system (Pretoria/
Tshwane) for Tshwane, which will be a host city during the 2010 FIFA Soccer
World Cup. However, in South Africa the city will only be known as Tshwane
(Lu, 2007).
An important factor to consider during this whole name-changing process

and future branding of the city is the vital role that the media plays in the cog-
nitive stage of image building (Mules, Pforr and Ritchie, 2007). Many domestic
and international tourists may still have false facts or beliefs about Tshwane
based on its historical characteristics associated with the name Pretoria.
Successful future branding of Tshwane therefore depends on the media’s con-
tribution towards creating ‘feelings of nationhood as well as to correct negative
destination perceptions’ (Mules et al., 2007, p. 35).
Although it has already been officially announced that the name of the city
is to be the City of Tshwane and many South African governmental organiza-
tions and some members of the media have referred to Tshwane as the capital
of South Africa, various members of the media, businesses and institutions,
both in South Africa and internationally still use Pretoria as the city’s name
(Grant Thornton, 2005). From a tourism branding and positioning perspective,
this remains a key challenge that needs to be addressed as a strategic priority.
A major awareness–education public-relations drive is therefore required to
ensure that the Tshwane destination brand name is recognized and positioned
positively in the tourism marketplace.
A possible strategy to consider, which could also be cost-effective, would be
to use the two names Pretoria and Tshwane in the same message, rather than
create brand awareness for the Tshwane brand from a zero base. The fact that
Pretoria/ Tshwane will be utilized during the 2010 FIFA Soccer World Cup pro-
vides the ideal platform from which to strategically facilitate the brand migration.
The use of the dual names in marketing messages can be used effectively to
highlight the positive transition of the city from a past that was associated with
apartheid (Pretoria) to a present and future that is associated with freedom and
unity (Tshwane). The possible brand migration process is illustrated in Fig. 6.2.
The dual name of Pretoria/Tshwane can be used until after the 2010
FIFA Soccer World Cup, after which the level of brand awareness and accept-
ance should be evaluated. The actual length of the transition period will
depend on the level of brand awareness and the financial resources invested
in this rebranding initiative. Once a satisfactory level of brand recognition is
Pretoria Tshwane
In some instances an Communicate

association with the message of
apartheid/separation change,
and the past freedom, now
and the future
Fig. 6.2. The proposed brand migration process from Pretoria to Tshwane.
achieved for the name Tshwane, the name Pretoria can be dropped from
marketing messages. However, on a practical level it can be accepted that
this transition will take place at a faster pace in the domestic market than in
the international market.
The Tourism Products and Markets for the City of Tshwane
A key outcome of the City of Tshwane’s integrated strategic tourism develop-

ment plan was the identification and priorization of key tourism products and
markets for the city. For the purposes of this product priorization, a tourism
product was identified as ‘an ensemble of tangible and intangible components,
which offer benefits that may draw certain types of consumers as it appeals to
their specific travel motivation and needs’ (Saunders, 2006). In essence a tour-
ism product is an experience, and the main reason a visitor will choose to come
to a destination such as Tshwane.
According to Dunne et al., (2007), city breaks are usually used as oppor-
tunities to be active as opposed to relaxing. Tshwane fits this profile due to the
variety of activities available in and around the city. Although more than 40
tourism products with current or future tourism potential were identified, the
priority products, which are outlined in Fig. 6.3, were broadly categorized as
general leisure, sport, education, arts, visiting friends and relatives (VFR), nature
and scenery, Anglo–Boer war heritage, science and technology, struggle his-
tory and conferences and events experiences.
The priority products were identified using key criteria such as the prod-
uct’s market-readiness, its alignment to the objectives and the strategic direc-
tion of the tourism plan, how many market segments a particular product
attracts and whether it encourages the geographic spread of tourism benefits
throughout the municipal area.
Capital city
features Anglo–Boer war
Science and
technology
Education
Tshwane
Conferences priority
and events tourism VFR
products
Nature and
General scenery
leisure
Arts Sport Struggle history
Fig. 6.3. Priority products for the City of Tshwane.

The major reasons for visiting Tshwane appeared to be leisure and par-
ticularly leisure shopping (Saunders, 2006). The city’s main tourist attrac-
tions are the Union Buildings, Church Square, Freedom Park and the
Voortrekker Monument. Many other tourism products are already being
actively sold, but require a more focused marketing effort, such as the jazz
experience.
The city’s capital status has also not been optimally leveraged. Furthermore,
some products are not yet optimally packaged as tourism experiences, such as
the struggle history experience and the world-class sporting facilities.
Various opportunities exist to develop dedicated packages to highlight the
city’s role in the Apartheid era, as well as the fact that the first democratically
elected president of South Africa was sworn in Tshwane. Mamelodi, which
forms part of the City of Tshwane, hosts a variety of attractions related to the
struggle, and many of the trials of the struggle were hosted in the city centre.
A key feature of Tshwane is that it is a strong intellectual hub with several inter-
nationally recognized tertiary education, as well as research institutes, located
in the city.
The tourism attractions based in the city have certain key strengths, of
which the status of Tshwane as the capital city and the ‘Hub of the Rainbow
Nation’ is certainly one of the most prominent features providing major posi-
tioning and marketing opportunities. Tshwane also has a broad base of diverse
tourism attractions, which could appeal to various target markets if innovatively
packaged, themed and routed. Furthermore, factors such as the excellent
weather conditions, the perceived relative safety, the convenient accessibility
and close proximity of most attractions, the gateway status, the excellent shop-
ping facilities and proximity to OR Tambo International Airport are all key
factors that can be capitalized upon from a marketing perspective. The friendli-
ness and hospitable nature of the people of Tshwane is yet another strength
that can be further harnessed to add value to the quality of experiences offered
in Tshwane.
From a marketing perspective, a number of key market segments can
also be attracted to the city as a result of the variety of tourism product
offerings and experiences available in the city. Key current and prospec-
tive target markets were identified and prioritized by assessing their size
and growth potential, as well as the number of products that a particular
market segment might be interested in. Priority markets for Tshwane
include domestic day and overnight leisure visitors, domestic visitors to
friends and family living in the city and foreign leisure visitors (Grant
Thornton, 2005).
More than 5 million tourists (day and overnight) visit the city on an
annual basis. Of these approximately 700,000 are foreign visitors. There
are an estimated 3.5 million day visitors to the city, of which an estimated
300,000 are foreigners. Almost half the city’s tourists visit at least once a
year, mostly during March and December. As for the demographics, Tshwane
attracts visitors from far and wide, including from all provinces in South
Africa, as well as countries such as China, Japan Brazil, India, the UK and
the USA.
Leveraging Branding and Positioning Opportunities Related

to the Hosting of Key Events
The hosting of various major events provides Tshwane with a major oppor-
tunity to project its new branding identity and invite the world to ‘Experience
It!’. The biggest event opportunity will be South Africa’s hosting of the
2010 FIFA Soccer World Cup, which could be South Africa’s biggest suc-
cess story ever. As the capital city, Tshwane’s challenge will be to capital-
ize on South African tourism’s marketing spend of more than US$25
million on global television in the run-up to the 2010 FIFA World Cup,
with advertisements that will be featuring on the BBC, CNN, Sky News,
Sky Sport, Fox TV, Eurosport, National Geographic Channel and selected
movie houses worldwide.
The legacies envisaged for the country could be equally relevant to Tshwane
and, among others, include economic growth and improved tourism, exposure
in new markets and the creation of community pride. As the event is envisaged
to be a true African event, unlike any other, selling the humanity, friendliness
and warmth of South Africans will be critical. In this regard, Tshwane could
lead the way to give true meaning to the catchphrase for the event, namely
‘Ke Nako’, meaning ‘Celebrate Africa’s Humanity’ and further enhance its
‘Tshwane – Experience It!’ message (Birns, 2009).
An important issue raised during the 2008 stakeholder conference and as
a task for the Tourism Action Team, was the need to facilitate a ‘leveraging
tourism opportunities beyond 2010’ strategy to avoid a post-2010 ‘vacuum’.
The USPs of Tshwane Associated with its Capital City Status
According to Hall (in Peirce and Ritchie, 2007), a capital city has the unique
opportunity to promote the ‘nation’s stories of the past, present and future’
through various symbolically rich elements usually present in a capital city. This
is definitely also the case for Tshwane. The city has various USPs that can be
leveraged and that speak to the different dimensions of the national identity of
the country (see Box 6.1).
In terms of the overall branding and positioning of the city, from a capital
city perspective, the challenge will be to capture the generic positioning ele-
ments of Tshwane as a tourist destination, for example as the capital city of
South Africa, the seat or hub of government, the think-tank of Africa, the
home to leadership (political, academic and economic), the voice of govern-
ment and leaders, etc.
On a practical level, this capital city positioning could entail focusing on the
political and diplomatic importance of the city, both in South Africa and abroad.
It can also be emphasized that the city is a place of leadership, for example
political leadership in the form of the national government (based in the famous
Union Buildings) and the city where the president lives. It can also be posi-
tioned as the home of academic leadership, given the fact that it is home to the
largest university and the largest residential university in southern Africa.
Box 6.1. USPs of Tshwane. (Adapted from City of Tshwane, 2005.)
Directly and indirectly associated with its capital city status

• Capital city of South Africa and the seat of government.
• Diplomatic hub of the country.
• Home of the pan-African government – the place where future decisions about Africa
will be taken – a base from which the African renaissance can be championed.
• The Union Buildings – the famous Herbert Baker designed seat of Government.
• A centre of change and freedom, as is reflected in the new Freedom Park development.
Other features that can be used to position the city in the tourism marketplace
History and culture Science and technology Sport and shopping
• Fondly known as the • The birthplace of thinking, • A major centre for sport, with
Jacaranda (Purple) City. research and strategy in its High Performance Centre
the subcontinent. being the leading sports.
academy in southern Africa.
• Vibrant cosmopolitan • The leading South African • A key shopping centre
culture and represents city in medical and for the broader region.
a melting pot of cultures. educational research.
• Strong historic, religious • Strong educational
and cultural heritage base, with a number
and home to famous of internationally
landmarks such as the recognized institutions
Voortrekker Monument, of higher learning
Church Square and the located in the city.
Freedom Park.
• A strong base of Afro-
jazz and is the birth-
place of Marimba jazz.
Because of the impact of the Reserve Bank on the South African economy,
it can also be positioned as a leader in the economic sphere. Together these
elements can be used as a strategic thrust to leverage the city’s capital city sta-
tus to enhance its destination brand and competitive positioning in the tourism
marketplace.
The Positioning of Tshwane Relative to Other

South African Cities
Tshwane is regarded as one of South Africa’s four major cities, and is well
integrated into the standard touring circuits of South Africa. It is generally posi-
tioned as the administrative capital of the country, with Johannesburg regarded
as the business capital, Cape Town regarded as leading international tourism
destination and Durban renowned for its beaches and cultural experiences
(George, 2003). With these different city products, positioning is important
from a national perspective, so as to ensure that social and economic benefits

are equitably distributed among provinces and cities (Prayag, 2007).
According to Monitor (2004), there appears to be much product over-
lapping among the various cities, and visitors to South Africa have consist-
ently expressed disappointment surrounding the country’s ‘dull cities’.
Against this background, Tshwane has the challenge of creating a sustaina-
ble, competitive and truly differentiating character from the other major cit-
ies in the country. As the atmosphere of a destination can offer an advantage
that is difficult for competitors to imitate, Tshwane can therefore make
greater use of elements such as friendly people, nightlife, entertainment and
culture as selling points, as they form the basis for the creation of a unique
ambiance (Prayag, 2007). Once effectively harnessed and strengthened,
they can become Tshwane’s strategic competitive points of parity against its
rival city destinations.
The three strategic thrusts that were highlighted in the tourism master plan
for the city, namely: to emphasize the city’s capital city status; to strengthen the
intellectual or educational image of the city; and to portray the city of Tshwane
as a leisurely city (both for domestic and foreign visitors), can be utilized as key
building blocks to differentiate and position the city relative to other South
African cities (Grant Thornton, 2005).
With so many competitors in the sub-Saharan African region, making
places substitutable, a city such as Tshwane will increasingly have to differenti-
ate itself to ensure an equitable market share in the face of increased competi-
tion. Keller (in Prayag (2007) ) emphasizes that a city such as Tshwane requires
consensus on four areas to ensure successful brand positioning and long-term
competitiveness such as target markets, nature of competition, points of parity
and points of difference associations. Based on a realistic assessment of the
strengths and weaknesses of the destination and its competitors, the decision
can then be made as to which market segments to target and with which prod-
ucts and services. Subsequently, images for the city can be developed. Optimally
positioning Tshwane is a process of pinpointing, substantiating and delivering
competitive advantage to create brand growth.
A Key Marketing Priority: Branding and Positioning

the City of Tshwane
Based on previously discussed analyses of product strengths, market oppor-
tunities and competitive realities, certain broad marketing objectives for the
City of Tshwane have been articulated. These include establishing the City of
Tshwane as a unique and differentiated tourism destination for all identified
target markets; educating visitors about the change of the city’s name from
Pretoria – as which it is still known to a relatively large population of both
domestic and foreign visitors – to the City of Tshwane; establishing a strong
destination brand for the City of Tshwane; indicating to tourists that there is a
wide range of things to do and see in the area and to influence tourists to stay
longer, do and see more and spend more; and highlighting in the marketplace
that the city is no longer the seat of apartheid government, but of the first
democratic government of South Africa (City of Tshwane, 2005).
As indicated above, rebranding and positioning is a key element of the over-
all tourism marketing thrust for the city. However, on both a strategic and practi-
cal level, the branding of a destination such as Tshwane is complex, not only as
a result of the name change challenge, but also because the destination has a
diversity of tourism offerings and is comprised of many tourism providers, often
serving different target markets at the same time. The challenge is however to
establish a new destination branding identity that will bring together all the dispa-
rate elements of the destination; that can direct the strategic marketing focus and
the key priority market segments for the destination; one that will establish the
core brand values, and ultimately communicate these values consistently, either
explicitly or implicitly in all future marketing activities (Heath, 2008).
These core brand values should ideally form the ‘umbrella’ for all future
Tshwane destination marketing initiatives. This should not preclude individual
tourism providers (e.g. attractions, restaurants, guest houses, etc.) from build-
ing their own branding strategies and undertaking individual promotional activi-
ties, but it should encourage joint marketing activities under the destination
branding identity for Tshwane.
Based on an extensive consultative strategic planning process, it was pro-
posed that an RTO be established for Tshwane, which should, as one of its
strategic priorities, champion the rebranding process. The RTO, which will
also be the custodian of the Tshwane destination brand, will be a membership-
based organization providing a single voice for the tourism industry in the city.
Together with being accountable to the City of Tshwane municipality, it will
also be accountable to the private sector and the community. A collaborative
and participative process will therefore be critical to manage the rebranding
and repositioning process successfully.
Taking Tshwane to the Forefront of City Branding

in South Africa
With the announcement on 26 January 2009 that South Africa would be mar-
keted internationally with a single brand identity, every South African city will
now be faced with the challenge to position itself in the international market-
place as separate and distinct from competition and from the national tourism
body’s generic image put forward in promoting the country as a whole (as is
the case with brand Dublin versus brand Ireland, discussed by Byrne and
Skinner, 2007). This may not all be negative seeing that Tshwane can capital-
ize on the positive perceptions of South Africa as a country and also benefit
from the fact that there is an evident ‘link between the brand identity of a
nation and the identity of individual place brands within it, not least a nation’s
capital’ (Byrne and Skinner, 2007, p. 63).
The new branding emblem is based on the country’s flag, which is said to
be the third most recognized flag internationally, after that of the USA and
Britain. The aim of the new logo and branding identity is to present a united
front and a single face for South Africa abroad. This new approach is in sharp
contrast to the situation that has prevailed wherein more than 70 logos were
representing South Africa abroad, and which were, in many ways, competing
with each other (Birns, 2009).
The new corporate identity and national umbrella branding framework,
which became operational on 1 April 2009, will be supported by a
comprehensive branding manual, programmes and promotional material,
which will be made available to all participating stakeholders. A great oppor-
tunity has been provided for the City of Tshwane to take the lead in embrac-
ing this new branding framework and being the first city to implement it at
the local level.
To ensure optimal branding and positioning in the tourism marketplace, the
key challenge for Pretoria/ Tshwane will be to embrace this new national brand-
ing initiative; to leverage collaborative partnership opportunities with the private
sector and coordinate marketing and promotion initiatives within the framework
of the provincial tourism body (Gauteng Tourism Authority) and the national
umbrella marketing body (South African Tourism). A further challenge will be to
link into and undertake collaborative marketing campaigns with surrounding
destinations (e.g. Hartebeespoort and Dinokeng) and link with the promotional
activities of the Gauteng Tourism Authority and South African Tourism.
The Critical Success Factors to Optimize the City’s

Branding and Positioning Strategy
During the 2008 tourism stakeholder workshop mentioned earlier, consensus
was reached on various critical success factors to optimize the branding and
positioning of the City and to ensure sustainable competitiveness. These include
promoting a unique and distinctive brand personality that resonates with visitors
and ‘living’ the brand personality at every ‘touch-point’ in the city; a collabora-
tive and coordinated approach in all marketing and promotional efforts;
delivering service excellence at all levels and at every ‘touch-point’; ensuring
appropriate visitor interpretation and information centres at key attractions
and strategic points (e.g. at the Union Buildings); as well as ensuring effective
communication, coordination and collaboration with the City of Tshwane,
Gauteng Tourism Authority, South African Tourism and other relevant tourism
stakeholders and channel members (Heath, 2008).
The broad strategic evaluation of planning and marketing processes in the
city which followed as an outflow of the workshop, indicated that the above criti-
cal success factors were all being addressed as part of the participative destina-
tion planning and marketing process. The challenge in 2009 and beyond would
be to maintain the momentum; to benchmark, monitor and evaluate these initia-
tives; and ensure optimal alignment of the strategies in accordance with the
changes taking place in the macro, competitive and market environments.
Another critical success factor for Tshwane will be to encourage domestic
tourism as a starting point in the creation of a new image of the old apartheid
capital city. Tshwane has to persuade local people who have perhaps visited
the city in the past, to revisit the city and to ‘experience it’ (the change). It must
be remembered that a capital city has an image in the minds of its residents
as a product of different decision-making processes and these images will
greatly influence their future travel behaviour (Mules et al., 2007). Encouraging
domestic tourists to have another look at Tshwane could lead to visitations that,
in turn, may alter their perceptions of their capital city. In the end, the aim is
to ultimately create excited locals that act as brand ambassadors, assisting in
successfully taking the City of Tshwane brand into the future.
Conclusion
The City of Tshwane is a sophisticated and vibrant African city that has some
distinctive features that can further differentiate it in the local and international
tourism marketplaces. Key among these features is its capital city status, which
to date has not been optimally leveraged as a competitive positioning oppor-
tunity. Regarding the future strategic direction of tourism for the city, the priori-
ties will be to emphasize its capital city status; to strengthen the intellectual
image of the city; and to further enhance the city’s positioning as a leisurely
city. The key challenges facing the city during the next planning period will be
to strategically manage the rebranding process from Pretoria to Tshwane and,
as a host city, to optimally leverage the opportunities related to the hosting of
the 2010 FIFA Soccer World Cup.
To achieve the envisaged legacies related to the hosting of this major event
and to take the branding, positioning and marketing of the city, as a tourism
destination, to a next level, will require a shared vision among all stakeholders,
a goal-driven strategic and operational plan, adequate finance, a commitment
to coordination, collaboration and mutually beneficial partnerships and a ‘can-
do’ approach among all public and private stakeholders. Judging from the ini-
tiatives that have been put into place by the Tshwane Tourism Action Team,
the City of Tshwane is on a positive journey towards optimizing its potential as
a ‘must-experience’ destination in both the local and international marketplace.
The key building blocks are also being put into place to ensure sustainable des-
tination competitiveness in the future and to firmly position Tshwane as a
unique and distinctive African capital city.
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7 Inside the Triangle: Images
of a Capital
BRUCE HAYLLAR,1 DEBORAH EDWARDS,1 TONY GRIFFIN1
AND TRACEY DICKSON2
1University of Technology, Sydney; 2University of Canberra
Introduction
The focus of this chapter is on understanding the tourist experience of Canberra,
Australia’s capital city, particularly within its main parliamentary precinct. This
precinct possesses both political and touristic significance, as it encompasses a
set of major national institutions, among which are eight of the city’s ten most
visited sites. The tourist experience is theorized through a phenomenological
approach that examined 598 tourist images taken within the precinct, and the
response of four focus groups to those images.
The rationale for this approach is that photography is the medium through
which most tourists’ document and report their experiences to others; hence,
understanding these images helps to understand the nature of the tourist expe-
rience. Further, through photographs we engage vicariously with others’
experiences – to reflect on our own experience in the same destination or to
imaginatively engage in the possibilities for experience.
The chapter concludes with a phenomenological discussion that identifies
the essential qualities of the experience and some associated theoretical
implications.
The Bush Capital

Canberra is a ‘new’ capital, purpose-built to be the seat of national govern-
ment and centre of administrative and diplomatic activity. The need for a
national capital arose from the proclamation of the Constitution Act of the
Commonwealth of Australia in 1901, which brought together the hitherto six
independent English colonies into one federated state. Section 125 of the
Constitution prescribed that the capital must be located within the state of
New South Wales (NSW), but at least 100 miles (1 mile = 1.61 km) from its
78 B. Hayllar et al.
capital, Sydney. This provision was intended to assuage sensitivities arising

from rivalry between the colonies of Victoria and NSW and constrain the
potential influence of Sydney.
The search for a site for the capital lasted 7 years (Drinkwater, 1998).
Following the Seat of Government Acceptance Act (1909) and the ceding of
2368 km2 of land (300 km from Sydney) to the Commonwealth Government
by the state of NSW, the Australian Capital Territory (ACT) was declared on
1 January 1911. An international design competition was then launched. The
winner was Chicago architect Walter Burley Griffin, who had a design formu-
lated in conjunction with his wife, Marion Mahony Griffin. Griffin had worked
in the architectural practice of the celebrated Frank Lloyd Wright and the design
was influenced by the work of Wright and his Prairie School, itself a product of
the City Beautiful and Garden City movements (see Howard and Thomas,
1985). The Griffins’ plan for Canberra incorporated substantial green belts sur-
rounding areas of settlement, wide boulevards, monumental public buildings,
formal parks and water features.
The design took particular account of the topography. Central to the vision
was a triangle formed by imaginary lines joining the three small mountains
(Mounts Ainslie, Black Mountain and Red Hill), whose contours give shape to
the shallow valley in which the core of the city is now located. The creation of
a lake within the triangle, formed by damming the Molonglo River, completed
the Griffins’ physical blueprint.
Inside the triangle, national buildings were grouped to the south of the lake
(now called the ‘Parliamentary Triangle’) and municipal buildings to the north,
with residential suburbs on both sides. While the Griffins made changes to their
design, the original blueprint has largely been followed to the present.
Contemporary Canberra
Australians, and indeed many international visitors, are somewhat ambivalent
about Canberra. While being acknowledged as ‘interesting’, ‘well organized’
and with ‘lots to see and do’, it has also been described as ‘soulless’, ‘confus-
ing’ and ‘boring’. Travel writer Bill Bryson (2000) encapsulates a popular
view of the capital: ‘It’s a very strange city, in that it’s not a city at all, but
rather an extremely large park with a city hidden in it. It’s all trees and lawn
and hedges and big ornamental lake…’ (p. 91). Arguably, such dim views
have diminished as Canberra has grown and diversified its economy and
social make-up. It now possesses one of the highest standards of living in
Australia and is above the national average on most socio-economic indica-
tors (http://www.act.gov.au). The much-maligned urban and cultural life has
evolved with the growth and diversity of the population. The capital now
boasts over 300 dining venues, a vibrant entertainment scene and a regular
calendar of festivals and special events (http://www.capitalcitytourism.com).
Canberra receives over 3.5 million visitors annually, two-thirds of whom are
domestic tourists (Ritchie and Dickson, 2007).
Inside the Triangle: Images of a Capital 79
The Tourist Image

For many tourists, the camera as an accoutrement, and photography as an act,
is central to their experience. The tourist’s acquisitiveness for experience is
mirrored by the desire to capture and take possession of that experience.
Sontag (1977, p. 3) notes that ‘to collect photographs is to collect the world’.
Moreover, photographs offer ‘indisputable evidence that the trip was made,
that the program was carried out, that fun was had . . . they document sequences
of consumption carried on outside the view of family, friends neighbours’
(Sontag, 1977, p. 9).
While recording or collecting experience is one aspect of tourist photogra-
phy, Sontag (1977) also points to a more phenomenological dimension.
Photography records but also shapes experience. Seeking opportunities for the
‘shot’ changes the nature of the encounter – a change from the visual, aural
and visceral towards a more technically mediated encounter. Sontag further
suggests that doing something (a type of working at experience) also ‘appeases
the anxiety which the work-driven feel about not working when they are on
vacation and supposed to be having fun’ (p. 10).
A counter-position to Sontag’s might rest in notions of photography as
playful of itself. Rather than viewing the tourist experience as being a cap-
tive of the image seeker, the photographic act might be central to the play-
ful experience of being a tourist. For example, the shifts in space and
consciousness proposed by Sontag are evident in many of the influential
writings on play theory; see Huizinga (1955), Bateson (1973) and Schutz
(1975).
Bourdieu (1990) approaches photography from a structuralist perspective,
yet within his narrative vestiges of both Sontag’s perspective and that of play
theory resonate. For Bourdieu (1990), the holiday provides the opportunity to
broaden the range of photographic possibilities. Photography remains a social
process of documentation, yet the ‘touristic attitude’ sharpens our attention to
both the world around us – the everyday lives of others become objects of our
attention – and to the monuments, cultural sites and landscapes that symbolize
the exoticism or extraordinariness of the touristic experience. However, for
Bourdieu, the ‘touristic attitude’ is constrained by the expectations that attend
tourist photography. The choice of what one must photograph, he argues, is
informed by the aesthetic of the postcard (and presumably other visual media)
and to this extent ‘doing’ photography becomes more extrinsically focused,
and somewhat deterministic.
The notion of the influence of the ‘received image’ is fundamental to the
ideas of Markwick (2001), who argues that postcards are not insignificant
ephemera but one of the ‘central motivation structures of the tourism process’
(p. 422). While these images may be decontextualized – of an experience, a
place and its social milieu – they make the invisible visible, ‘the unnoticed
noticed, the complex simple, and the simple complex’ (p. 420). It is the viewer
who gives context, who reifies these symbols into a culturally formed picture of
reality, which is then sought by the tourist.
Jenkins’ (2003) ‘circle of representation’ (after Urry et al.,1990 ) links

theoretically to both Bourdieu’s (1990) and Markwick’s (2001) positions on
the mediated reproduction of imagery. According to Jenkins (2003), images
of a destination that are collectively projected by the mass media both inform
the decision to travel and impact upon decision making within the desti-
nation. Consequently, visitors become unwitting collaborators in this medi-
ated circle by capturing similar images and projecting their personal
representations back to others, ‘which begins the cycle again’ (Jenkins,
2003, p. 308).
It is clear that the production of images for both the personal representa-
tion of experience, and the potential for experience, is an important contem-
porary means by which a destination is indirectly experienced and interpreted,
hence the choice of tourists’ photos as a means of interpreting the experience
of Canberra.
An Approach to the Interpretation of Images

Photographs by their very nature reflect experience – of the image maker (the
photographer), of the image observer, and oftentimes the interaction between
image maker, subject and observer. This interplay is touched upon by Barthes
(1984, p. 4) quoting what Lacan calls ‘the Tuche, the Occasion, the Encounter,
the Real, in its indefatigable expression’.
Experience is at the core of photography (Markwell, 1997; Sontag, 1977;
Markwick, 2001). For the interpreters of tourist photography, a central ques-
tion is how do we understand the nature of the tourist experience through the
projected images? To understand an assemblage of images inevitably involves
some form of classification, grouping or filtering process to bring ‘order’ to a
collection. Albers and James (1988) provide a workable analytical framework
in their study of tourist postcards. Cohen (1993), Markwell (1997) and Jenkins
(2003) similarly provide methodological structures from different philosophical
perspectives. The latter two authors in particular acknowledge the subjectivities
of classification and explicitly recognize that any form of understanding sought
through an image is inevitably the result of a hermeneutic process. In this tradi-
tion, Edwards (2008) adopted a five-stage semiotic analysis of tourist images of
Sydney and used a series of questions to shape her classification and analytical
processes. This process was informed by both the images and a limited inter-
pretation provided by the individual photographers.
In developing our approach to examining the ‘image projected’ experience
of Canberra, we have taken the phenomenological perspective foreshadowed
by Barthes (1984). Barthes implicitly acknowledges the phenomenological
approach of Husserl (1973) when he proposes to take himself as the mediator
for all photography. ‘Starting from a few personal impulses, I would try to for-
mulate the fundamental feature, the universal without which there would be no
Photography’ (Barthes, 1984, pp. 8–9). Seeking out the fundamental feature(s)
or the essences of the tourist experience of Canberra is the focus of the remain-
der of this chapter.
Methodology
A phenomenological approach
In this study we have adopted an approach grounded in hermeneutic (or inter-

pretive) phenomenology. Husserl (1973) argued that to understand the nature
of experience we needed to engage in zu den sachen – which is variously
interpreted as ‘To the things themselves’ (Spiegelberg, 1982, p. 109) or the
more contemporary interpretation, ‘Let’s get down to what matters’ (van
Manen, 1990, p. 184). Husserl believed that to understand reality one had to
examine reality itself. The logical corollary is that the source of ‘data’ for all
phenomenological studies is found in the experience of individuals.
Van Manen (1990, p. 36) argues that the ‘aim of phenomenology is to
transform lived experience into a textual expression of its essence – in such a
way that the effect of the text is at once a reflexive re-living and a reflective
appropriation of something meaningful’. Van Manen’s (1990) methodological
framework for phenomenological research and his practices for the phenom-
enological analysis of text (see Hayllar and Griffin, 2005; Griffin and Hayllar,
2006), have guided the current investigation.
In this study there are four ‘layers’ of text. The first is the received image.
The experience presented through an image has an embedded text or story,
namely; ‘this is my experience of…’. The second layer is that produced by oth-
ers in response to these images. The question then becomes: how do we expe-
rience and interpret the experience of others through their images? The third
layer is concerned with responses gathered through the interactions of others
experiencing the images. The final layer of text is the prior experience of
Canberra that each respondent knowingly and unknowingly draws upon within
the interpretive process.
The research question
In accord with the methodology of van Manen (1990) adopted for this study,
data collection and analysis were guided by the overall phenomenological ques-
tion: what is the essence of the visitor experience to Canberra? Embedded
within this principal question was an implicit ‘secondary question’ around the
experience of a capital. That is, is there a particularity, a unique quality, a spe-
cial significance or different forms of conscious and unconscious engagement
that attend the experience of a visit to a capital city?
The study
Stage 1
The objective of the overall study was to understand the spatial behaviour of
tourists visiting Canberra. In order to capture tourist behaviour patterns
contemporaneously with their experience, two principal forms of data collec-

tion were used: global positioning system (GPS) tracking (Edwards et al., 2009);
and, central to this chapter, the collection of digital images.
Thirty-two study participants were recruited at three Canberra locations –
two hotels and a youth hostel. Participants were issued with a GPS tracking
device and a digital camera, and were asked to use the cameras throughout the
day as they would use their own. At the end of each day, data from the GPS
devices were downloaded on to Google Earth, and the digital images archived
to a laptop. Approximately 1100 images of Canberra were collected through
this process. Having provided the raw data, this group took no further part in
the study.
Stage 2
The second stage involved interpreting the images utilizing four focus groups.
Before proceeding to this stage, the research team culled the images to elimi-
nate those with obvious technical problems such as poor light or focus. The
images were next grouped into five distinct sets based on a broad content
analysis. The purpose of this was to focus on aspects of the visit that were
related to the ‘capital’ – those images taken around the parliamentary precinct
which formed approximately 50% of the total number. The initial classification
was completed by one member of the team and then reviewed by the team as
a whole, which led to images being moved and regrouped into the final analyti-
cal set. In this grouping process, no images were removed from the overall
collection, even when multiples of similar images existed; nor was the order of
the images changed.
Data collection and interpretation
Four focus groups were conducted from a pool of 15 participants who

responded to a request for participation in the study. The focus groups took
place at the University of Technology, Sydney, and were spread over a 2-week
period in late 2008. Participants were aged between 24 and 54, two-thirds
were women, and three were international visitors currently living in Sydney.
Each group viewed 598 images which were projected on to a large screen.
Participants were asked to comment upon their experience of Canberra as
reflected through the images, which were displayed for approximately 4–5
seconds each in the initial pass. As the discussion unfolded, images were viewed
again as required. The ensuing group discussion was digitally recorded and
later transcribed for analysis.
Following the focus groups, each of the transcribed scripts was manually
coded. In accord with Van Manen (1990) and Crotty (1996), the first ‘level’ of
analysis was thematic. Definitions for each theme were established as the tran-
scripts were worked. These were reviewed and modified by the research team
as appropriate. Categories, or sub-themes, were then developed to capture the
‘finer grain’ of the overall transcript. Following the thematic analysis, a textual
description was prepared (Moustakas, 1994), which provided an experiential
overview of the images and the collective response of the group. From this
point, the analysis moved from description to interpretation.
Data Analysis
Thematic analysis
Theme development inevitably involves data reduction – the thematic concept

is sifted, disengaged and ‘manufactured’ from the text. However, the developed
themes and the discussion unfolding from them are not mutually exclusive but
rather interpretive mechanisms for better understanding the nature of the
experience.
The definitions for each of the major themes and categories are outlined in
Table 7.1.
Theme 1: architecture and landscape

The theme of buildings and landscape is concerned with the overall visual impres-
sion created by the images. The images were strongly focused on the external as
suggested by Stephen (13–17)1 who also noted ‘a focus on the grandeur of the
buildings and these buildings seem to be concentrated along the parliamentary
triangle . . . you sort of get the impression that they haven’t gone for the human
side of the experience’. Reflecting a commonly held view, David (522–523) felt
that ‘the images reinforced the negative image . . . of Canberra’. He added, ‘you
just always see the same concrete to reinforce the impression I had of Canberra.
A city built to be a city. Mostly built for being a capital city’ (531–532). Marika
suggests a more experience-based dimension, depicting Canberra as ‘always
sterile. It does not seem to have a soul’ (762–763), or as Stephen opines – ‘just
look at the buildings, the whole thing is very bland’ (248).
The overall negativity surrounding the public buildings has its exceptions. The
postmodern National Museum of Australia with its indigenous inspired features
was described as ‘stunning architecture, [a] gorgeous building’ (Marika, 736), a
‘work of art’ (Victor, 15) and a ‘fascinating building to look at’ (David, 64).
Table 7.1. Major themes.
Major themes Definitions Categories
Architecture and Comments related to specific architectural Buildings

landscape and other physical features of Canberra Landscape
Symbols of Comments related to the representation of Power
nationhood buildings as distinct symbols of Culture
nationhood and/or national identity
Collections Comments related to the ‘collections’ Emotion
housed within public buildings Artefacts
1 These and subsequent numbers refer to the line numbers of the original interview transcript.
The setting for these buildings is shaped by both the natural topogra-
phy and the substantial intervention of landscape designers. The Griffins’
image of parkland interspersed with public buildings has theoretical visual
appeal, but in practice the buildings appear ‘isolated’ from each other. In
a sense they stand apart from the visitor – there is no connectivity. This
dominance of design appears to create a city to be ‘seen’, rather than a
city to be lived in.
This disconnect was noted by a number of respondents – ‘there weren’t a
lot of people in the photos [which] were often about objects rather than about
people’ (Linda, 174–175), or ‘nearly all empty’ (Marika, 729).
Taken together, there is an overwhelming sense that Canberra’s institu-
tional architecture presents a rather austere image of the city. The buildings
appear as objects of representation rather than as vehicles for engagement
with the nation’s cultural and political history. This image is magnified by their
dispersed locations. They are buildings set in a landscape that visitors drive to
or past.
Theme 2: symbols of nationhood

National capitals are intrinsically and manifestly symbolic – national monu-
ments, administrative centres, parliaments, museums and significant historic
sites. In combination, these symbols create what Maitland and Ritchie (2008,
personal communication) call a sense of ‘capitalness’. Only a capital can assem-
ble such a collection of national symbols. Similarly, only a capital can imbue
such structures with symbolic and existential meaning.
Fig. 7.1. National Art Gallery.

In Theme 1, the discussion focused on the physical presence and location of

the various buildings. The perspective presented was one of buildings as objects.
However, the fact that these buildings are also symbols created other layers of
meaning for respondents. While Sandra (451–452) noted that ‘it is full of monu-
ments, monumentalism’, the notion of buildings as symbols of power moves
beyond the structures themselves. As Steve commented, ‘somehow all these
images sort of create this sense of power’ (46) and ‘I think of the buildings but then
I think what is underneath them in terms of what is happening there or what has
happened there’ (57–58). Linda, in reflecting on the images of the parliament,
talked of the ‘significance I guess of the building itself’ (95). Michael, an interna-
tional respondent, commented that ‘they are isolated buildings that have a sense
of power to them. The buildings are so dominant by themselves – nothing around
it. It is a very strong symbol for me’ (541–543).
Beyond the notion of power per se, the buildings were also seen as symbols
of Australia – a means of ‘reading’ Australia. One international respondent sug-
gested that ‘the monuments express the culture of the country. With the national
monument you read something into it. You read something about the country’
(David, 583–584). Another international respondent noted: ‘for me it was look-
ing for something that was unique, something uniquely Australia. For me, that
was Parliament House . . . the one with the flag’ (Phoebe, 362–364). Indeed, the
flags on significant public buildings were seen as important markers of place.
For one younger respondent (Belinda), the flags created a sense of pride while
for others they reinforced the ‘Australianness’ of the experience.
Some discussion also centered on the differences between old ‘organically
developed’ capitals, such as London, and newer planned capitals such as
Canberra, Brasilia and Washington, DC. Wendy noted that newer planned
capitals are created as places to exhibit the nation, and in essence the capital
itself becomes part of the exhibit – part of that which is presented. As such, the
‘capital’ as a holistic entity is seen to symbolize the nation as a whole. As one
international respondent noted: ‘In Europe the buildings in the old capitals
were built around the existing buildings . . . whereas Canberra, because it was a
new capital, needed to create those symbols’ (Michael, 568–571).
Overall, this theme highlights the important role that significant public
buildings play in creating the experience of Canberra. While the architecture
and physical presence of many of these structures are somewhat cold and
atomistic, for many respondents there was an underlying presence of power
and ‘capitalness’. As Phoebe reflected, ‘there is so much more than just the
buildings’ (428–429).
Theme 3: collections
While the first two themes focused on respondents’ experiences of the physical
manifestations of the images, this final theme is concerned with the presenta-
tion of cultural symbols through the ‘collections’ contained within the institu-
tions. In the sense used here, the notion of the collection is broadened to take
account of both the formal presentation of artefacts – such as those located
within the National Museum of Australia – and the more informal ‘collections’
of ‘democratic symbols’ of the type found in Parliament House.
Fig. 7.2. Parliament House.
All of the most significant national buildings have collections as described

above. However, the images were primarily focused around the Australian War
Memorial and the two Parliament Houses. There were no internal images of
the National Gallery, Questacon, the National Library or the High Court.
Internal images from the National Museum of Australia were limited and quite
specific, as were those from Old Parliament House.
The response to these collections had both similarities and differences. At
the War Memorial, three distinct components of the collection were identified.
The first were artefacts of war – primarily static displays of weaponry including
tanks, aircraft and guns. David’s response to these displays was typical of the
group: ‘the tanks and those other things do not have much of an impact upon
me – they are just the tools of war’ (652–653).
However, the second component, comprising exhibits focused on the
human side of war, provided an experience that was more overtly affective.
The dioramas of battlefield scenes were particularly evocative. As Michael
noted: ‘in the War Memorial we saw a lot of images with soldiers in defeat,
people absolutely devastated. There is a human dimension, a contrast between
what is in the building and what is on the outside’ (625–627). The final com-
ponent of the collection is its commemorative aspects, such as the Roll of
Honour which contains the name of every Australian soldier killed in overseas
conflicts. These commemorative features evoked similar responses to exhibits
portraying the human side of war.
The National Museum of Australia is a contemporary museum that the-
matically seeks to explore the Australian landscape, nation and people. While
Fig. 7.3. Garden of Australian Dreams.
Fig. 7.4. Roll of Honour.

the museum has a broad range of exhibits, the tourists’ images presented and
interpreted are narrow in scope. Indeed, there are significantly more images of
the striking (external) architecture of the building than the collection itself! As
with the War Memorial, respondents identified a similar two aspects to the col-
lection – those focusing on artefacts and those presenting more emotional and
contemporary themes. Unlike the War Memorial, the impact here was not con-
nected with loss but rather to specific aspects of the contemporary Australian
‘story’ – ‘things that people relate to and can see themselves in it . . . parts of
their lives’ (Stephen, 128–130).
In the Old Parliament House, there is a similar dualism – artefacts, and
emotional and contemporary themes, with the difference between the two
sometimes blurred. For example, the Prime Minister’s office chair, which might
at first glance be passed off as an artefact, evoked a significant ‘emotional’
response. This exhibit was not simply a desk and chair, but rather a place of
power where decisions influencing the course of the nation’s history unfolded.
Here the collection, not its external structure, emerged as a symbol of
nationhood.
In the context of the overall discussion, new Parliament House presents a
more complex picture. Completed in 1988 and sitting astride Capital Hill, it
dominates the skyline at the southern apex of the parliamentary triangle.
Looking northward across the lake, new Parliament House, Old Parliament
House and the War Memorial are in perfect alignment along a 4 km axis of
open space and grand boulevard. This position gives Parliament House a
unique physical and symbolic presence within the city.
Fig. 7.5. Seats of Power – Old Parliament House.

While the text of respondents clearly demarcated their experience of the

external character and internal collections of other public buildings, the distinc-
tion between the Parliament building, its symbolic role and its ‘collection’ are
blurred. Notions of history, tradition, nationalism, democracy and the Australian
narrative appear to be symbolically woven into their responses to Parliament
House. Interestingly, such aggregated symbolism is shared across both Australian
residents and international respondents.
Discussion
The experience of Canberra is one of contradictions and tensions. There are
notions of psychological ‘distance’ or even alienation from the city. There is a
consistency in the focus group narratives of this distance. The city is seen to
lack an essential spirit. With some notable exceptions, its public buildings are
perceived as sterile and lacking in character. The images are focused on struc-
tures not human interactions. It is a place for the other, the polity and its min-
ions, not the visitor.
However, this perception of distance is multifaceted. Canberra’s isolation
from the two most populous and influential Australian cities – Sydney and
Melbourne – and its development as a ‘new’ capital provide a unique socio-
historical context to the visitors’ experience. This is especially so with Australian
respondents who see these images through a particular cultural lens. For
Australians, there is a type of latent antipathy towards the ‘privilege’ invested
in Canberra, with its superior services, wide roads, manicured garden suburbs
and sweeping mountain vistas. For international visitors, particularly those
arriving by road, Canberra gives no clue of an imminent arrival, no grand gate-
way to a capital – the city, nestled in a shallow valley, almost unexpectedly
emerges from the rural landscape. Ironically, and perhaps appropriately, it
could be argued that Canberra is a metaphor for Australia itself – isolated, privi-
leged and culturally remote from the contemporary world and realpolitik.
This notion of distance is also characterized in the collections. For many,
these collections are externalized and arcane. While clearly part of the
Australian national story, there is often a disjunction between the exhibit and
the visitor’s experience of it. However, when there is an affective relationship
within the experience – where the exhibition narrative engages with emotion,
such as in the War Memorial, this distance diminishes.
The above argument notwithstanding, there are contradictions to this distal
notion of engagement. As noted, Parliament House has a particular character
or ‘presence’, an almost de jure recognition of implicit power and historical
significance. In this case, there is a match for visitors between the external
representation and the internal experience of the building.
In considering these tensions and contradictions within the visitor experi-
ence, there are theoretical links between this and our earlier precinct work (see
Hayllar and Griffin, 2005). There we argued that precincts present visitors with
opportunities for layered experiences. That is, a visitor may engage at a super-
ficial level – in the case of Canberra by driving from one significant site or
attraction to the other without leaving the car – or at deeper levels, through a
visit to a site or exhibit with intense engagement. Arguably, the layers of
Canberra are more difficult to penetrate. The dispersed nature of the buildings,
their lack of connectivity and minimal external interpretation hamper experi-
ences beyond the superficial. At the specific exhibit level, where interpretation
actively facilitates experience, the experiential layer is more porous and allows
meaningful engagement. Such engagement enhances the overall quality of the
visitors’ experience. As one international respondent remarked:
In Old Parliament House we played in a room where you could put on clothes
and have photos taken. My father did that and that was good. It helped my
understanding. I got to understand more about Australia.
(Phoebe, 388–392)
It is difficult to know whether Australia’s national diffidence (or indifference)

towards Canberra is based on its historical relationships with the city or whether
other factors around landscapes, design and transport impact upon the experi-
ence. There are also questions around the response to Canberra by interna-
tional visitors and how their experience might have been shaped by prior
experience or knowledge of the city. Heidegger’s (1962) theorizing presents at
least a partial explanation. He maintained that the conceptualization of an
experience is always grounded in prior experience, what he called the fore-
structure. In developing this position he argued that whenever something is
interpreted, the ‘interpretation will be founded essentially upon fore-having,
fore-sight, and fore-conception’. (Heidegger, 1962, pp. 191–192).
Fig. 7.6. Old Parliament House.

The experience of Canberra
To answer the phenomenological questions posed for this study requires an epis-
temological shift from the experiential structures discussed within the thematic
analysis, towards the essential characteristics or ‘essences’ of experience ‘inside
the triangle’. In the phenomenological context, there are ‘particular essences’
(Spiegelberg, 1982), which are underpinning experiences, and a ‘general
essence’ which is the cumulative structure of the particular experience. In our
analysis, two particular essences emerged. The first is the notion of detachment.
Detachment captures the arguments relating to psychological distance and is
linked to the experience of Canberra in three ways: as a tourist destination, as a
symbolic national entity and as a place of national representation. The second
essence is that of engagement. Engagement is the antithesis of detachment and
is concerned with experiences that rise above the ‘constraints’ imposed by
detachment. Engaged experiences are deeper, multilayered and possibly quite
profound encounters that have at their core substantial affective dimensions.
In considering these essential qualities, it is likely that there is an ongoing
temporal dimension to the visitor experience. As a visitor’s encounter unfolds,
barriers to experience will emerge (detachment) while at other times hitherto
unrealized opportunities for engagement will surface. These essential charac-
teristics are in a constant interplay and state of flux. It is this enduring dialectic,
along what might be considered an experiential continuum, which helps con-
struct the experience of the capital.
The cumulative structure or general essence requires further hypothesizing.
The following questions therefore arise: is there embedded within the visitor
experience a phenomenon that links and flows through the experience? Is there
an essence without which the experience (as understood by the respondents in
this study) would cease to exist? In considering these questions, Maitland’s and
Ritchie’s (2008, personal communication) notion of capitalness emerged.
Capitalness captures the essential characteristic of the experience.
Capitalness encapsulates the affective experience of Canberra. Only a capital
can provide national symbols in a context charged with existential meaning.
Only a capital can tell the national story. Only a capital can encapsulate the
triumph (or decline) of the nation state, and imbue it with meaning. Capitalness
also has a cognitive dimension. Engaging with the collections of a capital
leads to questions and debate around the significance, place and role of arte-
facts in shaping the national temper. In so doing, capitalness is cognitively
experienced.
The experience of capitalness, as described, presupposes engagement as a
necessary prerequisite for the experience. However, capitalness is also about
detachment. Here, the tension within the experiential continuum is played out.
A capital is not only a repository for the national story, which imbues or con-
firms a sense of national identity that has meaning for the individual (and hence
leads to engagement), but it is also where the defining symbols of the nation
state reside. These are inevitably symbols of power and authority which con-
spire to keep the individual at bay (detachment). The latter is about being the
capital of Australia, while the former is about being the capital for Australians.
Conclusion
Photography is a means through which touristic ‘experience’ is both captured
and conveyed (Sontag, 1977). In this chapter, we set out to understand the
nature of the tourist experience of Canberra through a phenomenological
engagement with tourist images. Arising from the multiple layers of text, devel-
oped from the interactions with these images, was the overwhelming sense
that capitals, as sources of national identity and power, imbue experience with
an essential quality unique to the capital experience.
However, the outcomes from the study raise a number of theoretical, meth-
odological and practical questions. Theoretically, further consideration needs
to be given to the qualitatively different experience of a visit to a modern
purpose-built capital, and a visit to capitals that have been historically anointed
as a result of their geographic, economic or strategic importance. Do we expe-
rience the more established, organic capitals in quite different ways? If so, how
might this experience be understood and theorized? Or, is it in essence, the
same ‘experience’.
Methodologically, the veracity of the techniques used in this study needs
further development. Do they adequately explicate the experience? What of the
image makers themselves? Would interactions with them create more meaning-
ful textual layers? Would a larger sample reveal a more segmented experience
or would the experience as captured course through each of these segments?
Finally, the findings from this study raise a number of practical issues and
questions. At the micro level, the interpretation of the city through signage and
way finding mechanisms is problematic. The modernist exteriors of most of the
buildings and their disconnectedness from each another also make it difficult
for the visitor ‘see’ the attraction. The reliance on the motor vehicle for move-
ment between attractions suggests that more creative, perhaps satellite- or
GPS-sourced, information delivery systems are needed. At the macro level, the
data suggest that the marketing of the city could be more vigorously directed
towards the city as the capital of Australia, rather than the city as a collection
of symbolic national attractions. The intent here is to foster engagement with
the idea of capitalness as fundamental to the visitor experience.
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8 Seeing the Sites: Perceptions
of London
NANCY STEVENSON1 AND CHARLES INSKIP2
1University of Westminster; 2City University London
Introduction
This chapter investigates photographic images and accompanying texts pro-
vided by a group of people to illustrate their perceptions of London as a capital
city. This material is analysed using a multilayered approach, which draws from
visual anthropology and social semiotics. The research findings are evaluated
in the context of the literature on cities, city tourism and capitals and are dis-
cussed in terms of four themes: power, gaze, mobility and connections.
Many of the images provided for this study illustrate an iconic building or a
symbol of the ‘capitalness’ of the city and at one level can be seen to reflect
‘found’ images of London as a destination. However, the commentaries dem-
onstrate the nuanced connections with the city that are textured and animated
by different stories and memories of particular events, experiences and people,
which often link to other places. The study illustrates the complex identity of
the city and complex process of seeing and connecting to London. It is intended
to reflect ‘multiple and heterogeneous ways of experiencing cities’ (Bell and
Haddour, 2000, p. 1) and to present a series of glimpses that illustrate the way
people use photographs to develop and demonstrate their connections with
London.
London – Global City and National Capital
As a national capital, London symbolizes ‘national identity, status and power’

(Pearce, 2007, p. 8), and is a city of cultural, historical, political and symbolic
significance and a centre of transaction and consumption (Hall, 2002; Pearce,
2007; Ritchie and Maitland, 2007). It has a concentration of iconic buildings,
cityscapes and monuments that have been created over hundreds of years and
which reflect its national role and importance. London carries out functions
Seeing the Sites: Perceptions of London 95
that are simultaneously nationally and internationally important, and is identi-

fied as a world or ‘Global City’ (Abrahamson, 2004; Bold and Hinchcliffe,
2009), also characterized by its centrality in global economic and cultural net-
works. London’s built symbolic representations are linked to the most powerful
institutions in the nation, many of which are also internationally significant,
including the government (Big Ben and the Houses of Parliament), business
(the Swiss Re (Gherkin) Tower and Canary Wharf), the monarchy (Buckingham
Palace and the Tower of London) and the church (Westminster Abbey and
St Paul’s).
London is ‘not unplanned but without an overall plan’ (Bold and
Hinchcliffe, 2009, p. 9), and ‘has evolved . . . as a Global Capital by default’
(Hardy, 2006, p. 87). It embodies layers of history that are reflected in the
diversity of its built environment and population. In the centre it comprises
two cities, the City of Westminster reflecting the political power of Parliament
and the City of London reflecting its economic power (Hardy, 2006).
London’s complexity and polycentricity has increased as it has grown and
engulfed surrounding settlements.
London is a city of multiple roles and identities, contrasts and diversities,
which are reflected in its architecture, multiculturalism and extremes of wealth
and poverty. Many writers have attempted to chronicle and develop an under-
standing of London by creating a range of biographies, encyclopedia and
guides to illustrate incidents, themes and stories about the city (including
Ackroyd, 2000; Hibbert, 1969; Weinred and Hibbert, 1983). The most recent
of these highlight the complexity and rapid evolution of the city which ‘cannot
be conceived in its entirety’ (Ackroyd, 2000, p. 2) or ‘encapsulated in a single
view’ (Bold and Hinchcliffe, 2009, p. 9).
Tourism and Tourist Images of London

In 2006, London was identified as the most popular city destination in the
world in terms of international visitor arrivals (Bremner, 2007), and in 2007
it attracted 1.69% of the global share of international tourism (Visit London
website, 2008). Tourist visits are concentrated in Westminster, followed by
Lambeth and Camden, and visitors are motivated by a range of factors includ-
ing history and heritage, museums and galleries parks and gardens and pubs
and restaurants (LDA, 2007), emphasizing the importance of the broader city
ambience on the decision to visit.
In London, the difficulties in separating touristic and non-touristic experi-
ences (Franklin and Crang, 2001; Burns and Lester, 2005) are particularly
acute. The city’s symbolic, cultural and business roles attract people to migrate
from other places in search of work, study and leisure opportunities. These
flows of people create a constantly shifting, diverse, multicultural and trans-
national population. The separation of tourist and non-tourist is made more
difficult in this multilayered, vibrant place, where roles are complex and con-
stantly changing. People shift between host and guest roles and in a single day
might experience the city as a resident, student, worker and tourist.
96 N. Stevenson and C. Inskip
Mackay and Cauldwell (2004, p. 390) claim that destination image arises
from ‘a compilation of beliefs and impressions, based on information processed
from a variety of sources over time’. Some of these may arise before visiting the
destination, such as guidebooks, literature and media images, while others may
be based upon experiences at the destination itself. London is globally familiar
through media representations, and images of the city are widely used to indi-
cate its various significant roles. Despite this perceived familiarity, visitors find
themselves in an alien environment when visiting for the first time.
Photography has a long history of being used not only to inform the viewer
but also to allow the photographer to interact with, and gain control over, an
alien environment (Urry, 2002). Photographic images, whether captured by
tourists themselves or found in magazines, brochures, websites, television
and films influence and play an important role in structuring their ‘gaze’, influ-
encing what they choose to see and photograph in a city. Urry (2002) con-
tends that the act of photography encourages the photographer to become an
‘amateur semiotician’, idealizing places and representing iconic images.
Method
This research draws from data collected for an ongoing research project that
evaluates images created to illustrate connections and experiences of London.
A multilayered approach was adopted, drawing from social semiotics (Barthes,
1977; Kress and van Leeuwen, 1996; Jewitt and Oyama, 2001; Chandler,
2002) and visual anthropological analysis (Collier, 2001; Pink, 2007). This
methodological approach was selected to enable reflexivity and to reveal multi-
layered and diverse meanings that contribute to people’s perception and under-
standing of places (Stevenson and Inskip, 2008).
In November 2006 and 2007, first-year undergraduate students at the
University of Westminster were asked to provide one photograph of London
they had collected and that had relevance to them. Each photograph was
accompanied by a commentary of 100–200 words discussing the chosen image
and detailing their age, nationality and duration of residence in London. Tourism
students were selected on the basis of their international profile and mobility.
In this project, 98 images were provided, 57 of which were selected for the
research underpinning this chapter on the basis that they had been produced
by people who had been in the capital for 5 years or fewer.
The collection of photographs and associated commentaries were analysed in
terms of subject, composition, meanings and the relationships between the images
and the image-makers. After preliminary examination, the photographs were
themed, and then the accompanying written commentaries were analysed in
order to determine how the images were being used to connect the photographer
to London. Social semiotic analysis was used to examine the surface and hidden
meanings of the photographs of the most widely chosen subjects, Big Ben and the
London Eye, to develop an understanding of what is being communicated by
those images, taking into account both their content and context (see Stevenson
and Inskip, 2008, for further discussion of the methodology employed).
The group’s perceptions of London were explored by considering the rela-

tionships between the photograph, the text and the person who created them.
Four main themes were identified (power, gaze, mobility and connections) in
the context of the wider literature on cities and tourism (including Abrahamson,
2004; Bell and Haddour 2000; Pearce, 2007; Urry, 2002 and Westwood and
Williams, 1997). These themes reveal a range of meanings and draw attention
to the complexities associated with experiencing, and relating to a complex and
multifunctional capital city.
Which Images are Chosen to Represent London?
The study group reflects the ambiguities and blurred boundaries around tour-
ism, mobility and migration (Franklin and Crang, 2001; Coles and Timothy,
2004; Larsen et al., 2007). The chosen images were produced by students
who had been in the city for between 1 month and 5 years, and whose percep-
tions of London reflected their mobility and their relatively recent relationship
with the city. They comprise 26 nationalities, reflecting the diversity of the
population of London. They are aged between 18 and 33 years, and most
have chosen to live and study in London following experiences as tourists in the
city. The majority of images can be interpreted as reflecting tourism or leisure
experiences as ‘guests’ in the city.
The photographs were scrutinized and themed into broad groups: iconic
buildings and structures, street scenes, people, transport, panoramas and
other (Fig. 8.1). Thirty-five per cent of the photographs showed iconic build-
ings and structures, with the most frequent occurrence (Fig. 8.2) involving a
Other
7%
Panoramic views
9%
Iconic buildings
35%
Transport
9%
People
16%
Street scenes
24%
Fig. 8.1. Images of London by theme.

Iconic buildings – Big Ben,

London Eye
19%
Iconic buildings – Tower

Bridge
5%
Iconic buildings – Gherkin

4%
Iconic buildings – other

7%
Fig. 8.2. Iconic buildings group – detail.
combined image of Big Ben and the London Eye – two structures that are
physically proximate but significantly different in function and type. Eighty-
eight per cent of the images, illustrated clearly identifiable places in central
London, and photographs of many of these places could be found on the
Visit London website. At one level, these can be perceived as touristic images;
however, they show places with wider political and administrative, business or
transport roles that symbolize London and reflect its capital and world city role.
The remaining 12% were difficult for the researchers to locate, as they did not
include London icons or popular streetscapes (such as Piccadilly Circus or
Covent Garden). As such they could be seen to represent a more familiar
or intimate relationship between the photographer and the city.
The Relationships Between Photograph and Image-maker

Morgan and Pritchard (1998) and Pink (2007) contend that the way people
make images of places reflects the meaning of those places to them and is
affected by their experiences, background and values. These relationships were
explored by considering the photographs in the context of several easily iden-
tifiable demographic characteristics of the image-makers: nationality, length of
time in London and age. There were no significant clusters when the photo-
graphs were sorted by nationality and by age. However, clusters could be iden-
tified around the length of time spent living in London with four of the five
panoramic views and all transport images produced by people who had been
in the capital for 1 year or less.
Each photograph was examined in the context of the accompanying writ-
ten commentary, 74% of which provided detailed and nuanced personal inter-
pretations explaining the connection between the image and the photographer.
These were categorized under five main themes. Fifty-two per cent of the com-
mentaries made connections with more than one of the above-mentioned
themes:
● Friends and family – 52%.

● Home in London – 33%.
● Home outside London – 31%.
● Study or work places – 12%.
● Revelation – 7%.
The ‘home outside London’ category relates to images that illustrate a memora-
ble experience in London undertaken when the photographer lived in another
place or when they first arrived. The revelation category shows images that
surprised the photographers and contrasted their experience with their expecta-
tions of London: modern buildings, multiculturalism and its crowdedness.
Message in a Photo
Semiotics is concerned with establishing the meaning of texts (which can be
any medium) by the study of signs and the way they are communicated by
those texts through representation (Barthes, 1977; Jewitt and Oyama, 2001).
While it seems easy to determine the denotative or commonsensical meaning,
of an image (a photograph of Big Ben denotes the clock tower attached to the
Houses of Parliament), evaluation and analysis of the meaning requires an
understanding of the codes that inform this connotation (a photograph of Big
Ben may be related to the importance of the British political system or the start
of the TV news). It is through socio-cultural conventions that the meaning of
signs, which is arbitrary, is agreed upon and these can vary according to the
point of view of the producer and consumer of the message.
The photographs in this research may be of Big Ben and the London Eye,
but their deeper meaning to the image-maker can be revealed by examining the
composition of the image and the accompanying text. The images represent
two well-known buildings in a particular urban setting. The interaction sug-
gested by the image is that the buildings are important among the other build-
ings in the photograph (Big Ben is tall because it needs to be seen from a
distance, London Eye is tall because the viewers on the wheel need to see for
a distance). If, say, the Big Ben tower is in the centre of the image and the
photograph is taken looking up at the tower then the composition of the pic-
ture indicates Big Ben is of central importance to the message and has power
over the viewer (it is looking down, like an authority figure).
While it was possible to generate ideas about their connotation from the
images alone, it was clear that this was substantially enhanced by the written
text. Taken at face value, all we could be sure about the images was that they
were photographs of the Big Ben and the London Eye, taken at a certain
time of day or night, and, because of the instruction for this project, they had
something to do with London and had some meaning to the student. Analysing
their composition led to some ideas about the roles of the elements within the
image. Combining this with a detailed reading of the text led to a clearer view
of the meanings that the image-maker was attempting to communicate.
Six photographs were examined in depth, three of which featured both the
London Eye and the Big Ben (Figs. 8.3, 8.5 and 8.8); two featured Big Ben
(Figs. 8.4 and 8.7) and one was of London Eye (Fig. 8.6). All featured the River
Thames. They were analysed using criteria developed by Kress and van
Leeuwen (1996) and Jewitt and Oyama (2001), which help to formalize its
interpretation and analyse how the image represents the subject, interacts with
the viewer and is composed. The content of the image, such as strong lines or
vectors, the positioning of the subject and other elements within the image, the
relationship of the subject to the foreground, background and viewer, as well as
the use of colour and angle of shot can be analysed to extract meaning of the
relationship between the photographer and the subject. These criteria acknowl-
edge that the interpretation of images is not only based on formal rules of
composition but also on how the viewer’s social context informs their interpre-
tation of the signs within the image (Chandler, 2002).
Vectors, such as bridges, draw the eye around the image and indicate a
strong relationship between the Eye and the Big Ben tower (particularly in Figs.
8.3 and 8.5, to a lesser extent in Fig.8.8) and between these elements and the
viewer of the photograph. The framing of the image, and the relative import-
ance of the elements within it are used to determine the key elements, here the
London Eye and Big Ben (Figs. 8.3, 8.5 and 8.8), Big Ben (Figs. 8.4 and 8.6)
and the London Eye (Fig. 8.6). The gaze of these elements in all of the images
Fig. 8.3. Big Ben from the London Eye

Fig. 8.4. Big Ben and Thames from South Bank.
Fig. 8.5. London Eye and Big Ben from Savoy Hotel.
Fig. 8.6. London Eye and Thames at night.
Fig. 8.7. Big Ben and Houses of Parliament from South Bank.
Fig. 8.8. Ariel view of Big Ben and London Eye.
was at the viewer, drawing them in, although the angle of the photo and the
distance from which it was taken indicated a detached, impersonal relationship
between the viewer and the subject. The viewer’s position relative to the subject
indicates whether, for example, London Eye is more important that the viewer
(Fig. 8.6), or vice versa (Figs. 8.3 and 8.8). This gives guidance relating to how
much the image-maker connects with the subjects of the photographs.
This type of image analysis attempts to provide the viewer with a clearer
understanding of the meaning of the images by highlighting the key elements,
the relative power between them within the image and between them and the
viewer, and offers some insights into the message the photographer is con-
structing when composing the photograph and choosing it from a selection for
the task in hand. Consideration of the accompanying written texts, in conjunc-
tion with the analysis of the content of the image, gives a closer view of the
particular message the photographer is attempting to communicate.
For example, in Fig. 8.3 the photographer discusses her experience of
riding on the London Eye: ‘ . . . ever since I was a little girl and watched the
Disney cartoon “Peter Pan” where they show Peter Pan standing on one of Big
Ben’s clock hands . . . I have always wanted to see this magic city in real life’.
This ‘magical’ narrative is linked to her experience of being in London

when she first arrived, and her choice of photo was made to communicate this.
On careful examination of the image, a child can be seen standing in the neigh-
bouring pod of the wheel, looking down on London. This links closely to the
experience in the film where the children fly with Peter Pan and strongly rein-
forces the photograph’s message of London as a magical city.
Although London is powerful (Big Ben and the accompanying Houses of
Parliament indicating adulthood and the power of the status quo) it can be
subverted by youth (Peter Pan) and an experience shared with ‘friends’. This
reinforces the use of myth to conquer the fear of the unknown: ‘London means
to me, a new experience of life and a chance to improve my knowledge by
attending the university here as well as living in a very dynamic and multicul-
tural city’. Combined with the image analysis, where the photographer was
positioned above the Big Ben tower, indicating a sense of power over the status
quo, gives rise to a rich and detailed interpretation of her relationship with
London.
Magic and myth are also strongly represented in Figs. 8.5 and 8.6. The
commentary with image Fig. 8.5 identifies that it is taken from the room once
occupied by Impressionist painter Claude Monet and a place where he pro-
duced some of his famous paintings of the Thames. The image is ‘spectacular’
and engenders an ‘amazing feeling’ by magically personifying history. By tak-
ing a photograph in a private but historically important place the photographer
demonstrates connections, and ‘opportunity’ in a city where ‘everything can
happen to you.’ The image analysis also indicated how magical he felt London
was, by the nature of the colour saturation and the strength of relationship
between the London Eye and the Big Ben tower, which are strongly linked by
bridge vectors.
The commentary with Fig. 8.6 says less about feelings in the text, but the
abstract nature of his image indicates the likelihood he is trying to communi-
cate a similar magical feeling (and his skills as a photographer), by choosing an
image where the sky is not its usual colour and bright light is emanating from
the water.
Commentaries refer to experiences with friends or places ‘where I meet
my friends’, indicating how the photographers are attempting to assert their
relationship with London through their relationships with people. Although
friends are not the subject of these images, the photographers associate the
well-being of friendship with these photographs.
They also discuss how they took the photograph, naming some of the ele-
ments or mentioning the time of day, the point they stood at when taking the
image, or other specific elements that they could only know if they had taken
the photograph themselves. In this way, by asserting ownership over the image,
that is: ‘the picture is captured by “me” ’ or ‘I had a chance to capture this
astonishing picture’, they assert ownership over London.
Their experiences of London are generally favourable and associated with
romantic notions of beauty, love, pleasure and opportunity. They do not
attempt to explain what cannot be explained, but present it in the image along
with their feelings and leave interpretation to the viewer.
Perceptions of London
Power
In this study, and on the Visit Britain and Visit London websites, the most com-
mon image used to illustrate London is of Big Ben and the Houses of Parliament
(Fig. 7.2), reflecting the political functions of the capital city and the import-
ance of Big Ben as a national icon. Other iconic buildings and structures used
in this small sample include Tower Bridge and London Eye, which are also
illustrated on the header of the Visit Britain website. This would indicate that
they are perceived as symbols of the nation as well as the city.
While four images show buildings that might be associated with economic
power (Canary Wharf and the Gherkin); this aspect of London is not discussed
in any commentaries. One image of Canary Wharf is used as a link reminding
the photographer of New York, a place where she would like to visit, while
another contrasts it with a relatively tranquil image of St Katherine Docks. The
two images of the Gherkin are accompanied by text discussing its architectural
status as a modern iconic building, noting the contrast to the heritage and tradi-
tion also associated with London.
These photos associate London with its capital city role as a political
capital rather than its economic and cultural role. The dominance of the Big
Ben images in the found literature and in the sample indicate importance and
symbolism associated with political dimensions of the city. The recent addi-
tion of the Eye appears to have reinforced the importance and symbolic
status of Big Ben.
Gaze
The images illustrate the importance of the London Eye as a site (or sight) to
be seen, and a place from which to view London (16% of the photographs
include an image of, or are taken from, the Eye). Due to its location and orien-
tation, the Eye focuses people’s gaze (Urry, 2002) on one part of the city,
drawing attention to and reinforcing the centrality and status of buildings and
features that are close by such as Big Ben, Houses of Parliament and the River
Thames. The commentaries provided with the London Eye pictures clearly
identify the symbolic role of the buildings and structures in the photograph.
Several refer to books, films and paintings based in London, and it is through
these cultural signifiers that personal connections are made to the city. Rather
than directly stating, ‘This is a place I love to visit’, they attach themselves to
London by using a cultural artefact (a book, film or painting) as an intermediary
‘It reminds me of my favorite book/film/painting’, reinforcing the difficulty in
expressing emotional connection with London in purely verbal terms.
The images that have been categorized as panoramic views are those with
no obvious central subject and are taken by the most recent arrivals. Without
the input of the photographer to inform us, the gaze in these panoramas is far
less structured than the gaze from the eye. The texts try to comprehend the
vastness of London, but normally from a vantage point that has personal mean-
ing or significance to the photographer such as their accommodation, work-
place or local park.
Mobility
Physical or geographical mobility is illustrated by the cluster of pictures

of public transport which were taken by the most recent arrivals. The
idea of movement in and around London is also illustrated in many pictures
which are taken ‘on the move’, from the Eye and from buses or in com-
mentaries that describe the photograph being taken on a journey around
the city.
The images and texts also reflect the diasporic nature of the group
(Coles and Timothy, 2004) with people representing London in terms of
memories that connected them to home, friends and family elsewhere.
They also reflect a temporal mobility; some people use images that were
taken in the past to illustrate lasting or pleasant memories of a visit to
London; others use images taken specifically for the research, which remind
them about an event in their past and a place that connects them to the
city. For example, one provides a photograph of the Millennium Bridge,
which she first saw as a tourist. When she moved to London, it became
significant as a place for reflection: ‘whenever I was upset or missed by fam-
ily and friends, I went to the Millennium Bridge, drank coffee and watched
London switching its lights on’.
These photographs and commentaries show how recent arrivals in London
use symbolic and iconic images to illustrate personal connections and meaning
and how their relationship with the city changes over time: ‘The picture reminds
me how much I have opened my mind since I first arrived . . . two years ago my
image of London would certainly be different . . . today I seek much quieter
places, where I can relax and get away from everyday busy life’.
People in the group chose to represent London in a way that reflects the
place of the city in their own world, the commentaries making connections
with work, home and friends. While the photographs are place- and time-
based, the commentaries are derived from multiple places and times. In the
study, group perceptions of London are derived from good and memorable
experiences.
Connections
These photographs show experiences of London, illustrated by images that are

symbolic of the photographer’s connection with the city. Many of these images
are considered by the photographer to symbolize the city and nation and they
are used as backdrops to discuss an event which connects the person to the
city. In this context, it is not surprising that the study group has produced a
wide range of images to demonstrate varied connections to and identity within
London.
Bell and Haddour (2000) discuss how people ‘appropriate’ places in cities,
creating spaces for themselves. The commentaries illustrate how the photogra-
phers in the study appropriate or connect with places which are imbued with
meaning based on an experience that is captured and formalized through the act
of photography. They show connections to the city that are shaped and ani-
mated by a range of experiences that are situated within memories and connec-
tions to other places, time and people. The act of photography formalizes this
act of appropriation, and is illustrated by a picture of a clock tower in South
Norwood. This is identified in the commentary as the first photograph taken by
the student as an ‘inhabitant, not a tourist’ and is appropriated as ‘my Big Ben’.
The photographs quite closely reflect the ‘capitalness’ of London with
many providing images that symbolize national identity and history (Pearce,
2007). However, the commentaries identify a much more subtle and nuanced
interpretation of the city and are more concerned with the collection of experi-
ences, aspirations and feelings engendered by the city. The commentaries illus-
trate events people, places and moments that connected them on a very
personal level to London.
Conclusions
This chapter uses a multilayered methodology as a way of developing
understanding of peoples’ perceptions and connections to London. It evaluates
a collection of photographs of London, recognizing the central importance
image collection in the experience and perception of places. It illustrates the
intricacies and nuances of peoples’ engagement with this multifaceted and
complex city. Capital and global city status present many complexities not only
in terms of the economic, political, cultural and social functions, but also in
terms of the mobility and diversity of the people who experience London as
residents, migrants and visitors.
This chapter illustrates a process by which symbolic or iconic images of
London are captured in a photograph and then appropriated as a backdrop to
personal stories and experiences that act as connectors between people and
the city. This research, while presenting a limited sample intends to reflect
some of the intricacies of experiencing and perceiving the city, highlighting the
complex connection between people and places.
London’s role as a capital city is clearly important in the collection, and the
majority of photographs focus on buildings and street scenes that are consid-
ered to be symbolic of this role. Big Ben as its dominant symbolic construction,
both in the found images and those produced by the study group, reflects
London’s role as a national and internationally significant political capital.
While the photographs show some common features, the commentaries
identify perceptions of the city that are textured and mediated through a wider
range of associations (Westwood and Williams, 1997). In this study, these asso-
ciations include visits with friends and family, their home in London and their
memories of home elsewhere. The photographs, though physically located in
London, are tied to experiences, ideas, comparisons and memories of other
places. This process of appropriation involves the photographer demonstrat-
ing knowledge about (and power relating to) one aspect of the city. The Big
Ben commentaries illustrate the creative processes involved in the appropria-
tion of a national icon to create personal meanings, interpreting it in the light
of their experiences and using it to provide a focus for their identity within the
city. In this study, Big Ben is not just a symbol of London, but is also used as a
symbol of peoples’ connection to the city.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank all the tourism students who participated in this study.
Special thanks go to Saima Alimahomed, Serena Bernadini, Teodora Moneva,
Gabriele Navickaite, Gyula Ruzicska and Ivan Shalamanov, whose photographs
are used in this chapter.
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9 Changing Visitor Perceptions
of a Capital City: the Case of
Wellington, New Zealand
ABEL DUARTE ALONSO1 AND YI LIU2
1Edith Cowan University; 2Curtin University of Technology
Introduction
Capital cities represent both symbolic and tangible value for nations in areas
that define their tradition, heritage and strength in political, administrative,
cultural and economic terms. Part of contemporary research emphasizes
the role of capital cities and their image as being multi-functional, global,
ex-imperial and super-capitals (Hall, 2000) or even brand capitals (Hall,
2002). In some cases, cities become cultural destinations, with tangible and
physical elements such as their modern architecture (Richards and Wilson,
2004) helping them attract visitors. In other cases, capital cities become ‘cap-
ital events’ (Richards, 2000), whereby an event taking place can ‘form an
important part of urban economic and cultural reconstruction strategies for
deindustrialising cities’ (p. 159). However, Richards (2000) also cautions that
such events are very costly and while short-term gains may be obtained, no
conclusive evidence exists in regards to their long-term beneficial effects.
Reports and studies also identify a strong links between city tourism and
culture (ETC Research Group, 2005), and the impact of the media on cities’
image as political capitals (Ritchie and Peirce, 2006). Together, all these ele-
ments not only demonstrate the importance of capitals in various aspects, but
also their potential as tourism destinations (Maitland and Ritchie, 2007; Peirce
and Ritchie, 2007).
However, to what extent has the capital city dimension been thoroughly
discussed in the case of New Zealand’s capital, Wellington? With fewer than
quarter of a million residents (Wellington City Council, 2007), Wellington was
recently recipient of more than NZ$1 billion of visitor spending (Ministry of
Tourism, 2007), suggesting its potential to attract visitors and the process ben-
efit in the form of accommodation, food and beverage and entertainment sales.
Despite such apparent success, for years efforts have been made to make the
city more attractive to outsiders and elevate its image as a destination, with
Changing Visitor Perceptions of a Capital City 111
mixed results. For instance, in 2007, increases in overnight trips among domes-
tic visitors were reported; however, a decrease among international visitors, as
well as in day trips among domestic visitors was noticed when compared to
2006 (WellingtonZN.com, 2008).
To gain a deeper understanding of the performance of the capital city of
Wellington as a tourism destination, the objective of the present study is to
gather information from visitors to answer questions that include the
following:
● What are the perceptions of visitors travelling to Wellington?

● How do visitors describe Wellington as they leave the city?
● Does Wellington attract its visitors to stay for longer periods of time?
● What differences, if any, exist between domestic and international visitors
regarding their visit to Wellington, including their expenditures, or their rea-
sons for visiting this capital city?
Increased knowledge of these areas could provide Wellington’s tourism stake-

holders, including city officials, tourism entities and tourism and hospitality
operators with a better understanding of visitors’ dynamics, such as their pref-
erences, and interests in regards to New Zealand’s capital city, or even their
concerns about Wellington. This information, in turn, could be used among city
stakeholders in future marketing efforts of the city.
The Marketing of Destinations

Despite arguments about the problematic nature of defining ‘tourist destina-
tion image’ (Echtner and Ritchie, 1993; Jenkins, 1999), or conceptualizing it
(Konecnik, 2005), the numerous studies conducted on this topic clearly illus-
trate its popularity among researchers (e.g. Pike, 2002; Chang and Shin,
2004). Destination image can have an impact on tourists’ decision making
and on their choice of a particular destination (Baloglu and McCleary, 1999;
Jensen and Korneliussen, 2002; Hanlan and Kelly, 2005; Choi et al., 2007).
According to Jenkins (1999), Crompton’s (1979, p. 18) definition of destina-
tion image, namely, ‘the sum of beliefs, ideas and impressions that a person
has of a destination’ is one of the most commonly provided in contemporary
research.
Having stereotypical images of destinations (Sirgy and Su, 2000), and being
affected by length of stay (Fayeke and Crompton, 1991) also demonstrate a
strong impact of psychological and experiential elements influencing travellers’
image of a particular destination. In these situations, travellers go through a
process of developing and changing their own destination image and identifying
what they consider strong and true components of a place (Day et al., 2002).
Destination marketers are well aware that people’s experience at a particular
destination is fundamental in its future marketing as a destination brand (Hanlan
and Kelly, 2005), as those travelling and ‘consuming’ a destination also evaluate
their experience and spread the word about it (Prebensen, 2007).
112 A.D. Alonso and Y. Liu
However, several constraints exist that challenge the further development

and successful marketing of destinations. For instance, lack of promotion, a
tourist theme and effective targeting can have negative impacts on maximiz-
ing tourism’s potential (Beames, 2003; Bunja, 2003; Awaritefe, 2004). As
Bærenholdt and Haldrup (2006) explain, a destination needs to offer an appeal-
ing image, thereby providing interesting places while being suggestive and
‘seductive’; these components, in turn, can offer rewarding life experiences
(Leisen, 2001). These valuable elements also apply to capital cities that often
visitors may perceive as unwelcoming, daunting or even overwhelming.
The Capital City Dimension
The rapid development of destinations, both in numbers and in quality has had
many implications for capital cities, including the way their tourism stakehold-
ers respond to higher competition and visitor demands. Clearly, capital cities
vary tremendously in terms of size, national culture, location, political structure
or history (Maitland and Ritchie, 2007), thus adding to their complex nature.
Events such as the end of the Cold War, the expansion of the European Union
(EU) or to some extent the renaissance of some forms of art, culture and tradi-
tion, as is the case of tango in Buenos Aires, an art form and city branding
(Allatson and Browitt, 2008) have contributed to the rebirth and reshaping of
some capitals.
The city of Berlin, for instance, was returned its capital status after many
decades of anonymity, even ostracism. From being a symbol of division, Berlin
has turned into a symbol of integration, with a revived capital and of a united
country (Germany) (Cochrane and Jonas, 1999). Similarly, the ‘rise to star-
dom’ of Brussels as the ‘de facto [European Union] EU capital’ (Jansen-Verbeke
et al., 2005, p.121) has created new opportunities for this capital city, as it has
become a receptor of Eurocrats, those individuals working for the EU head-
quarters in the city or travelling to the capital for meetings. At the same time,
however, these new roles that Brussels has adopted over time have also created
a wide range of challenges for this capital city. Moreover, some of the newly
adopted roles have brought more complexity to the Brussels’ traditional capital
status, with direct impacts on its tourism industry, including increased costs or
security measures.
Yet, ironically, other capitals (Madrid) in popular tourist destinations (Spain)
appear to be rather less desirable for visitors (Richards, 2000), while officials in
some cities with cultural and historical heritage but with no current capital sta-
tus want them to be perceived as capitals. Such is the case of Barcelona, where
symbolic efforts have been made for this city to be, even if unofficially, known
as the capital of the western Mediterranean, the ‘Paris of the South’ (Monclús,
2000) or simply as the capital of the autonomous region of Catalunya (Smith,
2007). At the other end, and despite their limitations in terms of size, geo-
graphic distance from major potentially lucrative tourism consumer markets or
infrastructure, some capital cities that include Wellington in New Zealand are
striving to position themselves as tourism destinations.
Tourism in New Zealand and its Capital

In recent decades, New Zealand has attracted growing numbers of international
travellers, with resulting increases in tourism-related revenues (Ministry of
Tourism, 2006a,b). Some 2.5 million international visitors travelled to New
Zealand between September 2007 and September 2008, and spent NZ$8.8
billion (Ministry of Tourism, 2008). While these figures appear to be significant,
the domestic market is even more important, bringing NZ$11.3 billion in rev-
enues, for a total combined of NZ$20.1 billion in the year 2007–2008
(September) (Ministry of Tourism, 2008).
Not surprisingly, the hospitality industry is a direct beneficiary of tourists’
travel. From August 2007 to August 2008, 10.7 million guest nights were
recorded in hotels, a 3.6% increase from the previous year (Ministry of Tourism,
2008). Some of these figures are related to Wellington, a city known in New
Zealand for its food and beverage culture (Ateljevic and Doorne, 2004; Cossar,
2006; Lee-Frampton, 2005). According to Positively Wellington Tourism
(2008), 535,039 international visitors were recorded in Wellington’s Regional
Tourism Organisation (RTO) between 2007 and 2008. While this number may
appear impressive, it only represents 21.4% of all international visitors to New
Zealand, meaning that only one in every five visits Wellington.
More recent figures (2006) indicate that international and domestic travel-
lers spent 8.1 million visitor nights in Wellington’s RTO; both groups spent
NZ$1.09 billion in Wellington’s RTO (Positively Wellington Tourism, 2008).
Once again, while these figures look very promising, the average expenditure
per visitor per night was NZ$134.6 per person (US$76.27), which in view of
current accommodation and food prices suggests visitors’ limited investment
while staying in the city. A steady increase is forecast through 2013 for an
approximate total visitor nights of 9.6 million and expenditures of NZ$1.5
billion (Positively Wellington Tourism, 2008), or a slight increase to NZ$156.3
per person per night (US$88.52). This amount, in view of expected rises in
accommodation and food prices, will continue to be rather modest.
Wellington offers a wide range of cultural and heritage facilities, museums,
entertainment and hundreds of places to eat (Pearce and Tan, 2004; Pearce
et al., 2004; Tzanelli, 2004; Positively Wellington Tourism, 2007). The city
enjoys a large amount of space per capita, an impressive 17.3 ha per 1000
inhabitants, and the very small size of the central business district, with only
2 km in diameter makes it very easy for visitors to walk in an estimated 30 min
(Positively Wellington Tourism, 2007).
Studies on destination image of New Zealand’s capital from visitors’ per-
spective have been and continue to be very limited. Among the few researchers
discussing these areas, Pearce et al. (2004), Pearce and Tan (2004), and
Pearce (2007) examined aspects related to the city’s tourism distribution chan-
nels, both from operators’ and from visitors’ perspectives. Pearce et al. (2004)
identify constraints for the further development of the city’s tourism, noting
that while more corporate travellers and leisure visitors are travelling to
Wellington, a tour circuit infrastructure is still missing. In fact, international vis-
itors do not travel on a tour package but rather independently; overall, inbound
group tours are lacking (Pearce et al., 2004). Also, currently Wellington lacks
a solid product, events or geographic position (the city’s current status is a
change- or stopover hub for people on route to another destination). Finally, in
view of the very low percentage of foreign travellers visiting the city, Wellington
is failing to appeal to overseas visitors.
The present study’s objective is to contribute to the current knowledge of
Wellington’s potential as a tourism destination, exploring visitors’ perceptions
of this capital city. In this process, the study aims to learn why this capital city’s
image appears to be rather unattractive to outsiders, both national and
international.
Methodology
To gather information from visitors travelling to Wellington and departing from

the capital city, this study used a predominantly quantitative approach. This
approach was chosen as a way to maximize the number of responses in light
of budget and time limitations. It is acknowledged that choosing only one data-
collection approach is a limitation of this study; however, in some sections, this
constraint was minimized through the availability of space for comments, thus
providing a qualitative component in the questionnaire. The distribution of the
questionnaires was carried out within two ferry terminals, Wellington (North
Island) and Picton (South Island), as well as on board the ferries as passengers
travelled between the north and the south islands of New Zealand. Potential
respondents were briefly introduced to the purpose of the study and invited to
participate completing a questionnaire on their own terms.
The questionnaire was structured in two different ways; one format for
individuals travelling to Wellington (pre-visit), and a slightly different format for
those respondents departing from Wellington (post-visit). While the question-
naire was essentially the same for both pre- and post-visitors, the slightly differ-
ent format investigated what travellers expected from Wellington (pre-visit) and
what respondents had experienced in Wellington (post-visit), respectively. This
format allowed for comparing between the pre- and post-visit groups of visitors
as well as between domestic and international respondents. Part of the content
of the questionnaire is based on previous destination image studies (Echtner
and Ritchie, 1993, 2003; Jenkins, 1999). For example, functional and psy-
chological attributes, including accessibility, attractions, cleanliness, costs,
entertainment, nightlife and safety were included in the second section of the
questionnaire.
The first section of the questionnaires focused on expected expenditure
and expected length of stay (from the pre-visit respondents) and actual visitor
expenditure and actual length of stay (from the post-visit respondents). The
second section investigated visitors’ expected (pre-visit) and actual (post-visit)
consumption of city attractions and activities. Finally, the last section of the
questionnaire gathered demographic information of visitors, including their ori-
gin (whether domestic or international), their income, age group and level of
education.
The advantages of direct distribution of the questionnaires were visible in

this study. Between August and September 2006, 817 were distributed between
Picton and Wellington. From these, 353 responses were received, an overall
response rate of 43.2%, with 168 responses received from the group of pre-
visitors and 185 from those leaving the city, a 47.6–52.4% split. Because of
the nominal nature of some variables, Chi-square (χ2), and Cramer’s V statistics
were used where appropriate to assess the level and significance of any
relationships, in line with previous research (White and Korotayev, 2003;
Malhotra et al., 2004; Field, 2005). Independent t-tests were also run wherever
applicable.
Findings
A first area of the findings regards respondents’ origin. It was noticed that
international visitors (187, 53%), as opposed to domestic (165, 46.7%) com-
posed the majority of respondents in this study, with one respondent indicating
no origin. The high number of participating international visitors not only illus-
trates their interest to travel to New Zealand, but also that according to the data
from the Ministry of Tourism (2008) this group is not fully representative of the
population of people travelling in New Zealand. One possible answer for the
high number of overseas respondents is their stronger desire to contribute to
the study, more time available or their sympathy to make themselves more
available to the researchers. That more international visitors than domestic
participated in this study is also a contributing factor in potentially distorting the
representativeness of the respondent population, and consequently generaliza-
tions of the findings are treated with caution.
As would be expected, the large majority (152 or 92.1%) of domestic
respondents had visited Wellington more than once, as opposed to 130 (69.5%)
international visitors who had never visited the city, 32 (17.1%) only once and
only 22 (11.8%) more than once. Table 9.1 illustrates other selected demo-
graphic characteristics of this study’s respondents. For example, it is noticed that
more respondents in the post-visit group had attained higher levels of education.
Further analysis revealed that international respondents (56.1%) had a clearly
higher percentage of university degree completion than domestic respondents
(31.3%). A statistically significant difference between levels of education and ori-
gin (χ2 = 25.527; p = 0.000; Phi = .281; p = 0.000) is suggested.
Also noticeable is that while overseas respondents in the pre-visit
group earned significantly more than their domestic counterparts (χ2 = 6.172;
p = 0.046; Phi = .195; p = 0.046), overall between pre- and post-visitors no
significant differences existed between domestic and overseas respondents and
their income levels. When further analysis was conducted, it was found that
respondents’ age might be a cause for the differences in incomes. For instance,
the ages among members of the largest international group were between 18
and 30 years (40.5%); at the same time, a higher percentage of domestic
visitors (44.2%) were over 50 years, suggesting that many among these
respondents may be retired or semi-retired. A statistically significant relationship
Table 9.1. Selected demographic characteristics of respondents.
Pre-visit Post-visit Domestic International

Levels of education
completed f (%) f (%) f (%) f (%)
Primary/secondary 51 30.4 25 13.5 46 28.2 30 16.5

Some university/
polytechnic/
other tertiary 43 25.6 52 28.1 59 36.2 36 19.9
University degree 66 39.3 87 47.1 51 31.3 102 56.1
Income groups
$NZ 30,000 and below 61 36.3 47 25.4 54 33.5 54 31.0
$NZ 31,000–60,000 52 31.0 56 30.3 60 37.3 47 27.0
$NZ 61,000+ 49 29.2 71 38.4 47 29.2 73 42.0
Age groups
18–30 years old 53 31.5 61 33.0 39 23.6 75 40.5
31–50 years old 49 29.2 56 30.3 53 32.1 52 28.1
51+ years old 66 39.3 66 35.7 73 44.2 58 31.4
Size of travelling party
Alone 49 29.2 58 31.4 23 14.0 24 12.9
One other 71 42.3 67 36.2 68 41.5 107 57.5
Two or more others 44 19.1 58 31.4 73 44.5 55 29.6
Due to missing responses, totals may not add up to numbers of pre-visit, post-visit, domestic and
international visitors.
f, frequency of occurrences.
between age and origin of respondents exists (χ2 = 37.992; p = 0.000;

Phi = .329; p = 0.000).
In addition, a higher percentage of overseas respondents (57.5%) trav-
elled primarily in groups of two people as opposed to domestic travellers
(41.5%), while a higher percentage of domestic participants favoured travel-
ling in a group of more than two people (44.5%). Overall, a statistically signifi-
cant relationship is noticed between travellers’ origin and the size of their
parties (χ2 = 7.864; p = 0.020; Phi = .217; p = 0.020), with the international
group being more mobile while travelling in New Zealand.
Comparing travellers’ intended (pre-visit) and their actual days of stay in
Wellington (post-visit) very similar responses were identified. A total of 49 (29.2%)
participants travelling to Wellington did not plan to stay more than 1 day, 71
(42.3%) planned to stay between 1 and 2 days and 46 (27.4%) planned to stay
more than 2 days. From those respondents departing from Wellington, 58
(31.4%) indicated staying for less than 1 day, 67 (36.2%) between 1 and 2 days
and 58 (31.4%) had stayed over 2 days in Wellington. Overall, the large majority
of the pre-visit (71.4%) and post-visit group (67.6%) did not consider staying in
Wellington for over 2 days.
Respondents were also asked about their reasons for travelling to Wellington.
The majority (72.4%) of international visitors indicated holiday, 14.4% were
making a stopover on route to another destination. Domestic respondents’ rea-
sons for visiting the capital were varied. Regarding this area, 27.8% participants
were visiting friends and relatives, 20% were on holiday, 19.2% making a stop-
over and also 19.2% were travelling to Wellington for a special event. While
reasons for travelling to Wellington were manifold, overall participants were not
planning to stay or had in fact not stayed for over 2 days in the capital city.
In terms of expected or actual expenses in Wellington, 44.1% of post-visit
respondents indicated spending less than NZ$100 per day per person while in
the city, and over 74.8% of all respondents spent less than NZ$200 per day
per person in Wellington. Further, from those travelling to Wellington, 59.2%
intended to spend less than NZ$100 per day per person, and 81.5% less than
NZ$200 per day per person. These figures, while in line with reports (Ministry
of Tourism, 2008) about the NZ$130 average expenditure per day among
international visitors and NZ$97 average expenditure per day trip (NZ$114
per night) among domestic visitors, clearly nevertheless illustrate the intention
of respondents in this study not to stay longer than needed in the city. The
findings are also in accordance with previous studies (Pearce et al., 2004) dis-
cussing the limitations of Wellington in attracting long-stay visitors, partly due
to the lack of a product to better market the capital.
To measure their expected level of spending in Wellington, respondents in
the pre-visit group were asked to use a five-point Likert scale, where 5 = very
high, 3 = neither high nor low and 1 = very low. Overall, the low means reflected
in respondents’ main areas of potential expenses, that is, eating out (2.67), and
onward travel (2.59) denote very modest spending, or at least little intention to
do so. Using the same scale, visitors departing Wellington indicated spending
more on onward travel (3.27), eating out (3.02) and accommodation (3.01).
Once again, and this time in the case of respondents departing from Wellington,
the results further suggest visitors’ low level of investing on their Wellington expe-
rience. While resulting means of comparisons made between pre-visit domestic
and international travellers are all under the neutral point (mean = 3.0), some
differences were noted in comparing the post-visit groups. As illustrated in Table
9.2, international respondents regarded their spending in accommodation and
eating out higher than did domestic travellers. Members of the international
group also appeared to be more interested in visiting the country’s capital and be
able to explore city attractions than did domestic participants.
Overseas respondents departing Wellington were in agreement with the
city’s image as clean and green, suggesting that to a certain extent the city
projects an environmentally friendly image. Domestic respondents agreed more
than did international travellers with the statement that Wellington is a good
place to taste ‘city life.’ One explanation of this outcome may be related to the
fact that many New Zealand residents consider Wellington to be a large city for
New Zealand standards, while the opposite may be true among international
visitors living overseas.
Visitors’ Views of Wellington
Space provided in the questionnaire allowed a wide array of written comments

among respondents. Comparisons between domestic and international
respondents demonstrated that domestic respondents were much more critical
Table 9.2. Selected t-tests.
How post-visit respondents regarded

their expenditure while in Wellington
in selected areas Origin n Mean SD Sig. 2-t
Accommodation Domestic 63 2.63 1.248 0.001

Overseas 92 3.26 0.936
Eating out Domestic 69 2.81 1.128 0.038
Overseas 88 3.17 1.020
Importance of factors in pre-visit
respondents’ decision
to visit Wellington
To see New Zealand’s capital city Domestic 58 1.84 1.225 0.000
Overseas 77 3.43 1.282
Opportunity to explore city Domestic 58 2.45 1.441 0.000
attractions Overseas 73 3.38 1.254
Post-visit respondents’ level of
agreement with selected
statements about Wellington
Wellington is a clean, green city Domestic 74 3.41 0.978 0.000
Overseas 101 4.00 0.894
It is a good place to get a taste of Domestic 72 4.17 0.732 0.036
‘city life’ Overseas 98 3.91 0.826
Using t-tests. Respondents rated items: 1, very low; 3, neither low nor high; and
5, very high.
in a number of areas about the capital city. For example, several comments
from four different respondents criticized the look of the city, as well as aspects
related to its infrastructure:
Clean up the graffiti, it is not contributing to a good image, get on top of this, it
encourages an undesirable element.
Wellington has quite a nice ‘feel’ but it is let down by the standard of its
infrastructure.
Both the main roads into Wellington are a disgrace and dangerous. Urgent
improvement is essential if tourism is to grow.
I do like Wellington but do feel the central city needs an upgrade. Courtney place,
Cuba Mall and Manners Mall look good, streets surrounding need work.
Among some respondents, poor customer service also appeared to be a factor

contributing to a negative experience in the capital:
[I] did feel some staff at Te Papa and cable car could improve the way they treat
and speak to visitors. Found them very unfriendly.
Shop assistants need to smile and greet customers.
Another domestic respondent indicated: ‘I try to pass through the city without
staying for any length of time. It’s too busy, crowded and expensive.’ These
comments clearly illustrate disappointment as the capital appears to fall short
of visitors’ expectations, as to some Wellington is not ‘fulfilling’ its (capital) role
of being welcoming and friendly. While many capital cities around the world
are infamous for being cold and unfriendly, such a perception of Wellington
would seem less likely, particularly in view of the rather small size of capital and
its proximity to nature.
Overseas respondents’ views of their experience in the city were mixed.
The following three comments from as many international travellers suggest
satisfaction:
First impressions were poor but changed after 24 hours.
Had a good time in your city, and will return some day.
A very brief stay in Wellington but was amazed with the views, and the museum
was very educational.
Overseas respondents also had several concerns about their visit to the capital,
particularly with regard to infrastructural aspects and issues they had noticed or
situations they had experienced. These comments illustrate deficiencies in
basic, yet critical aspects that can greatly influence the overall quality of visitors’
experience:
I would have loved to stay longer in Wellington but I am travelling in a campervan
and there are no motor camps in Wellington.
Thought accommodation [was] very poor, looked at 3 hotels in city centre.
All drab and old fashioned. Lack of central heating in winter is a drawback from
[the] perspective of international tourist[s] … accommodation needs major
upgrading.
Streets signs are extremely poor. Very hard to find information centre. No
signage pointing towards actual information centre.
[The] visitor centre too hard to reach in a motor home.
I couldn’t understand blue coupon parking.
We found the blue parking coupons confusing when we wanted to visit the
botanical gardens and Thorndon.
Issues such as these, particularly if left unaddressed, could lead to negative

word of mouth, further devaluing the image of a capital destination that
presently lacks long visitor stays. Interestingly, in one case, negative word of
mouth and comments received from New Zealanders were clearly discourag-
ing some overseas respondents from visiting Wellington: ‘Maybe we had a
negative attitude as we had been told by New Zealanders not to “hang
around” in Wellington because it is an awful city. Maybe a greater effort is
required to change this attitude of the locals so that visitors are encouraged
to stay.’
Also of interest was that very few respondents commented on cultural

aspects of Wellington, including its numerous museums, the government’s par-
liament building (‘Beehive’) or other heritage sites as reasons for visiting
Wellington. Instead, as illustrated in some of the comments above, several sub-
standard infrastructural issues were identified. These concerns, in turn, seem to
indicate disappointment among many visitors about the current state of the
capital. To some extent, such disappointment may be as a result of high expec-
tations that visitors have of Wellington, particularly after travelling from other
parts of New Zealand, where they feel their expectations of the country’s rug-
ged, natural, adventure-travel image fulfilled. Consequently, visitors do not stay
long in the capital, but instead continue their journey to ‘reconnect’ with nature
and with other elements they perceive as part of a ‘true’ New Zealand experi-
ence. Visitors’ unfulfilled expectations of Wellington as a capital city present
clear shortcomings that the city or tourism stakeholders need to address.
Facilitating a process whereby visitors ‘connect’ with the capital and its sur-
roundings could lay the foundation for the development of a sustainable capital
tourism concept.
Conclusions, Implications and Future Research
The importance of capital cities as centres showcasing a country’s culture,

heritage, political legacy or economic power is illustrated in numerous cases
where capital cities not only excel in these areas, but also contribute to an
area’s or a country’s marketing efforts via tourism. In this regard, the impor-
tance of destination image as a vehicle to attracting visitors must be underlined.
Today, despite a large number of studies conducted on the capital city dimen-
sion, numerous knowledge gaps still exist. Moreover, the destination image
concept has not addressed many capital cities around the world. This study’s
objective was to explore destination image among visitors travelling to, and
departing from, New Zealand’s capital Wellington, and in the process investi-
gates why this city is failing to attract longer-term visitors.
Most respondents in this study do not view Wellington as a long-stay visitor
destination; on the contrary, it appears to attract visitors for short stays of 2
days or less. This finding suggests that rather than being a destination with the
potential to persuade visitors to stay and explore, a feature common in many
capital cities, Wellington appears to be mainly a stopover destination.
Respondents’ limited motivation to invest long periods of time during their visit
may have direct impacts on the revenue potential of many of the capital’s busi-
nesses, including those within the tourism and hospitality sectors. In addition,
written comments and responses also demonstrate that travellers leaving this
capital city do not remember it for its culture, atmosphere or entertainment, all
common features of many capital cities. Furthermore, respondents do not
seem to associate the city with its numerous restaurants and nightlife establish-
ments, even though these are central aspects of Wellington’s marketed image.
Several comments also relate to negative aspects of the capital, particularly in
terms of simple infrastructural issues, including poor signage, lack of parking

and outdated hospitality facilities.
The results of this study hold some implications for city officials and tourist
authorities responsible for the effective marketing of New Zealand’s capital city
as a visitor destination, as well as for improving Wellington’s image as a must-
see destination and to attract visitors for longer periods of time. Furthermore,
the study could also have implications for other capital cities that, as in the case
of Wellington, may currently experience shortcomings in marketing themselves
to outside visitors.
Clearly, in the case of Wellington, this capital enjoys a number of physical
and environmental advantages that could be utilized in the better positioning of
this capital city. The large available space, the geographic nature of the city,
with panoramic views from its many hills, its closeness to the ocean, its attrac-
tive waterfront, numerous museums, historic buildings and neighbourhoods are
all critical components that could be marketed to demanding visitor groups. The
possibility of easily walking through the city business district in only 30 minutes,
the capital’s food and beverage culture, including some local micro-breweries
located on-site, are additional important aspects that could attract different
groups of travellers. The proximity of small townships alongside the shores, as
is the case near Lower Hutt offers alternative short trips outside the capital. In
addition, the capital’s proximity to the Wairarapa region, with its landscapes
and grape-growing areas where quality wines are consistently produced, often
in combination with local dishes offer opportunities to market Wellington as a
city-region package and in the process encourage longer stays.
To do so, the capital city’s stakeholders and those of the rural surroundings
could develop routes and activities to appeal and cater for different visitor groups,
so that travellers can connect with the capital city and its surroundings. Currently,
however, a primary need is to attract local and international visitor groups to spend
time in the city. Along these lines, the importance of offering value for money is
paramount; although at the moment the capital does not appear to be excelling in
this area. Moreover, difficulties affecting travellers, some of them of a basic nature,
such as lack of parking, lack of proper signage or difficulty in finding tourist infor-
mation without venturing into the city are all factors that contribute to disappoint-
ment, negative word of mouth and even a ‘never come back’ decision.
City and rural area officials could also work with local educational institutions
to make joint efforts in different fronts. One area of common interest includes
conducting further research on several aspects of visitors to the city, including visi-
tors’ interests with regards to leisure activities. While many travellers to and in New
Zealand may have a preference for outdoor activities, or for visitation to iconic
landscapes and regions, some of the areas around Wellington can also offer a wide
range of activities that could be of interest to different groups of travellers. Once
again, collaborative efforts between several of the city stakeholders, including city
officials and researchers could prove very beneficial in creating more awareness
about the capital city, and its surroundings to capture some visitor groups’ attention
and encourage them to spend longer periods of time in the area.
Note: a different, modified versiton of this study appears in the Journal of
Quality Assurance in Hospitality and Tourism (2008), 9(4), pp. 298–316.
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10 The Relationship between
Capital City Monumentality
and Tourism in Valletta
ANDREW SMITH
Introduction
The thick symbolism of capital cities cannot be understood without acknowl-

edgement of monumentality. It is the concentrated presence of monuments,
and monumental urban design that usually distinguishes the built environment
of capitals from other cities. Although geographers have produced a ‘rich cor-
pus of research on monuments, memorials and national identity’ (Forest and
Johnson, 2002, p. 525), the tourism dimension has received less attention.
This is unfortunate, because exploring monumentality can increase our under-
standing of capital city tourism. It can also further appreciation of wider city
tourism issues such as the representation of sensitive histories, managing sym-
bolic spaces and the (over)emphasis on visual spectacles.
While some tourists appreciate monuments as public manifestations of
national myths, others are impressed by their size, imageability or the urban
space that they dramatize (Pretes, 2003). This allows monumental capital cities
to attract and satisfy a wide range of tourists. It is this relationship between
tourism and monumentality that provides the focus of this chapter. The aim is
to explore if and why monumentality is conducive to tourism, and whether
related processes hinder the development of a more ‘textured’ urbanity. People
live, work, eat, trade, consume and relax in capitals, but these aspects are
sometimes neglected in places dominated by monuments conserved for nation-
alistic or tourism objectives. The related ‘museumification’ of capital cities can
challenge their viability as multifunctional places (Evans, 2002). And while
these cities rely on monuments and monumentality to attract visitors, paradoxi-
cally, the associated neglect of social infrastructure and contemporary life may
affect a city’s attractiveness in the long term (Porter, 2000).
This chapter aims to address these issues through an in-depth analysis of one
capital city: Valletta. Valletta is located at the end of a peninsula on the eastern
coast of Malta. It has been the capital of this Mediterranean archipelago for 450
126 A. Smith
years, and capital of an independent nation state for the last 45 years. Although
now joined to a wider conurbation, Valletta itself is an extremely small city – both
in terms of its population (c.7000)1 and geographical size (c.0.8 km2) – but it
attracts over 1 million overseas visitors every year. The prominence of tourism
and its monumental character make Valletta an extremely interesting case for the
purposes of this study. The intention in this chapter is to explore the relationship
between the city’s monumentality and its role as a tourism destination, and to
explore the implications of this relationship for the future of the city.
Monuments and monumentality in capital cities
Monuments and monumentality play an important role in capital cities (Smith,

2007). Monuments are large, visible, lasting and tangible symbols that function
as commemorative devices (Verschaffel, 1999; Epps, 2001). Although often
constructed as memorials, monuments also represent power (Verschaffel,
1999). The discussion here considers ‘the monumental’ rather than merely
monuments. This form of urban design involves juxtaposing imposing buildings
and grand spaces; the most notorious example being a long ceremonial axis
with a prominent building at its head. This layout was adopted by many
European capitals in the 19th century as it communicated the majesty of the
nation state and helped to establish national identity and collective memory
(Therborn, 2002). Hausmann’s Parisian reconfigurations are perhaps the most
famous example, but monumental urbanism was also adopted in Brussels,
Rome and Vienna (Wagenaar, 1992).
The monumentality of capital cities is recognized as conducive to tourism
(Smith, 2007), but this chapter includes a more detailed consideration of why
this is so. Accordingly, a five-point conceptualization of the relationship between
tourism and monumentality is deployed:
1. Monuments as individual attractions.
2. The allure of monumental urban design.
3. The conceptualization of a whole city as a tourist monument.
4. The value of monumentality in tourism promotions.
5. Monuments as national tourism symbols.
This conceptual framework has been developed by the author from his previ-
ous work on monumental capitals (Smith, 2007), but also from more general
analyses of cities (Bruce and Creighton, 2006) and city tourism (Jansen-
Verbeke, 1986). In later sections, the conceptualization is explained and used
to analyse the relationship between tourism, monumentality and Valletta.
However, to provide context, it is first necessary to evaluate the city’s historical
development and contemporary identity.
Valletta as a ‘Historical’ and Planned Capital

Valletta’s built environment can only be understood through an appreciation
of Malta’s complex political history and national identity. The small size of
Capital City Monumentality and Tourism in Valletta 127
Malta means that when discussing its identity, it is not only necessary to ask
‘who are the Maltese’, but to consider ‘to whom should they be aligned’
(Mitchell, 2003). In the past, this alignment has been to the Knights of the
Order of St John (1530–1798), the British Empire (1800–1964), and (since
2004) the European Union. Valletta was built in the 16th century as the capi-
tal and military stronghold for the aforementioned Knights – a religious, med-
ical and military Order.2 The pioneering planned capital they constructed
remains largely intact. This means Valletta is not a typical city. However,
when compared to other planned capitals there are similarities. Its status as a
‘monumental baroque city’ justifies comparisons with other European capi-
tals such as Prague and Vienna (Thake, 2006, p. 245). Reflecting the design
of many planned capitals, there is a uniform street pattern, dominated by a
wide central axis. This gridiron is adorned with statues, imposing civic and
ecclesiastical buildings and monumental city gates. And like a lot of historical
capitals, Valletta is a valuable tourism commodity – both as an experience and
as a marketing icon.
Valletta as a Multinational Capital

Historically, Valletta was a multinational capital due to the Knights – an
Order of noblemen representing different ‘langues’ of Europe (Aragon,
Auvergne, Castile, England, France, Germany, Italy and Provence).3 Thus,
Valletta can be considered to be an embryonic European capital, 4 centuries
before this role was allocated to Brussels. Malta’s European affiliation has
continued in the modern era and long-standing demands for EU member-
ship were satisfied in 2004.4 Valletta was crucial to Malta’s successful appli-
cation because the Knights’ monuments symbolized the Islands’ European
history (Mitchell, 2002).
Valletta’s role as a ‘multinational’ capital is furthered by the Islands’ colo-
nial relationship with Great Britain. Prominent monuments – including a
memorial to Alexander Ball,5 the ‘Main Guard’ Building, the Garrison
Chapel, the Anglican Cathedral and the ruins of Barry’s Opera House
(Fig. 10.1) – are testament to its role as a ‘capital’ in the British Empire.
However, Malta’s fervent Catholicism6 and proximity to southern Italy have
always meant a strong Italian influence. In 1800, the aforementioned Ball
described Valletta as ‘the most tranquil city in Italy’ (Frendo, 1995, p. 58).
This was an entirely apt description of a city built using styles and stone-
masons borrowed from Sicily (Cassar, 1997). Valletta’s built environment
now includes monuments of 20th-century Italy as well as those of the late
renaissance. As Malta prepared for independence from Great Britain, nation-
alists visibly challenged the colonial era by constructing a Mussolini-esque
neoclassical city gate (Fig. 10.2).7 Mitchell (2002) views this as an attempt
by the new independent government to establish their own national hegem-
ony over the national monumental iconography. The Italian influence dem-
onstrated Maltese disassociation from Britain, while communicating
continued affiliations to Europe and to Rome.
128 A. Smith
Fig. 10.1. The site of the ruined Opera House in Valletta.
Fig. 10.2. The City Gate of Valletta.

Valletta as an ‘Emerging’ Maltese Capital

Although since 1964 Valletta has been a national capital, underdeveloped
Maltese national identity means that it is perhaps most accurately regarded as
the capital of a nationless state (Baldacchino, 2002). This provides an interesting
contrast with cities such as Barcelona that are often represented as the capitals
of stateless nations (Smith, 2007). To overcome this Malta has relied heavily on
one of its main obsessions – the built environment.8 In the Maltese islands,
progress is measured by physical development (Camilleri, 2004) and the state
likes to communicate its power by building monuments to itself. In doing so, it
legitimizes itself as a worthy successor to colonial regimes (Sant Cassia, 1999).
This ‘edifice complex’ (Sudjic, 2005) is not confined to governments, with
private developers also keen to develop new monumental buildings.9
Apart from the destructive influence of Second World War (Fig. 10.1) and
the City Gate (Fig. 10.2), Valletta has been spared major physical interven-
tions. Limited space and pre-existing monumentality means the main approach
to literal nation ‘building’ has been to appropriate existing monuments. Despite
Valletta ostensibly being the Knight’s capital, and to a lesser extent a regional
headquaters of the British Navy, the monuments of these historic ‘superpow-
ers’ have been resemanticized as symbols of the Maltese nation. This has been
achieved by conjuring up images of the Maltese fighting side by side with colo-
nists in key triumphs – the sieges of 1565 and the Second World War (Mitchell,
2002). Just as the Knights used Valletta as a monumental city ‘to show off the
Order’s status and prestige’ (Thake, 2006, p. 245), now the Maltese
government do likewise. Accordingly, the independent Maltese state’s main
influence on the built environment of its capital city has been to restore key
monuments.
Valletta’s nostalgic ‘monument-based philosophy’ to heritage conservation
has its origins in the late 19th and early 20th century. It became more promi-
nent in the post-Second World War period because of the damage inflicted and
the nationalist fervour that accompanied Malta’s independence. Sorlin (1999)
feels that a monumental philosophy is typical of former colonies. As they were
once part of a tenuous Empire that relied on monuments to ‘serve as emblems
of an absent unity’, they subsequently emulate this tradition to address their
underdeveloped national identity (Sorlin, 1999, p. 107). Sorlin states that ‘with
brass parades and over oversized conference complexes [former colonies] have
tried to compensate for their lack of national community’. This is perfectly
epitomized by the Maltese capital – a city fond of festas led by brass bands and
where the hospital of the Knights has been converted into an enormous confer-
ence centre.
The Role of Valletta in Malta

In 1966 – just after the islands were made independent – Malta’s prime minis-
ter clarified the role Valletta plays in Maltese identity: ‘For us, Valletta consti-
tutes a fine showpiece, a perennial emblem of our fortitude and symbol of
130 A. Smith
national unity. Every inhabitant of these islands is at heart a citizen of Valletta’

(cited in Mitchell, 2002).10 This echoes the traditional role of capital cities in
embryonic nation states, as material manifestations of an abstract phenome-
non. Yet, this conception of Valletta raises questions about ownership. With
reference to Malta’s former capital, Mdina, Boissevain (1994, cited in Orbasli,
2000) questions whether the city belongs to its inhabitants, to the nation or to
wider global heritage interests. The same question could be posed of the cur-
rent capital. The rehabilitation of Valletta is described by Mitchell (2002) as a
‘national concern’, but this may be contested by the people who live there and
by supranational stakeholders such as the EU and UNESCO.
Valletta is joined via its suburb Floriana to the rest of the metropolitan
region, but the combination of city walls and bus station cuts it off from the
rest of the islands. Valletta has also become functionally incongruous. Since
the 1980s, it has been a less fashionable place to live; and bars, restaurants
and other entertainment venues have relocated to St Julian’s and Paceville.
This represents a change from the past when Valletta’s monumental grandeur
contrasted with a chaotic social life. The city used to be seen as a ‘city of man-
sions and brothels’, best illustrated by the contrast between the monumental
Republic Street and Strait Street that runs parallel to it. The latter was Valletta’s
centre of vice during the British Navy’s residence (Schofield and Morrissey,
2005). While some may not be too concerned about losing this aspect of
Valletta, the general lack of social infrastructure is a concern. Mitchell (2002)
feels Valletta is a site of nostalgia, not only for old buildings and past glories,
but for when the city was ‘lively’. Reflecting the situation in other historic cities
such as Venice, the number of residents is also declining. Valletta’s population
has declined from a high of almost 30,000 in 1861 to around 7200 today,
with around 235 of all residential units vacant (Thake, 2006). Anachronistic
rent laws mean that low-waged tenants pay little for their accommodation,
discouraging investments by landlords in those properties. This has led to a
lifeless and segregated city, with the seaward end housing low-income resi-
dents, in contrast to the upper area which hosts a thriving commercial and
administrative district.
The distinction between Valletta and the rest of Malta is exacerbated by a
reluctance to tamper with the built heritage of the capital, encapsulated by
comprehensive planning policies. Valletta is not only designated as an urban
conservation area, but a UNESCO World Heritage Site. While this may assist
conservation goals, it means that the life of the city is underdeveloped. This
problem is directly related to the status of Valletta as a monumental capital city.
As Mitchell (2002) emphasizes, while some people may feel proud and enriched
by living on a monument, Valletta’s populace have struggled to come to terms
with it: ‘whilst the monuments of Valletta are gradually recovering from many
decades of inattention, its living community is slowly dwindling’ (Pace and
Cutajar, 2001, p. 217). Measures are already being taken to deal with this
problem, some of which have been successful (Theuma, 2004). Since 2005,
government efforts have been supplemented by those of the ‘Valletta Alive
Foundation’ – a consortium of community and business groups. The critical
issue that will be addressed in the remainder of this chapter is the role of tour-
ism in Valletta’s predicament and rehabilitation.
Valletta as a Tourist City

Valletta has several distinctive characteristics as a tourist city. It is close to sev-
eral large seaside resorts where most of its visitors reside. Accordingly, it acts
as a secondary attraction and excursion for day visitors, rather than a destina-
tion in its own right. A related trait is that only a very low proportion of tourists
actually stay in Valletta.11 This is partly due to its small size and the availability
of cheap resort accommodation nearby, but also due to the lack of available
accommodation and the poor level of night-time activity in the city. Thus,
Valletta’s tourism role has similarities to the role the capital performs for the
majority of Maltese residents – a city to visit during the daytime, but one where
people are unable and unwilling to reside.
Alongside national pride, tourism seems to be the main driving force
behind the ‘monument-based philosophy’ that pervades the management of
Valletta.12 According to Mitchell (2002, p. 37), educated elites see Valletta as
a baroque city, which they preserve ‘to maintain national patrimony and tour-
ist development’. Interventions by Nationalist Party (PN) governments have
been instrumental in forging this dual mission. In the late 1980s, the PN
regime aimed to develop a ‘heritage-cultural tourism’ that ‘simultaneously
attracted a more discerning higher spending tourist and drew attention to
the country’s monumental splendour’ (Mitchell, 2002, p. 37). And the PN
initiated the Valletta Rehabilitation Project, which restored the Grand Master’s
Palace and Manoel Theatre. As well as restoring these historic monuments,
the PN have been keen to develop new ones:13 they were responsible for
the neoclassical law courts building in the main square (Fig. 10.3), and
Fig. 10.3. The Law Courts Building in Valletta.

132 A. Smith
the extension to the Central Bank of Valletta. However, their approach has
been criticized for focusing too much on individual monuments at the expense
of more holistic regeneration of the urban fabric (Pace and Cutajar, 2001).14
Tourism and Monumentality in Valletta

The relationship between Valletta’s monumentality and tourism has several
dimensions. These are reviewed according to the five-point conceptualization
outlined previously. In subsequent sections, the implications of this monumen-
tal tourism are considered.
Valletta’s monuments as visitor attractions
Monuments can assist urban tourism by providing key visitor attractions. Yet,
this relationship is not as simple as it may appear. MacCannell (1999) suggests
that iconic urban features may fail to encourage tourism, as tourists may per-
ceive them only as symbols of a destination and therefore unworthy of actual
visitation. This potential problem has been avoided in Valletta. The monumen-
tal buildings that were once the headquarters of external rulers have been con-
verted into government buildings and national museums. The Grand Master’s
Palace is now the Parliament building,15 the Auberge de Castile is the prime
minister’s residence, the Auberge de Provence is now the National Archaeology
Museum and the Commander in Chief of the Mediterranean Fleet’s residence
is now the National Museum of Fine Arts. Other monumental buildings from
the Knights era have been converted into more specialist tourist attractions.16
Alongside the symbolic importance of reclaiming these structures, there are
practical benefits derived from doing so. In a city where tourism officials bemoan
the low level of tourism spending (Theuma, 2004), these monumental buildings
now generate much-needed income through entrance fees, souvenir shops and
venue hire. In addition, it is the historical significance and monumental charac-
ter of the buildings that provides much of the attraction for paying visitors.
Valletta’s monuments as primary elements in the leisure setting
While the Knights’ buildings provide attractions in themselves, monumentality

added subsequently facilitates urban tourism through the provision of ‘primary
elements’ within the ‘leisure-setting’ (Jansen-Verbeke, 1986). During the
British era (1800–1964), new landmarks, open spaces and gardens were
added to Valletta’s cityscape. Although small-scale interventions, they con-
trasted with existing styles.17 The two most obvious additions were the Anglican
Cathedral (1842) and the Opera House (1866).18 The Opera House
(Fig. 10.1) has been a ruin since the Second World War, and its prominent
location means that plans for this site are always debated intensely. While
some would like to see the original building reconstructed, others would prefer
a more coherent mannerist building, or even a modern monument to be built
here. During post-war reconstruction, opportunities were taken to create

other, more planned, open spaces in this dense city. These have enhanced
Valletta’s monumentality, particularly as they draw attention to key national
institutions (the Law Courts and the Cathedral), reaffirming the city’s capital
status. Other institutions have been converted from military installations;
including the Stock Exchange, located in the former Chapel of the British
Garrison, and the Central Bank extension, sensitively embedded within the
Bastions. In line with Jansen-Verbeke’s (1986) conceptualization, these are of
primary importance to the destination, even if they merely provide an attractive
setting, rather than activities, for tourists.
The attractive monumental setting is enhanced by Valletta’s undulating
landscape. The gridiron street pattern is adapted to the contours of the penin-
sula through the provision of steep staircases.19 This means that walking
through the city is an onerous but spectacular tourism experience. The Cadogan
Guide (Gaul, 1998, p. 110) recognizes the quality and coherence of Valletta’s
urban setting, by describing it as a ‘walking city’. However, an obsession with
individual monuments at the expense of urban districts has perhaps compro-
mised the overall quality of the visitor experience, and narrowed the proportion
of urban space that tourists want to explore. Furthermore, the same guidebook
suggests Valletta is not well ordered for sightseeing. The monumental Republic
Street enhances both orientation and the visitor experience generally, but the
gridiron plan makes it difficult to distinguish other streets from one another.
This problem is related to the wider trend in planned capitals for uniform,
rather than organic, urban settings and to the conception of capital cities as
whole monuments. The latter characteristic is discussed in more detail below.
Valletta as a holistic monument
Although UNESCO identifies 320 individual monuments in Valletta, the most

important remains Valletta itself. The unified wholeness of the city is its defin-
ing characteristic as a tourist destination. As the Valletta Alive Foundation
(2009) acknowledges, ‘Valletta’s main attraction is in its totality’. The coher-
ence of the architecture, its isolated position, the survival of the city’s fortifica-
tions and its fortress-like design means that Valletta itself is a monument. It is
within this context that some have posited the notion that tourists, or at least
tourist groups, should pay for the privilege of entering and consuming the city
(Theuma, 2004).20 And it is the conception of Valletta as whole monument –
to suit tourism and political objectives – that has played a key role in preventing
modern alterations from being undertaken.
Alongside the promotional benefits discussed below, being a ‘whole’ monu-
ment provides attractive experiential opportunities for tourists. Whether from
boats, buses, viewing platforms, or – more recently – helicopters, there has always
been a demand to see comprehensive urban panoramas. In addition, consuming a
city as a whole monument requires suitable areas to provide an uninterrupted view.
Some capital cities have provided extramural greenbelts to facilitate this aesthetic
experience,21 but the geographical position of Valletta means buffer zones are
134 A. Smith
unnecessary. The city covers the entire width of a peninsula and is surrounded by
large harbours, making it visible from neighbouring towns, either from the har-
bourside or from boats. In this sense, Valletta’s position resembles that of Manhattan.
This comparison is particularly apt, as Valletta – like many walled cities – benefits
from a ‘concentrated skyline’ (Bruce and Creighton, 2006, p. 240). Viewed across
the Marsamxett harbour, this skyline is defined by two religious structures, the
Anglican Cathedral and the Carmelite Church.22 The alternative perspective
(across the Grand Harbour) privileges the holistic fortress-like appearance of Valletta
(Fig. 10.4). This is the view that greets Valletta’s cruise visitors; a market that epito-
mizes the benefits of being aesthetically comprehensible from afar.
There are also more subtle effects of the conservation of Valletta as a
walled holistic entity. As Bruce and Creighton (2006, p. 235) state, city walls
represent ‘not only physical monuments but also ideas – evocative mental con-
structs integral to the multi-layered self-images of communities’. These can give
places like Valletta a distinctive character that extends beyond merely its built
environment. The capital is seen as the most traditional and authentic part of
Malta, especially compared to the islands’ newer suburbs.23 There is perhaps a
related suspicion that Beltins (citizens) feel superior to their suburban counter-
parts, and perhaps even more Maltese.24 However, a heightened sense of
national identity does not seem to qualify Beltins for preferential treatment.
Quite the opposite situation seems to exist in a city that privileges the needs of
tourists and day visitors. Any community cohesion derived from Valletta’s con-
servation as a holistic monument is eroded because of a key motive for that
conservation – the pursuit of tourist revenues.
Valletta’s monumentality as promotional image
A fourth dimension of the relationship between tourism and monumentality is

the latter’s role as a promotional tool. Valletta’s monumentality is particularly
valuable in the contemporary era when the importance of media images argu-
ably transcends material urban experiences (Smith, 2007). Individual monu-
ments, monumental districts and the holistic monumentality previously
described, make Valletta an attractive experience for tourists, but also make it
easier to mediate. As Bruce and Creighton (2006, p. 240) emphasize, walled
towns generate ‘a pleasing and harmonious effect often captured in photo-
graphic form in tourist and other literature’. In the case of Valletta, the key
monument to be mediated is not an individual building, but the city as a whole
represented from the waterside (e.g. Fig. 10.4), or from above. Aerial views of
Valletta are very common in promotional campaigns; because it allows better
appreciation of its formal layout and because key monuments (e.g. the
Co-Cathedral, Grand Master’s Palace) do not have particularly iconic external
appearances.25 The latter is also compensated for by using a range of other
holistic images including the silhouetted skyline, the city as whole from distance;
the ceremonial axis; the concentrated skyline and monumental gateways.
The media-friendly monumentality of Valletta is connected to the way tour-
ists experience the city. In monumental cities conceived and represented from
Fig. 10.4. Valletta viewed from the Grand Harbour.
above, tourists want to climb high to witness those representations first hand.
However, the lack of any tall buildings in Valletta prevents elevated panoramic
views. Instead, holism is mediated through on-site audio-visual shows housed in
historic buildings. In these cinematic experiences, ‘the tourist is taken a step
away from experiencing the site itself in order to sample an off site experience
of the site’ (Selwyn, 2000, p. 238). Thus, Valletta’s ‘imageable’ monumentality
is exploited both as a way of promoting the city to tourists overseas, but also to
those already within its walls.
Monumental Valletta as a symbol of Maltese tourism
Valletta’s monumentality is not merely used to promote Valletta as a tourism

destination, but used to represent Malta as a whole. Images of the city dominate
national marketing materials, even though they hardly represent this nation’s
core product (resort tourism). Tourism officials promote Valletta as a part of the
Malta product, rather than as a homogeneous ‘city break’ destination distinct
from the rest of the islands. This is holding back the development of Valletta as
a tourist destination. National aspirations, which supplement tourism ambitions,
perhaps explain this integrated approach. The dominance of Valletta within
tourism promotions26 is perhaps an example of the ‘banal nationalism’, which
Bilig (1995) sees as crucial to contemporary nationhood projects, and although
images may be communicated in ‘banal’ media-like tourism brochures, the con-
tent of these images has much in common with traditional methods of nation
building. Representing Valletta as a whole emphasizes its original function as a
136 A. Smith
fortress; a practice that can be equated to the common use of castles to com-
municate that a nation is ancient, powerful, majestic, strong and enduring
(Palmer, 1999). Military icons are common national symbols and they fit well
with the old maxim: nations make war and war makes nations.
In established capital cities, tourists may come to see a concentrated nation,
and monuments are worthy of consideration because of their national signifi-
cance. Thus, the capital city is often the beneficiary of a strong national image.
However, in emerging capitals in ‘nationless states’, this relationship is inverted.
In Malta, Valletta’s strong image – primarily the result of its monumentality – is
used to create an image of a nation. Valletta’s tourism status – its designation as
a UNESCO site in 1980 and the various epithets that have become attached to
the city27 – are as important to the national project as they are to urban tourism.
The international recognition of Valletta’s monumentality reinforces its role as a
nation symbol for the Maltese. At present, tourists may know very little about
Maltese monuments. Indeed, because of its history as a multinational capital,
Valletta’s tourists may be as interested in their own nation’s heritage as much as
Malta’s. But, rather than undermining Maltese nationhood, tourist interest in
Valletta – and international consumption of Maltese interpretations and
symbols – helps it to become accepted as a Maltese capital. In the same way that
the Maltese Cross, a symbol representing the eight langues of the Knights, is
now an important part of the Malta tourism ‘brand’, Valletta’s international
monuments are being resemanticized as symbols of the Maltese nation.
Residual Effects on Liveability

Monumentality helps to attract tourism, and together these forces assist
nation-building objectives; but there are concerns that these processes are
affecting Valletta’s ‘liveability’. Prioritizing monumental tourism in Valletta is
contributing to the physical demise of certain urban districts and to the demise
of resident communities. This may link to a broader trend whereby tourism is
deemed to be responsible for transforming Mediterranean urban societies
where (previously) ‘community was everything’ (Radmilli, 2005). Although the
Maltese are surprisingly tolerant of tourists (Bramwell, 2003), there are those
within Malta who feel this sector is prioritized too much.28 Maltese nationhood
has always lacked a ‘them’ to help define a Maltese ‘us’, but if concerns about
the lack of leisure space and affordable housing grow, tourists could find
themselves cast in that role. This has particular resonance for Malta’s capital.
Citizens are now ‘familiar with government projects that ignore the inhabitants
of Valletta in favour of tourists’ (Armstrong and Mitchell, 2006, p. 181).
Research by Radmilli (2005, p. 324) cites one Maltese resident who identifies
that ‘the residential quarters are usually left in a shabby state as authorities
prefer to touch up and renovate the tourist zones within the city’. Armstrong
and Mitchell (2006) feel the neglect of community needs is not only reflected in
key decisions regarding the built environment, but also in cultural policy. They
cite the prominence given to the ‘Valletta History and Elegance’ pageant – a
recently conceived event aimed at tourists – as an example of how community
events are ignored in favour of those that further tourism ambitions.29
While many in Malta do not find it particularly troubling that Valletta is

becoming merely a commercial and symbolic entity focused on the needs of tour-
ists, ironically, prioritizing tourism and monumentality may be damaging the
city’s long-term tourism attractiveness. According to Porter (2000), one of the
‘laws’ of cultural tourism sites is the more a site is manipulated for tourist con-
sumption, the less appealing it becomes for tourists. The disadvantage of neglect-
ing Valletta’s residential communities (aside from the obvious distress this causes
to those residents) is that tourists are deprived of the ‘cultural life’ and ‘back
spaces’ that make a place interesting. Neglecting resident communities also con-
tributes to the lack of nocturnal life in Valletta, a key theme of guidebook intro-
ductions.30 This deficiency explains why some feel Valletta has more in common
with a tourist attraction than an inhabited city (Theuma, 2004, p. 298).
Undermining community cohesion in Valletta by prioritizing tourism and monu-
mentality is also counterproductive in other ways. One of the positive aspects of
tourism in other parts of Malta is that it has provided incentives for local people
to smarten up their areas (Pace and Cutajar, 2001). However, this is only possible
when there is sufficient social capital and support for tourism in the locality.
An unhealthy obsession with tourism and monumentality has relegated
Valletta from multifunctional capital to a heritage destination. As Porter (2000)
states, cities resort to heritage status when a built environment is not capable of
sustaining itself. While the root cause is national and tourism ambitions, more
specific agents that have contributed to Valletta’s predicament include anachro-
nistic rent laws, a lack of space to expand and weak local government. As one of
Radmilli’s research participants states, the neglect of residential quarters is also
‘due to the decline in the population of the city’ (Cauchi, cited in Radmilli (2005,
p. 324) ). A viscous cycle is evident: fewer residents restrict a community’s bar-
gaining power, but also affect the allocation of local funding, which is distributed
according to population size. The imposition of strict planning regulations to
protect tourism and symbolic interests in Valletta has also been pivotal. The city
is restricted by the requirements of local plans, urban conservation areas and
UNESCO guidelines. In areas where conservation is too comprehensive, every-
day urban activities tend to shift to zones where more flexibility is allowed and
where buildings can be designed to accommodate contemporary uses. Thus, the
stringent regulatory cocktail in Valletta has indirectly exacerbated the population
decline in Valletta by preventing the modernization of dilapidated buildings. While
this affects Valletta’s residential function, it has also discouraged the conversion
of historic buildings into hotels and other amenities.
Conclusions
The prior discussion has demonstrated that monumentality is conducive to tour-
ism for several, interrelated reasons. It provides individual attractions and urban
districts – even whole cities – that can be consumed on a variety of levels as com-
plex historical representations of national myths or merely as impressive physical
structures. In emerging nations, the popularization of capital city monuments not
only assists tourism, but contributes to nation building. This reaffirms the view
that tourism and national projects are highly compatible; and monumentality is
138 A. Smith
key to understanding this mutual relationship. The monumentality of Valletta

provides potent symbolic images that help to promote Malta as a destination,
and as a nation, to audiences outside the city. Unfortunately, effects on direct
experiences of Valletta are not as positive. It seems that privileging tourism and
national objectives in capital city planning can compromise sustained liveability,
and even sustained tourist interest. According to Lenoir and Ross (1996, p. 374,
cited in Pretes (2003) ), tourism makes a place into a museum. This rather pro-
vocative generalization is more justified when applied to capital cities, where
nation-building endeavours exacerbate tourism-related ‘museumification’. For
Thake (2006, p. 256), Valletta now conjures up an image of a ‘vast museum
complex’, highlighting the danger that smaller capital cities might become merely
tourist and national symbols. This may affect the liveability of these cities, and in
any case, is counterproductive because it may make capitals less interesting for
tourists and less representative of nations.
The implications of the Valletta case are clear: cities that want to sustain
liveability must be prepared to adopt flexible conservation strategies; they must
realize that providing a liveable and sociable city also makes it an attractive
tourist destination and they must not abandon the principles of good urban
planning simply because of the perceived need to preserve monumental build-
ings. Ideally, small capital cities like Valletta should avoid relying on staged
animation and try and animate the city by reinvigorating community life. At the
very least, these cities should endeavour to ensure that they exist as multifunc-
tional tourist destinations. If planned well, new hotels, restaurants and other
tourist amenities will also attract local people, and maybe even new residents.31
Management of historic capitals also needs to be underpinned by better
research. To justify many of the recommendations here, there needs to be
empirical evidence that tourist experiences do suffer from an overemphasis on
monumentality – both in Valletta and in other capital cities.
Notes
1 The number of people involved in Valletta’s construction in the late 16th century now
exceeds the number who currently live there.
2 As well as Valletta, the Knights built the islands’ previous capitals (Birgu and
Mdina), the citadel on Gozo (Malta’s sister island), as well as countless other
fortifications.
3 The eight points on the Maltese cross represent the eight langues.
4 Some fear that Maltese national identity will again be challenged because since 2004,
the islands are once again part of a larger entity.
5 The British naval commander who liberated Malta from Napoleonic control and first
British governor of Malta.
6 One of the dominant myths underpinning Maltese identity is the story of St Paul,
whose shipwreck and subsequent stay on Malta is said to have inspired the islands’
strong Catholic faith.
7 There is now consensus in Valletta that this is an eyesore (Mitchell, 2002).
8 It is entirely apt that the word for rural areas also translates as ‘wasteland’ (Dodds,
2007).
9 One prominent entrepreneur responsible for a controversial hotel development is

quoted as saying: ‘in 2000 years of our history, the Knights included, I was the one
to erect the biggest building on the island, I built Malta’ (cited in Camilleri, 2004,
p. 86).
10 Valletta’s dominant role in Malta is reinforced by its local name Il-Belt – which trans-
lates as The City.
11 As one Maltese laments in research by Radmilli (2005, p. 324), ‘why after the con-
gestions caused by tourists by day are they not given the choice to stay in some of the
hotels in Valletta?’.
12 It can be observed in the policies of the government and the semi-autonomous plan-
ning authority, but also in the priorities of voluntary heritage groups in Malta (Pace
and Cutajar, 2001).
13 A nationalist government also commissioned ‘starchitect’ Renzo Piano to restruc-
ture the entrance to the city and replace the derelict remains of the Opera House,
which was destroyed in Second World War. This plan was never implemented
and was put ‘on hold’ indefinitely (Thake, 2006), although there are now plans to
revive it.
14 Projects pursued by the opposition party have been accused of inflicting more brutal
damage to Valletta’s built heritage. In the 1970s, the Labour government bulldozed
the L-Arcipierku district to make way for social housing. This has only added to the
unpopularity of the Labour Party in the capital – a Nationalist stronghold.
15 There are now proposals to build a new Parliament building on the site of the Opera
House, thus freeing up the Grand Master’s Palace as a heritage attraction.
16 For example, the former Knights hospital is now a major international conference
centre.
17 For example, Chapman (2006) highlights how Ball’s monument in the Lower
Baracca (1809) deliberately contravenes the Baroque ideal of subservient space
around buildings.
18 The Opera House was very obviously a British building. But feeling of loss among
the Maltese when the Opera House was destroyed in Second World War demon-
strated that a colonial and monumental building could become the object of great
affection (Mitchell 2002).
19 Lord Byron described Valletta as ‘the cursed streets of stairs’ (cited in Thake,
2006).
20 This was also suggested for the former capital Mdina, but was resisted by a powerful
alliance of outside interests (Sant Cassia, 1999).
21 For example, Bruce and Creighton (2006) suggest that Jerusalem’s provision of such
spaces in the 1930s was motivated by an emerging tourist sector.
22 According to Chapman (2006, p. 31), these churches not only add to the form and
skyline of the city, but highlight an ‘ecclesiastical rivalry for visual prominence’.
23 While living in Valletta is not as fashionable as it once was, being ‘tas-city’ – from
the city – is seen as a badge of honour that communicates a sense of no-nonsense
stoicism (Armstrong and Mitchell, 2006).
24 Even within Valletta such distinctions are apparent – with the Parish of St Paul
viewed as the historic centre of the Maltese nation.
25 Probably because they were conceived as part of a holistic fortress complex.
26 The use of Valletta as a symbol of Malta extends beyond merely tourism marketing.
The city’s bastions are used as the backdrop when Maltese votes for the Eurovision
Song Contest are announced (a noted obsession of the Maltese).
27 Most famously ‘a city built by gentlemen for gentlemen’, but also ‘a glorious city of
golden stone’.
140 A. Smith
28 For example, shouts of ‘Malta for the Maltese and not for tourists’ were heard at an
infamous planning hearing (Boissevain and Theuma, 1998).
29 As well as being symbolically distanced from Maltese, residents there have also been
complaints that this festival is geographically remote from residential areas – denying
opportunities for local engagement (Theuma, 2004).
30 ‘By day it’s a thriving and bustling capital. . . . By night, however it wears a sombre
mask’ (Gaul, 1998, p. 106).
31 For example, historic ‘capitals’ such as Old Quebec City (Canada) have developed
boutique-style hotels that satisfy demands for tourism, conservation and vitality
(Evans, 2002).
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11 Brussels: a Multilayered
Capital City
MYRIAM JANSEN-VERBEKE AND ROBERT GOVERS
University of Leuven
Introduction
If one city was to claim the status of a schizophrenic city it would
be Brussels.
(Lonely Planet, 2008)
Like many other European cities, Brussels – in the year 2009 – is a multilay-
ered city marked by a long and complex history of political successions and
cultural interactions. In addition to this multicultural genesis, Brussels is now
hosting no less than five capital city functions; for the Belgian nation and
country, for the European Union (EU), for the Flemish, Walloon and Brussels
region. This historical and cultural, political and administrative complexity of
the city is reflected in its present structure, image and organization. Brussels
as a tourist destination, when evaluated in the highly competitive market of
urban tourism to capital cities, can benefit from some unique assets. The key
issue, however, is to identify both the missed opportunities and ways to capi-
talize on the status of capital of Europe. The idea is to look at the impact of
this status on urban tourism patterns and dynamics. First, the perspective of
Brussels as the national capital of Belgium and of Europe brings about a clear
divergence in the role of tourism (Magosse, 2007). Second, the analysis
addresses the ‘sustainable’ impact of Brussels being a cultural tourism capital
and – temporarily in 2000 – the cultural capital of Europe on the market pro-
file of this urban tourism destination.
A multi-level analysis using secondary sources illustrates both strengths and
weaknesses related to the core themes in this book: identity, representation
and branding, and planning and development, images and tourism markets.
The study of Brussels shows that the so-called identity problem of this city is
rooted in history, being at the heart of the cultural boundary between Germanic
and Latin Europe and what has been referred to as the ‘battlefield of Europe’

Brussels: a Multilayered Capital City 143
(Kossmans-Putto and Kossmann, 1997). Brussels embodies Flemish, Walloon,

African immigrant and cosmopolitan identities. From a capital of Europe per-
spective, business tourism and economic growth through globalization have
been beneficial. On the other hand, planning and development at multiple
levels to integrate Europe into the urban landscape has induced irreversible
effects, both morphologically and socially. Further, the image of Brussels has
suffered, being perceived as dull and bureaucratic (USE-IT, 2006). As a cultural
tourism capital, Brussels is rich with endowments, but is handicapped by insti-
tutional fragmentation and diverging projected images (Magosse et al., 2008).
Although Brussels has benefited from several unique historical developments,
this capital city still struggles, in many areas, to deal with the opportunities
presented.
Capital Cities: Top of the Urban Hierarchy

Visits to the capital city of the region or the nation are most likely the oldest
form of tourism ever since Roman and Greek times: the forum function attracts
people, goods and ideas from a wide catchment area. Urbanization has physi-
cally anchored the hubs of social, economic and cultural life. In most cases, this
centralization process was supported and accelerated by the development of
transport facilities in a centralized network of public transport. In every coun-
try, the hierarchical ranking of cities has a long political and economical his-
tory. Although this is not a key issue in this chapter, it marks in many ways the
21st-century profile and image of the city.
The idea of a structural difference between capital cities and other cities
with a comparable size and population number, particularly in terms of tourism
attraction, can be questioned. What makes the difference? Is the political and
administrative status of a capital city of a country – by definition – a competitive
advantage in the tourism market? There is no single answer, only a kaleidoscope
of cities, all unique through their history and cultural context (Pearce, 2007).
According to Castells (1993), cities are inherently complex entities result-
ing from a dynamic structural and multidimensional interaction between history
and culture (Bachleitner and Kagelmann, 2003; Steinecke, 2007). However,
contemporary globalization has induced very similar approaches to moderniza-
tion, template urban renovation projects and even a degree of convergence in
terms of policies for social, cultural and economic development (Taylor and
Hoyler, 2000). All cities are becoming knots in a global network and, by defini-
tion, multifunctional. Understanding and capitalizing on the uniqueness is a real
challenge, not in the least in the highly competitive market of urban tourism
and the emerging cultural economy (Russo and Van der Borg, 2008).
This chapter includes some reflections on the tourism profile of Brussels as
a city marked by the presence of both historical and contemporary layers; a city
unlike any other in Belgium or in Europe and above all, now in search of a new
balance between past and present and cultural identities (local, regional,
European and cosmopolitan) (Baeten, 2001). In fact, the challenge for city
144 M. Jansen-Verbeke and R. Govers
marketers in Brussels is not only to bridge gaps between a diversity of images,

but also to cope with a structural lack of vision on an integrated reorganization
and revitalization (Kavaratzis and Ashworth, 2005; Govers, 2005). ‘Noblesse
oblige’ or ‘nobility has its obligations’ implies living up to the expectations of an
international, multicultural and dynamic capital city in the 21st century (Magosse
et al., 2008). The objective is to link the rich heritage of the city with cultural
creativity and innovative strategies to valorize the strong connation of Brussels
and Europe successfully. Many professionals have a dream that Brussels, with
its wide range of opportunities and resources would re-emerge as the place to
be in Europe, not only for business travel but also for cultural exchanges and
leisure experiences (Elmhorn, 2001).
Brussels: National Capital of Belgium (since 1830)
Understanding the history of the city and the country is a first condition to
plan for its future (Jeong and Almeida Santos, 2004). The biography of
Brussels starts as a small settlement in 979 AD, expanding in the 12th century
and eventually becoming the capital of Belgium in 1830. Historically, based
on the work by Kossmann-Putto and Kossmann (1997) and Vos (2002), it
seems that Belgium is characterized by fragmentation, both in terms of the
origins of rulers as well as internal territorial structures. The name Flanders
first appears in 862 AD referring to the district around Bruges. Through the
centuries that followed, this region expanded under the County of Flanders, to
include both Bruges and Ghent up to the border of present-day France. East
of this county there was the Duchy of Brabant, around the axis of Antwerp
and Brussels. Today, the Netherlands and Belgium still include the provinces
of North Brabant in the south of the Netherlands and Flemish Brabant around
Brussels.
The unification of Brabant and Flanders was first initiated in 1384 under
Bourgundian dukes, who united large parts of the present Benelux and north-
ern France. In the centuries that followed, control changed hands repeatedly
between Austrian, Spanish and French powers and many wars were fought on
Belgian soil, causing it to be nicknamed as ‘the battlefield of Europe’ (a reputa-
tion strengthened by both world wars later). Several unifications and separa-
tions of the northern and southern Netherlands (including Brabant and
Flanders) were part of that. A separate southern Dutch identity developed on
the basis of a counter reformative Catholicism, historically grown public insti-
tutions and political solidarity as buffer between superpowers. This culminated
in a turbulent period around the 1800s with the United States of Belgium that
lasted 1 year, to be recaptured first by the Austrians and then trampled by the
French. This resulted in administrative simplification and ‘frenchification’ of
public life in the upper class in the southern Netherlands, including the north-
ern provinces. After Bonaparte’s Waterloo, the Congress of Vienna created
the United Kingdom of the Netherlands under King William of Orange I in
1815. In the years that followed, the southern opposition of liberals and
Catholics grew against the Dutch rule, leading to the final revolution of 1830,
creating the present Belgian state, with the installation of Leopold I (from
Sachsen Cobourg Gotha) as king in 1831 in the capital Brussels.
At first, in the new Belgian state, French was chosen as the official lan-
guage, which soon fuelled the growth of a Flemish movement out of concern
for language and cultural equality, territorially linked to the north of the coun-
try. Only in the 1970s and 1980s, state reform resulted in true federalization,
transferring significant areas of government competencies to the regions and
communities. So while locally processes of regionalization occurred, the pro-
gressing concentration of European functions made Brussels – de facto – the
capital of Europe.
Since 1989, Brussels became, politically and administrative, an autono-
mous region, geographically ‘nestled’ between the Flemish and the Walloon
region. The political history explains both the richness of its cultural heritage
and the complexity of its political role (Pearce, 1996). Different political and
administrative roles of Brussels are remarkably reflected in the urban morphol-
ogy, most of all in the urban economy and as a consequence also in the local
and social cultural life in the metropolitan region. The actual impact of multiple
identities on the tourism development of this ‘unique’ city proves to be a most
challenging research topic (Jansen-Verbeke, 2005). The extent to which
Brussels – as a tourist destination – is different from other capital cities in
Europe with a similar population, agglomeration size and comparable tourist
opportunity spectrum, remains a question. The hypothesis is that all capital
cities are, by definition, outliers in their own country; by their position as
headquarter of national institutions, organizations, education and medical cen-
tres, banks and business hubs, etc. Clearly it is the range of assets in the urban
landscape and the coherence with cultural life that makes the difference.
In this perspective, it is striking that Brussels receives less domestic tourism
than other historic art cities in Flanders (De Bruyn et al., 2008). Taking into
account the short travel time for most Belgians to visit their capital city, there
is traditionally an intensive pattern of day trips, for shopping, social events,
special exhibitions, fairs and manifestations, in fact a mixture of business and
leisure visits. This meeting function is typical for all national capital cities and
clearly traceable in the tourism statistics (Wöber, 2002). Domestic overnight
tourism in the Brussels’ region, however, only accounts for about 13% of the
5 million overnight stays in 2007. The motive of this domestic tourism is also
clearly more business and meetings, incentives, conferences and exhibitions
(MICE)-oriented than leisure and holidays (FPS Economy, Directorate-General
Statistics, 2008). It therefore seems that Brussels is not able to play its role as
national capital in tourism terms as well as other European capitals.
Brussels: Capital of Europe
At the end of 1957, the European Economic Community (EEC) was founded
by the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg, Germany, France and Italy. The
Belgian prime minister proposed Brussels as seat of the European organiza-
tions. At that time, no agreement was reached, and the political institutions of
the EEC were (temporarily) housed in Brussels (the European Commission) and
Strasbourg (the European Parliament).
In 1958, a vote was organized to come to a definitive solution. Brussels
was in the lead because of the improved road infrastructure (thanks to the
World Exposition that took place in Brussels in 1958) and also because of the
central location of the city as well as the neutral position of Belgium between
the European powers. Although Brussels won the vote after two rounds, a
definitive decision was again postponed. Furthermore, the vote resulted in the
start of a system of ‘compensation policies’, whereby Luxembourg and
Strasbourg also received a part of the institutions. In fact, a firm decision for
Brussels to become the official ‘Capital of Europe’ was never taken, but has
been ‘work in progress’ with successive decisions to locate facilities of the EU’s
institutions in the Brussels capital region, and thus gradually creating an exclu-
sive ‘European quarter’ in the urban landscape and a growing European com-
munity in the metropolis.
This resulted in the representation of the main political institutions of
Europe in Brussels: the European Parliament, the Council of Europe, the
European Commission, the Economic and Social committee and the
Committee of the regions. The integration of the European institutions and
their numerous offices, but also transportation and social infrastructures such
as day-care facilities, international schools and others in the existing city has
caused dramatic changes in the cityscape and in the urban housing market.
The housing of an increasingly large number of international, national and
regional diplomats and representatives, of an international press corps and,
above all, more than 1300 non-governmental organizations, has imbalanced
the residential structure of the city (Brussels in Action, 2001). The multi-
dimensional impact of the EU on the Brussels region goes far beyond the
reshaping of specific urban quarters.
Transformations in the urban landscape of Brussels – induced by the EU –
have been heavily criticized in many ways. Consultant reports emphasize a lack
of vision on the value of heritage conservation and an outspoken political and
economic drive to become a modern metropolis (UNWTO and ETC, 2005).
This became particularly manifest in the preliminary plans for the World
Exposition – EXPO ‘58. During the following years the process of ‘Bruxellization’
went on, erasing typical urban quarters and a unique heritage of architectural
richness. For many years, the power of the building and real estate sector
appeared to be beyond control and reshaped the city dramatically. The out-
come is a segregated city, with well-marked neighbourhoods and a lack of ini-
tiatives to connect the different cultural layers.
This process was reinforced by the infiltration of the EU community, fol-
lowing the expansion to now 27 member states. In 1998, a first study was
carried out by the Brussels regional authority and concluded that the presence
of EU organizations and related international organizations implied jobs for
62,000 persons, of which 20,000 were European officers (among them 5,200
Belgians). This number is raised when taking into account the 4,000 indirect
service providers and another 12,000 jobs in sectors directly related to the
presence of EU activities: embassies linked to the EU, international press and
translation offices. The number of indirectly linked international associations

and groups, law offices and lobbyists is hard to estimate. Since the late 1990s,
the infiltration of the EU activities expanded even more, both in terms of physi-
cal space use and socio-cultural transformations. The European activities
account for at least 10% of the employment in the Brussels metropolitan region
and 13% of the gross regional product, actually one of the highest in the EU.
These are estimated percentages, since no valid statistics are available about
the mobility of the community of ‘Eurocrats’ and the direct and indirect impact
on the Brussels’ regional job market (Brussels in Action, 2001).
Apparently, the growing presence of these European elite does not show
nor affect the average income of the Brussels population, which is 7% below the
national average. This is seen as an effect of the suburbanization of higher income
groups (Christiaens, 2003). The trend of Eurocrats in Brussels is to start with
temporary accommodation in Brussels’ city to then later settle in the suburban
and green belt, mainly to the south of the Brussels area. In fact, this migration
pattern is not so different from that of young Belgian households. However, the
high income of most ‘Eurocrats’ has accentuated the social segregation between
neighbourhoods in Brussels and between residential areas in the suburbs.
The temporary and semi-permanent presence of EU residents not only
marks the residential patterns and the real estate market but in many ways also
the use and design of public space and public life. Pubs and restaurants, street
markets, shops and meeting places went through a rapid transformation
process. The disconnection between the ‘international areas’ and the remains
of ‘old Brussels’ on the one hand, and on the other the downgraded immigra-
tion areas in the 19th-century suburbs is highly visible (Christiaens, 2003).
Nevertheless, it is clear that the presence of the EU institutions has directly and
indirectly generated an increase of wealth in the Brussels Capital Region.
Brussels intends – now more than ever – to affirm its role as capital of Europe.
Actually, the political agenda for Brussels capital region does not differ from
the priorities in many other capital cities in Europe:
● To strengthen the position of the city region as a hub in the European net-
works.
● To improve the access to social housing schemes, in the context of the fight
against poverty and social exclusion.
● To enhance urban renewal and improve the quality of the urban environ-
ment and the quality of life.
● To emphasize the role of centres of excellence, with economic development
as a top priority.
The latter objective might be seen as a unique opportunity for Brussels; the
European presence attracted a so-called European agglomeration economy
consisting of an important global service economy and other international gov-
ernmental and non-governmental institutions, but also an army of international
and highly skilled labourers (Elmhorn, 2001; European Commission, 2001).
According to the Union of International Associations (2008), Brussels
consistently occupies a top-three position as one of the main cities to host
international meetings worldwide with, on average, close to 200 meetings with

a minimum number of 300 participants, a minimum proportion of 40% for-
eign participants, minimum number of five nationalities and minimum duration
of 3 days. In 2007, out of 5 million bed-nights in the Brussels region, 36%
(1.85 million) is MICE–related, and 18% (over 912,000 bed-nights) are
accounted for by individual business travellers. This means that business motives
to travel to Brussels are more important than leisure-motivated travel. The lat-
ter accounts for 46% of the bed-nights in the Brussels region in 2007. However,
there are some significant differences by country of origin of the tourists.
Leisure and holiday motives seem to become more important now for the
neighbouring markets such as the Netherlands (55% of the bed-nights), France
(58%) and Spain (56%) (De Bruyn et al., 2008). When comparing this segmen-
tation in motives of international tourists with that of other historic art cities in
Flanders, it is clear that leisure travel is by far outpacing business travel, with
the exception of maybe Antwerp. It is also illustrated by the fact that visitor
numbers in other Belgian cities surge over the summer months, while over-
nights remain stable in Brussels year-round with the exception of the month of
January when there is a slight dip (De Bruyn et al., 2008).
The high expectations of a significant growth in incoming tourism to
Brussels following the several phases of new EU membership were not entirely
met. Different factors play a role in the rather weak orientation on Brussels
and the latest entry of new members in the EU is not expected to structurally
change the volume of tourism flows. In fact, the outbound tourism from the
new EU member states reflects their problematic economic position. It is
expected that the economic transition in these countries will remain for some
years to come a constraint on the volume of outbound tourism travel, for lei-
sure travel in particular (Jordan, 2006). Nevertheless, the expansion of the EU
to 27 member states and now a total population of 490,000,000 can be, or
should be, an important impulse for the tourism industry in Brussels, at least it
means additional opportunities to attract more business tourists, to prolong
their stay and create more awareness about the ‘interesting places’ and experi-
ences in Brussels.
Brussels: a Cultural Tourism Destination

Brussels can be classified as a ‘city of art’, and as such a destination for cultural
tourism, reasons enough to be nominated as Cultural Capital of Europe in
2000, though it was a shared title with nine other European cities. Among this
list of competitors in the market of cultural tourism and city trips in particular,
there were three other capital cities: Helsinki, Prague and Reykjavik. The other
cities belong to the category of regional centres Avignon, Bergen, Bologna,
Krakow and Santiago de Compostella. The leading policy of the initiators was
to highlight the rich and diversified heritage of Europe and to stimulate
intercultural exchange. The ten cities hosting the EU event in 2000 all shared
the same ambitions when applying for the title (Palmer, 2004):
● Improve the image of the city and stimulate tourism.

● Reinforce cultural activities for the local population.
● Innovate the cultural infrastructure.
● Integrate culture in the urban development planning and policy.
● Connect the city with Europe and create a ‘Europe Identity’.
Comparing now – about 10 years after the event – the long-term impact
of the major investments would certainly be a most relevant exercise.
Apparently, many questions remain unanswered so far, with the main argu-
ment that valid and comparable data are lacking, that no in-depth empirical
studies are available, and a deficient monitoring system at EU level (Palmer
and Richards, 2007).
In the scope of this book, it would make sense to see if capital cities do
generate different effects of this type of event. In evaluation reports, visitor
numbers and overnights are often compared between cultural capital cities in
order to demonstrate the success of an event and to legitimate – post factum –
the public investments made (Wanhill and Jansen-Verbeke, 2008). However,
this only makes sense when compared with pre- and post-event information on
tourism flows and even then, positive trends are hard to isolate as being only
caused by the event.
Within a highly competitive market for cultural urban tourism, the com-
petitive advantages of one city above another is the outcome of a series of
factors: clearly defined objectives fully framed in the local context, the
range of cultural resources and heritage assets (tangible and intangible), the
capacities and skills to develop more momentum, more know how and above
all creativity in the marketing of events such as ‘Cultural Capital of Europe’
(Richards and Wilson, 2004, 2006). Table 11.1 includes a selection of
cultural capital cities and is based on the results from a research project on
the evolution of the concept of Cultural Capital of Europe Event. This indi-
cates variations in objectives and policies, but also many similarities. In 10
years, there is some evolution to be noticed such as an increasing interest in
the involvement of, and impact on, the local residents, moving also to more
integrated and more multicultural projects. The overall conclusion of this
analysis is that this EU event is indeed an incentive for urban revitalization,
in particular for integrating cultural activities in the tourist opportunity
spectrum.
All these cities are different in terms of their cultural resources, the
presence and quality of tangible heritage, the liveliness of their intangible
heritage and, above all, the degree of development of a cultural economy
(Russo and Van der Borg, 2008). Brussels is a rich city in terms of heritage
resources for cultural tourism (Jansen-Verbeke, 2007). The presence of sites
listed as ‘World Heritage’ can be seen as a strong asset. The three sites are
the Brussels complex of the 13th-century beguines’ residences, called
‘beguinage’ as one of 13 ‘Flemish Béguinages’ listed in 1998, the main
market square (1998) and major town houses of the architect Victor Horta
in Brussels (2000).
Table 11.1. Cultural Capital of Europe Event: variations on the theme? (Based on Palmer/RAE Association, 2004.)
150
Organizing city Mission and key sectors Main objectives Impact on visitation
Luxemburg 1995 Become a European city of all cultures • Including Luxemburg on the map • 767,000 visitors (domestic +
Number of • Music of cultural destinations international)
projects 500 • Staged performances • Creating more cultural awareness • 2,600,000 overnight stays
• Theatre among the local population
• Street parades • Attract visitors
• Improve the cultural infrastructure
Kopenhagen 1996 Revitalize the Danish capital and the • Extensive participation of the region • 6,920,000 visitors
Number of surrounding region in art and culture (domestic + international)
projects 670 • Architecture • Emphasize the diversity and • 3,935,000 overnight stays
• Theatre quality of Danish art and culture
• Interdisciplinary projects • Create international interest
in Danish art and culture
• Introduce Kopenhavn to the EU community
Stockholm 1998 Sell Stockholm as a cultural city to • Offer a mixed programme of • 19,800,000 visitors
Number of Sweden and Europe cultural activities (domestic + international)
projects 1,218 • Stage performances • Attract domestic and international • 25,200,000 overnight stays
• Music tourists
• Heritage and History • Developing good relationship with
• Architecture and design other EU countries
M. Jansen-Verbeke and R. Govers

Brussels 2000 Show the vast artistic and cultural • Collaborative development • 2,382,000 visitors
Number of potential of Brussels as a city • Introduce local residents to the (domestic + international)
projects ±350 • Music cultural attractions of the city • 4,497,000 overnight stays
• Dance and theatre • Promotion of innovative and
creative projects
• Cultural development in a
long-term perspective
Helsinki 2000 Economic recovery and development • Incentives for innovation and creativity • 5,400,000 visitors
Number of of the city • Involve local population in cultural (domestic + international)
projects 503 • Stage performances activities and events • 2,589,044 overnight stays
• Music • International branding of the city
• Sculpture art • Attract tourists (domestic and
• Outdoor public events international)
Prague 2000 Present Prague as a centre of culture • Offer a cultural programme • 1,839,345 overnight stays
Number of within a wider context of European • International positioning of the city
Brussels: a Multilayered Capital City

projects 380 integration • Improve the cultural infrastructure
• Music • Attract international tourists
• Stage performances
• Street parades
Reykjavik 2000 Put the city on the world map as a • Offer a cultural programme of • 1,473,724 visitors,
Number of cultural city cultural activities including 302,913 international
projects 284 • Music • Attract international tourists • 1,186,455 overnight stays
• Outdoor events • Develop partnership with other
• Stage performances European cities
• Create an international image of the city
Rotterdam 2001 Improve long-term economic benefits, • Increase coherence between local
Number of such as tourism communities in the city
projects 524 • Sculpture arts • Present cultural elements to the locals
• Integrated projects • Long-term cultural projects
• Festivals • International branding of the city
Bruges 2002 Promoting Bruges also as an active • Improve cultural infrastructure • 1,600,000 visitors
Number of and contemporary cultural city • Long-term cultural development (domestic + international)
projects 165 • Sculpture arts • International branding • 556,000 overnight stays
• Music • Attract tourists
• Architecture
• Outdoor public events
Graz 2003 To make the city better known • Include the city in the international • 2,755,271 visitors
Number of • Music map of culture (domestic + international)
projects 108 • Architecture • Improve cultural infrastructure • 839,984 overnight stays
• Stage performances • Attract tourists
• Partnership with other European cities
Lille 2004 Undertake a regeneration of Lille and • Involve the population in the urban • 9,000,000 visitors
Number of the greater region and transform the renovation programme and (domestic + international)
projects 2000 image of the city reimaging the city
• Stage performances • Improve social cohesion
• Sculpture arts • Promotion of creativity
• Architecture and design
151
The cityscape of Brussels includes many interesting complexes and

monuments, museums and urban parks, of which only some are known as
landmarks, many others are not even included in the mental maps of visitors
(domestic and foreign). Creating an attractive tourist product and image of
this rich cultural spectrum appears to be a continued process of trial and
error (Jansen-Verbeke and Lievois, 2004). Surely, sightseeing of ‘historical
settings’ is a major tourist attraction, but much more is needed to catch and
maintain the interest of the urban tourist (Freytag and Kagermeier, 2008). A
high-quality programme of arts and music, supported by other intangible
heritage assets such as gastronomy, are important resources for cultural
tourism. The actual tourist attraction of antique markets, special exhibitions,
music festivals, fashion and design shops, is well known. The challenge lies
in finding a unique mix to offer in the right place and time. The web survey
among Eurocrats (in 2003) already gave an indication of this mixture (see
Table 11.2.)
Despite the consensus that Brussels is a top destination for cultural visits
and experiences, both for international and domestic tourists, there are few
outstanding landmarks. This could be further analysed by checking the land-
mark awareness, the actual visitation and the appreciation in the EU net-
work. The latter was measured in terms of ‘recommendations to others’ (see
Fig. 11.1).
This test of appreciation was taken from a limited sample, in 2003, but
nevertheless holds some interesting clues for the development of future market-
ing strategies. The gap between knowledge and visitation is high, with excep-
tion of the main market square and the antique cluster on the Sablon (Zavel)
square. Both destinations are highly recommended to friends and family. The
Table 11.2. Ranking of the icons/landmarks in Brussels (according to Eurocrats).

(From web survey 2003 in Jansen-Verbeke et al., 2005.)
Icons/landmarks Frequency Percentage (%)
European institutes 36 13.3

Monuments/culture 191 70.7
Main market square 72 26.7
Atomium 42 15.5
Statue of Manneken Pis 36 13.3
Art Nouveau 9 3.3
Antiques-Sablon 7 2.6
Cultural life 6 2.2
Architecture 4 1.5
Royal Palace 3 1.1
Cinquantennaire (monument) 3 1.1
Food and drinks 26 9.6
Other 26 9.6
Total 270 100.0
Places of interest
100
80
60
(%)
40
20
0
Atomium
Manneken Pis
Grand Place
Muntschouwburg
Park of Brussels
Law courts
Mini-Europe
Saint-Michel and
Saint-Gudule
City Hall of
Brussels
Saint-Hubertus
Gallery
Zavel
Botanique
Known Visited Highly recommended
Fig. 11.1. Places of interest in Brussels. (From web survey 2003, Jansen-Verbeke et al., 2005.)
absence of many other cultural attractions in this list is a clear signal for the
marketers (Peeters, 2008).
Cultural Tourism in Brussels: Planning for the Future

Tourism planning, development and promotion in Brussels are hardly visionary
(Magosse et al., 2008). The main reason for this is the local institutional frag-
mentation. In order to overcome the linguistic struggles, and through the con-
sequent state reforms that started in the 1970s, Belgium developed a kind of
‘institutional high technology’ in order to keep a political balance between the
two largest communities. In this structure, Brussels at the same time became
the tailpiece holding Belgium together and the decor for its dismantlement.
This is reflected in a very complex institutional landscape with no less than five
organizations promoting Brussels internationally.
This fragmentation is illustrated in the way different actors project the image
of Brussels. The European Travel Commission (http://www.visiteurope.com)
refers to it as the ‘Capital of Europe’; the Brussels Tourism and Convention
Bureau (http://www.bitc.be) as ‘Your European Village’; Tourism Flanders
(http://www.visitflanders.co.uk) as the ‘Capital of Belgium’; The Tourism
Promotion Office of Wallonia (http://www.opt.be) as ‘a region where the most
extraordinary places cross paths with surrealists, fashion artisans, and the ele-
gance of “Made in Belgium” ’; and Brussels Capital Region (http://www.brux-
elles.irisnet.be) as ‘having two faces – on the one hand, it is a contemporary and
historic metropolis, and on the other it is a human, friendly city’.
In many ways, Brussels is in search of a new identity. The association with
Brussels capital of Europe is strong, but hardly valorized in terms of multicul-
tural resources, nor marketed for multicultural target groups. This missed
opportunity needs to be added to the list of many other weak points in the
development of a strong urban tourism destination. Planners and marketers for
the future of Brussels can find inspiration and incentives in the many reports
published on Brussels (UNWTO and ETC, 2005). The following tables (Tables
11.3 and 11.4) summarize some views and reflections of different stakeholders
on Brussels’ tourism and culture.
Table 11.3. Strengths and weaknesses of Brussels’ tourism. (Source: various authors’
interpretation; Jansen-Verbeke et al., 2005.)
Strengths Weaknesses
Tourist product • The main market square • No outstanding landmarks

is core of the tourist area • No international top
attraction
• Rich architectural heritage • Limited benefits for tourism
• Conference centre from the meetings, incentives,
• Accessibility and international conferences and events
connections (MICE) market
• Inadequate infrastructure for
major events/conferences
Target groups • The EU potential market • Low level of economy in the
volume new EU member states
• The market share of business • Expectations of business
tourism tourist unknown
• Multiculturality • No ‘European city centre’
• Product reputation
Marketing • Synergy between business • Limited offer of city trips to
and leisure tourism Brussels from the new EU
• Extensive promotion material member state
• Location and number of visitor • Little awareness of and
centres coherence in the tourist offer
• A negative image of Brussels’
tourism
• Promotion material: no targeted
website
• Incoherent tourist promotion
organizations create
confusion
Table 11.4. Opportunities and critical success factors for Brussels’ tourism.
(From various sources. Authors’ interpretation; Jansen-Verbeke et al., 2005.)
Opportunities Critical success factors
Tourist product • Nocturnes in the • Adequate financial

museums resources for renovation and
conservation
• An international • Integrated planning of tourism
tourism marker ‘spots’ and tracks
• Increase multicultural
participation in
tourist activities
Target groups • Expansion of EU and • Economic development in the
consolidation of new EU member states
Brussels as EU • Transport – rail and airlines
forum
Marketing • A new and larger • New city trip packages by tour
market operators
• Innovation in product • Proactive promotion strategies
development for the leisure tourist
• Consolidate a leading • Focus on the Brussels’
position in the MICE experience: ‘joie de vivre’,
market ‘art de vivre’
Conclusion: Brussels, ‘Yours to Discover’
The complexity of a city like Brussels cannot be communicated easily, neither

the beauty of impressive historical sites (e.g. main market square) nor the
vibrant liveliness of typical multi-ethnic quarters (Matongo). A field laboratory
for interdisciplinary research by all means, but in terms of innovative strategies
for a sustainable development of the urban cultural economy, much more
research-based insight in the physical, functional and organizational networks
is required.
Possibly the dynamics of a multilayered city are more difficult to manage,
and there is no blueprint for capital cities wanting to capitalize on their ‘hierar-
chical advantages’. Learning from comparative studies tends to lead to more
‘copy and paste’ strategies so there is no other option than creativity and col-
laborative engagement of stakeholders, including the tourism academic
community.
In addition, the case of Brussels is, in that sense, rather unique and chal-
lenging, as this chapter has attempted to illustrate. With five capital functions
and no less than five institutional levels involved in the outward promotion of
Brussels, more engagement from stakeholders, collaboration and coordination
is needed than, probably, in any other capital in Europe. As a national capital,
Brussels is not uncontested and still in the middle of ‘the battlefield of Europe’.
Hence, wanting to be the capital of Europe adds to the complexity. For tourism
and culture, Brussels is promoted by the Flemish and Walloon tourist boards.
Also, the city and region of Brussels, as well as the European institutions are
involved. It creates many opportunities, but also a complex contextual and
institutional framework that seems to make it virtually impossible to take advan-
tage of these opportunities.
It is hard for Brussels to create a consistent brand image and even then it
will always be linked to European bureaucracy and dullness. Because of the
institutional webs of influence, consistent urban planning, cultural policies,
tourism development and strategy are also hard to implement. Therefore,
where Brussels seems to have benefited from several unique historical develop-
ments, it is also still struggling in many areas in order to deal with the opportu-
nities presented. It is a unique case in many respects and therefore an interesting
object of study including questions such as: what is the identity of the city in
such a multilayered capital? How can it be represented through clever brand
architectures (a European mother-brand and national or regional sub-brands)?
How can collaboration between multiple agencies at multiple levels lead to suc-
cessful planning and development? How does all this, and the actual product
offering, build images and perceptions? A unique case that is still ‘ours’ and
‘yours’ to discover.
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Cultural events as catalysts of change:
12 Putting the Capital ‘C’
into Cardiff’s Identity
as a Conference Tourism
Destination
CLAIRE HAVEN-TANG AND ELERI JONES
Cardiff School of Management, UWIC
Introduction
Cities are important tourist centres with significant comparative advantage,
e.g. physical resources, infrastructure, historical and cultural resources (Ritchie
and Crouch, 2003), although Law (1992, 1993) asserts that the economic
significance of urban tourism was not recognized until the 1980s and 1990s.
National capital cities, as administrative, political, cultural and historical hubs
offer significant touristic advantage, particularly in the highly lucrative confer-
ence tourism market. City reimaging, defined as ‘the deliberate (re)presentation
and (re)configuration of a city’s image to accrue economic, cultural and political
capital’ (Smith, 2005, p. 39), can enhance the perceived attractiveness of a
destination, turning its comparative advantage to competitive advantage
(Ritchie and Crouch, 2003). However, while national capital city status affords
many benefits, reimaging to achieve these benefits can be difficult for some of
these cities.
Cardiff, capital of Wales since 1955, has taken on a new dynamism as a
national capital city since devolution in 1999. In addition to the seat of the
Welsh Assembly Government in the impressive Senedd building in Cardiff Bay,
Cardiff is Wales’s main centre for business, education, sport, tourism, culture
and media, and has enormous, and as yet, not fully realized potential for city
tourism, particularly conference tourism as will be explained in this chapter.
However, Cardiff can be described as (re)emerging as it develops as a national
capital city and grapples with the challenges of capitalness. So what would
Cardiff need to do to fully exploit its national capital city status and maximize
its potential as a conference tourism destination?
In the UK, there are many success stories of city destinations that have
undertaken effective makeovers through regeneration strategies and reimaged
themselves at the heart of dynamic city regions and as buzzing conference
destinations. Manchester, for example, is particularly interesting in the way that
160 C. Haven-Tang and E. Jones
key stakeholders – local authorities, universities and tourism operators – have

rallied to underpin the conference tourism proposition developed by Marketing
Manchester. A team approach, supported by the activities of the unique
Northwest Conference Bidding Unit (NCBU), has defined Manchester as an
exemplar conference tourism destination and turned comparative advantage to
competitive advantage. Despite Manchester’s slightly larger population (approx-
imately 400,000 compared with 320, 000 in Cardiff) both cities have an indus-
trial heritage, a strong cultural identity and made a paradigm shift to a
knowledge-based economy following the demise of heavy industry. In selecting
Manchester as a comparator, Cardiff had not recognized the significance of
capital city status. In contrast, Manchester was critically aware of the benefits
of national capital city status for the conference tourism market and strongly
emphasized this in the interviews.
This chapter will analyse the many lessons for best practice that Manchester
offers and apply them to the case of Cardiff, exploring its redevelopment as a
post-industrial region with its universities as knowledge catalysts supporting
conference tourism and inward investment.
Conference Tourism, Inward Investment and Knowledge Transfer

Conference tourism, with high delegate spend and high yield, is a rapidly grow-
ing and a highly lucrative subset of the broader tourism industry, and medical
conferences are the jewel in the conference crown (Haven-Tang et al., 2006).
It can enhance destination image, attract inward investment and counter sea-
sonality. Recognition of the opportunities provided by this lucrative market has
led many cities to implement marketing and regeneration initiatives to attract
domestic and international conferences constructing purpose-built convention
centres to improve destination image and generate benefit for local residents
and the economy (Law, 1992, 1993; Hankinson, 2005). Conference tourism
offers cities the opportunity to exploit the business extenders market (Rogers,
2008), with prolonged stays by delegates bringing additional income.
Notwithstanding this, some benefits of conference tourism are relatively short-
term and the peripatetic nature of some conferences reduces its potential for
repeat business. Nevertheless, conference tourism can act as a catalyst for
long-term city tourism opportunities, including the short-break leisure market
and attracting inward investment. The Business Tourism Partnership (2007)
reports that approximately 40% of business travellers return with their families
to destinations previously visited for business tourism.
There is great diversity in the conference market in terms of the scale,
and hence the requisite infrastructure and economic impact. The British
Association of Conference Destinations (BACD, 2005, p. 2) defines a con-
ference as ‘an out of office meeting of at least four hour’s duration involving
a minimum of 8 people’. Conferences and meetings are commonly divided
into two market segments: corporate and association. Corporate conferences
and meetings include sales conferences, product launches, board meetings,
training courses, business presentations, annual general meetings, incentives
Cardiff: a Conference Tourism Destination 161
and corporate hospitality. Generally, the corporate market has high expecta-
tions of their conference experience. The association of conference market
segment, whether national or international, includes a range of not-for-profit
organizations, e.g. professional associations and institutions, trade associations,
trade unions, voluntary bodies, charities, political parties, religious groups, soci-
eties and educational bodies, government and public sectors. The conference
market is often a focus for marketing by destinations and venues (Rogers, 2008),
as conference locations are subject to influence and often based on a rotational
system, particularly for international associations – hence destinations often
participate in bidding processes using a destination concept to attract confer-
ence organizers and ‘win’ association events. There can be long lead-times for
some major international conferences – 8 to 12 years is not unusual.
In selecting a conference destination, hygiene factors include location,
access, infrastructure and quality (MIA, 2004), and benefits enjoyed by most
national capital cities in the UK and elsewhere. The top-three UK destina-
tions for association and corporate conferences remain fairly constant:
London, Birmingham and Manchester (MIA, 2004). As England’s national
capital city, London’s attractiveness and its accessibility for conferences are
significantly enhanced by its recognition as a world centre for finance, insur-
ance, commodity trading and communications (MICE, 2000). Cities, such as
Manchester in the north-west, take great pride in their regional capital city
status and exploit this to attract conference and inward investment. Tourism
has become a ubiquitous driver for city marketing and branding with urban
regeneration fuelled by the growth of low-cost airlines and route-development
strategies. Hankinson (2005) suggests that the role of destination branding
includes attracting inward investment, leisure and business tourists, new resi-
dents and new employees. Hubbard (1996, p. 28) asserts that ‘increasing
budgets are being set aside for image construction and advertising . . . [to] re-
image or reinvent it’. As such, destination branding is driven by long-term
repositioning strategies and short- to medium-term projects, e.g. hosting
mega events or special and major events:
Cities with larger budgets have . . . succeeded in developing positive brand images
linked, for example, to attributes such as heritage and history, the character of the
local people, associations with famous people, ‘capital’ city status and international
city status.
(Hankinson, 2005, p. 25)
Governmental regional investment has promoted the ambitions of UK regional

capital cities, such as Manchester and Birmingham, to tap into the lucrative glo-
bal conference tourism market (Balmond, 2004). The importance of hallmark
events for destination image cannot be underestimated, e.g. London’s position
as the UK’s top business and conference destination will undoubtedly be further
enhanced by the 2012 Olympic Games. While Manchester is unlikely to chal-
lenge London’s position, it has been able to capitalize on the legacy of the 2002
Commonwealth Games becoming a ‘hot’ conference destination, developing a
new conference district and exploiting Manchester’s intellectual capital.
Hankinson (2005) suggests that there is a gap in the research into the
branding of destinations for business and conference tourism, which is surpris-
ing given that many former industrial cities in Europe and the USA have suc-
cessfully regenerated their economies. Hankinson (2005) identifies eight
generic brand image attributes for business tourism destinations: physical envi-
ronment; economic activity; business tourism facilities; accessibility; social facil-
ities; strength of reputation; people characteristics and destination size. To this
list add national capital city status, which enhances awareness among potential
conference tourists.
While cities share similar comparative advantages, e.g. physical resources,
infrastructure, historical and cultural resources (Ritchie and Crouch, 2003), and
similar activities, e.g. finance and business services, power and influence, crea-
tive and cultural industries and tourism (Hall, 1999), there are complexities that
present significant challenges for destination marketing and branding. Cities
have diverse services, facilities and stakeholders that are difficult to coordinate
and over which there is little control. Previous research (Haven-Tang et al.,
2006) identified seven fundamental factors for conference destinations: leader-
ship, networking, branding, skills, ambassadors, infrastructure and bidding (see
Fig. 12.1). In addition to these factors, national capital city status in the confer-
ence market adds additional kudos and should not be underplayed as will be
evidenced in this chapter.
Fig. 12.1. BESTBET – a framework for best practice in business (and event)
tourism.
Leadership includes a clear vision and implementation strategy for confer-

ence tourism, appropriate funding, communication within the destination, stra-
tegic and operational coordination and a destination team approach involving
private- and public-sector stakeholders. Large international conferences and
events rarely return to the same destination, therefore destinations can pass
conference clients within destination networks, e.g. the International Congress
and Convention Association (ICCA), if they participate. Branding provides a
framework for destination coherence and for the competitive conference mar-
ketplace; brand image becomes a critical tool in which national capital city
status plays a critical role. A strong brand clearly understood and communi-
cated inside and outside the destination is very important. The requirement for
appropriate skills to underpin high-quality conference products and services is
a priority for conference destinations and to ensure the needs of conference
clients are adequately met.
Medical experts and universities can play a key role as ambassadors in
attracting conferences to a destination. However, the work involved in servicing
an ambassador programme and in raising awareness among ambassadors of the
support available should not be underestimated. Destination access and the
seamless integration of a destination’s transport infrastructure are critical to
conference tourism success. Regional support for route development to improve,
expand and sustain air and fast train access is important in this context.
Additionally, a range of suitable venues and accommodation within the destina-
tion is fundamental to attracting conferences. Conferences with exhibitions are
a growth area, but need venues with sufficient capacity. Bidding strategies differ
between destinations; yet, medical and other scientific conferences are widely
favoured although they require a large, adjacent exhibition centre, e.g. to accom-
modate pharmaceutical companies and generate additional income.
These seven elements are fundamental to a destination’s ambitions as a
conference destination and are evident in many conference cities. However,
they do not provide the competitive edge that differentiates a city from its com-
petitors. Differentiators might include the possession of iconic buildings and
unique cultural and/or heritage attractions, e.g. the canals of Venice or the
Pyramids in Cairo, or as identified in this chapter – national capital city status.
Research Approach
The research that underpins this chapter was undertaken as part of a wider
research project into best practice in business and event tourism (BESTBET).
BESTBET was a 2-year European Social Fund (ESF) research project approved
under the Objective 3 Operational Programme for east Wales, and focused on
promoting business competitiveness and skills needed to ensure best practice in
business and event tourism in south-east Wales. The BESTBET project (http://
www.uwic.ac.uk/bestbet/) involved the development of a case study of four
destinations (Manchester, Glasgow, Bournemouth and NewcastleGateshead),
which were selected as comparators by key public-sector stakeholders in Cardiff.
This chapter focuses on the research undertaken in Manchester that hosts the
NCBU – the first of its kind in the UK – and has been particularly successful in
the way that the private and public sectors have worked together to the benefit
of the destination. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with key stake-
holders, representing local authorities, hoteliers’ associations, destination mar-
keting organizations, conference bureaus, key venues and bidding units were
undertaken. Stakeholder interviewees in Manchester identified critical success
factors for the conference market and benchmarked best practice against which
Cardiff as a conference destination could be evaluated.
Manchester: a Regional Capital City Competing

at an International Level
Manchester lost two Olympic bids because of its external image, which became
a key issue for it to address. ‘Marketing Manchester’ was set up in 1996 to
coordinate the successful bid to host the Commonwealth Games in 2002.
Marketing Manchester was primarily a marketing agency, publicly funded with
income from the private sector. Its work in the run-up to the 2002
Commonwealth Games was about changing perceptions of Manchester. As
one interviewee commented: ‘The Commonwealth Games had an undeniable
effect on Manchester in terms of its self-esteem . . . and its perception of itself
in the marketplace. . . . Before they were talking of Leeds and Liverpool as
the competition, now they’re talking about Milan, Barcelona, Munich’.
Manchester’s excellent air, road and rail infrastructure make it accessible to
domestic and international conference markets and the airport has a route-
development fund to further enhance access. The success of the Manchester
International Convention Centre is a result of their flexibility, capacity and
close proximity to hotels.
As a regional capital city, Manchester demonstrates critical success factors
for a conference destination, and emphasizes the importance of destination
visitation for conferences as a driver for inward investment. For example, inter-
viewees emphasized the vision and commitment of the leader of Manchester
City Council who has created a local authority with the political confidence and
aspiration to develop the destination integrating conference tourism with the
longer-term city strategy, ‘He [leader of the city council] is perceived to be the
powerful driver. It would be a block if we didn’t have that strategic directional
clout’. Interviewees also demonstrated a clear understanding of the fit between
target markets and destination product, which is paramount to customer satis-
faction ‘business tourism is seen as being a key driver within the economic plan
for Manchester’. Manchester belongs to ICCA and other trade associations,
e.g. British Association of Conference Destinations (now Eventia), which ena-
bles networking with colleagues in other conference destinations, promoting
market awareness and understanding of client idiosyncrasies that are critical to
the conference decision-making process.
In contrast to the leisure market, the peripatetic nature of many conferences
precludes the short-term potential for repeat business. However, destination
reputation is crucial to conference delegates. Many interviewees stressed the

importance of Cardiff promoting its capital city status in destination branding.
Manchester runs a successful formalized ambassador programme, which facili-
tates external promotion and provides market intelligence on the associations
market. Manchester University played a critical role in providing a specialist
knowledge base exploitable for conference purposes. Team Manchester gained
the support of local communities through its community-led events strategy,
which complemented its conference tourism product. Skills development to
underpin high-quality conference products and services was prioritized. To
address the issue of first and last visitor impressions of the City, Manchester
piloted a nationally recognized qualification in Transporting Passengers by
Taxi and Private Hire alongside Welcome International and Mapping
Manchester for its airport taxi-drivers. Furthermore, a legacy of the 2002
Commonwealth Games was a database of trained volunteers, who continue to
work on major sporting events.
NCBU, established alongside Marketing Manchester and launched in July
2004, proactively uses databases, e.g. ICCA, to secure business for Manchester,
Liverpool, Blackpool and the Lake District from European and international
associations through high-quality bids. Funded by the Northwest Regional
Development Agency and Marketing Manchester, NCBU is a key element in
the north-west’s tourism and major events strategies. It is a unique approach,
especially in relation to strategic coordination: ‘we are the only bidding unit in
the country and I think we’re a very good example of how a region can work
collectively for the benefit of [conference] business staying in a particular desti-
nation’. Gathering relevant conference market intelligence is clearly essential
and ambassadors are key to this. As one interviewee commented:
Manchester will try to target people either in business or in the academic sector
who are members of professional associations who would want to bring their
conference here and be an ambassador for the city, they’re proud to live in
Manchester and they want to bring their professional association conference to
the region, so it’s a case of people signing up to be ambassadors.
Greater Manchester’s four universities (Bolton, Manchester, Manchester

Metropolitan and Salford) are important stakeholders in the conference tour-
ism, inward investment and knowledge-transfer agendas, working with a range
of public- and private-sector stakeholders. Manchester’s destination proposi-
tion is distilled into two words – ‘original’ and ‘modern’, encapsulating its strong
industrial pedigree, scientific and technological prowess of its universities and
post-industrial growth in key high-tech sectors: creative, information and com-
munication technology (ICT) or digital, finance, education, health, nanotech-
nology and bioscience. As one interviewee commented: ‘I think it’s a very
forward thinking city anyway and it always has been. They actually realized at
an early stage that it had something special to offer. I think it’s got a lot of
people who are prepared to work together’.
However, Manchester cannot claim national capital city status, which is
seen by many conference destinations as a key discriminator in attracting city
tourism and conference delegates, with many national capital cities considered
to be in a different league. Manchester interviewees were very clear about the

importance of capital city status to destination branding:
I don’t feel comfortable in punching above our weight; I don’t feel Manchester
should be going against London for example. The capital cities, and I include
Cardiff in this, are in a different league because they are capital cities and they just
have more attractiveness about them and they are a natural destination for leisure
tourism and that probably kicks off quite a bit of the business tourism.
Cardiff: a (Re)emerging National Capital City?
Cardiff was proclaimed Welsh capital in 1955, making it Europe’s youngest

national capital. It has significant industrial heritage, and was the world’s big-
gest coal-exporting port. Today a number of finance, insurance and real estate
(FIRE) (Smith, 2005) businesses have relocated to Cardiff, generating enor-
mous opportunities for conference tourism. Capital Region Tourism (CRT) –
the Regional Tourism Partnership for south-east Wales – aims to develop
Cardiff as ‘a major business tourism destination, based on facilities for confer-
ences, meetings and incentives, coupled with exciting leisure opportunities’
(TDI, 1999, p. 1). However, Cardiff’s hoteliers in particular rue its lack of a
convention centre and exhibition space to attract the highly lucrative medical
and scientific conferences.
Internationally, Cardiff is a small city and its conference market is still small.
A focus on the conference market and development of the list of conference
products, which currently includes larger venues such as the Millennium Stadium,
the Wales Millennium Centre (WMC), St David’s Hall and the Cardiff International
Arena, as well as a range of hotel and unique venues, would be likely to deliver
high yields in repositioning Cardiff as a contemporary and sophisticated destina-
tion (LDC, 2003). Certainly, infrastructure developments through world-class
venues, especially the Millennium Stadium and WMC are helping to raise aware-
ness of Cardiff as a conference destination among potential conference clients.
Judith Isherwood, Chief Executive of the WMC explained that:
building a new urban identity through the creation of a cultural landmark
has had a catalytic effect on civic ambitions globally. Many cities across
the globe now look to the arts and architecture to deliver the iconic imagery
and messaging they need to succeed as a destination.
(The Communications Group Plc, n.d.)
Cardiff boasts two universities, one with a large, world-renowned medical

school, whose ambassadors would attract medical conferences to a convention
centre. Cardiff does, however, operate an ambassador programme, targeting
its academic, medical and business communities. Funding to assist ambassa-
dors in attracting conferences to Cardiff would enhance the effectiveness of this
programme.
Skills issues in support of tourism are addressed on an all-Wales basis by
the Tourism Training Forum for Wales working regionally with Capital Region
Tourism and locally with Cardiff City Council. No specific training in relation to
conference markets is on offer. Flexible, accredited training courses for the
conference market would bridge this gap and increase professionalism.
Although it has a route-development fund, Cardiff Airport currently has
a limited number of UK and international routes. Cardiff is not a member of
ICCA and does not have a bidding unit to proactively bid for international
conferences. A bidding unit would be key to Cardiff’s conference tourism
promotion and the strategic and operational coordination of stakeholders. It
would offer destination leadership and use city branding to cohere and dif-
ferentiate Cardiff and promote civic pride. Such a unit would proactively
match target markets to Cardiff’s conference products, using the ICCA
database.
One significant shortfall in Cardiff’s destination strategy is the whole issue
of effective local leadership, which was very evident in the Manchester case
study. It is possible that national politics associated with Cardiff’s role as the
national capital city adumbrate local politics, which might better serve Cardiff’s
immediate interests as a conference tourism destination. Strong political lead-
ership, confident to make bold decisions without over-consulting, is needed to
overcome Cardiff’s modesty in embracing its national capital city status as part
of its branding strategy. As one Cardiff-based interviewee suggested: ‘An
important question is whether Wales [and Cardiff] wants to be on the world
stage? There is a lot of parochialism. If the answer is “yes” then Wales [and
Cardiff] must have an aggressive, proactive event management team to lead’.
Another Cardiff-based interviewee commented:
Glasgow and Edinburgh revel in their capital city status and the rivalry has
proved healthy. . . . Both cities have similar facilities, which act as pull factors.
However, the fact that they recognize themselves as capitals means that they
are confident to draw focus onto themselves rather than thinking about how this
might be seen by people in other parts of Scotland.
Furthermore, this interviewee asserted that external marketing to exploit

national capital city status depends upon destination confidence:
If a destination is confident and sees itself as a capital – why align itself with the
region instead of promoting itself? Glasgow and Edinburgh are not sensitive with
regards to what is happening elsewhere in Scotland and have the confidence to
promote themselves as Glasgow or Edinburgh. Destinations cannot always be fair
to other destinations in their region or country.
Additionally, bidding processes can benefit destination branding and generate

media attention, as explained by one interviewee:
NewcastleGateshead were very quick to take advantage of the [European City of
Culture 2008] short-listing process, regardless of the fact that they lost the bid,
and set-up Culture. However, NewcastleGateshead has a much stronger
leadership and saw Culture as an important part of their product, with Culture
reinforcing their offer as a destination. For example, Cardiff could have taken
a much bolder approach to marketing the 2005 [centenary] celebrations, but
the city does not appear to have a strong sense of direction and direction is
dependent upon where a city places its priorities.
Embracing its national capital city status provides huge opportunities for Cardiff,
but is still under-exploited. As one interviewee commented:
Cardiff’s destination marketing has been negligible and demonstrates that more
joined-up thinking between economic development and destination marketing is
required. There is the potential to exploit [national] capital city status, especially as
a result of events at the Millennium Stadium and the Wales Millennium Centre –
which has done for culture what the Millennium Stadium has done for sport.
Cardiff’s modesty about its capital city status was something that one Manchester
interviewee specifically commented upon:
I’ve had that conversation in the past [about Cardiff and its role as a capital].
It was an industry meeting debate in Cardiff; it was interesting to hear what
they were saying from the city’s side and how everybody else saw them. It was
really two quite different types – everybody else saw Cardiff as the capital city
but people from Cardiff didn’t see it like that. Come on guys you’re sitting on a
goldmine!
More recently, there has been increasing exploitation of Cardiff’s national cap-
ital city status in Cardiff’s branding exercise with straplines such as ‘Cardiff,
Capital City of Learning’ and ‘Cardiff, Europe’s Youngest Capital’. To compete
with other regional and national capital cities, Cardiff needs to reimage, empha-
sizing its national capital city status. A recent destination rebranding exercise,
initiated by Cardiff Council, culminated in the creation of a new-destination
marketing organization, Cardiff & Co., and a new visual logo to represent
the city. ‘The launch of the new place brand for Cardiff is a departure from the
stereotypical dragons and daffodils of the past. It takes its inspiration from
the palette of colours that represent the city – from the greens of its parks
to the blues of its waterfront’ (Cardiff & Co., 2008a). Cardiff’s unique selling
proposition is its compactness, its position as a gateway to Wales and its
enormous range of high-quality attractions and activities.
Cardiff & Co. – a new public–private sector partnership involving Cardiff
Council, Cardiff Harbour Authority, investor members, corporate supporters
and the tourism sector – was established to promote Cardiff nationally and
internationally, enhance investor confidence and attract visitors, business tour-
ism, academia, international events and major inward investment (Cardiff &
Co., 2008b). It is taking the lead in relation to conference tourism. At the
launch of the logo, a spokesperson for Cardiff & Co. stated:
We are confident that we have created a distinctive brand for Cardiff that has the
potential to give the Welsh capital a competitive advantage that will stand out on
the world stage. The place brand is a banner under which the city can rally to
spread our message to the world – our ambitious, young capital can compete with
the great cities of the world as a place to live, work, visit, invest and study.
(BBC News, 2008)
The National Tourism Strategy for Wales (WAG, 2006), stresses that a strong
brand identity must be reinforced at all levels to enable Wales to increase its
market share of international and UK visitors. This is imperative if Cardiff is

to compete effectively with other more-established UK and European cities
and conference destinations, ultimately moving into the global marketplace,
and is underpinned by one of the key outcomes for branding ‘[the] value of
business tourism to increase by a greater rate than tourism overall’ (WAG,
2006, p. 63).
However, Cardiff’s strategy is not unique and has been adopted by a
number of other European cities with varying success. To stand out from the
crowd in the conference marketplace will be a tough challenge. In the opinions
of external competitors, Cardiff is under-exploiting its national capital city sta-
tus. In contrast, Cardiff & Co. considers that it has ‘created a distinctive brand
for Cardiff that has the potential to give the Welsh capital a competitive advan-
tage that will stand out on the world stage’ (Cardiff & Co., 2008c). The impor-
tance of the branding exercise cannot be overstated – Cardiff & Co. asserts that
it is ‘a crucial instrument in achieving this goal, providing a framework for
image development and for inward investment and tourism related marketing
campaigns’ (Cardiff & Co., 2008c). Cardiff & Co. has sought to promote
Cardiff as an international capital city as part of its vision for the future develop-
ment of Cardiff, by focusing on activities and strong and vibrant images that
raise Cardiff’s national and international profile. Whether it has done enough
in relation to this is something that only time will tell.
Cardiff must use its national capital city status to turn comparative advan-
tage from its rich industrial heritage, post-industrial growth resulting from the
relocation of FIRE businesses to Cardiff, universities and knowledge capital,
high-quality environment, infrastructure developments and high-quality venues
into competitive advantage. In this endeavour, it should build on the example
set by Manchester to fulfil its conference tourism potential through embracing
its national capital city status.
Conclusion
In terms of conference destination fundamentals, Cardiff has an established

ambassador programme. It also has a new place brand. Its accessibility in terms
of its transport infrastructure needs enhancement through route development
and an integrated transport network. In terms of infrastructure, Cardiff must
address the convention centre and exhibition space issue. Leadership for con-
ference tourism is contested – if Cardiff, and specifically the newly established
Cardiff & Co. – is to lead Wales’ conference ambitions, there must be stake-
holder consensus and support for this. Some stakeholders question Cardiff’s
vision for itself as a conference destination and the strength and confidence of
its leadership to exploit its national capital city status in developing Cardiff as a
conference destination. A Cardiff-based bidding unit with ICCA membership
could network on an all-Wales basis in the same way that the NCBU does on
behalf of the north-west to maximize the potential of the ambassador pro-
gramme. Conference-oriented training would underpin the conference destina-
tion proposition.
It is interesting that Cardiff sees its competition as Manchester, Glasgow,

Bournemouth and NewcastleGateshead – regional not capital cities. In these
‘competitor’ destinations, Cardiff is seen to be massively under-exploiting its
capital city status. Developing Cardiff as a conference destination and exploiting
its national capital city status is not just about Cardiff, but is also about Cardiff as
a gateway to Wales and dispersing benefits across Wales. ‘There is a mutually
symbolic and beneficial relationship between Cardiff and the rest of the region
[Southeast Wales]. Cardiff will not achieve its tourism potential without the rest
of the region and the region cannot succeed without Cardiff’ (LDC, 2003, p. 6).
In Cardiff, capitalness is poorly understood among key private- and public-sector
stakeholders, it is not integrated into destination branding and development and
there are tensions among stakeholders both inside and outside Cardiff about
Cardiff’s role in balancing the fulfilment of its local interests with its role as
Wales’ national capital city in fulfilling national and international interests. Fully
embracing Cardiff’s national capital city status in underpinning the conference
destination proposition would provide a focus for re-engineering the images of
Cardiff and Wales internationally and an opportunity to accelerate Cardiff’s re-
emergence as a capital city on the international stage. To pin Welsh tourism
aspirations just on conference tourism would clearly not be reasonable. However,
enhancing Cardiff as a conference tourism destination is an important plank in
a strategy to diversify the Welsh tourism product portfolio.
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13 International Business
Tourism: the Case of Dublin
HEATHER SKINNER1 AND PAUL BYRNE2
1University of Glamorgan; 2EAE-Escuela de Administracion de Empresas
Introduction
The island of Ireland lies to the west of Britain, separated from the mainland by
the Irish Sea. In 1921, after centuries of political unrest, the island was eventu-
ally partitioned by the 1920 Government of Ireland Act. This Act created two
nations with two parliaments, 6 northern counties formed Northern Ireland
with its political centre in Belfast, and the remaining 26 counties comprised the
Irish Free State, or Eire, with its political centre in Dublin. Eire left the
Commonwealth of the British Empire in 1949 and became the Republic of
Ireland, with Dublin remaining as its capital to this day. The influence of
Northern Ireland’s period of civil unrest known as ‘The Troubles’, which began
in 1969 and lasted until the ‘Good Friday Agreement’ of 1998, affects overall
perceptions of the island of Ireland, where consideration may be given to the
perceptions of safety and security about prospective business tourism destina-
tions (see Gould and Skinner, 2007, for a more detailed overview of the key
developments during this period of Irish history and its impact on tourism to
the island).
In common with many other western European nations that have experi-
enced a decline in manufacturing and heavy industry, followed by an attendant
rise in the importance of the service economy (Skinner, 2005), tourism has
become a significant contributor to Ireland’s economy. Even though the island
of Ireland is politically divided, cooperation between the two nations exists in
terms of its tourism promotion, and Tourism Ireland markets the island of
Ireland as a whole for general tourism. The business tourism sector within the
respective territories is, however, marketed separately by the Northern Ireland
Tourist Board, and the Republic’s Fáilte Ireland.
This chapter will explore the nature of the international business tourism
market and how a capital city’s brand influences business tourism decisions.
Then, with specific reference to Dublin, it will also explore the influence of the
International Business Tourism in Dublin 173
nation brand of the Republic of Ireland and that of its neighbour, Northern
Ireland, on these decisions.
International Business Tourism
It is estimated that around 30% of all international arrivals are for business
purposes (Boniface and Cooper, 2001), and in many European cities the eco-
nomic contribution of business tourism outweighs that from leisure tourism by
two to three times (Bradley et al., 2002). Yet, despite this, there has been lim-
ited academic research into this specific area of the tourism industry, even
though business tourism has emerged as a significant subsection of the tourist
industry, both in terms of volume of travel and expenditure generated:
Business travel complicates the simple idea of tourism being just another
recreational activity. Clearly, business travel is not regarded as part of a person’s
leisure time and cannot be thought of as recreation. Yet, because business travellers
use the same facilities as those travelling for pleasure and they are not permanent
employees or residents of the host destination, they must be included in any
definition of tourists.
(Boniface and Cooper, 2005, p. 13)
Business tourism is defined as ‘travel associated with attendance at corporate

or association meetings, conferences, conventions or congresses or public or
trade exhibitions’ (Bradley et al., 2002, p. 62). The acronym MICE is used in
describing the general meetings, incentives, conferences and exhibitions mar-
ket referring to business travel where the final destination is subject to influ-
ence or is promotable. The literature on the MICE market highlights the
differences in the two main market segments of association meetings and
corporate meetings, a typical distinction being that, ‘association meetings are
organized by inter national governmental organizations, and non-governmen-
tal organizations or associations, while corporate meetings are organized by
profit-driven private sector interests’ (Price Waterhouse Coopers, 2001). The
United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) recommends defini-
tions of the MICE sector be broadened to include all:
activities based on the organization promotion, sales and delivery of meetings and
events; products and services that include corporate, association and government
meetings, corporate incentives, seminars, congresses, conferences, conventions
events, exhibitions and fairs.
(UNWTO, 2006, p. 4)
The two principal bodies responsible for managing the flow of data and
information on the MICE market are the International Congress and
Convention Association (ICCA) and the Union of International Associations
(UIA). All but 2 of the top 22 cities identified in the ICCA rankings of top
meeting destinations for 2007 are national capitals (based upon the number
of meetings organized by international associations that take place on a
regular basis, and which rotate between a minimum of three countries) with
the exception of Barcelona and Istanbul. Thirteen of the top 22 are European
174 H. Skinner and P. Byrne
cities. However, Dublin does not appear in the rankings at all, with Brussels,
coming lowest in joint 22nd place, hosting 66 such international meetings
(ICCA website).
According to UNWTO figures published in 2009, Europe accounts for
53% of the world’s entire international tourist trade, attracting 500 million
arrivals, attracts even higher numbers of domestic arrivals, and is likely to retain
this market share despite a global downturn in trade. These levels of tourism
may, at least in part, help account for Europe’s share of the international busi-
ness tourism market. However, Ireland as a whole ranked only 16th out of 42
of the top international destinations in 2006, based on the number of arrivals,
although international arrivals increased by 9.7% on the previous year, the
second highest percentage increase of all countries in the top 20 (European
Travel Commission, 2008).
Market share is also affected by the amount of foreign direct investment
(FDI) that a nation attracts. Price Waterhouse Coopers (2001) have noted that,
‘countries that generate/host the largest volume of corporate meetings busi-
ness will be those that generate or receive large volumes of foreign direct
investment’. They have further noted that, ‘corporate meeting planners also
enjoy less flexibility in their selection of destinations – a high proportion of
meetings never taking place at a destination where the organization does not
have a representation’. This is also the case with association meetings – a
locally based ‘champion’ or ‘ambassador’ normally being a prerequisite – but
the membership base is likely to be much more geographically spread than a
company’s overseas representation. Destination rotation is thus more muted in
the case of the corporate meetings market.
Business tourism in Ireland
In general, it has been suggested that there is a broad correlation between a

country’s general tourism performance and performance in the international
conference market. The Republic of Ireland has been identified as excep-
tional along with one or two other European destinations in rating highly
among statistics for general tourism in Europe but, by comparison, faring
relatively poorly for conference and business tourism. In 2002, there were
121,000 overseas visitors attending conferences and meetings in Ireland.
Fáilte Ireland estimates that, of these visitors, 44,000 were attending asso-
ciation conferences, up from 37,000 in 2001. The sector has performed
very well in recent years – visitor numbers increasing at an average rate of
7% per annum between 1997 and 2002. Lennon and Seaton (1998, p. 146)
have however stated that ‘the lack of an international conference and exhi-
bition arena clearly reduces the appeal of [Ireland’s] capital for larger
elements of the business tourism market’. Fáilte Ireland also recognizes
shortcomings in the country’s infrastructure to support business tourism:
‘principal amongst these being, the lack of a national conference centre;
small average size of hotels and shortage of large scale banqueting facilities’.
(Fáilte Ireland, 2004).
Such infrastructural issues are now however being addressed, particularly with
the near completion of a world-class, purpose-built international conference
and event venue in Dublin that is scheduled to open in September 2010.
There have also been recent changes to Ireland’s finance bill that allow dele-
gates to reclaim value added tax (VAT) paid on accommodation expenses to
qualifying conferences, which is also aiming to improve the perception of
Ireland as a business tourism destination. Other reasons cited by Fáilte Ireland’s
Business Tourism Section for choosing Ireland as a conference destination
are: top-class conference facilities; easy and inexpensive access; a full range of
accommodation; ‘top’ technology; and the fact that ‘people love Ireland and
are eager to experience first-hand the economic miracle and vibrant cultural
scene they have heard so much about’. Reference is also made to the friendly
people, the spectacular scenery and historic sights, the outdoor activities, the
cultural activities, the peace and tranquillity and, of course, the famous creamy
stout. ‘The countryside is inspirational and the magic and mystery of Ireland is
as refreshing as a long, cool drink’ (http://www.conference-ireland.ie). Morgan
et al. (2002, p. 60) have found that, ‘every country claims a unique culture,
landscape and heritage, each place describes itself as having the friendliest
people, and high standards of customer service and facilities are now expected’.
As a result, the need for destinations to create a unique identity in order to
differentiate themselves from their competitors is more crucial than ever.
However, the Republic of Ireland has been running the same basic brand
proposition in its various marketing campaigns for some decades, and yet it is
unclear whether the brand construct that has served Ireland’s general tourism
market so well can apply equally when attracting business tourism to Dublin,
the nation’s capital city:
Tourism has always been viewed as a vital contributor to the Irish economy, and
with over 150,000 employees, there’s a lot invested in it. But the aftershock of
September 11, SARS and the Iraq war continue to be felt, and although tourism
numbers were up in 2003, the revenue growth was just over 2%. A new
approach was needed, and the new national tourism development authority, Fáilte
Ireland, is putting a lot of eggs in the business travel basket.
(Business and Finance, 2004)
Business tourism in Dublin
Price Waterhouse Coopers (2001) have identified that common features of

Europe’s top-performing international conference destinations include a rela-
tively high international profile, a city-based convention bureau and two or
more dedicated convention facilities, with at least one facility having theatre-
style seating for at least 2,500 delegates.
While Dublin rates very strongly on the first two of these criteria, it unfor-
tunately, in turn, rates very poorly on the latter. The profile of the destination
is strong, and a separate body within Dublin tourism, Dublin Convention
Bureau, has been formed to specifically develop the nation’s capital for
business tourism purposes. Dublin Convention Bureau identify themselves as

‘a destination marketing organization that aims to promote and position
Dublin as one of the leading meeting, conference and event destinations in
the world’ (Dublin Convention Bureau, 2005a). In furthermore seeking to
differentiate Dublin from the competition and from the traditional image put
forward in promoting the island of Ireland, Dublin Convention Bureau
states:
if you’re looking for a glimpse of a young lively city, with a vibrant nightlife, a
glimpse of an ancient civilisation, a cultural feast, a musical odyssey, stunning
scenery, and a spectacular coastline – you’ve come to the right place! . . . Dublin
is no longer simply mahogany, brass and a good pint of stout – it’s also martinis,
hip fashion and cutting edge design.
Dublin Convention Bureau, 2005b)
As the nation’s capital, Dublin is in the fortunate position of being able to capi-
talize on having attracted a large proportion of the nation’s FDI from many
leading global companies. Ireland’s FDI promotional agency, the Industrial
Development Agency (IDA), recognizes that the nation ‘is a key global location
for the pharmaceutical industry, and currently thirteen of the top fifteen com-
panies in the world have substantial operations in Ireland’. Furthermore, they
identify Ireland as ‘one of the most attractive locations for investment in infor-
mation and communications technology. Over 300 overseas information and
communications technology (ICT) companies develop, market and manufac-
ture a wide range of leading edge products in Ireland, and seven of the world’s
top-ten ICT companies have a substantial base in Ireland’. In the medical area,
the IDA identified Ireland as being, ‘home to 15 of the world’s top-25 Medical
Technologies companies’ (www.idaireland.com). However, the absence of an
international conference and exhibitions venue could hamper further growth in
the MICE market, although this matter is being addressed by Fáilte Ireland, and
its plans for the long-awaited national conference centre should provide the
window of opportunity that the country has been waiting in order to become a
serious contender in the international meetings market. Indeed, Dublin is the
only region within Ireland for which Fáilte Ireland has included a specific stra-
tegic objective concerning business tourism. However, this objective is stated
very broadly as ‘development of conference and incentive visits and an events-
led strategy to build a solid year-round tourism business’, with no real identifica-
tion of how Dublin should achieve this.
National capital tourism
While Ireland’s national tourism bodies continue to focus on the country’s

stunning natural landscapes, friendly people and a strong sense of culture,
Dublin Tourism aims to position the city in the international marketplace as
‘a separate and distinct brand that appeals to business and leisure travellers
alike’ (Dublin Tourism, 2003), differentiating Dublin, the nation’s capital,
from the competition and from the traditional image put forward in promoting
the rest of Ireland. Lennon and Seaton (1998, p. 139) identified that
‘Dublin’s key advantages appear to be history of literature and culture, a
demographic profile which is largely young and its intangible fashionable
image’. Karmowska (1996, p. 140) similarly stated ‘the importance of cul-
tural heritage in the competition between cities when organizing confer-
ences and congresses’, which is one of the most important sources of income
for many European historic cities. Dublin has ‘served as the nation’s capital
since medieval times’ (Dunne et al., 2007, p. 98). This capital city has a
strong cultural and literary heritage, impressive architecture, and is the coun-
try’s ‘principal transport node . . . and the principal point of access for inter-
national visitors’ (Dunne et al., 2007, p. 98). Karmowska (1996, p. 139)
believes that city marketing involves, above all, ‘the fashioning of the prod-
uct and its image in such a way that its recipients will see it as we wish them
to’. Therefore, city marketing has an extremely important function to play,
forming a bridge between the potential represented by the city, and the use
of this potential for the benefit of the local society and the nation as a whole.
McManus (2001) identified that in the late 1980s, Dublin tourism could con-
tribute to a then ailing city economy. The accordant improvements in the
city’s fortunes that ensued were underlined by McManus’s (2001, p. 104)
assertion that, ‘in the past, it was common for arriving tourists to leave the
city almost immediately in search of the much promoted green idyll. However,
increasingly tourist arrivals are staying longer in the Capital and may not
travel elsewhere’. A further complication in studying national capital tourism
is that it is becoming increasingly evident that business tourists attracted to a
meeting taking place in a national capital may also choose to extend their
stay for leisure tourism purposes. In the case of Dublin, it will be interesting
to explore if these business tourists also remain within the capital or are
indeed attracted to explore a wider geographical area.
We have therefore undertaken research into the extent to which Dublin’s
positioning and prominence as the nation’s capital influences, and is influ-
enced by, the overall perceptions of Ireland as a prospective business tourism
destination. An additional objective was to identify the role of business tourism
to the capital city Dublin plays in generating general tourism to the rest of
Ireland.
Research Methods and Results
This research (also see Byrne and Skinner, 2007) has primarily employed the
repertory grid interview technique, a method that has previously been applied
in considering consumer perceptions of places and in identifying criteria used
in making destination consumption decisions (Coshall, 2000; Pike, 2003;
Hankinson, 2004). The research was undertaken by conducting interviews and
online focus groups with respondents drawn from international organizations
based in Europe and the USA. In addition, responses to a questionnaire were
gathered from 59 delegates attending a major international conference in
Dublin. Fourteen interviewees were drawn from international organizations
based outside Ireland and from a range of backgrounds incorporating

International Conference Organizers within Organizations; Professional
International Conference and Event Organizers; International Academic
Conference Delegates or Organizers; as well as Professional Body Conference
Delegates or Organizers. Fourteen depth interviews were conducted. Two
online focus groups were convened, one comprising seven European respond-
ents, the other with six respondents based in the USA.
Content analysis was employed to analyse repertory grids. This is an
appropriate method of analysis where the constructs derived are all different
and have been elicited rather than supplied. It is thus necessary to summarize
the various meanings present in the grids for the whole sample, in identifying
common underlying themes and in developing categories. This research is
bottom-up, data-led and interpretative.
It was interesting to note the responses from members of the online focus
groups who identified that their decision criteria when choosing whether to
attend a conference was heavily influenced by the destination:
Yes, it is as important a consideration as the nature of the conference itself.
After the subject of the conference, I would say the destination is the prime
concern.
The theme and content would be main issue. Destination could sway decision if
latter was not fully persuasive in itself.
Similarly, 61% of questionnaire responses indentified a conference destina-

tion as being a ‘significant’ consideration in attending international confer-
ences, 35% identified the destination as of ‘some’ consideration, and only
3.5% indicated that the conference destination was of no concern. The
overall destination criteria in general decision making for business tourism,
combining responses from all data collection instruments, is identified in
Table 13.1.
Table 13.1. Destination criteria used in decision making for business tourism.
Rank Functional dimension Ambience dimension
1 Destination accessibility Destination image: attractiveness and appeal

2 Conference/event infrastructure Destination weather conditions
3 Associated expenses and costs Entertainment, recreation and leisure
potential
4 Language spoken Destination culture
5 General destination infrastructure Destination safety and security
6 Destination professionalism:
ease of working Local cuisine
7 Strategic location and proximity Friendliness and welcome of local people
8 Destination bureaucracy Established or emerging destination
9 – Familiarity with destination
10 – Reputation for business/economic activity
Ireland’s brand performs particularly strongly within the following categories of

the functional dimension:
● Language – ‘In Ireland the language is an important factor . . . you can un-
derstand everybody in English’.
● Accessibility – ‘As a European Destination I would see (Ireland) as being a
highly accessible destination’.
● Associated expenses and cost.
Ambience dimension strengths identified were within the areas of:
● Destination image (attractiveness and appeal) – ‘in some aspects going to

Greece and Italy is going to the past and going to Ireland is going to the
future’.
● Destination culture – ‘I see Ireland as having a strong cultural heritage in
music, literature, etc . . . my perceptions of the country have been influ-
enced accordingly’.
● Security.
● Destination professionalism.
● Friendliness of the local people – ‘I would separate Belgium and Germany
from Ireland where people are more friendly and welcoming’.
The repertory grid analysis pinpoints the overriding perceptions of Ireland’s

brand image by presenting clusterings of the strongest constructs that emerged
(Table 13.2). Rankings of constructs are identified in bold for interview respond-
ents and in parenthesis for focus-group respondents.
For delegates attending a major international academic marketing confer-
ence in Dublin in July 2005, the overall identified destination criteria were quite
consistent with those which the research had previously identified among con-
ference organizers, with primary considerations being:
● Destination accessibility.
● Destination – associated expense and costs.
Table 13.2. Ireland’s defining characteristics for business tourism.
Rank Positive attributes Rank Negative characteristics
1 (1) Language, level of English spoken 1 (2) Weather

2 (3) Accessibility 2 (1) Conference infrastructure
3 (–) Safety and security 3 (–) Local cuisine
4 (6) Culture 4 (–) Associated expenses and costs
5 (–) Professionalism – ease of working 5 (–) Recreation and leisure activities
6 (2) Image – attractiveness and appeal – (3) Accessibility
7 (–) Associated expenses and costs – (4) Bureaucracy
8 (4) Friendliness and welcome – (5) Image – attractiveness and appeal
– (5) General infrastructure
– (6) Recreation and leisure activities
● Destination image – attractiveness and appeal.

● New destination for delegate.
● Destination culture.
● Destination safety and security.
For over 83% of these conference delegates, the destination, Ireland, had
been of significant or of some influence in making the decision to attend the
event, with over 50% of responses indicating that the conference’s location
in Dublin had been significant in this regard. This bore out the results of the
online focus group who also noted the importance of the city rather than
country destination: ‘I think more in terms of a city as the destination (much
the same as the Olympics where I think of Barcelona first and Spain second
and Sydney first and Australia second)’. However, views were also moder-
ated by proximity to and detailed knowledge of a potential destination:
‘I feel it depends on one’s knowledge of the proposed destination. I would
think of a city in many cases, but if I did not know the city in question
I would think of the country. E.g. Thailand, Vietnam, etc. where I don’t
really know their cities’. Distance was also an issue in distinguishing between
the nation brand and the capital city brand. Except for one interviewee who
indicated similar perceptions of the two destination brands, 13 of 14
European interviewees stated they would consider ‘Destination Dublin’
before ‘Destination Ireland’. Among reasons cited in making this distinction
were that: ‘Dublin has a specific identity – urban, vibrant and young. . .
Ireland can be more rural, scenic and traditional. Both are culturally and
historically well perceived’. All US respondents indicated that they would
consider Destination Ireland before Destination Dublin, because, for US
interview respondents:
In the US, Ireland is certainly more familiar.

As for Ireland, the country is small so the branding is more tangible and
identifiable relating to the country as a whole. I know that Dublin is very
cosmopolitan and is being built-up everyday, however, many have a vague
understanding of what Dublin is.
Even for me who spends time in Europe and is familiar with Dublin. I believe
this holds true for your average foreign, naïve business traveller or conference
participant.
It would therefore appear that in the USA there is a rather vague notion
about Dublin (if there is any notion at all) and accordingly, it would seem
crucial to focus business tourism promotions on Ireland’s image even when
the business tourism destination is in Dublin. Conversely, for European
respondents it would appear that Dublin’s brand equity for business tourism
appears to exceed that of Ireland; with Dublin as a capital city being per-
ceived more so as a conference destination than other parts of the island.
Table 13.3. National and capital brand attributes compared.
Rank Perceived attributes of Ireland Rank Perceived attributes of Dublin
1 Rural, scenic, countryside 1 Entertaining, lively

2 Different types of experience 2 Cosmopolitan
3 Fewer amenities 3 Accessibility
4 Cultural capital
5 Infrastructure
Responses indicate a very clear distinction between the two destination

brands: Dublin’s brand being perceived as cosmopolitan whereas Ireland’s
is a more traditional, rural image. Questionnaire responses also identified
differences in the perceptions of the nation brand of Ireland, and the brand
attributes of its capital city, Dublin (Table 13.3).
Dublin would appear to have succeeded in developing positive brand
images linked, for example, to attributes such as heritage and history, the char-
acter of the local people, associations with famous people, capital city status
and international city status. Accordingly, the location of a conference in Dublin
against the backdrop of its overall location, in Ireland, may add value for the
visitor in terms of the additional travel possibilities which the respective terri-
tories would provide, particularly for out-of-conference activities. Delegates to
the international conference in Dublin were also therefore asked if they would
spend additional time in Dublin or Ireland either pre- or post-conference and,
if so, by how many days and for what purpose. Results indicated that 27% of
delegates had arrived early with almost half of these (43.75%) spending just
1 day in Ireland before the conference and 75% of whom had come for general
tourism purposes. A similar percentage of respondents (30%) indicated that
they would spend additional time in Dublin or Ireland after the conference, just
under 40% of whom would stay for just 1 day.
Conclusion
This chapter has aimed to investigate and draw conclusions on the hitherto
relatively under-explored area of branding destinations for conference and busi-
ness tourism, specifically evaluating Ireland’s brand in this regard, while also
considering comparisons between the national and capital city brands for busi-
ness tourism and delegate motivations in undertaking such travel.
Of factors identified in influencing Ireland’s consistently stronger perform-
ance in general as compared with business tourism, most significant were nega-
tive perceptions surrounding Ireland’s conference infrastructure and facilities it
provides for such events, a matter presently being addressed by the relevant
agencies in Ireland. Of the key dimensions identified as contributing to Ireland’s
brand for business tourism, the importance of managing perceptions of the
local people, the place and its culture are consistent with those already being
applied in many of Ireland’s other general tourism promotion activities. Ireland’s
inward investment promotion agency, the IDA, has also included these ele-
ments in its promotional efforts. The research has, however, identified two
additional dimensions upon which Ireland’s overall brand construct for business
tourism may be based; one being Ireland’s changing and evolving image as a
modern, dynamic and highly successful European nation and the other being
based around three factors upon which it is suggested that Ireland can add
value for the international business tourism sector; namely its language, its
accessibility and its security.
However, when it comes to promoting its capital city, Dublin, as a prospec-
tive business tourism destination, Dublin’s brand was viewed as being firmly
established and having its own individual and unique identity as a national capi-
tal in Europe, but was perceived differently in the USA, where Ireland’s brand
profile and identity as a prospective business tourism continues to outweigh
that of Dublin, with some doubt being expressed as to whether Dublin actually
enjoys any significant profile in that territory. Ireland’s brand construct is still
perceived in traditional terms by our respondents. Ireland was perceived as
rural and scenic, with fewer amenities, while Dublin was perceived as entertain-
ing, lively and cosmopolitan. Dublin is facing the challenge of needing business
tourism to strengthen its economy, while not faring well as a business tourism
destination when compared to other European capitals such as Vienna, Berlin
or Paris – the three highest-ranked European meetings destinations according
to the ICCA.
Our findings also show that ease of access to a business tourism destina-
tion, and the facilities offered by that destination are important for both meet-
ings organizers and delegates alike. It has been recognized that Dublin has
faced infrastructure problems, and will be unlikely to be able to attract signifi-
cantly higher numbers of business tourists until its long-awaited convention
centre is opened. However, one other issue that does appear to be important
for Dublin is the relationship between the city’s brand identity and the brand
identity of its nation, the Republic of Ireland, and also the brand identity and
reputation of Northern Ireland, its nearest neighbour nation. The Republic of
Ireland and Northern Ireland are now politically separate nations, and yet still
cooperate in terms of some of the tourism promotion for the island of Ireland
as a whole. Moreover, while Dublin has a more positive and prominent identity
in Europe, it is the brand of ‘Ireland’ that appears to have a more positive and
prominent identity further afield.
The literature points to the link between the amount of FDI generated by a
nation, and the amount of conference and meetings tourism it generates. In
this respect, Dublin, as the nation’s capital, is in the fortunate position of being
able to capitalize on having attracted FDI from many leading global companies
in pharmaceutical, medical and ICT industries. Moreover, significant impacts
have been made by representations by Fáilte Ireland’s Business Tourism Forum
in gaining positive decisions from government in respect of VAT deductability
on conference accommodation expenses, and in the long-awaited National
Convention Centre.
The location of a conference in Dublin against the backdrop of its overall

location in Ireland may add value for the visitor in terms of the additional travel
possibilities that the respective destinations would provide, particularly for out-
of-conference activities. However, our findings show that business tourists may
not always allow a significant enough timescale either before or after attending
their event for much long-distance travel to be undertaken. It would appear that
Dublin has therefore been positioned as an end destination in its own right,
despite the various tourism organizations’ efforts to gain wider benefit for the
nation from tourists initially attracted to its capital.
Business tourism is a significant component of the international tourism
market and a major contributor to the economy of places that attract visitors
for meetings, conferences, exhibitions and other corporate events. This chap-
ter has found that business tourism to capital cities can be enhanced by attract-
ing companies to directly invest in the city or nearby regions, creating and
maintaining a strong conference infrastructure, capitalizing on the ‘halo effect’
of positive brand perceptions of the nation state, and targeting closer markets
with the brand of the capital city, and markets from further afield with the
brand of the nation state that may be more familiar. One key factor that impacts
on the attraction of a business tourism destination is the status of the destina-
tion, with national capitals overwhelmingly dominating other cities as top meet-
ing destinations globally.
However, while European destinations continue to perform well, as we
have identified with the case of Dublin, it does not follow that a place will
achieve global success in the highly competitive MICE market simply by virtue
of being a European national capital city.
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14 School Excursion Management
in National Capital Cities
BRENT W. RITCHIE
University of Queensland
Introduction
As Ritchie (2003) notes, educational tourism in cities has received little interest
from researchers and industry due to a lack of appreciation of the size, poten-
tial and needs of this market, including school excursions (Larsen and Jenssen,
2004; Ritchie et al., 2008). Furthermore, as Cooper (1999, p. 89) suggests,
‘the school travel market demands a particular approach in terms of products
and promotion, and has its own very different market characteristics and influ-
ences.’ However, urban city marketeers and attraction managers need to be
aware of the demands and nature of the schools market if they intend to develop
experiences that meet the needs of teachers and students in national capital
cities. Although this market may be under-appreciated in cities, the nature of
political national capitals and the educational and scientific merit of their respec-
tive national institutions suggest that political national capitals can be important
places for curriculum-based school excursions (Pearce et al., 2004; Ritchie and
Coughlan, 2004). However, the very nature of political national capitals can
also create problems in the marketing and management of school excursions.
This chapter will first outline the size and nature of the school excursion
market broadly in selected political national capital cities, before examining a
number of school excursion management issues that attraction and destina-
tion managers need to consider in such cities. In particular, this part of the
chapter focuses on understanding the need for relevant facilities and educa-
tional resources for teachers and students to enhance their understanding of
the national capital as well as appropriate marketing of such experiences.
This section notes safety and infrastructure issues associated with school
excursions in political national capitals. Although these may be common for
school excursions in many cities, it is argued that these are exacerbated in
national capitals because of their capital status and especially because of the
nature of political capital cities. Finally, the chapter draws some conclusions
186 B.W. Ritchie
and considers the implications for future research and management of school
excursions in national capital cities.
School Excursion Demand in National Capitals

School excursions are not a major income generator for attractions or cities
and may never be ‘high yield, big business’; however they do increase the
profile of destinations to a group of potential visitors and their parents. Ritchie
and Coughlan (2004) contend that marketing to schools is as important as any
other market segment for two major reasons. First, young people’s attitudes
towards a destination and its attractions, in both public and private sector, are
likely to be influenced by the experience they have at that time of their lives.
As Cooper and Latham (1989) note, school visits are a good investment for
the future if there is favourable word of mouth from students. Second, from a
tourism visitation perspective, school groups help to bolster off-peak attend-
ances at both attractions and cities (Cooper and Latham, 1988). Perhaps an
even more compelling reason for better understanding this segment, however,
is that cultural attractions in national capitals, such as museums, art galleries,
monuments and memorials (see Chapter 10 on monumentality), have become
valued as educational and community resources and have a significant role to
play in educating children about the importance and value of the national
capital.
Although there has been a lack of research into the scale and size of
schools tourism, Cooper and Latham (1989) estimated that in England this
market undertook approximately 12 million domestic visits, which is equiva-
lent to 5% of the entire sightseeing market, and generated £8 million annually
in the late 1980s. In addition, Revell (2002) stated that, on average, school-
children in the UK spend 2 days on field trips each year. Nationwide research
in Australia identified a slight drop in the number of overnight school excur-
sions from 4 in 1998 to 3.65 in 2006, with slight drops also identified in
length of trip (to under 3 nights) and distance travelled (down to 130 km
in 1999). Cooper (1999) notes that, despite official statistics and reports in
Europe about ignoring school trips, the market is a significant one with an
estimated 70 million pupils and students in Europe alone making an estimated
100 million day trips and 15–20 million overnight trips during 1998. Despite
the potential size of the school market, a major assumption of marketeers,
education officers and planners is that the market is generic or homogeneous,
when clearly the only commonality is that it all originates in schools. The
schools market is diverse in origin, age, purpose of visit, pattern of visit, length
of stay, needs and requirements for a satisfying visit. Indeed, this market is
becoming more sophisticated with demands for high standards in accommo-
dation, educational services, interpretive materials and interactive educational
experiences (Ritchie et al., 2008).
As indicated in Chapter 2, national capitals cities are the seat of the
national government, and although this role can vary widely, in general ‘capi-
tals are unique from other cities because they provide a special site for the
School Excursion Management in Capitals 187
concentration, administration and representation of political power’ (Campbell,

2003, p. 3). Their cultural, symbolic and administrative natures therefore
attract school excursions alongside business and, conference markets (outlined
in Chapters 12 and 13), as well as cultural tourism, and are consequently
major assets for governments. The many important national institutions,
museums and monuments attract significant numbers of school excursions so
that students can understand their citizenship, democracy and the important
role of the national capital. However, this role might not be all positive with
students’ learning about the role of power and possible corruption within gov-
ernment. The national galleries and smaller and specialized museums, historic
quarters and monuments not only play an important role in preserving and
promoting positive images of national heritage and culture (Therborn, 1996),
but also generate economic returns to the destination as a result of school
excursion visits.
Research conducted in 2005 in three political national capital cities
(Ottawa, Canada; Washington, DC, USA; and Canberra, Australia), indicated
the significance of the market for these political national capitals (see Ritchie
and Peirce, 2007, for more details). In Ottawa, the National Gallery of Canada
reported that approximately 77,000 schoolchildren from across the country
visit each year. The majority of the audience were from elementary schools
(Grades 1 to 6); however, there are a growing number of students identified
from Grades 7 to 12. For many Americans, visiting the national capital is a rite
of passage and as result Washington, DC, is the top destination for student
groups; however, no data have been collected on the number of school excurs-
ion visits to the national capital, although field observations by the author
would indicate substantial numbers in the monumental precinct. Canberra has
a regular data monitoring system that estimated approximately 155,000 inter-
state schoolchildren visited the national capital in 2007 and stayed for 2.8
nights, contributing an estimated US$74 million in gross state product for the
territory up from approximately 115,000 schoolchildren in 2000 (Ritchie and
Uzabeaga, 2008). In Australia, approximately 46% of all schools have under-
taken an overnight excursion to the national capital in the previous 5 years
(Ritchie and Uzabeaga, 2007).
Marketing to schools requires a distinctive approach. The education mar-
ket is loyal and once attracted and satisfied with the services of a destination
tend to become regular, repeat visitors. According to Cooper (1999), destina-
tions should have a proactive and professional approach to promoting them-
selves to the educational travel market. From a marketing point of view, it is
important to recognize the differences in type of school and age of children
and consider the elements of the marketing mix that may attract certain
schools. First, when mapping the catchment areas of a destination or attrac-
tion for potential school visits, research shows that schools are reluctant to
take younger children on longer distances and will confine journey time to
around an hour (Cooper and Latham, 1988). This severely limits the poten-
tial catchment for destinations and attractions. For older children, distances
travelled can be greater, but schools still like to complete the visit within the
school day.
188 B.W. Ritchie
Second, the timing of marketing to schools is crucial and will depend upon
the age of the children involved. Dependent upon climate, many countries
concentrate their visits into the spring and early summer months. Decisions
on such visits are generally taken early in the school year: September or
October in the northern hemisphere, and February or March in the southern
hemisphere. For younger children, decisions on visits are made approximately
one semester ahead of the trip, whereas senior schools tend to operate on an
annual cycle. This variation in visit decision making is important from a market-
ing point of view, as schools will be more receptive to promotion at certain key
times of the year.
Finally, the person in the school who makes the decision regarding the
visit also varies by the age of the children. For younger groups, the head
teacher, or deputy head, makes the decision. For older children, the subject
teacher makes the decision. Because of the very personal nature of contact
with schools and individual teachers, marketing to schools tends to use
relationship-marketing approaches such as direct mail. However, other
approaches and incentives such as free familiarization visits and price dis-
counts are essential if the promotion is to convert to a visit. Other techniques
include (Cooper and Latham, 1989):
● contact with educational authorities;

● direct mailing to schools with newsletters and excursion planning
information;
● poster campaigns;
● marketing special events that may be relevant for school groups;
● editorial coverage;
● advertising in the educational press;
● attendance at school visits fairs; and
● attendance at teacher conferences and seminars.
Two out of three of the national capitals have developed joint marketing pro-
grammes to target the school excursion market. The Ottawa Convention and
Tourism Association (OCTA) established a partnership with key attractions,
called the ‘student and youth market council’, in order to serve student needs
more effectively, as well as developing and distributing a student-specific
brochure. In addition, the National Capital Commission (NCC), tasked with
promoting the role and significance of the national capital, also offers a
number of key services including extensive programmes, pedagogic material
and visit planning assistance. They also partner with ‘Exchanges Canada’ and
Rotary to bring students to the city, and attend coach tours; operator trade
shows to market the capital; and promote school tours. Individual attractions
like the National Gallery of Canada also have special school and teacher
programmes including guided visits, discovery visits and studio activities.
They also encourage teachers to participate in their school advisory
committees designed to keep programmes relevant to the educational cur-
riculum. Furthermore, the National Gallery of Canada similarly targets its
schools programme advertising at coach drivers as they often make travel

and itinerary decisions on behalf of teachers.
Canberra has established a consortium of national attractions, accommo-
dation operators, municipal and federal government to promote and develop
school excursions to the national capital called the National Capital Educational
Tourism Project (NCETP). They have been instrumental in:
● Developing collaborative marketing activities (such as a Canberra school

excursion planner, attending education conferences on behalf of the city,
hosting familiarizations for teachers).
● Lobbying for government assistance and administering a US$16.3 million
federal government rebate scheme to encourage school visits to the national
capital.
● Developing suitable product with partners (such as attraction behind the
scenes tours and school-friendly accommodation) such as that outlined in
Fig. 14.1.
However, Destination DC, formerly the Washington DC Convention and

Tourism Commission (WCTC), does not actively market to this segment as they
know they are going to visit anyway, and leave marketing up to the individual
attractions (Ritchie and Peirce, 2007). The coordination of different levels of
government, who may be responsible in part for promoting or providing school
excursion experiences in the national capital, is a major challenge. National
agencies tasked with promoting the national capital status dimensions to teach-
ers and students may need to better coordinate their marketing activities with
the municipal government or local tourist bureaus to avoid confusion, reduce
congestion (noted later in this chapter) and enhance the size and scope of joint
marketing activities. However, this is difficult to accomplish without a coopera-
tive group or formal structure (such as the NCETP consortium in Canberra),
which integrates the different levels of government, national attractions and the
broader tourism industry (see Fig. 14.2 for an outline of their cooperative
excursion planner). The need for government coordination is also noted in
Chapter 19, in the case of Ottawa.
School Excursion Issues in National Capital Cities
Estimates suggest that around 50% of the volume of school visits are day trips,
with the remainder comprising overnight stays (Cooper, 1999). For day trips,
the focus of the visit is usually an attraction such as a theme park, museum, art
gallery, science centre, garden, zoo or wildlife park. Here, the tourist sector is
involved in providing transportation as well as the focus of the visit itself.
However, for overnight stays, the accommodation sector also becomes involved.
Typically, these trips last up to a week, utilize budget accommodation such as
youth hostels or guest houses, and use coach or minibus transport at the
domestic level.
190 B.W. Ritchie
Fig. 14.1. Example of school excursion attraction activities.

Fig. 14.2. National Capital Excursion Planner 2008 contents.

192 B.W. Ritchie
School excursion management issues can be considered from the perspec-

tive of teachers, parents or caregivers and destinations (including attraction
managers). For the purposes of this chapter, these issues can be summarized
into three main themes: (i) attraction facilities and educational resources;
(ii) safety and risk issues; and (iii) infrastructure issues including congestion and
facilities for excursion support services, such as coach companies.
Attraction facilities and educational resources
A range of specialist facilities and resources are often required to cater ade-
quately for a school excursion group. As Cooper (1999) suggests that schools
and teachers need to be convinced of the curriculum value of a visit. Therefore,
managers must ensure that they can adequately supply a range of educational
resources and materials relevant to the school excursion market in order to
maximize the curricular value of a visit to the national capital.
It is vital that attraction managers provide educational resources including
pre-visit packs, on-site facilities including rooms, storage and places for eat-
ing, as well as post-visit information materials that make direct links to the
relevant curriculum. In Australia, national research found that 76% of teach-
ers indicated that teacher pre-visit education packs were important, while
50% noted that teacher packs at the attraction were also important (Ritchie
and Uzabeaga, 2007), indicating the importance of understanding more
clearly the information needs of teachers and also the timing of information
provision. Therefore, curriculum resources focusing on citizenship, democ-
racy or history need to be well planned and developed, perhaps by education
specialists, to ensure they meet the needs of teachers and students and tell
the story of the nation.
Many attractions also provide educational officers or a specialist education
team to cater towards this market. Indeed, research from Cooper and Latham
(1989) and Ritchie and Uzabeaga (2007) found that 44.7% and 50.7% of
teachers respectively felt that specialist educational staff were important for
school excursion visits to attractions. Ritchie et al. (2008) suggest that younger
children have different energy levels and may respond better to tactile and
physical displays and more input from an education officer than older children,
who may be more self-sufficient. Furthermore, Howard (2000) suggests that
primary and secondary schoolteachers, and teachers from country and city
areas, showed differences in their venue choice for school excursions based on
these characteristics.
Understanding the size, scope and nature of the visit group is vital in pro-
viding school excursion groups with a quality national capital experience. It is,
therefore, vital to plan and provide lively, exciting and memorable material for
teachers and pupils. These materials should be both age and subject specific.
Furthermore, pre-visit information should also be provided and may include:
● map and details of location;

● details on what there is to see;
● logistics of visit;
● teachers, and possibly student pre-visit packs, with ideas for pre-visit, post-
visit and on-site activities; and
● risk and safety assessment information.
Such information does not need to be provided in hard-copy format, but could
be provided on attraction websites or destination websites developed specifi-
cally for school attraction visits. The development of online learning resources
by attractions and relevant government authorities has the potential to enhance
the educational and tourism value of a visit for both teachers and students.
Nevertheless, such activities may be costly and require frequent updating, con-
suming limited resources.
Despite the rising expectation of teachers and students for educational
resources, there are two major issues facing national capital cities and their
national attractions. First, public sector funding cuts to the arts and culture
sector in Ottawa, Washington, DC, and Canberra over the last few years has
stretched resources in many national attractions. Institutions often have a
broad mandate including conservation, education and outreach, stretching
their resources immensely. In dealing with this issue, some attractions have
introduced entry fees (such as in Ottawa) to counteract the lack of public sector
funding. However, this is not possible in some cites, with the national attrac-
tions in Canberra and Washington, DC, still remaining mostly admission free.
The development of partnerships to help fund the development and produc-
tion of educational experiences for school excursions is therefore a priority.
Nevertheless, Law (2002, p. 65) notes that national capitals have a limited
number of other ‘profit-making sectors’ that are often extremely important in
the funding and operation of tourist facilities, such as national attractions. This
is particularly an issue for political national capitals that are often smaller cit-
ies, secondary to more important commercial, entertainment and financial
cities within their nation (Hall, 2002). This requires national attractions to
consider innovative partnerships with other stakeholders to help fund school
excursion resources. In Ottawa, for instance, the National Gallery of Canada
has developed a student and teacher programmes guide with the support of
the Royal Bank of Canada as part of their social corporate responsibility activi-
ties. The NCETP has in conjunction with their stakeholders developed a
96-page school excursion planner (see Fig. 14.2), funded by the consortium
partners as well as industry operators (such as airlines and coach tour
companies).
Safety and risk issues
Despite the variety of sources of pressure being exerted on the educational

systems of a variety of countries to stop field trips through bureaucratic com-
plexities, curriculum restrictions and financial constraints (Fisher, 2001), prob-
ably the largest issue is related to the deaths, accidents and other incidents that
occur on school trips, and their media portrayal. For example, in the UK, it has
194 B.W. Ritchie
been estimated that seven children died while on school trips in 2001 and 47
between 1985 and 2001 (Revell, 2002). Considering that these deaths were
examined in detail by the media, it is not surprising that Robertson (2001,
p. 78) has claimed that ‘parents are increasingly nervous about allowing their
children to participate in out-of-school activities.’
With teachers and other organizers of school trips increasingly facing crim-
inal charges and the process of public inquires when a child is injured or killed
while on a field trip, it is not only the parents who are having second thoughts
about educational trips. In addition to death or injury, the revelation that over
one-third of British schoolchildren aged 16 or under have had sexual experi-
ences while on holiday, 60% of which involved penetrative sex, shows how
schools and teachers may face litigation linked to field trips (Lacey, 2001).
Speaking after the publication of the sexual behaviour of children on school
trips, Nigel de Gruchy, general secretary of the National Association of
Schoolmasters Union of Women Teachers (NASUWT), which is the UK’s sec-
ond largest teacher’s union, suggested that teachers are becoming increasingly
held liable by parents for student excursion behaviour (Lightfoot, 2001).
Faced with the threat of legal action as a result of incidences that occur
during field trips, the NASUWT now advises its members not to organize or go
on school trips (BBC News, 2002). While not participating in field trips removes
the risk of litigation and/or criminal charges from teachers and schools, it also
robs students of the opportunity to take part in school trips and experience the
educational benefits associated with them. In effect, the blame culture and liti-
gation mentality increasingly being cultivated around the world could lead to
the end of school trips (Robertson, 2001). The British government has
attempted to reduce the risk associated with school trips by providing teachers
with highly detailed field-trip preparation guidelines. While these are, in theory,
a sensible approach to risk management, as Baker (2001) states, ‘just reading
them [the guidelines] could frighten you off organising a trip’. A total of 70.9%
of teachers in a national Australian study indicated that perceived safety was
the most important factor in choosing an overnight school excursion destin-
ation (Ritchie and Uzabeaga, 2007), while access to risk and safety information
was the seventh most attractive incentive to encourage an overnight school
excursion to the national capital (see Table 14.1). A similar study in 1999 indi-
cated that safety and risk issues were not considered an issue by teachers
(Coughlan et al., 1999).
Perceptions of safety, particularly in an era of global (in)security, may also
be exacerbated in political national capitals due to their administrative and
symbolic status. Anecdotal evidence suggested school visit numbers dropped by
as much as 30% at attractions in Canberra that placed temporary security
structures directly in front of their buildings in response to the 9/11 terrorist
attacks. The National Capital Planning Commission (NCPC) suggests that
physical security measures in Washington, DC, are not only physical barriers
but sometimes overwhelming and intimidating for visitors, and as a result are
also psychological barriers. The NCPC (2005) have suggested that federal
agencies design security measures that complement or are integrated into a
building’s existing architecture and surrounding landscapes to increase visitor
School Excursion Management in Capitals
Table 14.1. Attractiveness of incentives in their capacity to encourage teachers to visit the national capital on an overnight school excursion.
(From Ritchie and Uzabeaga 2007.)
Incentives Not at all Very Mean

(n = 983−984) attractive (%) Unattractive (%) Neutral (%) Attractive (%) attractive (%) scores
A rebate per student 0.2 0.1 5.3 28.6 65.9 4.60

Discounted accommodation 0.2 0.2 5.9 34.6 59.1 4.52
Special offers and packages 0.2 0.2 6.1 33.9 59.6 4.52
More school-friendly attractions 0.3 0.4 14.8 48.8 35.7 4.19
A destination planner to assist 0.4 0.6 18.2 46.5 34.2 4.14
organizing
Better-quality accommodation 0.3 1.1 19.5 47.6 31.5 4.09
Access to risk and safety 0.8 1.0 22.5 40.8 35.0 4.08
information
A special event related to your 0.6 1.1 21.2 44.8 32.3 4.07
curriculum
Special programmes at attractions
(behind the scenes) 0.3 1.2 20.5 47.8 30.2 4.06
Access to parliamentary
programmes 1.7 2.3 18.5 46.7 30.7 4.02
Parliamentary sittings 2.8 3.0 16.6 45.9 31.7 4.01
Access to the Electoral Education
Centre 1.8 2.6 21.3 41.9 32.3 4.00
Access to online information 0.4 0.9 25.2 48.1 25.4 3.97
Special exhibitions 0.5 1.0 25.0 50.2 23.3 3.95
State-based curriculum programmes 0.7 1.7 26.4 46.0 25.1 3.93
A guarantee to meet your local member 2.3 3.2 24.8 41.1 28.7 3.91
Familiarization tours 1.3 3.3 36.2 38.4 20.8 3.74
Information seminars held in your region 1.3 4.4 44.4 35.4 14.5 3.57
195
196 B.W. Ritchie
access and improve visitor satisfaction. Risk-assessment and safety materials

should be provided by attraction and destination managers to teachers and
school coach operators to reduce the concerns that teachers and parents or
guardians may have. These risk assessments may be best communicated to
teachers in a coordinated way at the destination level, rather than an individual
attraction level.
Infrastructure issues
Although school groups are primarily influenced by teachers, and to a lesser

extent by parents or guardians, children can influence destination choice based
on their physical needs, age and their ability to undertake long trips away from
school and home. According to Thornton et al. (1997), accommodation, facili-
ties and distance required to travel will determine whether a location is feasible
for a school group to visit. If a destination has high-quality attractions with
educational merit but poor support infrastructure, such as school-friendly
accommodation, poor accessibility from a destination perspective and lacks
suitable medical facilities, this could influence teachers’ choice of destination
(see Table 14.1 for other examples from the Australian perspective).
Primary schools with younger children are more likely to travel shorter
distances than those with older children. The behaviour and needs of children
can also significantly influence a school attraction visit. According to Cooper
and Latham (1988), most educational visits last fewer than 4 hours due to stu-
dents’ inability to cope with travel. Summer months are the most popular time
for school excursions in England, while Cooper and Latham (1988) noted in
their study that attractions in England did not appear to use school groups to
increase their share off-season. Large numbers of school visits in the peak sum-
mer season can cause congestion issues and contribute to general visitors’ per-
ceptions of school visits as ‘noisy and unruly’, resulting in a negative perception
of both the attraction and the youth population. Congestion and/or capacity
issues at many of the attractions and accommodation sites in the three national
capitals are also an issue. Many of the school students tend to visit at the same
time of the year due to their need to plan in advance, raise funds and link their
visits to citizenship curriculum through a visit to key national attractions (such
as parliament or the national museum). In Canberra, nearly 40% of all inter-
state school visits occur in August and September, primarily due to the school
year and the sitting dates of parliament (Ritchie and Uzabeaga, 2006). Many
schools are now unable to visit some key educational attractions as they are
booked out well in advance. This situation is further exacerbated in Ottawa and
Washington, DC, where these times are also peak visitor periods for business
travellers who are able to pay full accommodation rates. This in combination
with a lack of private investment in the school market has resulted in a lack of
suitable low-cost accommodation, increasing school excursion costs and forc-
ing some to stay in cheaper accommodation outside of the national capital.
Despite attempts through pricing and promotion to increase the number
of school visits to other times of the year, this has proven to be difficult.
For instance, in 2006, an increase of interstate school student numbers by

18.4% from the previous year was recorded in Canberra. However, the first
half of the year only received an increase of 12% compared to 2005, while
August and September recorded a 11% and 24% increase respectively (Ritchie
and Uzabeaga, 2006). One strategy to deal with overcrowding and the poten-
tial disturbance of general visitors is for attractions to hold longer opening
hours during the peak season or offer school groups after-hours entry possibly
including attraction ‘sleepovers’ (for overnight trips). In Ottawa, the industry
and tour operators are working together to encourage travel at different times
of the year by offering incentives besides discounts as attractions are often
already heavily discounted. These incentives include special activities, behind
the scenes tours and studio workshops. Furthermore, some Ottawa attractions
also offer sleepover and breakfast services for school students to counteract the
undersupply of budget accommodation during peak times. Innovative product
development appears to be crucial in not only meeting the needs of teachers
and students, but also dealing with congestion and infrastructure issues.
It was suggested earlier in this chapter that teachers require additional sup-
port facilities and educational resources. However, the needs of support serv-
ices such as coach drivers and coach companies are often ignored by urban
destination and attraction managers. They too require certain infrastructure or
support services in order to help facilitate school attraction visits to national
capitals, including:
● easy-to-navigate maps and clear coach signage;

● adequate (perhaps free) coach parking facilities;
● toilets and facilities for drivers; and
● refreshments (perhaps free) for drivers.
The biggest concern for the majority (39.2%) of coach drivers surveyed in
Canberra was the lack of sheltered areas for lunches and the lack of parking at
attractions (28.4%), while 9.1% of those who made positive comments noted
good coach parking and ease of navigation, while 6.8% said Canberra had
good signage (Ritchie and Uzabeaga, 2006).
Conclusion
This chapter has highlighted the importance of the school excursion market to
cities, and in particular political national capital cities. There is generally a lack
of research into school excursion visits and the role national capital status plays
in the management of school excursion visits. It is argued that although many
of the issues outlined in this chapter may exist in many urban locations, they
may be exacerbated in political national capital cities due to their status and the
important role that they play in educating visitors about the role and signifi-
cance of the national capital. Despite limited research on the size and value of
school excursions to national capitals, there is some evidence of their educa-
tional and economic importance for cities.
198 B.W. Ritchie
However, increasing both the educational and economic value of school

excursions requires an understanding of the educational and tourism needs of
the market, as well as the development and marketing of innovative product
to meet these needs. This chapter has identified that this is sometimes com-
plex and difficult in national capitals as they often have several layers of gov-
ernment with different mandates and responsibilities for school excursion
tourism. Furthermore, there is a lack of private sector industry to support
school marketing efforts, due to the dominance of the government sector in
political national capitals. Interestingly, however, in the case of Washington,
DC, there is an assumption that school visits will continue to occur to the
national capital without the need for any destination marketing. These issues
in conjunction with a lack of research into the size and value of school excur-
sions has constrained the creation of educational resources as well as support
infrastructure, such as school-friendly accommodation and ancillary services
for coach driver operators. Destination and attraction managers have had to
be creative at marketing to schoolteachers due to a lack of funding by develop-
ing cooperative marketing activities and working in partnership with other
sectors (such as banks).
This chapter has also identified that schoolteachers and students have spe-
cialist needs and constraints, which require them to be certain that a visit to a
national capital has curricular value. This requires an understanding of the
school curriculum, structural constraints within schools, and the development
of high-quality educational- and tourism-related resources before, during and
after the visit, in order to enhance the value of a trip. However, risk and safety
issues, partly exacerbated by national capitals being the seat of government,
are putting pressure on the educational system to stop field trips, despite their
educational benefits. Infrastructure problems may occur as school attraction
visits during the same period may cause congestion and influence the experi-
ence of other visitors (such as cultural tourists). This chapter has provided some
innovative examples from political national capitals as to how overnight school
excursions could deal with this issue through providing after hours entry or
‘sleepovers’, as well as incentives to shift demand to other times of the year.
However, such activities are not without their costs to national attractions,
already facing budget constraints.
Further research is required on school excursions in national capital cities
including an understanding of the needs and motives of the market, and the
constraints teachers face in school excursion decision making. Key research
questions remain as to what specific resources, programmes and infrastructure
are required to increase school excursion demand. Destinations and attraction
managers require research on the impact of their programmes on student
learning about the role and significance of the national capital and the impor-
tance of their activities in aiding teachers to communicate the role and signifi-
cance of the national capital in history and citizenship curriculum. This is
particularly important in the context of a risk adverse society and considering
the constraints that teachers face in school excursion planning. A lack of
research on the economic impact and value of school excursions is also required
to help gain financial support in the development of educational resources and
school excursion marketing from the broader, and often smaller, tourism indus-
try in national capital cities.
Acknowledgements
The data from the three national capital cities were derived from research funded
by the Sustainable Tourism Cooperative Research Centre (STCRC), established by
the Australian Commonwealth Government and published as Ritchie and Peirce
(2007). This chapter also draws on work published by Ritchie et al., (2008).
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15 Twenty-three Districts in
Search of a City: Budapest – the
Capitaless Capital?
MELANIE SMITH,1 LÁSZLÓ PUCZKÓ2 AND TAMARA RÁTZ3
1Corvinus University; 2Xellum Ltd; 3Kodolányi János University College
Introduction
This chapter will focus on some of the problems of developing tourism in cap-
ital cities that have overly complex administrative structures. The main focus
will be on Budapest in Hungary, but comparisons will be made with other capi-
tals such as Prague, Vienna and Copenhagen. The data are derived from a
comparative study of cities in 2007, which researched the competitive situation
of Budapest (TOB, 2007).
Budapest is the only major international city in Hungary (mainly due to the
‘loss’ of other large cities following the infamous Treaty of Trianon after the
First World War, in which Hungary lost two-thirds of its territory). It is therefore
the gateway to the country and the location of almost all national institutions,
cultural and tourist attractions, as well as the only major airport. It is also the
country’s primary tourism destination.
The ‘heyday’ of Budapest is often quoted as being around the turn of the
20th century, when the city was restructured and many of the most impressive
and beautiful attractions were developed, as well as the majority of services and
facilities. Following this, it became termed as ‘Royal Seat City’. All of this was
achieved using a centralized and coherent planning structure. Later, capital cit-
ies in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) like Budapest were subject to central-
ized and restrictive administration during the socialist era, thus the post-socialist
efforts to develop autonomous districts of cities have become almost obses-
sional, massively costly and often inefficient. Planning and management have
become completely fragmented, which can create considerable problems for
tourism development.
Budapest has a number of world-class tourism attractions, and an article in
The Independent newspaper noted that cities like Prague and Budapest were
already starting to eclipse traditional weekend destinations like Paris and Rome
(Demetriou, 2004). Budapest has been rated ahead of other capital cities like
202 M. Smith et al.
Copenhagen or Lisbon in Euromonitor’s (2007) International Top City

Destinations Ranking. It was also number six in ICCA’s (2007) city rankings.
The city has potential for even bigger growth; however, it will be argued in this
chapter that its fragmented management structure threatens to hinder the
future development of tourism and to jeopardize its competitiveness.
An Overview of Budapest
As the capital city of Hungary, Budapest may be considered the international
gateway to the country, thus, it is generally the first (and often the only)
destination visited by incoming tourists. It is the only international city in
Hungary, in terms of population and area size, political and economic signifi-
cance or the variety of cultural events. With 1.7 million inhabitants in the
municipality, and 2.5 million inhabitants in the agglomeration, concentrating
approximately 20% of the Hungarian population, Budapest is one of the larg-
est capital cities of central Europe. Several indicators demonstrate the city’s
dominance in the Hungarian economy: 41% of the country’s GDP is generated
in the metropolitan area; its GDP per capita is 208% of the national average;
and it concentrates more than half of all foreign capital investments (CSO,
2009). Tourism accounts for 8–8.5% of the city’s GDP and the sector employs
over 100,000 people. In addition, approximately every third guest night in
Hungary is registered in the capital, and about 75% of the country’s interna-
tional tourism revenue is generated in Budapest (TOB, 2008). Due to its capital
city status, and the limited meeting infrastructure elsewhere in the country,
Budapest plays a major role in business-related tourism. In addition, the city is
the hub of Hungary’s centralized transport infrastructure where most highways
and railway lines meet, and Budapest Ferihegy Airport used to be the country’s
only international airport for decades (Rátz el al., 2008).
Geographically, Budapest is located along the River Danube that divides
the country at approximately equal distance from the western and the eastern
borders. This city was created in 1873 by the unification of the independent
towns of Buda, Pest and Óbuda, but the hills of Buda and the plains of Pest
have been inhabited since prehistoric times, and Buda has been the capital of
Hungary since the 15th century. Budapest is the home of the country’s major
cultural institutions (e.g. the National Theatre, the Hungarian National Museum
and the National Gallery) and principal heritage buildings (the House of
Parliament, the former Royal Castle, the Chain Bridge and the Millennium
Monument at Heroes’ Square) (Michalkó, 1999). The city is the setting for the
Hungarian nation’s culture and history: it embodies the past, the present and
the future of the country (Puczkó et al., 2007).
Budapest is divided into 23 districts, which have differing economic, social
and cultural characteristics. Most of the attractions, services and facilities are
situated in different parts of the city, making it more like a mosaic structure.
The central part of the city is defined mainly by its current urban functions
(particularly politics, business and culture), built heritage, accessibility and
topography, while the difference between the centre and the surrounding parts
Budapest – the Capitaless Capital? 203
is rather well revealed by the differences in architecture, atmosphere and

services.
Budapest is one of those European capitals that enjoys a very high amount
of international tourism. According to a study by the European Union (EU)
(Rátz et al., 2008), Budapest with its 87.5% share is a member of the leading
group of capitals – Ljubljana (94.6%), Prague (92.5%), Tallinn (91.2%)
Luxembourg (90.8%) and Brussels (88.6%). Budapest is the most important
destination for foreign visitors in Hungary, a little over 50% of all foreign tour-
ists visit Budapest (a similar high figure in Tallinn was 59.3% in 2005). The
Hungarian capital has a special status in terms of its role in the tourism of
Hungary, too.
The Growing Fragmentation of Cities
The contemporary fragmentation of cities is well documented, especially by

postmodern urban theorists such as Edward Soja (2000, p. 137), who once
described Los Angeles as ‘Sixty Suburbs in Search of a City’. This referred
partly to the typical American city planning structure, which provides no iden-
tifiable centre, but it also referred to social and spatial polarization and the
heterogeneity and cultural diversity of the city. As a result of their historic
development, many cities may also be geographically fragmented. Whereas in
cities like Prague the main tourism attractions are clustered in the centre, in
others like Budapest there is a ‘mosaic’ structure. This makes it difficult for
visitors to see all of the city’s attractions in a short time, and transport access
might be inconvenient. However, if a city’s main attractions are not naturally
clustered geographically and are managed by different districts and municipali-
ties, this can lead to considerable confusion and disharmony. This is the case
in Budapest, where tourism is concentrated in different central districts (see
Fig. 15.1):
● the Buda Castle (District I);

● inner city (District V);
● Andrássy Avenue and its environs (Districts VI, VII and XIV);
● National Museum and its surroundings (District VIII); and
● Gellért Hill (Districts I and XI).
Although some forms of fragmentation are beyond the power of city author-
ities, many of them are inextricably linked. For example, new clusters of devel-
opment may be hindered by the inability of post-socialist governments to create
effective partnerships with the private sector. Some government agencies may
have problems knowing what to do with their socialist heritage. Cultural diver-
sity may be seen as more of a threat than an opportunity, especially in a coun-
try that is trying to rebuild its national identity after years of oppression. An
analysis of the complexity of the post-socialist administrative structure in
Budapest can therefore help to explain many of the difficulties of managing
tourism development.
204
M. Smith et al.
Fig. 15.1. Map of Budapest.
Fragmented administration in Budapest: intra-city tensions
Budapest is a multidimensional and exciting city that is a major challenge to

manage effectively. This was especially true in the early 1990s, the period
immediately following the socialist era, when the city and its local government
had to discard its old ways of functioning and had to create a new strategy to
meet the demands of an emerging democracy and free-market economy. The
city’s new leaders had to replace the centralized, socialist-type approach to
local politics with a new one that aimed to adapt to the changing political con-
text by optimizing the resource allocations of the autonomous local govern-
ments. Simultaneously, they also had to restructure the executive bodies and
the decision-making processes on the local level (Pallai, 2003a).
The change in the Hungarian political system was very strongly influ-
enced by liberal thought, as the establishment of democracy and the market
economy – the necessary initial steps of this transition – very much coincided
with the liberal drive. The country had to create a legal system for its emerg-
ing constitutional democracy, and thus had to redefine individual and prop-
erty rights (Pallai, 2003b). Thus, a decentralized administrative model was
chosen to replace the Soviet-type council system in Budapest, and with the
passage of the Act on Local Governments in 1990 (and its major reform in
1994), the capital became an independent two-tier administered city with the
same position as a county within the Hungarian territorial governance sys-
tem. This solution was mechanically based on the national system, which
decentralized the majority of local roles to base units of the communities of
settlements: in the short transition period from state socialism to democracy,
there was neither time nor energy to institutionally handle the individual fea-
tures of the capital city (Horváth and Péteri, 2003). This was perhaps the
point at which Budapest was no longer treated as being special because of its
capital city status: the application of the same model to all cities, towns and
settlements in the whole country arguably undermined its ‘capitalness’. Thus,
today each of the 23 districts of the capital disposes of its own resources,
carries out its responsibilities and is governed by an independent elected
body. Based on the Act, a dual management system was born, as powers are
divided between the Municipality of Budapest and the 23 districts. Due to this
unusual administrative feature that is almost unique in the OECD countries
(OECD, 2001), the allocation of responsibilities and resources between the
municipality and the district governments is constantly subject to political ten-
sions and disputes. Within the dual management system, the districts are
treated as small, independent municipalities, i.e. there is no hierarchical deci-
sion-making relationship between them and the municipality.
This political and administrative fragmentation makes strategic and finan-
cial planning rather challenging, binds financial and political resources, and, as
a consequence, may have a negative impact on the city’s economic and social
development. It also makes it difficult for Budapest to function as an ‘ordinary
capital city’, where there should be coordination of the administrative and polit-
ical functions of the city as a whole. The city of Budapest is responsible for
public services, such as public transport, and it provides cultural, educational,
206 M. Smith et al.
health and social services that cover more than one district. A Regulation
Framework on Urban Planning for the whole capital has also been prepared by
the municipality, and the district development plans have to be consistent with
this framework. The two-tier administrative structure did not prove to be very
functional even at the beginning, since the two governments could successfully
block each other’s development ideas, e.g. the Municipality of Budapest
through its zoning authority, while the district government through its right to
issue building permissions. The 1994 modification of the Act on Local
Governments gave the municipality slightly more rights, especially in strategic
planning issues that were relevant for the whole of Budapest (Tosics, 2006).
The peculiar public administration system makes urban governance par-
ticularly delicate in the capital, and that has led to a very strong over politiciza-
tion of decisions (Demszky, 2003). The fact that the city is divided into 23
districts that have no hierarchical relationship affects both the intra-city rela-
tions between the districts and the municipality, and the relations between the
central state and the city. Since both district and municipality administrations
are on the same level, the capital is entangled in an ongoing debate over
responsibilities as well as tasks and revenue allocation between the districts and
the municipality. In addition, due to the capital’s dependence on state grants,
the central government exercises considerable power over both the municipal
and the district governments. This political and administrative fragmentation
makes strategic and financial planning rather challenging, binds financial and
political resources, and, as a consequence, may have a negative impact on the
city’s economic and social development. Ironically, Budapest is sometimes
exempt from national funding for certain projects or initiatives in order to redis-
tribute power and resources throughout the country. However, this has the
counter-effect of hindering its proper functioning and development as a dynamic
capital city. It makes little sense to ‘punish’ Budapest for being the capital city,
as no other city in Hungary is arguably big or significant enough to house the
country’s major political and cultural institutions.
The redistribution of tourism tax revenues in Budapest gives a good exam-
ple of how fragmented and contentious tourism management is. The accom-
modation services are controlled by the district municipalities, but the tourism
tax (after every guest night) is levied by the municipality (Table 15.1).
The government provides a special incentive to those cities that introduced
tourist tax: after every one Hungarian forint (HUF) an additional two HUF is
transferred to the city’s budget – this adds up to three HUF. The municipality
has been paying back this sum to the districts according to a rather complicated
and not at all standard algorithm. The municipality keeps 47% and rebates
53% of the total amount to the districts. This redistribution has very limited
direct linkage to performance, though. For example District V generated 48%
of tourism tax on city level, but received only 22% of the collected tax back.
Consequently, the political battlefield is much larger in Budapest than else-
where in the country. The city’s and the districts’ particular interests tend to
clash rather dramatically, and professional issues often assume marked political
overtones (Demszky, 2003). Despite the clear definition of district and munici-
pality roles by the Act on Local Governments, district–municipality tensions
Table 15.1. Key statistics by districts (beds, 1998–2006). (From CSO, 2008.)
Share Share by
Number Number of by guest tourism tax
Districts Year Beds of guests guest nights nights (%) rebate (%)
I 1998 2,092 125,040 312,939 n/a n/a

2006 3,502 191,009 478,868 8 0.9
V 1998 5,577 358,627 908,441 n/a n/a
2006 7,608 508,620 1,236,691 20 5.8
VI 1998 2,170 143,412 360,704 n/a n/a
2006 2,818 182,436 486,354 8 1.5
VII 1998 1,804 90,213 235,470 n/a n/a
2006 3,621 250,589 630,293 10 2.1
VIII 1998 939 64,390 144,502 n/a n/a
2006 2,282 130,728 311,971 5 2.5
XI 1998 4,941 192,758 500,350 n/a n/a
2006 4,739 242,472 625,974 10 3.1
Budapest 1998 37,359 1,788,849 4,664,561 n/a n/a
Total 2006 44,265 2,483,096 6,226,267 100 100
have been rather high in the last decades, concerning a variety of issues from
the allocation to responsibilities to load and revenue-sharing. The strong intra-
metropolitan disagreements also absorb political and financial resources, and
reduce the capital’s ability to clearly express municipal interests at national or
even international level.
The impact of administrative fragmentation on tourism attractions
There have been several attempts in Budapest to develop tourist attractions

and to make better linkages between sites, which have been thwarted because
of administrative conflict. The Castle District is managed by two different
agencies – the Municipality of District I and the Ministry of Education and
Culture. Attempts by the Ministry of Culture to reuse certain buildings such as
the First World War headquarters of the army (e.g. most recently as a multi-
functional visitor centre) have been disallowed by District I, which now refuse
to give any building permits to the Ministry. The main reasons are untold or
termed as a discrepancy between who likes which architectural style. Another
example is of the attractions around the Városliget or City Park. This park and
its surrounding attractions (e.g. Heroes’ Square, the 1956 Revolution Memorial,
three art galleries, two museums, a concert hall, the Széchenyi Spa, the zoo,
the amusement park, the circus and the ice-skating rink), are variously owned
by the state, three Ministries, the Municipality of Budapest and District XIV.
Several years ago, a non-governmental organization (NGO) wanted to harmo-
nize the management of the Park and attractions, but the fragmented owner-
ship made this impossible.
208 M. Smith et al.
There are also problems with contemporary and new developments and
attractions. The most popular festival in Hungary now is the Sziget Rock
Music Festival in August, which attracts thousands of visitors from all over
Europe. However, the future of the festival (which is organized by a private
company and enjoys support from the Municipality of Budapest) is frequently
in jeopardy because the neighbouring districts want the festival discontinued
because of unacceptable noise levels (which are incidentally below the legal
level as proved by numerous official tests). One district was even threatening
to limit access to the bridge that tourists use to access the island and to get to
the festival.
An extension of the city centre and a new cluster of attractions were
planned a little outside the city centre, in the so-called Millennium City Centre,
which would have created arts, business, leisure, entertainment and residential
facilities on a previous brownfield site. However, the public–private partnership
(PPP) was not successful, and private investors withdrew. Now, the new National
Theatre and Palace of Arts sit in isolation from the rest of the city, with limited
surrounding infrastructure or facilities. In another part of the city, in District II,
a new cluster of contemporary attractions on the Millenáris brownfield site (e.g.
shopping malls, a concert hall, art gallery and museum) is jointly managed by
the Ministry of Economics and Transport, the Ministry of Education and Culture
and the Municipality of District II, which means there is no coherent future
strategy for development and regeneration.
Tourism and City Management

In 2007, a detailed comparative study was prepared by the Tourism Office of
Budapest about Budapest and its seven competitor cities, four of which were
capitals (Copenhagen, Prague, Tallinn and Vienna). The main objective of the
study was to identify and compare all non-attraction-related strengths and
weaknesses of the cities. Therefore, the main focus of the research was to look
at how tourism was planned and managed at city level. The study applied vari-
ous research methods such as secondary data analysis, in-depth interviews,
mystery shopping and web and brochure analyses.
The research team analysed four aspects of each city. These were city
management and tourism, accessibility, experience factors and tourism com-
munication. When asked about the role of districts in the management of tour-
ism, some cities (e.g. Vienna and Copenhagen) failed even to understand the
question as their systems are centrally coordinated. Overall, it seemed from the
study that Budapest was the most fragmented in terms of the management of
the city, as well as the organization of tourism.
In the case of Budapest, the Committee for Tourism had ceased, and tour-
ism issues now belong to the Committee of Economy. The one body that is
somehow involved in tourism-related legislation is the Department of
Commerce, Tourism and Consumer Rights. Although, one of the vice-mayors
is the highest-ranked official in charge of tourism, this seems to be just one of
the person’s many responsibilities. The mayor’s cabinet very rarely, if ever,
addresses tourism-related issues, except major festivals and events. The

Tourism Office of Budapest was funded by the Municipality of Budapest and
is governed by a vice-mayor. Some of the districts have a tourism committee
and may have one person who is responsible for tourism. However, this is not
common practice.
Although the Tourism Office of Budapest was seen as being fairly flexible
in its organizational structure, it has restricted opportunities for generating its
own income and accessing financial support. Overall, the city management
was seen as fragmented and district municipalities operate like governments for
independent towns. This implies that they care very little about the greater
good of the capital, preferring instead to focus on their own autonomous inter-
ests. Cooperation is limited in the tourism industry, and the interests of tourism
are not taken into consideration either in the preparation of city and district
planning documents or during the implementation. Every other competitor
capital showed a very different level of cooperation and coordination (e.g.
Wonderful Copenhagen is responsible for the whole region of Copenhagen,
and is operated by a body that is founded and funded by various parties involved
in the tourism industry of the Danish capital).
In terms of the second aspect – accessibility – Budapest performed rela-
tively well. This is important given the geographical fragmentation of the city’s
attractions discussed earlier. Over ten means of transport are available, many
of which partially operated as attractions, and there is a relatively integrated
transport system. However, the River Danube is underused, parking for tourist
coaches is limited and traffic management is inefficient.
In the survey, three major patterns of attraction mapping were identified:
● Cluster (i.e. most of the major attractions are located in close proximity to
each other) – for example in Copenhagen and Prague.
● Satellite or multi-cluster (i.e. major attractions can be found in more than
one area of the town) – for example, Tallinn.
● Mosaic (where major attractions are scattered around the city) – such as in
Budapest and Vienna.
These qualities make tremendous differences to the visitor experience, as well

as city management, as attraction values vary not only by attractions, but by
cities if attractions are clustered (e.g. Prague) or in mosaic (e.g. Budapest).
Theming becomes especially important for cities with a mosaic type of attrac-
tion supply (e.g. linking sites in a heritage trail). The availability of tourist accom-
modations also tends to follow the availability of attractions (Rátz et al., 2008).
Although Budapest has a number of advantages over other (capital) cities in
terms of experience creation (e.g. many festivals and events), numerous factors
can be seen as disadvantages. These relate to the standardization of new build-
ings, lack of public space maintenance, inaccessible waterfront areas, few new
attractions, limited theming or clusters of attractions and a lack of creative and
innovative approaches to development. Many of these are caused by the
capital’s fragmented structure and the inability of the relevant parties to work
together.
210 M. Smith et al.
Out of all the four categories, Budapest performed the best in terms of
tourism communication, even though the Tourism Office of Budapest (TOB)
had the lowest budget of all the analysed city tourism offices. This is maybe
because communication of the city is managed by one agency (this is true of
other cities, but perhaps unusual for Budapest given the fragmentation of
other services).
New developments in city and tourism management
There have been some new attempts at better coordinating tourism in

Budapest in recent years. The Opposition Party has even suggested a total
restructuring of the city’s administration if they came into power, reducing
the number of municipalities. In 2008, the vice-mayor initiated the founda-
tion of the Tourism Conciliation Committee, whose main objectives were to
improve cooperation, efficiency and quality of service, and to organize con-
sultations and discussions. This was a somewhat unexpected move, since
before that very little attention was paid to the various issues of tourism. The
vice-mayor invited representatives of some 30 bodies and organizations to
the initial meeting (Table 15.2).
Table 15.2. Invited members of Tourism Conciliation Committee.
City and national administration NGOs and professional organizations
Vice-Mayor of Budapest Hotel Association of Hungary

Advisor for City Image Association of Tour Operators and Travel Agents
Committee of Economy Association of Hungarian Event Organizers
Department of Commerce and Tourism Hungarian National Association of Gastronomy
and Consumer Rights
Budapest Tourist Office Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Budapest)
Hungarian National Tourist Office Association of Tourist Guides
Tourism Department and Ministry of Hungarian Society of Tourism
Local Government
Budapest-Central Hungary Regional Association of Tourism Consultants
Tourist Board
Office of the County of Pest Municipality Trade Union for Catering and Tourism
Budapest Transport Company
Budapest Transport Association
Budapest Spas Corporation
Budapest Metropolitan Police
Municipal Public Space Management
Company
Municipal Public Space Authority
Municipal Horticultural Company
District II Municipality
District V Municipality
District VIII Municipality
Originally, only three municipalities were invited to join the Committee.

Now, all those municipalities that are directly affected and involved in tourism
were invited to join, but most have been unresponsive so far, and many do not
even have a representative for tourism.
According to the set of activities agreed, the Committee could run con-
sultations, formulate recommendations and opinions and provide support for
all issues that may influence the tourism of Budapest. It can overview the
implementation of the Budapest Tourism Development Strategy. Members
should work together for the improvement and development of tourist serv-
ices and are expected to initiate joint projects. The committee has four ‘sides’
representing all bodies that are somehow involved in tourism: governmental
bodies, municipal bodies, districts, and NGOs and professional organizations.
No decision can be made if one of the sides objects, therefore the consulta-
tion of the bodies involved would be necessary. However, the Committee has
not enough power and funds with which to enforce or implement decisions
at present.
Destination management
Destination management is something new to the whole tourism industry in

Hungary. To many countries, this is what they have been doing for many years,
but this was not the case in Hungary (mainly because of socialist centralized
power). Since 2006–2007, when the National Tourism Development Strategy
was prepared, plans, strategies and background studies were developed, which
all aimed at facilitating the launch of destination management in the country.
In 2009, every region will announce tenders, in which new destination man-
agement organizations can apply for EU support. Some 13 billion HUF will be
spent on the creation of destination management organizations all around the
country.
One might think that the most important tourism destination of the coun-
try, i.e. Budapest would be the most eligible for such support. On the contrary,
Budapest is exempt from most of the EU Regional Operative Programme
Funds, since the GDP of this region is over the EU’s 70%. This leaves Budapest
without the opportunity to apply for any support in the destination manage-
ment scheme, too.
The Tourism Conciliation Committee, however, has assigned the TOB to
prepare a strategy document on the issue. In this, based on the existing
achievement of the TOB, the formulation of a Budapest Destination
Management Organization (BDMO) should be analysed. This document
should highlight how complicated this whole issue is, noting that there are
districts that are thinking about setting up their own destination management
organizations – independently from TOB or the forthcoming new BDMO.
Some districts have already developed their own tourism strategies, which is
an ongoing sign of their wish to retain their autonomy, despite any collabora-
tions which may be taking place within the city.
212 M. Smith et al.
Conclusion
It is important to note that the majority of tourists to a capital city (or indeed
any destination) do not know or care about the fragmentation of a city’s admin-
istration, and district boundaries are meaningless for them. Budapest is cur-
rently threatened by a stagnation in new attractions development, the failure to
regenerate old attractions and a lack of innovative development. The model of
Budapest should be a lesson to other capital cities that the fragmentation of
management and the failure to respect the harmonization of activities can
undermine a city’s ‘capitalness’. If it is treated the same as any other city in the
country, or even disadvantaged as a result of being the capital, this will hinder
future developments and the creation of new and unique selling points. A cap-
ital city should provide an exemplary role model for the rest of the country, but
it cannot do this unless its ‘special’ status is supported nationally.
Budapest is communicated and marketed both by the Tourism Office of
Budapest and the Hungarian National Tourist Office as the capital of the coun-
try. This capital status, however, is not systematically or strategically supported
by city and district management. This means that although Budapest is offi-
cially the capital, its grandness and grandeur is not valued highly enough com-
pared to other cities in the country and other capital cities elsewhere.
Although capital cities in the region (CEE) have been heavily visited in the
last few years, the socialist legacy is of waning interest, especially for repeat
visitors, and prices are increasing therefore this will not afford them a competi-
tive advantage for much longer. New and creative tourism development is
therefore imperative. Capital cities like Budapest which are the country’s main
gateway and attraction for tourism cannot afford to lose tourists due to poor
planning and management.
It seems that the new Tourism Conciliation Committee and the attempt to
establish the Budapest Destination Management Organization signify better
collaboration possibilities in the future. However, recent evidence also suggests
that there is a certain reluctance or apathy on the part of many municipalities
to take part in city-wide collaborations. If the 23 districts insist on maintaining
their freedom and autonomy instead of supporting a more coordinated and
coherent ‘capitalness’, it is possible that they will never find their city, and nei-
ther will anyone else!
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16 Reinvented National Capital
City: the Case of Hanoi,
Vietnam
LEE JOLLIFFE1 AND HUONG THANH BUI2
1University of New Brunswick; 2Griffith University
Introduction
As discussed in Chapter 2, the capital city, as a seat of power and place for
decision making, has a strong central function. Many authors have thus seen
centrality as a key element in capital city qualities (e.g. Gottmann, 1983;
Rapoport et al., 1993). In the socialist world, where ‘the centralization factor
reinforces the attractive power’ (Barbier, 1986, p. 46), the capital city holds an
essential role as a country’s political, economic, and symbolic centre (Claval,
2001). It forms the ‘symbolic head . . . of the political territory and nation’
(Logan, 2005, p. 560), and symbolizes national identity, status and power
(Rapoport et al., 1993). Underlying the process of forming and reinforcing
nationalism, the capital city cultural role is essential (Logan, 2005).
Tourism functions of the capital city are identified as national focus, cluster-
ing and concentration of heritage and cultural resources, and connectivity
(Ritchie and Maitland, 2007). As the capital city facilitates a large movement of
tourists, as a hub and gateway, Barbier (1986, p. 46) states: ‘The capital city
can only be a great tourist city. That is particular the case in the Third
World . . . but it also the case, for different reasons, in the socialist world where
the centralization factor reinforces the attractive power’. The limited literature
on capital city tourism is largely focused on the European context, such as Paris
(Pearce, 1998), Dublin (McManus, 2002), Budapest (Puczko et al., 2007) or
on the new world (Pearce, 2007; Peirce and Ritchie, 2007). There is very
limited literature examining the role of capital city in tourism in the Third and
the socialist world context.
Hanoi, the capital city of Socialist Republic of Vietnam, holds many special
qualities for visitors, derived from memorials, monuments, museums and cul-
tural sites associated with its almost 1000-year history. This ancient and now
re-emergent capital city has become a major urban and cultural destination for
growing numbers of international and domestic tourists.
Hanoi: Reinvented National Capital City 215
This chapter first examines the qualities of Hanoi as a capital city by inves-
tigating national identity dimensions in six selected museums in the city. Second,
it examines how Hanoi has successfully reinvented itself for both international
and domestic development. Third, it delves into the political and social context
for developing tourism in one of the least-studied capital cities in the socialist
world. In part, we address a gap in the academic tourism literature on the study
of tourism in Vietnam, and the criticisms of Alneng (2002) and others who
observed that Western tourism academics either ignore or impose their research
perspectives on non-Western tourism. To balance the viewpoint this work is
co-authored by a Western researcher and a non-Western (Vietnamese)
researcher. This chapter also addresses a gap in the literature on capital city
tourism within the Third World socialist context.
Hanoi as a National Capital

The historic city of Hanoi, located on a flood plain of Red River, had been
both an imperial and a colonial capital city. The city was first established as
the capital during the Ly Dynasty in 1010, and was named Thang Long. It
retained this capital position for almost 800 years until the capital moved to
Hue in 1802 during the Nguyen Dynasty, at that point Thang Long was
renamed Hanoi. This history is represented by relics of the Forbidden City
of Thang Long such as Hanoi Citadel and the first and nearly 1000-year-old
university, the Temple of Literature, as well as in numerous popular
legends.
Under the French (1885–1954), Hanoi was selected as capital of French
Indochina. The colonial space in Hanoi was established when ancient buildings
were destroyed and French-model building designs were imposed. Hanoi,
therefore, reveals the features of a colonial city as a ‘nerve centre’ (Edensor,
1998). The French quarters have distinctive leisure facilities such as Hanoi
Opera House located within the central business district between the bank of
the Red River and the Sword Lake, and the French residential area situated on
the way from the Lake to the ceremonial Ba Dinh Square.
With the collapse of the Nguyen Dynasty in 1945, after the August
Revolution led by Communist leader Ho Chi Minh, Hanoi was named the cap-
ital of an independent Democratic Republic of Vietnam. In December 1946,
after failing to find a compromise solution between the restoration of French
colonial rule and Vietnamese independence, the country entered into a 9-year
guerilla war for liberation from French control. Hanoi’s Ancient Quarter retains
a number of monuments in memory of these 9 years.
After the victory of Dien Bien Phu in 1954, at the Geneva Conference a
ceasefire was signed, calling for the departure of the French and the temporary
division of the country into a Communist north and non-Communist south. At
this point, Hanoi was proclaimed the capital once again, but only of north
Vietnam. After the success of the 1975 north Vietnamese offensive and the
formal reunification of Vietnam in 1976, Hanoi re-emerged as the national
capital under the Socialist Republic of Vietnam.
216 L. Jolliffe and H.T. Bui
In 2010, Hanoi will celebrate its 1000th birthday. As capital city during the
imperial, colonial and post-colonial socialist periods, the city built a physical
environment ‘stressing status and ritual’ (Gottmann, 1983, p. 88) representing
achievement and embodiment of pride (Logan, 2005). These characteristics
strengthen the country sense of cohesion and identity and reinforce the legiti-
macy of the current socialist government.
The built environment of Hanoi city is a major tourist attraction because it
reflects Vietnamese culture and political history (Logan, 2005). The rich history
and culture of the ancient city assures its goal as ‘guardian of Vietnamese iden-
tity’ (Boudarel and Nguyen, 2002, p. 1), which tourists both international and
domestic strive to experience in their ‘collection’ of place.
Capital City Tourism in Hanoi
Vietnam has undergone a radical reform from a central-planned to a market-

driven economy since ‘doi moi’, the policy of economic decentralization and
liberalization was introduced in 1986 (Berger, 2005). This shift in economic
orientation has profoundly influenced international relation policies. From a
closely suspicious diplomatic policy before 1986, Vietnam has opened up to
the world. The country is positioned as hospitable and friendly, a characteristic
that facilitates international tourism development.
The country is an emerging destination for cultural tourism that is experi-
enced by a growing number of international and domestic tourists. In 2008,
the country welcomed almost 4 million international tourists and 19.5 million
domestic tourists (VNAT, 2009). International tourist arrivals to Hanoi account
for 30% of the total international visitors to Vietnam. On the other hand, the
proportion of domestic tourists visiting Hanoi is nearly 40%. Thus, Hanoi is a
major focus of visitation for both international and domestic visitors. This steady
increase in international and internal visitation to Hanoi (Table 16.1) reflects its
status as a major city tourism destination.
As a capital city, Hanoi has distinctive features that set it apart from other
cities in Vietnam. In comparison to the biggest city in Vietnam, the 300-year-
old Ho Chi Minh City (formerly Saigon), Hanoi has a longer 1000-year history
and culture. Hanoi exhibits all three features of a capital city tourism context
suggested by Ritchie and Maitland (2007) and discussed below.
First, in the national focus dimension as the location of Vietnam govern-
ment and authority, Hanoi attracts business tourism, in particular MICE tour-
ism. Hanoi hosted major events including APEC 2007, ASEAN Tourism
Table 16.1. International and domestic visitors to Hanoi. (From Hanoi Department of
Culture, Tourism and Sport, availlable at: http://www.hanoi.gov.vn/hnportal/)
Year 2005 2006 2007 2008
International 1,109,600 1,150,000 1,300,000 1,255,000

Domestic 3,901,000 4,700,300 5,665,100 6,595,000
Summit 2007, ASEAN Games 2003 and Francophone Summit 1997. The
attraction of the city for conventions and conferences lies in its centralization of
power and authority into the government and communist party. To the
Vietnamese, the daily media coverage of the capital city of Hanoi aims at edu-
cating citizens in the country’s history and way of government. This is particu-
larly important for domestic and educational tourism (Ritchie and Maitland,
2007).
Second, in the dimension of clustering and concentration of heritage and
cultural resources, Hanoi has been an imperial, colonial and post-colonial
socialist centralized capital city. There is an accumulation of heritage sites and
monuments relating to national history, development with symbolic value.
Writing about the opening up of Vietnam for tourism, Lenz (1993) gave a top
rating (four out of five) to Hanoi’s cultural attractions. He (2000) observes that
Hanoi is the principle gateway city for cultural tourism to Vietnam. Hanoi is
characterized for tourism by guide books such as the Lonely Planet as an
exotic city of ‘lakes, pagodas and temples’ and as the ‘Grand old dame of
Asia’ (Ray et al., 2007). Hien and Brannan (2006) observe that tourism to
Hanoi is cultural tourism as almost all city tourist attractions fall under this
category.
Third, in terms of connectivity, Hanoi is a hub and gateway to the north-
ern Red River delta and the north-central region. There are only three inter-
national airports in Vietnam: Noi Bai (Hanoi), Tan Son Nhat (Ho Chi Minh
City) and Da Nang. The Noi Bai International Airport, 40 km from city centre
is the hub to northern Asia as the Chinese, Taiwanese, Korean and Japanese
markets account for nearly 70% of international tourist arrivals to Hanoi. The
city is well-connected to day-trip-distance destinations, such as the World
Heritage Site Ha Long Bay; the Mai Chau valley in the Hoa Binh province;
the Friendship gate in the Lang Son province; and the former imperial capital
city of Hoa Lu.
The distinctive features of a national capital city in a centrally planned
socialist developing country reflect the way tourism industry is managed at a
macro level. The transition to market economy in Hanoi in particular resem-
bles the Chinese model, which aims at keeping alive in part centrally planned
economic and political governance. The outcome of this restructuring has been
the hybrid transition towards a development model that blends socialist plan-
ning with market principles (Colantonio and Potter, 2006). In this model, politi-
cal power and decision making are retained by the socialist leadership, while
first state corporations (e.g. Vietnamtourism, Hanoitourist) and later joint-
venture and private enterprises have operated ‘emerging sectors’ of tourism
under market principles.
This blending of a market economy under a socialist orientation in tourism
influences the way a city is presented and marketed to foreign visitors. Analysing
Havana’s position, Colantonio and Potter (2006) argued that this is character-
ized by two diverging forces that are pulling the city in two different directions.
One force is the Cuban leadership’s socialist ideology (an inward-looking
model), while the second force is driven by the global economy and the tourism
industry pulling the city into the world market economy and forcing the city to
look outwards rather than inwards. Hanoi is to some extent experiencing a

very similar situation.
In this centrally planned situation in Hanoi, the roles of the Ministry of
Culture, Sport and Tourism and its departments as well as of the local Hanoi
Peoples Committee and the Hanoi Tourism Administration are influential in
developing tourism to the capital city. The Ministry and its affiliated agencies
also control the development of the cultural sites in the city. The central man-
agement of the cultural assets of the state through the Ministry of Culture and
its various divisions is advantageous from the dissemination perspective.
Management of the cultural heritage assets through the city is also important to
international tourism (Logan, 2000).
Hanoi displays the capital city tourism features in all three dimensions
analysed by Ritchie and Maitland (2007). A useful distinction to elucidate the
capital city dimensions suggested by Pearce (2007) might be made between
governmental institutions, of which houses of Parliament are the most emblem-
atic and clearly express the political role of capitals (Griffiths, 2000), and
national monuments and institutions such as art galleries and museums that
reflect symbolic functions and cultural capital accumulation. This chapter con-
centrates on the later dimensions of the Pearce (2007) classification analysing
the symbolic functions of museums in Hanoi in building national identity.
National Identity and Museum Visitation

As the symbolic head of a nation, Logan (2005, p. 560) argues that govern-
ment and the people expect the capital city to represent them, to reflect their
achievement not just for internal purposes but also in the international stage,
to other governments and people. The emphasis of the cultural role of capital
city ‘is essential in nation forming, underlying the efforts by national govern-
ments to form and reinforce a national sense of identity and to use it to tie the
citizenry together into a more comprehensive and cooperative entity’. To rec-
oncile both goals, tourism has been chosen as an effective tool. Hanoi is rein-
vented capital city in the sense it reconciles political education with international
tourism, representing a new Vietnam in the international stage with the devel-
opment of domestic tourism for national unity.
Pitchford (2008) classifies the types of attractions that are relevant to
nationalism and national identity building as part of ‘identity tourism’. In this
type of tourism, the interpretation of history and culture is central to national
identity building because of its narratives of the nation, recovered or invented
culture and traditions as key resources for constructing nationalism with
pride, affection and loyalty. As Katriel (1993, p. 70) argues ‘museums and
historical sites have, indeed, become major participants in contemporary
efforts to construct culturally shared, historically anchored representations of
“self” and “other” ’. The museums, monuments and historic sites of Hanoi
also reflect the three spatial components of symbolic sites characterized by
Edensor (1998) in the case of the Taj Mahal (India) as colonial, sacred and
national space.
A number of museums in Hanoi have been identified as contributing to the

national capital identity. Both the symbolism (Table 16.2) and visitation (Table
16.3) to four museums are reviewed: the Revolution Museum, the Ho Chi
Minh Museum, the Fine Arts Museum and the History Museum. This choice
was dictated by the availability of visitor statistics. However, with strong national
themes these museums could be considered representative of those in the city
that deliver key state messages that relate to the Vietnamese identity, freedom
and patriotism. In addition, Hoa Lo Prison Museum and the Museum of
Ethnology will be examined for their contribution to nationalism, even though
the visitor figures to those sites are not available.
The colonial legacy has been influenced by nation state involvement with
participation of former colonizers and political allies in the design and construc-
tion of important cultural sites (Sutherland, 2006). Logan (2005) observes that
the cultural importance of the capital city in many Asian countries is associated
with colonization. Four out of six sites reviewed here are housed in the former
colonial buildings. However, those museums that combine new and old ele-
ments of the national story appeal differently to the international and domestic
tourist.
Table 16.2. Hanoi sites’ significance.
Attraction Theme Significance
Revolution Museum Commemorates Presents history of the

Vietnamese Revolution Vietnamese Revolution; located
in central Hanoi
Ho Chi Minh Museum Commemorates Dedicated to Hoi Chi Minh’s life,
Ho Chi Minh commemorates struggle for
freedom; located in national
capital precinct of central Hanoi
Fine Arts Museum Presents the Vietnamese Housed in the former French
fine arts Ministry of Education; located in
central Hanoi
History Museum Represents Vietnamese Housed in the former old
history archaeological research institute
of the École Française
d’Extrême Orient (EFEO) or
French School of the Far East;
located near Hanoi Opera
House in central Hanoi
Museum of Ethnology Represents 54 different Modern museum exhibiting culture
ethnic groups in Vietnam and history of Vietnam’s ethnic
groups; located in a suburb area
Hoa Lo Prison Commemorates Vietnamese Major part of the prison
leaders in revolution against demolished in 1996. Portions of
the French and known as walls and the main gate were
Hanoi Hilton in the Vietnam retained as vestiges for
War historical reasons; located near
Hanoi central district
Table 16.3. Visitors to Hanoi sites. (Vietnam Academy of Social Science.)
Revolution Ho Chi Minh Fine Art

History Museum Museum Museum Museum
Inter- Inter- Inter- Inter-

Year Domestic national Domestic national Domestic national Domestic national
1998 45,000 37,000 173,000 2,097 942,983 49,397 22,000 17,751

1999 46,000 35,900 172,927 3,221 1,331,957 132,446 27,700 21,004
2000 70,000 27,000 182,232 3,747 1,520,747 89,113 29,031 23,228
2001 57,000 45,000 155,425 4,936 1,465,280 90,101 30,200 21,004
The History Museum is adjacent to colonial landmark architecture in

Hanoi – The Opera House. The museum is housed in the former old archae-
ological research institute of the École Française d’Extrême Orient (EFEO) or
French School of the Far East. Visitation to the History Museum is well bal-
anced between domestic and international tourists. The international visita-
tion proportion ranges from 30 to 45% annually. There is the same figure
of 45% for international visitation to the Fine Art Museum, located in
the former office of French Colonial Ministry of Education. The French
involvement in contemporary times has been in the design and development
of the Museum of Ethnography. The museum has a focus on the 54 ethnic
groups in Vietnam, a theme attracting a higher proportion of international
visitors at 59%.
The links to the colonial past in the present is remarkable with 80% of
French tourists arriving in Vietnam to visit Hanoi, the former Indochina colo-
nial capital. The interest of international tourists in the museums reflects what
they may perceive as the guardian of a nation identity: its history, arts, ethnicity
and architecture.
Beyond museums, Hanoi as a capital city presents a sacred space. Many
sites in the city are symbolic sacred locations. As capital city of a socialist
country, respect towards the leaders of the communist party such as Ho Chi
Minh (paralleling reverence of Lenin in Russia and Mao Tse Tung in China)
has created a ‘ritual’ visitation to places like the Ho Chi Minh Mausoleum and
complex that includes the Ho Chi Minh Museum. In this aspect, tourism is a
kind of pilgrimage to what Giebel (2001) refers to as a ‘museum shrine’. The
surrounding Ba Dinh Square is sacred space for many national events and
military marches. In this sense Hanoi’s Ba Dinh Square has a role similar to
that of the Red Square in the former Soviet Union or Tianmen Square in
Beijing, China. The museum attracts both sets of tourists, the Vietnamese for
patriotic duty and the international visitors to think about one of the significant
political leaders of the 20th century. Each year the museum reports welcom-
ing more than a million tourists, of which less than 10% are international. To
the Vietnamese, the Ho Chi Minh Mausoleum Complex is a must see place,
an ultimate tourism goal for many rural Vietnamese. To them Hanoi has the
same meaning as Ho Chi Minh.
In Edensor’s national space dimension, Hoa Lo Prison Museum and the

Revolution Museum capture the national story for both international and
domestic visitors. During the Vietnam War, Hanoi was seen as an opposite
embodiment to the USA (Logan, 2000), representing a hard-to-forget expe-
rience of the American involvement through the image of the so-called
Hanoi Hilton (Hoa Lo Prison, now the Hoa Lo Prison Museum), where
American pilots (including former Republican presidential candidate John
McCain) were imprisoned. Hoa Lo Prison Museum is an important part of
national pride and is interesting to international tourists, particularly the
French and the Americans.
The same type of victory and evolution of Vietnamese over the French in
gaining independence is the central theme of Revolution Museum. The lesson
of Vietnamese victory is delivered intensively, especially for schoolchildren. As
Anderson (1991, p. 178) argues ‘museums, and the museumizing imagination,
are both proudly political’. International visitors account for a modest propor-
tion of less than 5% of museum visitation indicated as the priority is the national
story for the Vietnamese audience. The dominant medium is text, mainly news-
papers and letters. Thus, it is not easy for foreigners to understand the exhibits
as little contextual or interpretive material is provided.
Discussion
In terms of national capital tourism, contemporary Hanoi represents a number
of types of national capitals portrayed by the editors in Chapter 1 (this volume;
also see Table 16.4) because of its long and varied history. Even today, Hanoi
through its historic sites demonstrates characteristics from all of these phases
that are employed in interpretation, both as sites of patriotic education for the
Vietnamese and as attractions for international tourism.
Hanoi is a planned capital. The national capital precinct now plays an
important and planned role in reinforcing the national character of Hanoi (Logan,
Table 16.4. Typology of national capital tourism in Hanoi.
Types of capital Observations regarding Hanoi
Planned capital Hanoi has had four distinct phases as a planned capital that
are interpreted. First: the Imperial City of the Ly Dynasty;
second as the South-east Asian administrative centre of the
French colonial administration; the communist period led
by Ho Chi Minh; and now the capital of the reunited Vietnam
Political capital Hanoi has been a political capital of royal dynasties, of the
French colony, of the communist regime and now of the
reunited Socialist Republic of Vietnam
Historic capital Hanoi is a historic capital with a rich royal and political
background reflected by significant historic sites and museums
Former capital Hanoi is a former capital of royal dynasties, of the French
colonial administration and the communist North Vietnam
2000). The Hanoi of today reflects a layering of the planning undertaken during
the imperial, colonial and post-colonial socialist stages of the history of the city.
Throughout the history of Hanoi it has always been a political capital. For the
longest part of the history of Hanoi it was a royal imperial capital. Now, the
partial restoration of Hanoi Citadel and recent archaeological finds of the Hanoi
Forbidden (Imperial) City has reinforced the royal city identity of Hanoi. As Logan
(2000) notes, each regime has sought to define which elements of the urban
environment would be symbolically significant for the people.
In 2010, Hanoi will celebrate its 1000th year of history. The Vietnamese
government aims to stage related events for both international and domestic
audiences (Logan, 2005). The international audience will be tourists who will
be attracted by festivals. With the opening up of Vietnam for tourism since
early 1990s, the historical city of Hanoi has attracted a large number of French,
other European, Asian and Vietnamese overseas visitors. The international
tourism income is an important source of revenue for the Hanoi municipal
government accounting for 7% of the GDP of the city. In addition, rising house-
hold incomes in Vietnam are driving growth of domestic tourism. In the 2000–
2010 Master Plan for Hanoi Tourism, the local tourism authority puts an
emphasis on policies geared to this market.
As the global economic crisis has led to a slump in the international market
since late 2008, the domestic market has become a lifeline for the city’s tour-
ism industry. An aggressive marketing campaign with heavy discounts for
domestic visitors has been part of a government stimulus package. Developing
domestic tourism to capital city’s heritage sites is a tool to strengthen the unity
of the country, as well as reinforce the patriotic duty and legitimacy of the cur-
rent government and one-party system (Logan, 2005).
Conclusion
Hanoi has successfully reinvented itself as a capital city tourism destination,
because the popular sites (museums in particular) combine old and new ele-
ments of the national story that appeal differently to international and domestic
audiences. These heritage sites perform as ‘multifunctional goods’ that serve
multi-motivated users (Ashworth, 2001). Even though the objectives of tourism
development are different for international tourism (generating revenue) and
domestic tourism (national unity and patriotism), Hanoi has reconciled a
national story in which both international and domestic tourists can find appro-
priate interpretations.
How then can the case of Hanoi contribute to our understanding of national
capital city qualities for tourism? This case demonstrates the value of employ-
ing the historic sites of a national capital city to create experiences for diverse
international and domestic audiences. It also demonstrates the physical evolu-
tion of a capital city environment that commemorates key elements of the past
while creating a relevant story for the present.
The reinvented capital city of Hanoi portrayed as an imperial, colonial and
socialist capital city exhibits a cluster of cultural resources used for tourism and
the symbolic construction of the national identity. With its evolving role as a
capital city in the past, Hanoi is in every way a reinvented capital city. Despite
the different objectives geared to international and domestic visitors, Hanoi’s
cultural sites narrate the national story. The national museums and historic sites
play an important cultural and political role, reflecting Hanoi’s status as a
national capital, nurturing cross cultural communication with international vis-
itors and evoking nationalism for the Vietnamese.
The dual purposes of catering to the interests of international tourism and
nurturing Vietnamese nationalism for domestic tourism through key iconic sites
in Hanoi may shape visitor perceptions, contributing to the nature of the rein-
vented capital city. As documented through this chapter, Hanoi’s historic sites
cater to the needs of visitors by emphasizing old and new aspects of the national
story in the museum sites of the city. As an emerging reinvented capital destin-
ation, Hanoi has built on its historic sites to illustrate a story about the capital
that resonates with both international and internal audiences.
A limitation of this chapter has been the reliance on secondary informa-
tion sources as well as of the authors own experiences as visitors to, and
researchers in, Hanoi. Future research should be undertaken to investigate
visitor perceptions of national capital identity as they visit the museums and
historic sites of Hanoi and as they move through the historic tourist city envi-
ronment. It is possible that observations recorded in visitor books at museums
could be analysed using methods proposed by Noy (2008) and Andriotis
(2009). This research could also be undertaken by surveying visitors before,
during and after their visits or by asking visitors to keep a diary as they visit
these sites.
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17 Resurrecting Phoenicia: Tourist
Landscapes and National
Identity in the Heart of the
Lebanese Capital
GHADA MASRI
University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee
Tourists . . . gaze in total wonder at the spectacular rebirth of the Lebanese capital.
‘Switzerland of the Middle East’, ‘Gate of the Arabs’, ‘Crossroads of East and
West’…. Surnames previously adorning Beirut re-emerge while touring the
vibrant central district busy with its banking, commercial and touristic activities.
[This] is the great tour de force that is the rebirth of Beirut, Ancient City of the
future.
(Trawi, 2003, p. 7)
Introduction
This chapter examines the rebuilding of Beirut with a specific focus on the
development of heritage tourism in the capital city. Based on ethnographic
research conducted between summer 2005 and winter 2006, I argue that
rebuilding Beirut is not simply an architectural and engineering project, but
fundamentally a memory and heritage project. While attracting tourist dollars is
a well-established strategy for promoting post-civil war economic recovery,
such processes do not necessarily reflect local experiences and histories. In
preserving the city and its landscape, Beirut serves as a museum – a repository
for memory evoking narratives of belonging, authenticity and identity in the
heart of the national body. This process must be understood as embedded
within local, regional, political and global contexts. After briefly contextualizing
the redevelopment of Beirut, I follow with a discussion on national memory and
identity in the Lebanese context, with specific emphasis on the role of archae-
ology, and conclude with a discussion of the city’s heritage narrative tourism
redevelopment strategy.
Beirut was proclaimed the capital of Lebanon on 1 September 1920 by
General Gouraud, establishing the French Mandate administration for
Greater Lebanon. Since its independence in 1941, Lebanon has experienced

226 G. Masri
several crippling wars, the most devastating and prolonged being the civil
war from 1975 to 1990. This conflict drew together internal and external
political forces with devastating consequences for the nation and its capital
city. By the time of reconstruction in 1995, an estimated 130,000–250,000
civilians had been killed as a result of the civil war, another 1 million people
were injured, and many thousands more were internally displaced (Khalaf,
2006). The years of destruction left the city and the country with a non-
functioning government, little state legitimacy, its population spatially and
politically divided and its capital city destroyed. Although the protracted vio-
lence has officially ceased, political assassinations and car bombings remain
common.
Soon after the conflict ended, the then Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri and his
new government pushed forward a plan to rebuild the city and return it to its
previous splendour as the tourist and commercial capital of the region. Beirut
was not an ordinary city; it was the capital city, an ancient city and the symbolic
‘heart of the nation’. These factors complicated its reconstruction and utilized
competing national, public, political and financial interests. Financially crip-
pled, the Lebanese state lacked the revenue and the administrative and tech-
nical means to carry forth the massive reconstruction of Beirut. The head of the
engineering company, OGER Liban (owned by Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri)
was appointed head of the Council for Development and Reconstruction (CDR);
a government agency responsible for the 4.5 million m2 of the city designated
for post-civil war redevelopment. This action represents a clear conflict of inter-
ests. In effect, this allowed the ‘main private organization in the building indus-
try [to take] over the official planning advisory board’ (Sarkis, 2006; Makdisi,
1997a). The agency that the government used to control private development
was itself privatized.
Based upon CDR and Rafiq Hariri’s recommendations, a single com-
pany was the preferred solution to the problems of financing and coordina-
tion of the massive reconstruction project. This marriage between state and
private commercial interests bore The Lebanese Company for the
Development and Reconstruction of Beirut Central District (BCD), known by
its French acronym Solidere. Formal establishment of this private firm for
the sole purpose of reconstructing BCD was established on 5 May 1994.
This partnership raised criticisms against the Lebanese state and Hariri, who
personally held significant shares in Solidere. ‘[T]he single firm concept has
been argued in terms of the governments supposed inability to pay for the
infrastructure – and hence the need for private investment as opposed to
public expenditure’, yet this has critically challenged the role and function of
the state in securing the public interest (Makdisi, 1997a). Solidere and the
CDR-focused development on the BCD as a primary means of rebuilding the
nation, at the deliberate exclusion of the surrounding suburbs and the rest of
the country. The State, Solidere, and Hariri appear to overlap in their inter-
ests, and at times even stand in for one another. As such, public interests are
subsumed by private interests. As Greater Lebanon was extracted from
Greater Syria, Beirut’s central business district is extracted from the city and
the nation.
Tourist Landscapes and National Identity of Phoenicia 227
Beirut: Archive of National Memory

Solidere promotes amazement at the grand rebirth of Beirut through strategic
display in the BCD. Images of the pre-civil war city, its famous squares, com-
mercial centres, government buildings and tourist sites are on billboard display
throughout the BCD and in front of the Parliament building in Nijmy Square.
These ‘before’ civil-war images, experienced in the ‘after’ reconstruction city
alters the experience of the rebuilt landscape. The narrative display of these
temporal moments – ‘before’ and ‘after’ – narrates the rebirth of the city, yet
jumps over the gap of 15 years of civil war. The civil-war period is compart-
mentalized and cleansed from the story of the city and the nation. This is per-
haps because the gap containing violence is too difficult to face and too
terrifying to remember, or because the years of war are so counter to Beirut’s
self-imagined identity as a place of plurality and cosmopolitan harmony, that
they are conveniently ‘forgotten’.
Whichever the reason, the causes of the civil war remain unaddressed in
the redevelopment of the city and nation. The war serves as a memory artefact;
constructed as an aberration in the centre-stage performance of reconstruc-
tion, development and modernity. The pre-civil-war causes of armed violence
and their connection to current redevelopment strategies are not tackled, but
rather buried under the rubble of forgotten memories, as is evident in Solidere’s
slogan: ‘Beirut – An Ancient City for the Future.’ The present city and its need
for reconstruction become irrelevant.
Pre-civil war remembrance of the city through the narratives of those
who witnessed its destruction is difficult to recognize in the current rebuilt
landscape. The selection of politically valid memories for Solidere’s develop-
ment plan presents multiple challenges. Memories themselves are expres-
sions of experiences cast through the prism of difference (age, gender, class
and religion); yielding multi-varied memory repositories detached from the
rebuilt environment. Such memories are not politically recognized as valid
and do not fit Solidere’s historical narrative. One-third of Beirut was destroyed
by the civil war and another one-third destroyed by Solidere’s redevelopment
strategy (Makdisi, 1997a,b). In this commercial process of reconstruction,
Beirut is ‘stripped away [from] the past’, with the surface of the city laid bare
as ‘sheer surface – spectacle – and nothing more’ (Makdisi, 1997a). Solidere,
in promoting its commercial and financial interests, along with the Ministry of
Tourism, are both in the business of exhibition and sightseeing. Both tourism
and financial industries are the largest profit sectors of the Lebanese econ-
omy. Managing conflicting images and narratives about Beirut involve selec-
tive ‘reconstruction’ and ‘preservation’ of some spaces while others, deemed
less memorable and insignificant to the city’s history, are desecrated; refilled
with new historical imaginings and invested with new meanings. As Forty
(2001) reminds us, memory and remembering are the results of an organic
and dual process of both remembering and forgetting. To remember is also
to forget.
Memory and forgetting involve both practices of artefact creation and
iconoclasm. Forms of construction and reconstruction involve simultaneous
228 G. Masri
erasures (Connerton, 1989; Nerone and Wartella, 1989; Nora, 1989;

Halbwachs, 1992; Forty, 2001; Kuchler, 2001; Lowenthal, 2001). In the case
of Beirut, iconoclasm is a reminder of the artefact that is no more. As such,
destruction of the city through reconstruction has a destabilizing and disorient-
ing effect similar to the destruction caused by the war itself. Destruction over-
laid upon destruction does not eradicate the city in the memories of those who
experienced such destruction. Rather, destruction draws attention to the
absences and propels the urgency to hold back the terror of looming oblivion
through creating memory. Generating meaning through the environment and
lived landscape is an important aspect of forging old and new identities.
Memories serve as a means of imagining, constructing and framing the self in
a larger social terrain. Connection to place shapes and mediates identity and
meaning within a larger social world of significance and symbols (Frisch, 1986;
Freeman, 1992; Malkki, 1992, 1995; Booth, 2006).
The emptied space of BCD, made ready for reconstruction, is described as
a ‘vital void . . . wiped out – not by the war but by the reconstruction project’
(Sarkis, 2006). This interpretation draws on the complex interrelationship
between artefact and iconoclasm. Physical spaces and objects are remembered
through experience, and it is through experience that memory is generated
(Frisch, 1986; Freeman, 1992; Archibald, 1999; Forty, 2001; Booth, 2006).
The relationship of objects to memory is dynamic and involves the participa-
tion of individuals and collectivities at multiple scales.
For some (Khalaf, 2006; Sarkis, 2006), the razed city centre holds a new
potentiality for openness and tolerance; it offers hope for mediating across
communal difference. In this respect the void is a vital one, necessary for the
recovery of the city and its people. However, by drawing attention to what is
unrecognizable and no longer seen, the void itself makes history and memory
more apparent – the absence itself points to a presence; a reminder of what
was once there:
Levelled and open spaces can once again offer rare opportunities to reclaim
a measure of freedom and spontaneity within the enclosure of the city. All
adjoining areas radiating from Beirut’s centre are increasingly commoditized,
deliberately monitored and exploited in ways that are bound to discourage any
spontaneous appropriation or unplanned development.
(Khalaf, 2006, p. 180).
The freedom and spontaneity associated with the BCD and specifically Martyr’s
Square, is problematic. First, the fact that a space has been physically opened
does not directly imply freedom in appropriating space. Freedom to access
space and feel a sense of ownership and legitimacy may not be present in the
sheer fact of ‘openness’, but must be experienced through daily practice.
Romanticizing Martyr’s Square as a place of free socio-political expression,
evidenced by demonstrations, negates alternative remembrances of the square
as the fault-line (Green Line) dividing combative factions and warring identities
into their separate enclaves between Christian east and Muslim west Beirut.
Second, Martyr’s Square, conventionally a space of protest, is by no means
the exclusive site of such political action, which just as often moves organic-
ally through the streets as witnessed by the street marches and labour strikes
blocking the road to the airport in 1997 and again in 2005. Currently, the city
centre is also a heavily fortified militarized zone surrounded by the military and
under the constant threat of state violence and political repression against such
appropriations of ‘freedom’.
The dislocation and disjunctures experienced by the additional
destruction of the remaining city involves a further destabilizing effect on
memory – a re-wounding rather than healing. The power for recovery and
transformation in Solidere’s reconstruction strategy for the BCD is over-
stated. An alternative perspective views the city centre’s open void as an
erasure of vital elements of its social fabric, as a fundamental loss of history,
heritage and social memory (Makdisi, 1997a). The rebuilt downtown spaces
are emptied of history; reconstituted to serve alternative (more commer-
cially profitable) imaginings of heritage and belonging. Beirut’s significance
lies in its capacity to invoke national memory, bearing the archival record
of identity and national legitimacy. This archival power marks national
capitals in profound ways.
Archaeology’s Contentious Landscape

Unless the public is informed about the meaning of their past and their
connection with it, they cannot be expected to preserve and protect the
archaeological vestiges which embody it…. Indeed, the job of urban
archaeologists is reconstruction. They reconstruct and revive the memory
of a town or city by rescuing evidence from above and below ground. Urban
archaeology helps reconstruction by retrieving vital information to clear the
way for building the future. It revives a dimension of the past in order to avoid
creating alien spaces.
(Seeden, 1993, pp. 6–9)
Archaeology’s partnership with urban development is neither new nor coinci-

dental. Both archaeology and urban development serve as constructive tools of
collective identity formation, working as partners (although at times antagonis-
tic) in collective memory making projects. Used as ideological technologies by
state and development authorities, the evidence they collect serve to support
the formation of a cohesive identity in line with predominantly Maronite claims
to a Phoenician–Greco–Roman past tied to Western civilization.
French intellectuals and mandate authorities, with the support of the
Maronite Patriarchate, attempted to resurrect a coherent Phoenician past with
strong historical and cultural affinities with France (Dawn, 1973; Zamir, 1985;
Makdisi, 1996, 2000; Kaufman, 2004). This Phoenician historical project, not
purely an academic endeavour, served as justification for the political and cultural
separation of Lebanon (under the tutelage of French authority), from Greater
Syria after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire in 1918 until independence in
1942. Under the mandate, Muslim and Christian zu’ama (political leaders)
cooperated with the French authorities in order to share in the economic and
political privileges granted by the French authorities to the Maronite commu-
nity. Part of this cooperation included a tacit recognition of both Western legiti-
macy and the ancient Phoenician origins of Lebanon (Kaufman, 2004).
230 G. Masri
During the Mandate and the post-independence eras, Lebanon witnessed

a fundamental shift in its economic development strategy. Economic invest-
ment turned from agriculture to tourism and the service sectors of banking and
commerce. Projecting a Lebanon rooted in a Phoenician, non-Arab historical
past for tourist consumption brought economic benefits for Christian and
Muslim (predominantly Sunni) urban merchants and those involved in commer-
cial and industrial investments (Asad, 1976; Owen, 1976; Fawaz, 1983, 1994;
El Khoury, 2001). During the post-civil war era, this same focus continues with
all government and business investments directed towards development of
tourism and finance services infrastructure. The urbanized Sunni Muslim and
Christian bourgeoisie continue to follow the Maronite line of Phoenician iden-
tity representation as such imagining persists to serve tourism and their finan-
cial investment interests in Beirut’s downtown redevelopment.
Currently, over 500 prehistoric sites throughout Lebanon and approx-
imately 50 sites in Beirut have been surveyed (Solidere Annual Report, 2004).
Beirut’s reconstruction plans include two large-scale archaeological digs which
will serve as open-air museums. These restored and preserved sites occupy the
centre of the most highly valued commercial land in the heart of the capital.
Partnered with United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization
(UNESCO), Solidere worked with several international archaeological in seiz-
ing the opportunity to dig under the city, which had previously been unimagin-
able. The Lebanese government, acting in the interests of Solidere, came to an
agreement with UNESCO, signed 27 April 1993, to coordinate their efforts in
both preservation and reconstruction (Solidere Annual Report, 2004). Once
razed the BCD became hotly contested by project participants, each with com-
peting interests.
No stronger evidence than the land itself to ‘speak’ its legitimate identity to
the nation’s inhabitants. Identity is written in the stones of the archaeological
excavations. Of the 50 archaeological sites in Beirut, two open-air museums
were selected for in situ preservation. In this section, I explore the role of these
sites in the overall model and image of the new city.
The first open-air museum selected for preservation was near Martyr’s
Square. It is bordered by Place de l’Etoile to the south, St Joseph Orthodox
Church to the west, Martyr’s square to the north, and St Joseph’s Maronite
Church to the east (Fig. 17.1). This large open site, dug approximately 4.5 m
deep, contains several Greco-Roman columns, capitals and remnant stone-
walls. The second site, located near the Serial (the old Ottoman barracks con-
verted to a government administrative building), is the Roman baths (Fig. 17.2).
In preserving the site, Solidere developed a beautification scheme that required
the planting of trees, a small wood arbour, and the installation of several
benches.
Marked for national heritage, and worthy of preservation, these sites
politically fit the plan to mix ancient and modern structures in a city; attracting
both tourist and financial industry revenues (Rosenzweig, 1986). Redevelopment
in interests of finance, commerce, and tourism, at the exclusion of large seg-
ments of the local population is a risky endeavour in a country with such a
bloody past. The result is continued contestation over belonging and legitimate
Fig. 17.1. Open-air museum surrounded by the Maronite and Orthodox

churches. (Source: author.)
Fig. 17.2. Roman baths preserved as an open-air museum. (Source: author.)

232 G. Masri
identity: Lebanon as a cosmopolitan Western-oriented nation with historical

roots in a Phoenician past, and Lebanon as an Arab nation with Eastern roots
and an Islamic cultural heritage. The struggle between these two political identi-
ties exploded in the streets of Beirut during the 1975 civil war, and find expres-
sion through the processes of clean-up and rebuilding, as the city manifests
spatial segregation reminiscent of the civil war division between east and west
Beirut (Salibi, 1976, 1988; El-Khazen, 1991; Hiro, 1992).
Tourism and banking figure prominently in the city and the nation’s eco-
nomic recovery plan and the making of identity. The political use of archae-
ology in national heritage formation and tourism rests upon the narrative of an
‘ancient’ commercial cosmopolitanism. This theme is evidenced in an adver-
tisement published in Cedar Wings plays on the fusion of identity and com-
merce as a ‘natural’ geographical aspect of Lebanese culture itself. A marketing
campaign presents the image of a Phoenician figurine in front of a modern
computer, and the heading, ‘Trade where trade was born’ (Middle East Airlines,
1996, p. 30). Commissioned by the Investment Development Authority of
Lebanon, the advertisement makes the following claim:
When the time came for trade to be born, natural selection took its course and
the Lebanese coast was chosen. Located in the heart of the Middle East and
between East and West . . . Lebanon shall stand as one of the top ranked spots for
regional trade. Because there’s one thing history can’t change; that’s geography.
(Cedar Wings, 1996, p. 30)
Another billboard advertisement in Hariri International Airport reads: ‘We

invented the alphabet so we could say welcome’. These references to a
Phoenician past draw upon discourse and material culture, forming a coherent
story about self, belonging, and identity. Each advertisement, aimed at business
professionals and tourists, constructs the capital city as a commercially modern
and culturally open cosmopolitan centre.
The claim to a Phoenician–Graeco–Roman heritage and identity is most
remarkably conveyed through the efforts of genetic researchers self-described
as ‘genetic archaeologists’ (Gore, 2004). Phoenician authenticity is not only
found in the land and its artefacts, but also in the blood’s DNA. A 2004 study
by two geneticists, Spencer Wells at Harvard, and Pierre Zalloua at American
University of Beirut (AUB), funded by the National Geographic Society, used
modern DNA testing to understand the relationship between the contemporary
Lebanese and their assumed ‘Phoenician ancestors’. Aiming to identify the
descendants of the Phoenicians, Wells and Zalloua attempt to show the continu-
ity of Phoenicianness over time, comparing genetic markers, ‘mutations that
arose in Phoenician times [that] can still be found in blood today’, with DNA
samples from known Phoenician mummies (National Geographic, 2006).
Guided by the belief that Lebanon was the Phoenician homeland, the geneti-
cists drew upon the legitimizing discourse of science and biology. As a technol-
ogy of ‘biopower’ genetics was deployed in this case to settle the conflicts
over identity (Foucault, 1977). They expected to find specific Phoenician muta-
tions in the Lebanese DNA pool. However, they concluded that there was no
genetic difference between Christians and Muslims; they formed one people.
Additionally, they found no difference between the inhabitants of the Lebanese

coast, the Lebanese mountains and people living further inland in the Syrian
interior. These conclusions contradict the political claims by some advocates of
a Phoenician Lebanese identity; of Lebanon’s uniqueness and fundamental dif-
ferences that legitimate its separation from the rest of Syria. DNA, in revealing
biological ‘truth’, can be subverted in social truth-making processes in favour of
a more politically viable interpretation.
Archaeology, used as a tool of collective memory and national identity,
creates memory artificially because contemporary individuals do not remember
the distant past (Lucas, 1997; Kohl, 1998; Mourad, 2006). Yet, precisely
because the ancient past cannot be remembered, societies need to create it,
using land or blood (MacCannell, 1979, 1984; Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, 1998).
However, such endeavours fail to incorporate other complex interconnections.
In the case of Lebanon, the Phoenician strand of Lebanese history is connected
to wider processes in the archaeological record, that include Phoenician-
Graeco-Roman sites in Syria, Palestine, Israel and Jordan, which are conven-
iently ‘forgotten’ in efforts to form a singular identity narrative (Said, 1978).
Genetics and archaeology are tools identity projects evident in the nation’s
urban landscape.
Reconstructing Tourism and Heritage

Lebanon’s imagining of itself as an embodied nation – the nation as a body
possessing a defined and bounded territory, and a distinct history, culture and
heritage – is an important aspect of all nation formation. These distinctions
were made most clearly by Western travellers, missionaries and scholars in the
early 19th century. Perceived distinct cultural, religious, ethnic and historical
differences were used to justify the separation of Lebanon from Greater Syria
(Al-‘Aqiqi, 1959; Said, 1978; Akarli, 1988; Makdisi, 1998; Kaufman, 2004).
These constructions of difference continue to shape Lebanese identity:
Among all the reconstruction projects launched by Mr. Hariri, Beirut city
centre was a top priority. He believed then that rebuilding the heart of Beirut
would bring life to all of Lebanon. He proved to be right. Beirut is now a
meeting place for all, a solemn place to express their sadness and voice their
opinion, but also a congenial place for work, living and employment.
(Solidere Quarterly, 2007, p. 6)
The city encapsulated all of Lebanon, justifying the focus post-war redevelop-
ment on the rebuilding of Beirut. Additionally, the nation conceived by Solidere
is described as wounded and reborn from the ashes of destruction:
Solidere has reinfused life and soul into the heart of the capital, making it
a meeting place for all Lebanese and a symbol of the country’s unity . . . Beirut
today radiates hope for a bright future and is determined to maintain a leading
role as a beacon within its Arab environment.
(Solidere Quarterly, 2005, p. 12)
234 G. Masri
The capital city itself is not the primary focus of reconstruction, but rather the
BCD served exclusively as the essential part of the city and nation, housing the
financial and commercial centre. In this schema, the wounds of the financial
and tourist sectors take precedence over other wounds. In effect, downtown
Beirut was extracted by Solidere from the national body and fenced in with a
militarized perimeter and encircling overpasses. The financial, tourist and gov-
ernment spaces occupy a segregated militarized space, yet memories of vio-
lence are not forgotten in militarized spaces.
The National Museum had been severely damaged by the war and much of
its collections destroyed. Rebuilding of the museum began in 1995 under the
patronage of the Ministry of Culture, the Directorate General of Antiquities and
the National Heritage Foundation. The museum was partially reopened in
November 1997, which ‘had as its main objective to recreate a contact between
the Lebanese and their Past’ (Beirut National Museum, 2005). This past is not
a pre-given natural essence that is only to be revealed, but is one that must be
created. The museum, in its displays and organization of artefacts, is a critical
site for this creative process.
Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett (1998) argues that ethnographic objects are
made into artefacts. Artefacts, as special kinds of objects, are seen to carry
significance through a direct connection to the past. The meanings objects are
seen to bear and communicate do not reside in the objects themselves, but
rather, attached to them through their manner of arrangement, catalogue and
display. This ‘agency of display,’ where objects reveal their truth is a form of
fiction. Exhibitions are fundamentally theatrical in that they perform meaning
(Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, 1998). Meaning is here deployed through several strat-
egies of display, removing objects from their original social context and trans-
lating them into new contexts. This rescripting locates artefact within a new
context and system of meaning. This in-context strategy of reading meaning
into objects is used in powerfully political ways creating and displaying identity
in the Beirut National Museum.
Struggles over national identity, since the early formation of the Lebanese
nation state, continue through public space. The National Museum, as an
archival institution houses the ‘authentic’ national story. The objects on display
and their manner of ‘speaking’ to tourists and the contemporary nation – at its
heart (Beirut) – become of vital importance in competing nationalist discourse.
This is evident in the National Museum’s presentation of Lebanese history.
In-context display techniques are evident in the spatial organization of the
National Museum into separate rooms identified by historic era. The seven
eras used in the filtering, ordering and translation of artefacts are Prehistory
(1M–3200 BC), Bronze Age (3200 BC–1200 BC), Iron Age (1200 BC–333 BC),
Hellenistic Period (333 BC–64 BC), Roman Period (64 BC–395 AD), Byzantine
Period (395 AD–636 AD) and Arab Conquest/Mamluk Period (635 AD–1516 AD)
(Beirut National Museum, 2005). On first observation, the framing of temporal
categories (after prehistory), bound by the reference to ‘Age’ or ‘Period’, appear
benign in their factual description. At another level of observation, one may
notice that the Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine periods are not described as
‘conquests’, when compared to the Mamluk period of Arab conquest. This
inconsistency in labelling is indicative of something beyond a benign display of

factual chronological stages of history (Said, 1978; Makdisi, 1998). A display
for tourists and locals alike, the museum legitimizes a particular representation,
placing national origins at the base of Western Phoenician-Graeco-Roman civi-
lization. However, tourism project itself threatens this construct of Lebanese
national identity.
During the summer tourism season (May–September), visitors descend
upon Beirut. Lebanese expatriates and foreign tourists from European and Gulf
take holiday in Beirut’s luxury shopping, nightclub entertainment and beach
activities. Based on Hariri’s Saudi business partnerships, much of the money
invested in Beirut’s redevelopment comes from Saudi investors. Since the
events of 9/11 and the US ‘war on terror’, travel to Europe and North America
has been limited for most tourists from the Gulf States (Khaleej), making Beirut
a welcome alternative. A common perception by local Beirutis, behind Khaleeji
wealth is moral ‘filth’ evidenced by their ‘traditional’ beliefs and practices. One
Beiruti stated:
Half the people downtown don’t buy anything. It’s nice, but there are nicer and
cheaper places. It’s [downtown] not for us; it’s not for the Lebanese – not for
the wages of two days work for one night here. It’s made for tourists, mostly
al-khaligiya [Arabs from the Gulf] . . . the Saudi tourist goes two places, downtown
with family and supernights with prostitutes…. Saudis are filthy, I wouldn’t work
painting their homes. When you work for them, they own you. The Khaleej are
dirty and if you sit with them, you get disgusted watching them eat – even though
they have money, they stink.
(Interview – Rami, 2005)
The city’s downtown is not perceived as belonging to the Lebanese, but rather
for tourists, specifically the Khaleej. BCD becomes marked during the summer
months as a place that permeates with moral corruption and presents a danger
to Lebanese society as a whole. Another Beiruti said she does not visit the BCD
at night during the summer, especially not with her young 15-year-old daugh-
ter. She explains that, ‘The Khaleej come every summer and destroy our city.
They have money, but they are still dirty and uncivilized. They are a bad influ-
ence on our society and young women’ (Interview – Nancy, 2005). Although
needed for economic growth by the state and the tourism industry, Gulf involve-
ment in Beirut is seen to make Lebanese culture vulnerable to uncivilized
Khaleeji morality. This contradiction is further compounded by yet another,
namely the tension between conflicting notions of morality and civility. As
Lebanon struggles to assert itself as a modern nation state with roots in Western
civilization, Eastern civilization in the presence of Khaleeji tourists challenges
the spatial narrative of heritage and identity.
Conclusion
Beirut is promoted as a place of cosmopolitan cultural diversity, a multiple blend
of cultures, from both the East and West. In this respect, Beirut is a museum
236 G. Masri
of sorts, an archival collection of multiple cultures. The transnational networks

connecting expatriate Lebanese, via Beirut, with their towns of origin and the
convergence of Eastern and Western travellers and traders in the city maintains
this concept of Beirut. Not only does the city represent the unique characteristic
features of Lebanese society, but the heart of Lebanese national identity. The
myths of modernity and rebirth drape the narrative of Beirut. The language
deployed by Solidere in its marketing of the city constructs Beirut as the heart
of the nation, reducing the survival of Lebanon to the development of the BCD.
This fallacy neglects the fact that Lebanon continued to exist and survive
throughout the more than 15 years of protracted violence. Life, with its social
exchange and cultural rituals – weddings, funerals, births and holidays – contin-
ued although transformed by the dangers of the civil-war landscape.
Through the prevalent myths of Beirut’s resurrection, contradictions
emerge between Western modernity and moral corruption on the one hand
and Khaleeji morality and tradition on the other. In one sense, they are both
viewed as corrupting by different segments of the population. Middle and upper
class communities, desiring their own pleasures and economic benefits from
westernization and Lebanon’s inclusion in the global economic system, mimic
Western styles and mannerisms. The presence of Khaleeji tourists during the
summer months offends the sensibilities of many self-defined ‘cosmopolitans’
residing in the city. Khaleeji men walking with their two or three wives and their
children in tow through downtown Beirut fills many Lebanese with concern
and threatens the perception of Beirut as a modern, cosmopolitan, city with a
characteristic ‘Lebanese culture’ and identity.
The threat to Lebanese cosmopolitanism and modernity through the
Khaleeji presence is neutralized by the archaeological endeavours witnessed in
the BCD. Excavating the city to find its identity – its true national self – is
projected on to the DNA gene project that investigates the blood of contem-
porary Lebanese as evidence of authenticity and a Phoenician-Graeco-Roman
identity, rooted in Western civilization. Through preservation and demolition,
the city centre is manifest as an active site for the creation of meaning. The
decision over which tourist places – buildings, neighbourhoods and archaeo-
logical sites – are preserved, reconstructed or demolished is highly value laden;
entrenched within the politics of collective memory and national identity. This
creative endeavour requires space – surfaces – upon which to build, organize
and display new creations of the national self. To this end, the historic souks,
homes and sidewalks were levelled, clearing the area like a blank slate wiped
clean and made ready for a new creation – the rebirth of Beirut.
The concern and contestation over tourist development in Beirut is pre-
cisely because of its symbolic and mythic qualities – the city as archival
repository – in translating and communicating identity to the national-self and
the rest of the world. The questions of communal identity, national belonging
and modernity remain close at hand in the reworking of place and space.
These processes are fundamentally intertwined with tourism practices, and
narratives about belonging, identity and legitimacy, and will continue as tour-
ism remains the primary focus of social development.
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18 Diversifying the Tourism
Product in Brussels: European
Capital and Multicultural City
ANYA DIEKMANN AND GÉRALDINE MAULET
Université Libre de Bruxelles
Introduction
The present chapter develops and extends the earlier discussion in Chapter
11, city tourism and changing capital city roles, by highlighting the attempt
of Brussels’ tourism authorities to diversify the tourism offer by using aspects
of ‘capitalness’ of the city. It analyses the different perceptions of the capital
destination, Brussels, in guidebooks and by tourist authorities highlighting the
latest destination management developments and the use of changing city
attributes. It also explores the different stakeholders and examines how far
these strategies boost (or don’t) leisure tourism in the areas under scrutiny.
The rather recent development of integrating new quarters in the city’s
promotion is mainly the result of political circumstances that influence, to a
large extent, tourism management issues in Belgium. This is due to the complex
political situation of the country as a whole and Brussels in particular. The fed-
eral state of Belgium is in fact composed by three linguistic communities (French,
Flemish and German) and three political regions (Flandres, Wallonia and
Brussels). The communities are only partially overlying the regions as they do
not have the same geographical boundaries (Fig. 18.1). Each of those entities
has a government and a capital. Brussels with its million inhabitants is the capi-
tal of several of these entities (all excepted Wallonia and the German commu-
nity). It is therefore not what could be called a ‘classic’ capital of one country.
Brussels is the capital of Belgium, Flanders and the Brussels’ region (to be
considered separately in a federated state) and last but not least, the capital of
Europe. All these entities have their parliaments in Brussels, which add up to
at least four different parliaments in the same city. Being the capital of a coun-
try and at the same time of a region is not unusual. Yet, the overlapping of two
regions with the same capital is rather uncommon. In a more unofficial and
symbolic way due to historical reasons, related to Belgium’s colonial role, it is

240 A. Diekmann and G. Maulet
Bruxelles
Brussels
Flemish community
French community
German-speaking community
Flemish region
Brussels capital region
Walloon region
Fig. 18.1. Map of Belgium with communities and regions.
also considered by the central African community as some sort of capital for
their community in northern Europe (Oyatambwe, 2006). Indeed, after the
independence of Congo, numerous students came to live and study in Brussels.
Their presence spawned the opening of numerous shops with specific goods,
bars, restaurants and nightclubs, some of them emblematic sites for exiled
Africans from Europe. After political changes and conflicts in several sub-
Saharan countries, the former upmarket student migrants have been replaced
by a more diverse group including refugees with less economic power.
While numerous studies focused on the presence of European institutions
in Brussels, and their consequences, and the image of the city (e.g. Magosse,
2005; Calay, 2003; Corijn et al., 2008), only a few studies questioned the
tourism development in the European district in relation to capital aspects
(e.g. Jansen-Verbeke et al., 2005; Corijn and De Lannoy, 2000). The African
quarter received even less attention, particularly for tourism related issues
(Corijn, 2004; Oyatambwe, 2006).
However, Brussels appears to have to fulfil a variety of the capital city roles
discussed in Chapter 2. If we consider Hall’s sixfold categorization (Hall, 2000)
Brussels can be integrated into at least five of them. The city is a multifunctional
capital combining national and regional governance functions. It is also a global
Diversifying the Tourism Product in Brussels 241
political capital, for most European institutions have their seat in Brussels. In
comparison to other more recent political capitals that have been chosen for
their ‘neutrality’ within the country (an example would be the choice of Bonn
in Germany after Second World War), Brussels has an important colonial past
(Congo and Rwanda) and therefore fits equally in the ex-imperial capital cate-
gory. The city also played an important historical role in the European history
as capital of Charles V and other emperors until the creation of Belgium in
1830. Last but not least, due to the presence of the European Institutions, a
lot of international organizations have their headquarters in the city adding
the super capital category. In terms of the categorization used in this book
(Chapter 2) Brussels could be viewed as a planned and political capital (reflect-
ing its imperial past); a global and multifunctional capital (reflecting its develop-
ing role as a supranational European capital) and as a historic former capital
(reaching back to the city’s roots before the creation of the Belgian state). All
these perspectives have validity and offer different insights into the city’s capital
qualities.
This might suggest that Brussels has numerous assets to be a ‘successful’
tourist destination. However, Brussels has to struggle to remain competitive on
the international tourism market. The tourism authorities compare the city to
Amsterdam and Vienna. The comparison is based on size, number of inhabit-
ants1 and accessibility. Yet, in terms of arrival numbers (about 1 million fewer
for Brussels than Amsterdam and Vienna) and overnight stays (5 million for
Brussels, 8.8 million for Amsterdam (OPT, 2008) and 9.6 million for Vienna
(Vienna Tourist Board, 2007) ) the comparison does not stand up. One of the
reasons is the image of Brussels as an ‘administrative’ city in an identity crisis
(Calay and Magosse, 2008; Magosse et al., 2008). While Brussels has to fight
this image, Amsterdam and Vienna benefit of a more attractive image due to
their ability and strategy of combining their flourishing past (commercial for
Amsterdam and cultural for Vienna) with an omnipresent look into future
(LIToTeS, 2009).
Brussels has therefore to face the challenge of creating a new and more
attractive image of the city. The three following aspects play a significant part
in that context:
1. The multilayered realities of the ‘capital’ nature of Brussels. In Brussels,

it is indeed the ‘capital’s’ potential that makes the choice of marketing strat-
egies difficult. For Belgian visitors Brussels is their capital, disputed by
French and Flemish communities. European and non-European visitors
focus on Brussels, capital of Europe and multicultural city for those who
come from Africa. Therefore, in order to avoid critical debates, tourism
promotion in Brussels focused on historic aspects assuming, as Featherstone
(1998) puts it:
that particular cities are cultural centers containing the art treasures and cultural
heritage of the past which are housed both in museums and galleries and in the
fabric of the buildings and layout which represents the prime source of their
cultural capital.
Authorities promote only a globalized and well known heritage to visitors as

well as what is considered to be local historic culture avoiding conflicting issues
between French-speaking and Flemish-speaking communities.
2. The split of tourism competences between the communities and the regions.
This split between the communities (cultural issues) and regions (economical
issues) adds to the difficulties of managing and promoting tourism in the city.
Brussels’ authorities, in a federal context, have to represent and promote
equally all the ‘official capitals’, making it difficult to build a coherent capital
image (Baeten, 2001). Being confronted to the complex political issues of
Belgium, the promoted image of Brussels sticks therefore to neutral classic
heritage assets such as the historic centre, the ‘organic’ images of Brussels
(Law, 2002). The ‘Grand Place’ and, in some search for a bygone moder-
nity, the ‘Atomium’ in the outskirts of the city are the branded landmarks of
Brussels and overall shown (one may add the Manneken Pis). While tourism
authorities continue promoting these organic images of Brussels, guidebooks
highlight more diversified images of the city.
3. Urban tourism development issues. As discussed in Chapter 1, urban tour-
ism has developed strongly since the late 1980s. The demand of the city trips’
visitors has widened over the years from the classic assets such as monuments,
heritage, museums, etc., to more specific requests (Maitland, 2008). As time
spent at a destination becomes shorter, ‘traditional’ elements of a tourist visit to
a city develop towards a more lifestyle-orientated activity, including walks
through a city, dining, joining events, etc. Also the type of visitors changed
over the years: the ‘typical cultural tourist’ between 40 and 60 (Richards, 2001)
has been joined by other consumer segments, such as youth and seniors. With
them, the ‘classic’ educational barriers have expanded (Bourdieu, 1979) and
demand for more diversity has amplified, and consequently the economy of
cultural goods has needed to increase.
This need for a broader offer leads inevitably to a diversification of the tourism
product including areas within the city that have not been considered as a
potential tourism destination before. At the same time, the regeneration and
revitalization of cities through tourism nowadays become a regular feature of
urban development schemes (Zukin, 1995; Fainstein and Campbell, 2002;
Law, 2002; Hayllar et al., 2008). The post-Fordist era has seen an increase in
the promotion of diversity and underprivileged areas are now integrated into
urban tourism, planning schemes undeniably adding to the overall diversity of
the city. At a global level, this concept is integral to a new vision of ‘the city of
quarters’(Roodhouse, 2006). On a local level, the development of tourism in
these districts is seen as an opportunity for economic and cultural community
development. Cities that suffered from ‘a long-term decline in middle-class resi-
dents and the erosion of commitment by business elites have gradually begun
to view the diversity of “urban lifestyles” as a source of cultural vitality and eco-
nomic renewal’ (Zukin, 1998).
Due to these aforementioned developments, increasing competition and
vacant hotels, particularly on weekends, Brussels’ tourism authorities were
forced to rethink their strategy and marketing policies. As in many other cities,
a diversification process has set in, promoting multicultural assets being one of
them (Shaw et al., 2004; McEwan et al., 2005; Roodhouse, 2006, Rath,
2007). In 2005, authorities organized the ‘Assise du tourisme’ (a sort of round
table on Brussels’ tourism issues) resulting in new tourism strategy for Brussels
(Ramboll-OGM, 2005).
Similar to Landry’s concept of the ‘creative city’ (Landry, 2000), Brussels’
authorities used existing cultural resources for the creation of new tourism
assets and products, with the aim of establishing new images of the city and
attracting more tourists. The focus is on more ‘sexy themes’ such as design,
fashion and lifestyle. Events are developed and created to improve Brussels’
image (fantastic film festival, roller parade, Brosella folk and Jazz festival, etc.).
The promotion and expansion of congress facilities is another strategy to diver-
sify the offer. There is also a dynamic to be creative in communication matters
(itineraries, MP3 guides, guided visit by bike, etc.). One strategy exists in the
‘creation’ and promoting of specific quarters. Central to such strategies is the
rhetoric of local difference and diversity (Stevenson, 2003).
New Promotional Strategies: Promoting Diversity
Alongside fashion and ‘lifestyle’ quarters, two districts are particularly promoted
as representative of the multicultural aspects of Brussels. The aim of these
strategies is to highlight and reveal other aspects of the city to the traditional
ones for which Brussels is primarily known. If the process of diversification in
Brussels includes, among other things, the promotion of seven quarters, this
chapter focuses on the development of two of them. Although not promoted
as such, both quarters relate to and explore indeed the ‘capitalness’ of Brussels:
the European quarter as major asset of the official European capital and the
African quarter ‘Matonge’2 as the informal and symbolic northern European
capital of Central African (sub-Saharan) community.
At first sight, apart from their capital character, neither district seems to
have much in common, for in terms of urban development their appearance
is quite unlike. First of all, urban development strategies are very different in
both quarters. While Matonge’s urban landscape is left to decline by local
authorities, the European quarter is confronted with ‘fragmented and ineffi-
cient planning systems almost devoid of participatory possibilities and a
Kafaesque political and administrative domain’ (Groth and Corijn, 2005),
reorganizing and renovating the urban cityscape since about 2000. The suc-
cessive plans integrate the creation of urban spaces, such as squares and
parks, something considerably missing in the Africa quarter. Also, the socio-
cultural and economical background of users and residents is undeniably dif-
ferent in the EU quarter and in the African quarter. For the EU quarter, the
arrival of upmarket users influenced the life of the quarter and initiated a
development dynamic, while the African quarter is subject to a lack of invest-
ments and social problems. The African quarter offers sub-Saharan grocers,
hairdressers, fabric shops and ethnic restaurants, constituting in fact an

important ‘commercial belt’ (McLaughlin and Jesilow, 1998), meaning that
the ethnic community uses the area for commercial exchange, but does not
necessarily live there (anymore). In that context, Matonge also plays a signifi-
cant social role for sub-Saharan community in northern Europe. On the con-
trary, the European quarter may be more considered as an ‘administrative
belt’ with users coming in for work, but most of them living in other districts
in Brussels. Commercial activities related to EU home countries involve
mainly national restaurants or bookshops. Almost all EU countries have their
restaurant in the quarter.
Yet, examining the different elements that compose both quarters, similari-
ties appear (Fig. 18.2). First of all, both quarters are closely linked to Belgian
history: the African quarter for its historical links through colonization (Congo
and Rwanda) and the European through its present status within the city of
Brussels. Furthermore, the two quarters have in common the image of being
a central part of a capital (formal for European and informal for African quarter)
but also the fact that they both respond to the definition of an ‘ethnic quarter’.
Ethnic quarters integrate in reality different aspects of multiculturality and
social mixture. They can be enclaves of linguistical, religious, and family and
friend entities becoming important reserve storehouses of heritage that are often
disappearing in developing home countries (Smith and Maryann, 2001) or
understood as a ‘nostalgic tourism attraction’ for community members or their
children who never lived in their home country. Currently, the ‘ethnic quarter’,
has in fact become a melting pot of many different cultures, composed of locals,
immigrants, residents and users (Chang, 1999), providing specialized services
and goods. Due to the ‘supply’ of ethnic goods and services, the quarter
EU quarter
African quarter
Ethnic/multicultural quarter
Majority of users are
not residents
Social background Social background
Tourism development:
of users of users
top-down decision
Decline Development
Promoted in international
Informal capital Official capital
tourist guides
Symbolism for the community
Parallel community tourism
Fig. 18.2. Differences and similarities between the African and the EU quarters.
performs the function of a forum, where the members of the community can
gather and distinguish themselves from the host country, and where in day-to-day
life they are probably well integrated. There is, of course, a paradox between
integration and separation. The ethnic quarter is the place where community
members find and reaffirm their identities, consciously living out their segrega-
tion from the host country (Diekmann and Maulet, 2009). This description is
valid for the European as well as for the African quarter. In both quarters, there
is not one particular community from one specific country, but a mixture of dif-
ferent origins having in common the distance from their home country.
In fact, both quarters are not migrant quarters through their population
(residents), but through their users. In Matonge,3 only 7% of the population are
from Central African countries (Corijn, 2004) and of the ± 40,000 EU expats
living in Brussels and the outskirts, only 1753 ‘Europeans’ live in Etterbeek
(Gall, 2005).
This similarity between the two quarters has many consequences. First of
all, tensions and conflicts between residents and users exist in relation to urban
development issues and uses of the urban spaces (Groth and Corijn, 2005).
Among others, this is due to the fact that the user group is not composed of
one specific community, but a multicultural one. Yet the recently promoted
‘ethnicity’ of both quarters depends on them. Residents of the districts are not
even considered by tourism development authorities. In both quarters, neither
local authorities nor local businesses or resident-associations were involved in
the process of tourism development. Tourism development started from the
outside and from the private tourism sector. There were no public develop-
ment strategies by tourism authorities involved (no infrastructure existed then;
in terms of information for tourists, signage or public transport). Foreign
guidebooks, however, integrated both areas from the 1990s onwards. The
analysis of randomly chosen guidebooks of the last decade (e.g. Rough Guide,
Blue Guide, Petit Futé, Time out, Baedecker), shows that they identified the
two quarters under scrutiny as interesting tourism assets for their ‘capitalness’
aspects.
One example is the importance and use of the term ‘capital of Europe’
in these guidebooks, compared to the notion of ‘capital of Belgium’. Few
guidebooks do not attribute any capital aspects to Brussels but refer to it as
the political centre or headquarter of the EU (Table 18.1). The other capital
aspects of the city (Brussels region, Flanders) do not appear at all in the
examined guidebooks. Brussels as European capital is a political entity and
thus an official term. Yet, it is only within recent years that the term ‘capital
of Europe’ is used for tourism promotion on the official tourism websites of
the city, with the aim to create a new image. It should, however, be noted
that in terms of contents, Brussels is often presented as an ambiguous city
and the EU quarter often as an unattractive area (Calay and Magosse,
2008).
For the sub-Saharan quarter, the situation is slightly different. Although
recognized and considered by the African community as their informal capital,
the term is not used as such in guidebooks. Matonge appears in most guidebooks
since around the end of the 1990s, but with a great variety of terms used to
246
Table 18.1. Terms used in guidebooks to describe Brussels’ capital function.
Brussels, Political Head- Brussels,

European centre quarter Belgium
Guide Country Year capital of EU of EU capital
Lonely Planet UK 2003 X

Rough Guide: Belgium and Luxemburg UK 1999 X
Michelin Vert France 1996 X
Baedecker Germany 2003 X X
Marco Polo Germany 2005 X
Merian Germany 2005 X
Brüssel, Petra Sparrer Germany 2006 X
Brüssel, DuMont Germany 2005 X X
Petit Futé Belgique Luxembourg France 2000 X
Guide du Routard Belgique France 2005 X
Blue Guide UK 2000 X
Bruselas Spain 2006 X X
Time out: Brussels, Antwerp and Bruges UK 2004 X
A. Diekmann and G. Maulet

100% Brussels Netherlands 2004 X
Frommer’s Belgium, Holland & Luxemburg USA 1999 X
Un grand WE à Bxl, hachette France 2004 X
describe the quarter: first city, centre or hub (all synonyms of the word capital)
of the African community. Several guides insist on the very emblematic and
symbolic character of the quarter and the attraction for sub-Saharan communi-
ties from outside Brussels and Belgium. The existence of cultural goods and
services is highlighted, as is the important presence of wholesale agents for
importing and exporting goods in and from homelands.
The European quarter has not been considered as an asset by tourism
authorities due to its image as a bureaucratic and institutional neighbourhood.
However official sightseeing tours included some major buildings (without visit-
ing them from the inside). At the same time, a parallel tourism activity has
developed. Tours of the ‘European capital’ consisting exclusively of a visit to
the European quarter and European institutions were and still are organized by
the European representations of the member states (LIToTeS, 2006). Due to
the lack of interrelations with local tourist authorities, these groups hardly ever
visit Brussels’ centre, but continue their trip to Bruges or Amsterdam, consid-
ered more interesting by the organizers. As the visits of the Europeans build-
ings (booking in advance, group visits only, etc.) are managed directly by the
European building’s security, no other information is given on Brussels tourism
activities. A EU tourist information point focuses on European aspects in one
of the buildings. Very nearby, the Brussels’ authorities eventually placed a few
years ago an information point to promote the city but, according to tourism
officials, it is mostly used by local users and residents rather than tourists or
city-trippers.
The same phenomenon occurs with the African quarter. It attracts most
African visitors coming from outside Brussels or Belgium for specific services
or goods, or for social exchange with community members. For a large majority,
these visitors are not interested in visiting the rest of the city. There is no
tourism information available within the district, either for the specific visitor
groups or for outside visitors interested in Matonge. The only available official
information is on Brussels’ public websites and in the brochure displaying the
itinerary around the quarter. Some guided ‘ethnic’ tours are organized by local
associations.
The above mentioned official tourism development in the quarters, as well
as the activities considered by authorities as ‘parallel tourism’, evidence the
incoherent and disorganized promotion; for little or nothing is put in place to
address and integrate the more specific visitor groups and stimulate visitors to
go beyond the boundaries of their primary destination (either European quar-
ter, either the sub-Saharan quarter).
The recent initiative of the Brussels’ tourism authorities to promote new
quarters through the creation of itineraries could have been an opportunity to
ameliorate the image problems of Brussels. Yet, the simple implementation of
an itinerary does not turn districts into a tourist destination per se. The incoher-
ence of tourism policies also touches the image building process of the city.
The ‘capitalness’ of the freshly promoted quarters is not solely related to the
quarters, but appears as a general ‘new’ promotion strategy of the city. Finally
it is up to the visitor to create the link between the capital aspects and the quar-
ter he or she is visiting.
Unfortunately, no statistics for the number of visitors of the quarters exist.

However, some indicators suggest – at least indirectly – a certain ‘success’ in
terms of visitor numbers and certainly confirm the existing visitors’ demand.
About 100,000 exemplars4 of a new guidebook titled My European Village
were distributed by the Brussels tourist office between spring 2007 and 2008.
At the same time, a survey of passers-by in the African quarter showed that
only 4 out of 100 interviewed declared themselves tourists (Diekmann and
Maulet, 2009). It might be assumed that visitors are not taking all the different
suggested walks, but choose one or two including – according to public authori-
ties – the European quarter.
Although, for Matonge, the promotion on the Internet and brochures has
increased, the majority of clients and visitors (tourists) come from the sub-
Saharan African community. As ‘community-member tourists’ tend more to
stay with friends and relatives, they are not necessarily considered by the local
community as tourists, although they clearly come for a short period to pur-
chase specific goods and meet people from their community and enjoy cultural
events, such as concerts of African artists, and then leave again for their home
town (either in Belgium or neighbouring countries). Also visitors from Africa
come to Matonge to visit and meet community members. These ‘tourists’ are
not addressed in the official promotion campaign that clearly focuses on the
‘Western client’, promoting Matonge as an exotic asset and insisting more on
distinction and diversity than on integration.
A survey with the commercial sector of the quarter showed that 65% of the
shopkeepers are not even aware of the initiative of the public authorities to
promote the quarter as a tourism asset (Diekmann and Maulet, 2009). Some
businesses are not conscious of the tourism potential of their quarter and the
attraction for ethnic communities in urban tourism activities. Consequently, they
do not participate in any promotional or strategic product supply. Independent
from economical aspects of tourism development, some groups of stakeholders
do not wish to be put on display and are opposed to the present tourism devel-
opment, for they fear commodification of their quarter (Oyatambwe, 2006).
This explains also the absence of souvenir shops or items for tourists in the
existing shops.
The whole tourism development process in Matonge appears to be a top-
down decision by tourism authorities without any local involvement and is
therefore likely to be unsuccessful in the future if current policies continue.
For the European quarter, the promotion on the Internet and brochures has
increased too. But the situation is slightly different, for long before official
authorities started promoting the place, private initiatives and the commercial
sector provided goods and services for visitors, even at a very small scale; most
of the European souvenir shops being located around the Grand Place in the
historic centre. As for Matonge, users and residents are not involved in the tour-
ism development process. Yet, there is less resistance from the concerned com-
munities than in Matonge, for the quarter has long been considered as an
important tourism asset by the users and residents, and incomprehension relates
more to the long-lasting hesitation of the authorities to promote the area. As a
matter of fact since 2001, several initiatives (public or semi-public) saw the light
with the aim to valorize Brussels as the capital of Europe but these projects
hardly ever addressed tourism issues (Calay and Magosse, 2008).
Yet, one essential question is to know whether there is a demand from the
community user and/or resident side for tourism at all. Would organized tour-
ism development foster their socio-economic conditions and, in the case of
Matonge, help regenerate the quarter? It could be assumed that in the European
quarter, there is little interest by the local businesses to get more involved in
tourism, for the economic activities and benefits are covered by the local users.
But research would be needed. In Matonge, small businesses have not yet rec-
ognized the potential benefit due to a lack of information and communication
with local and regional authorities (Oyatambwe, 2006). Yet, there are exam-
ples where tourism development has regenerated and brought cultural as well
as economical renewal, such as Harlem (Hoffman, 2003).
Conclusions
The chapter highlights examples of new strategies (since 2007) of tourism

development in Brussels. The aim of these new strategies is to be competitive
and improve the image of the city through diversification of the tourism prod-
uct. Along with being a ‘new’ asset of Brussels’ tourism supply, the two exam-
ined ‘freshly’ promoted quarters are symbols for capital aspects of Brussels.
However, the comparison of the two ‘new’ quarters promoted by the tour-
ism authorities highlights a number of incoherencies and problems as to their
potential success as a tourist attraction. Although the urban development and
socio-economic background of the two quarters is rather varying, a number of
similarities have been tackled and tourism development has been analysed in
the light of the latter. Both quarters are activity belts for the promoted com-
munity and the residents are only very partially part of the community. That
raises the question of how interested they are if the quarter they live in becomes
a tourist destination, particularly without their involvement. Detailed analysis
showed that these resemblances indeed influence tourism development, more
than the different social conditions of users and residents. It may therefore be
suggested that the potential attraction of a tourist destination is not essentially
linked to social standards or well-maintained buildings but to the participation
and interest of its users and/or residents.
In terms of visitors, tourism policies address only specific categories, mainly
non-community members. Promoting particularly in Matonge the ‘exotic’ side of
the African quarter excludes community members and fosters a parallel tourism
activity. The policies show a deficiency of field reality knowledge by the tourist
authorities, resulting in a lack of adapted response to the demand. The absence
of almost any tourism infrastructure, such as signage, presentation and interpre-
tation tools on site may be attractive to some visitors seeking to get off the beaten
track and away from overcrowded tourist areas (Maitland, 2008; Maitland and
Newman, 2009). On the other hand, it might impede less adventurous tourists
to go there at all, or this lack of any support may result in either an unsatisfying
visit or a negative experience. The presence for a long time of both quarters
in international tourist guidebooks is obviously not a sufficient condition to bring

visitors about. Particularly in Matonge, local businesses are not aware that their
quarter is promoted and displayed in international guidebooks.
The reasons for putting the European and African quarters on the tourism
map are fuzzy and more due to competition aspects and general supply issues,
than to any regeneration or local development strategies. Furthermore, the
creation of itineraries in 2007 evidences a very late response to the demand
side and international tourism guides that integrated the two quarters under
scrutiny for at least 10 years.
In order to compete with other European capitals, tourism authorities
should further explore and promote Brussels’ ‘variety of capitalness’. However,
this capital potential is not used in a coherent way by the authorities to develop
tourism. The capital image given on official websites and brochures is not
clearly and directly linked to the quarters representing best the various
‘capitalness’.
The same reproach can be made for the development of the sub-Saharan
African quarter. Although the quarter is considered and handled by a big sub-
Saharan community as its informal capital, this symbolic aspect is not taken
into account. Increasing interest of urban tourists for ethnic districts and the
need for diversification of the tourism on offer seems to be the major motivation
for the tourism development, rather than promoting the district for its ‘capital-
ness’. The lack of involvement of the ‘promoted’ community furthermore raises
questions on the acceptable degree of commodification. The top-down approach
in both quarters excluding users and residents from this process hinders the
development of an attractive offer benefitting all concerned parties.
Tourism is not only a matter of supply and demand but also an important
driving force behind the image of a city. Although ‘capital’ aspects (particularly
the European capital) have been used by guidebooks as key images of Brussels
for years, the tourism authorities integrated them only recently. Due to com-
plex political and institutional circumstances, tourism policies focused for a long
time on historical heritage assets and missed out one of the most attractive
particularities of the city. It is questionable how far the tourism development
and promotion of these quarters might influence and change the image of the
city of Brussels, for the tourism development process in both districts lacks
clear and integrative strategies involving all stakeholders, and therefore holds
back balanced tourism growth.
Notes
1 Amsterdam with 740,000 inhabitants and 220 km2, Vienna with 1.5 million inhabit-
ants and about 400 km2 and Brussels with 1 million inhabitants and 160 km2.
2 Name derived from a famous quarter from Congo’s capital Kinshasa.
3 The ‘greater’ Matonge includes the district as perceived by the community and not by
the local authorities, see Diekmann and Maulet (2009).
4 English = 40%, French = 24%, Dutch = 11%, Spanish = 8%, German = 7% and
Polish = 6%.
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19 Modern Tourist Development
and the Complexities of
Cross-border Identities Within
a Planned Capital Region
GUY CHIASSON1 AND CAROLINE ANDREW2
1Université du Québec en Outaouais; 2University of Ottawa
Introduction
This chapter examines Ottawa–Gatineau, the national capital region (NCR) of

Canada.1 The particularity of that region is that it is one NCR (one economic
region according to many observers; Tremblay, 2003; Paquet et al., 2004) but
that it is two cities, in two provinces. In all forms of planning and development,
there is tension between the one and the two (Andrew and Chiasson, 2008).
In terms of tourism, this tension means there is an ongoing competition
between some actors promoting the image of one national cross-border capital,
and others that put forward distinct local brandings on either side of the border.
This tension or competition between different identities (Judd and Fainstein,
1999; Lowes, 2002) builds upon the linguistic, cultural and socio-economic
divisions: with the Ontario side being majority anglophone and the Quebec
side, majority francophone. Intersecting with these divisions is the historical
socio-economic imbalance between a more prosperous Ontario and a more
economically challenged Quebec side.
The objective of this chapter is to illustrate how this ongoing tension struc-
tures tourism planning and development. More specifically, this chapter is
organized around two logics. First, we will look at Ottawa–Gatineau’s tourism
development from a chronological point of view. After presenting the initial
setting, we have divided modern tourism into two different periods: the period
of buildings, and the period of festivals. These periods are different not only in
terms of the tools used to attract tourist (buildings or festivals), but also in terms
of the actors involved and their respective ascendancy on the conduct of tour-
ism development in the region. The period where new buildings dominate is
led by the federal government, centrally controlled; an active role for the
National Capital Commission (NCC) and with the intent of conveying a com-
mon image for the Ottawa–Gatineau region through monumental buildings.
The second period, geared towards festivals, does involve the federal government,
254 G. Chiasson and C. Andrew
but also an increasing number of players and tends to be more decentralized,

usually operating on one side of the border as opposed to both sides.
Second, we will look at an overarching theme in the region’s tourism devel-
opment: the attraction of nature. This theme is especially important on the
Quebec side as the tourism mandate is clearly regional and focuses on the attrac-
tiveness of the natural environment. Ottawa’s tourism also builds on this ‘green’
image, but is nature that has been shaped by human activity. ‘Man-made’ nature
would be a historically accurate description, if gender insensitive.
From Planned Capital to Decentralized Tourism Development

The initial setting: Ottawa–Gatineau as a political and planned capital?
In many ways, Ottawa–Gatineau could be considered a ‘political capital’ accord-

ing to Peter Hall’s (1993) typology. As Hall explains, political capitals are
‘[c]reated as seats of government, political capitals often lack other functions,
which remain in older, more established commercial cities’ (p. 69). Before
being selected as the national capital by Queen Victoria in 1857 (NCC, 2008),
Ottawa was essentially a lumber town (Gaffield, 1994). Unlike Montreal or
Toronto, it could not claim to be an industrial or a financial capital of any sort.
Even now, while being the fourth largest urban agglomeration in Canada, it
remains much smaller than either Toronto or Montreal and even Vancouver.
Already in the early 20th century, there were some calls to make Ottawa,
and what is now Gatineau, a coherent planned capital region. Wilfrid Laurier,
who had proposed the idea of a federal district comparable to the District of
Columbia in the USA, named a Commission, presided by William Bennett,
with a mandate to draft a plan for the capital region (Gordon, 1998). This plan
was forgotten, but the idea of a coherent capital region resurfaced in the most
significant planning document for the capital, the Greber Plan (Gordon, 2001).
This plan was started just prior to the Second World War and finished after the
war. For Greber, the Quebec side was primarily seen as recreational, and a
space for civil servants to relax and prepare themselves for the arduous task of
governing the country. The Ontario side would develop as the capital, with the
downtown core for the important government offices and suburban develop-
ment for the single family homes, where the women tended the children and
provided a tranquil environment for the weary ‘knowledge workers’ of the fed-
eral civil service. The Greber Plan promoted the Gatineau Park and the consoli-
dation of it as a park under the responsibility of the NCC. At the same time,
the plan led to the establishment of the Greenbelt on the Ottawa side, in an
imitation of Ebenezer Howard as an attempt to concentrate urban develop-
ment within a green space. The Greber Plan also promoted the development
of major roadways running through parklands and therefore both sides of the
river were given images of ‘green’, but the Quebec side is more associated with
recreational activities. The experimental farm, situated within the Greenbelt
on the Ontario side and now surrounded by the city of Ottawa, started as
the federal government’s department of agriculture greenhouses and field
The Complexities of Modern Tourism Development 255
laboratories. The scientific work has diminished over time but the experimental
farm, with farm animals, trees and seasonal flowers, remains a hugely popular
destination for families with young children, for avid gardeners and for wedding
photographs.
National identity building(s)
The Greber report gave credence to the idea that the region should be planned
in order to better fulfil its role as an NCR. This planning role was to be assumed
by the NCC, the federal government’s agency responsible for the NCR. This
shift towards a ‘planned capital’ paved the way to the first modern period
of tourist development through the emphasis on new buildings. This period of
buildings is one of the legacies of Pierre Elliot Trudeau. As prime minister, he
decided to build a permanent National Art Gallery (its location in temporary
structures having existed for a number of years) and a new building for the
former Museum of Man (renamed Museum of Civilization after a brief, but
intensive public-pressure campaign, led by a number of feminist organizations).
Trudeau decided that the two buildings would be world-class. Moise Safde was
the architect for the National Gallery and Douglas Cardinal, a well known First
Nations architect, was charged with the Museum of Civilization. The location
for the two buildings was an integral part of the vision of a bilingual NCR; they
were both situated very close to the provincial border (the Ottawa River), the
Museum of Civilization on the Quebec side twinned to the National Gallery on
the Ontario side of the Interprovincial Bridge. They were both within walking
distance from each other on the boundary between the two provinces and the
two cities, linking predominantly francophone Gatineau and predominantly
anglophone Ottawa. In 1968, Trudeau had the provincial premiers agree that
Ottawa and Gatineau together formed the NCR and the placing of the muse-
ums in the very heart of the NCR poised on either side of the river was part of
the same strategy.
Both have become major tourist destinations, but much more so the
Museum of Civilizations. Its architecture symbolizes the Aboriginal presence in
Canada and the museum is certainly part of the discursive attempt to recon-
struct the vision of Canada, recognizing the Aboriginal reality. And, indeed, the
Great Hall and the adjoining rooms have on display works of art by the various
aborigines of Canada that place their artistic creativity on a world-class level.
The Casino in Gatineau is the most popular tourist destination in the region,
but the Museum of Civilization follows as a close second. Studies of tourism by
the NCC indicated that locating the Museum of Civilizations in Quebec has
shifted some tourist spending to the city but that the movement of tourists to
Quebec tended to be to the Museum and then back to the Ontario side. The
opening of the two museums was definitely the recent high point of tourist
promotion through buildings and also of the centralized ‘one’ vision of
Ottawa–Gatineau.
For the ‘new buildings’ period, the NCC saw planning as its major mandate
and this mandate was upheld in a fairly centralized fashion. As a number of
local critics have pointed out, local municipalities were not often consulted in
the master plans of the organization regardless of the fact that its decisions
often significantly affected the local municipalities of the NCR. There was no
formal coordination mechanism between the NCC and the municipalities on
either side of the Ottawa River. The NCC’s central role meant that the idea of
a coherent ‘planned capital’ was the main thread of tourist development for
that period overpowering other forms of more localized tourist attractions.
Indeed, the NCC continues to play a role in the promotion of the symbolically
important buildings and particularly the museums. The marketing and com-
munications division of the NCC has a committee that brings together repre-
sentatives from the museums with the objective of coordinating the activities
and the promotional campaigns of the museums.
The trend from buildings to festivals is not, of course, perfectly linear.
Recently, there have been other new buildings, notably the War Museum, still
close to the Ontario–Quebec border (Andrew, 2007). The idea of building a
new War Museum to replace a very small and old-fashioned museum was aided
by the work of Jack Granatstein, a Canadian political historian, who had
denounced the discipline’s turn to social history, working class history and
feminist history and had suggested that the War Museum would rewrite
Canadian history emphasizing the role played by the two world wars in the
creation of Canada and of a Canadian perspective. The triumphalism of the
vision was associated with the masculine virtues of soldiers, guns and regimen-
tation. But somewhere along the way, Granatstein left his position with the
War Museum and the architect chosen to design the Museum was a Japanese–
Canadian architect, Raymond Moriyama, whose family had been interned in
British Columbia by the Canadian government during the Second World War.
The triumphalism of war was combined with the tragedy of war and the result-
ing building, although with some beautiful detail, does not really convey a clear
story. Although relatively close to the other museums, it is not really in an
urban setting and is in fact encircled by large parking lots. It has quickly become
a very popular tourist location, primarily for families but also, perhaps a sign of
the times, its grounds have become a site for concerts of the Ottawa
Bluesfest.
The continued development of new museums was halted, at least for
some time, by the recent decision (in Autumn 2008) by the federal govern-
ment to stop the development of the Portrait Gallery. It had been promoted
for the previous 5 or 6 years at first clearly to be in Ottawa across from the
Parliament buildings, before the Conservative government under Stephen
Harper opened up the possibility of placing it in another Canadian city. This
deeply disappointed the Ottawa promoters as it seemed a slap in the face to
the city’s, or the region’s, vision of itself as the capital, housing all the national
cultural institutions.
The most recent buildings on both sides of the river can in fact be seen as
transitional, in the change from tourism focused on major buildings, to tourism
focused on events. The Casino in Gatineau was opened by Lotto Québec, the
Government of Quebec’s lottery and gaming commission. It attracts visitors,
both from the region and tourists who are already in the region. The Casino is
the location of a variety of events (theatre, art exhibits, galas), as well as a very
expensive restaurant, attempting to build an image of a high-end attraction
(Lake Leamy Casino, 2009) and to dispel the negative images sometimes
relayed by the regional media of a venue that bankrupts the poor and drives
compulsive gamblers to suicide.2
On the Ottawa side the newest building is a greatly enlarged convention
centre, agreed to in 2008 with a multi-level funding agreement (federal, provin-
cial and municipal). The convention centre is seen by the business community
and the tourism industry as allowing Ottawa to bid for larger and more attrac-
tive events, and therefore as a boost to tourism. It is of course a building, but
its focus is on events and certainly not on the symbolic representation of the
national capital.
A period of festivals
Festivals and events involve some different forms of tourism planning, promo-
tion and development. They tend to follow a more focused ‘niche’ approach to
planning and promotion as the subject of the event defines, at least to some
extent, the audience likely to be interested. The first specifically organized fes-
tival in the region was ‘Winterlude/Bal de neige’, created to take advantage of
the fact that the Rideau Canal had been developed (thanks to Douglas Fullerton,
a former chair of the NCC) as a skating rink in the winter. Winterlude also was
scheduled during the ‘down’ time for the hotels and restaurants, during winter
and after the Christmas and New Year festivities. It also built on a theme of
healthy outdoor activities and building on the benefits of the canal. It did include
both sides of the river, as Jacques Cartier Park, immediately on the Quebec
side of the Interprovincial Bridge, was organized for children to play, with
mountains of artificial snow made to create slides and play structures. To some
extent this division of activities echoed back to Greber’s vision of the Quebec
side being the recreational playground for the region. The Ottawa side does do
the ice-sculpture competition but its basic attraction is the canal, the ‘world’s
longest skating rink’.
Festivals since then have been increasingly located on one side of the river
and promoted as such. Gatineau’s best known festival is the ‘Festival des mont-
golfières’ – the hot air balloon festival where, weather permitting, the sky
becomes alive with a wonderful parade of hot air balloons of all shapes and
colours. On a wider regional scale, Buckingham has a western festival and
Kitigan Zibi, the First Nations Reserve near Maniwaki has a Circle of All Nations
Spiritual Gathering each year in early August, under the leadership of the elder
William Commanda, on the theme of international peace and global
understanding.
Ottawa has the Tulip Festival, in honour of the fact that the Dutch Royal
Family spent some of the war years in Canada and after the war gave tulips to
the city in recognition. The city took up the idea of planting tulips and the fes-
tival marked the beginning of spring. In its early years, there was an element
of programming with an international dimension and the NCC was involved,
but it lost most of its public funding and in recent years it has become a much
less significant event.
Music festivals dominate the summer in Ottawa – the Jazz Festival, the
Blues Festival and the Chamber Music Festival. None is organized directly by
the government although all receive some public grants coming from all levels
of government (federal, provincial and municipal) and from other sources, such
as the Casino. Locations are spread around Ottawa in a wide variety of
venues.
The Franco-Ontarian festival celebrating St Jean-Baptiste Day (24 June)
has, like the Tulip Festival, gone through cycles of different types of program-
ming, funding and governance structures. It has been primarily a series of musi-
cal events, sometimes over a number of days and evenings and, recently, over
a shorter period of time. It is the first of the festivals organized around a specific
ethno-linguistic community – the Franco-Ontarian festival has not been about
a bilingual NCR; it has been about the Franco-Ontarian community’s artistic
expression. Although there are traditional francophone communities within
Ottawa, the current demographic distribution of the francophone population in
Ottawa is more and more spread out across the city.
There are now a growing number of festivals that celebrate specific eth-
nic communities. The Italian community in Ottawa has an Italian week, the
Turkish community a two-day festival, the Greek community a day-long festi-
val and so too the Lebanese community. These recent festivals celebrate
cultural diversity within the region, but not a national bilingual identity such
as the buildings of the Trudeau era. Different cultural communities increas-
ingly come together to reaffirm their identity while living in a variety of multi-
cultural neighbourhoods instead of more ethnically concentrated areas. They
are organized by the communities themselves and are both an occasion for
bringing the community together but also for showing the larger Ottawa com-
munity the vitality and the organizational life (and, of course, the food) of that
particular community.
We have tried to indicate some of the varieties of the festival period –
increasingly decentralized in its organization and therefore increasingly local-
ized on one side of the river. ‘Winterlude/Bal de neige’ continues to be the
largest of the festivals although the 1 July celebrations on Parliament Hill need
to be mentioned. This is of course not a new festival but it has become increas-
ingly formalized, in part due to the rapidly growing size of the crowd. It has
become a tourist attraction, drawing people from beyond the immediate region.
Indeed, the 2006 NCC study of Canada Day indicated that 37% of the partici-
pants were visitors to the NCR, a clear majority of these being Ontario resi-
dents living outside the immediate region. Festivals and events are continually
being created, as promotions for communities, neighbourhoods or even streets.
Sparks Street Mall has just celebrated its second Ribs Festival in which rival
stands sell ribs and invite participants to vote for their favourites. Another
example of a very local festival is in Gatineau, the Festival de l’Outaouais emer-
gent, a showcase for professional and semi-professional artists from the
Outaouais region.
The ‘festival’ period entails a more decentralized governance for tour-

ist development in the region. The previous period gave the NCC a promi-
nent role with little formal articulation with the local tourist sector. In the
current period, the demise of centralized planning by the NCC has given
way to a more visible role by local organizations representing the regional
tourist sector.
Both Ottawa and Gatineau have a central organization that brings together
all the stakeholders of the tourism industry: Ottawa Tourism and Tourisme
Outaouais. Both are membership-based organizations and both share similar
objectives. ‘Ottawa Tourism’s objectives are to promote the destination,
increase visitation, and enhance economic impact for the industry and its mem-
bership’.3 ‘Outaouais Tourism . . . is responsible for regional dialogue, welcome
and reception, information, promotion and tourism development’.4 Both work
closely with their respective provincial body; the Ontario Tourism Marketing
Partnership Corporation (OTMPC) and Tourisme Québec and Ottawa Tourism
also link to the Canadian Tourism Commission.
The structures of both organizations are somewhat similar in that they both
have boards of directors that represent the different stakeholders (by sector in
Ottawa and by sector and territory in Gatineau). In addition, both have executive
structures, based along functional lines. This illustrates the central dilemma of
these organizations; trying to service and therefore to unite widely disparate mem-
bers, who vary enormously in terms of size, sector, location, sophistication and
wealth and at the same time trying to act collectively on behalf of the industry.
Both organizations have relatively large boards of directors: in 2008, 32
members for Ottawa Tourism and 22 for Tourisme Outaouais. The very detailed
breakdown of the sectors represented illustrates the difficulties of creating a
strong collective voice across such a fragmented industry. Tourisme Outaouais’
board of directors has sectoral representatives but also territorial representa-
tives, two from Gatineau, two from a periurban territory (the Collines de
l’Outaouais) and six representatives from three more rural areas. This is an indi-
cation of the fact that it has a regional mandate as one of the tourism regions of
Quebec while Ottawa Tourism representation is urban and solely sectoral.
It is interesting to note that Tourisme Outaouais, as well as the regional
cross-border association of hotels (the Ottawa–Gatineau Hotel Association) are
represented on the Board of Ottawa Tourism, but that Ottawa Tourism is not
on the Board of Tourisme Outaouais. This would suggest that coordination
between the two is seen as something for Gatineau to do – or that Ottawa sees
itself as planning tourism for the entire urban region and therefore includes
Tourisme Outaouais in its structures.
Tourism Ottawa has just recently had the benefits of the Destination
Marketing Fund of the Ottawa Gatineau Hotel Association and this enabled
them in 2006 to develop a four-pillar branding strategy. The four pillars are:
capital, nature, culture and relaxation, and the description of the capital theme
is as follows: ‘Ottawa is Canada’s capital, a showcase city of impressive national
sites, monuments, symbols and ceremonies, where visitors can discover the
best of our country, all in one place.’ The case of Tourisme Outaouais 2008
had seen the development of a granting programme jointly financed by the

Quebec Ministry of Tourism, Tourisme Outaouais and the Conférence région-
ale des élus destined for tourism development projects that fall within the priori-
ties of the region.
This overview of the structures of tourism promotion and development in
the region suggests that the two structures, Ottawa Tourism and Tourisme
Outaouais, both struggle to serve their widely diverse membership and both
offer concrete services to convince their membership of the importance of
major collective publicity efforts. They are both active, each having between 20
and 30 staff and dedicating many of their activities to services for members.
The orientation of Tourisme Outaouais is quite clearly regional, and Ottawa
Tourism is more focused on the urban core.
A ‘Green’ Capital Region

Our final category of tourist development and promotion in the region of
Ottawa–Gatineau relates to the enhancing of the natural attractions. These
attractions – the canal, Gatineau Park, the Ottawa River – are not new, but
what is new to some extent is the way that these are enhanced and marketed
for tourists. The ‘green’ image of the region has been extremely powerful and,
despite periodic efforts by the NCC to counter this image with a more urban
one, its ongoing strength has meant that much of the tourism promotion is
focused around the ‘green’ attractiveness of the region.
Ottawa promoters have recently succeeded in having the Rideau Canal
designed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site. This is seen as a significant event,
a sort of tourist ‘good housekeeping’ seal of approval while confirming the
importance of the canal for the image of the capital and especially Ottawa. On
the other side of the border, Gatineau Park is marketed for the fall colours
under the name of Fall Rhapsody, and the ‘classic’ tourist passage in the region
includes, as well as the Parliament and the Museums, the ByWard Market and
a tour of Gatineau Park. A 2005 study of Fall Rhapsody by the NCC (2007)
indicated that over a fifth of the respondents to the study were from outside the
NCR, indicating a tourist development potential.
A train trip from Gatineau to Wakefield had been organized in 1992
through considerable local-community effort and had become very popular (it
attracted 55,000 passengers in 2007). It is an interesting example, both of
the regional framework of tourist development in the Outaouais and of the
multiplicity of interests and orientations that are present, and active, in tourist
development. The tensions between the local impact of tourism and the over-
all regional impact, coupled with the tensions between development orienta-
tions; between ecotourism and more urban-oriented and less physically active
forms of tourism. The Wakefield train ran from Gatineau to Wakefield, a
small attractive community situated on the Gatineau River and which had,
over time, developed food and lodging for upscale tourism. The rail line and
adjacent land are the property of the Compagnie de Chemin de fer de
l’Outaouais (CCFO), whose board of directors includes the mayors of the
three municipalities that the train line crosses (Gatineau, LaPêche and
Chelsea). The train was operated by a private company, essentially a family
concern. In the early part of the summer of 2008, the owners of the train
halted the operations on the ground that a landslide near the tracks made the
operation of the train dangerous. Concerned about the security of the railbed,
the train operator decided to cancel a scheduled trip for the following
Wednesday and reported the landslide to the CCFO, who then decided to
order the operator to cancel all trips until further notice, pending the assess-
ment of the damages along the rail line and the security risk to the train and
its passengers. This led to a brief, but active, period of negotiations, led by
the three regional members of the Quebec National Assembly to discuss the
situation and put the train back in service on time for the upcoming tourist
season. These ultimately failed, despite an expert decision by the Quebec
Ministry of Transport that there was no danger from the movement of land.
The CCFO maintained its decision to halt the train’s operations for the sum-
mer and the owners of the train confirmed their decision to halt operations,
arguing that they had no options but to obey the order. They then cancelled
all trips for the entire summer of 2008. Finally, at the end of the summer, an
intergovernmental agreement was arrived at and the three levels of govern-
ment (Economic Development Canada, Quebec Ministry of Transport and
the municipal level, divided up among the municipal players) each promised
US$3 million to repair the rail line. The outcome does illustrate the impor-
tance of the train as a tourist attraction and as part of the ‘green’ image, as
the train ride, besides appealing to the nostalgia associated with steam
engines, is essentially a ride through attractive river and forest environments.
However, this story also illustrates, very vividly, the difficulties of reconciling
differing local and sectoral interests.
The ‘green’ image relates to the entire region, but it operates differently
on the Gatineau side and the Ottawa side. Gatineau is seen as having more
natural scenery, dominated by forests and rivers and providing spaces for
active outdoor recreation, such as skiing and cycling. Ottawa has a more
cultivated nature, the canal as an early engineering feat and the experimental
farm showing farm animals to urban children and varieties of irises to urban
gardeners. But in both cases the idea of nature is a major pole of tourist pro-
motion and one that has remained at the core of the development of the
tourist industry.
Conclusion
In conclusion, we come back to the tension between the one and the two – is
tourism development in Ottawa–Gatineau driven by an overriding vision of the
region as the capital of the country or is it driven by numerous actors with mul-
tiple visions in multiple sectors? If the latter is true, to what extent do the pro-
vincial boundaries play an important role in organizing the different visions?
As we have stated earlier in this chapter, the vision of Ottawa as a planned
capital reached its high point with the Greber Plan in the post-war period and
continued through the building of the two major modern museums according
to the bilingual and bicultural unified federal capital vision of Trudeau. The
planned capital period relied on having an activist federal agency playing an
important role in planning and this was the role played by the NCC in the early
post-war years. But this role has changed and with the increasing planning role
of the two municipalities, Ottawa and Gatineau, the NCC is no longer the cen-
tral planner of the region and Ottawa–Gatineau might have evolved into some-
thing partially different from a ‘planned capital’ as defined by Hall. And,
whatever the future political direction of the region will be, a centralized plan-
ning function is not a likely outcome.
Certainly, at the present time, the federal government is not interested in
the development of the Ottawa–Gatineau region, fearing the political backlash
to developments seen as favouring the federal government. But at the same
time neither of the municipal governments is governed by a mayor interested
in playing an activist regional role and therefore one cannot talk of a municipal
regionalism in the Ottawa–Gatineau area. One could imagine a number of
themes of a municipal regionalism – the increasing ethno-racial diversity of
both Ottawa and Gatineau could be a major theme in tourism development and
in niche marketing for a more diverse tourist clientele.
Another theme is the liveable city – using Richard Florida’s recent high rat-
ing given to Ottawa–Gatineau (Florida, 2009, p. 229) – and building on the
urban liveability of the region. Paradoxically, a municipal regionalism could
lead to a rather similar vision across the region, although driven by the visions
of a multiplicity of social actors.
The tensions of the two and the one continue to play themselves out – the
new leadership of the NCC want to play a more active role in the governance
of the region – building on the themes of environmental sustainability and
environmental stewardship. This is a not a planned capital vision, but it does
build on the ‘green’ image of the region. At the same time the civil societies on
both sides of the river are beginning to organize in opposition to the existing
municipal disinterest and/or disorganization, and this may lead to a more active
municipal role in one or other of the two municipal governments. This more
active role could well lead to a clearer tourism development strategy, attached
as we have suggested to ethno-racial diversity, to urban liveability or to cultural
or environmental development. So the story ends as it began – the tension
between the one and the two.
Notes
1 We would like to acknowledge the support of the Social Sciences and Humanities
Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) through the Major Collaborative Research
Initiative (MCRI) on Good Municipal Public Policy.
2 Gatineau’s well-known activist, Bill Clennett, has been successful in winning a battle
to obtain information about suicides and attempted suicides at the Casino.
3 http://www.ottawatourism.ca/en/what-is-ottawa-tourims/about-ottawa-tourism.html
4 http://www.tourismeoutaouais.com/outaouais_tourism/index_e.asp
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20 Conclusions and Future
Directions for National
Capital Tourism
ROBERT MAITLAND1 AND BRENT W. RITCHIE2
1University of Westminster; 2University of Queensland
Introduction
In this chapter, we draw together some of the main strands that have emerged
from the discussions that have been developed in the previous chapters. This is
a difficult task. The chapters have covered a very wide range, in terms of the
different types of capitals, their roles, functions and size and their geographical
location. Authors have used an equally wide range of intellectual standpoints in
order to explore and interrogate their subjects. This work is not susceptible to
easy summary, or to being condensed into a simple series of bullet points. We
feel that a virtue of the framework we have developed to investigate tourism in
national capitals is that it reflects some of the complexity of the subject, and the
different perspectives that can be adopted. The material can be reviewed in
different ways. Here we order our discussion around the structure of the book.
We begin by reviewing what we have learned about the commonalities in tour-
ism between capitals and other cities, and between different capitals – and
about the differences, and how we can account for them. We go on to consider
the different aspects of capital city tourism and examine the commonalities and
contrasts that emerge from the discussions. Finally, we draw some overall con-
clusions, and outline priorities for further research.
National Capital Tourism: Commonalities and Contrasts
As our discussion in Chapter 2 made clear, national capitals have shared

qualities, but are at the same time highly heterogeneous; the quality of ‘capi-
talness’ that they bring to tourism is hard to define, and attempts at generali-
zation run the risk of doing too little justice to their richness and diversity. The
detailed discussion of a series of capitals in the book highlights both commo-
nalities and contrasts. We begin with the commonalities, between capitals
Conclusions and Future Directions 265
and other cities, and between different capitals. The cases investigated illustrate
how capitals share characteristics and concerns with other cities, as suggested
in Chapter 1. Unsurprisingly, tourism’s role in economic development proves
to be at the fore, whether in terms of attracting new visitors markets, manipu-
lating image and representation or as part of city development. The dissolving
boundaries between different types of visitor market, and between tourism and
other mobilities are also commonly noted – both in terms of the range of mar-
kets capitals are seeking to serve and in the different and overlapping mobilities
involved – tourists, students, migrant workers and so on. And in many cases
visitors’ and residents’ experiences are blurring and overlapping, and there is a
de-differentiation between touristic and other practices.
At the same time, despite the differences between types of capital, their
shared features are clearly illustrated – although they manifest themselves dif-
ferently in different types of capital. Capitals have a series of advantages in
terms of their tourism potential. First, and unsurprisingly, they readily recog-
nize that their roles as centres of power and seats of government provide
opportunities to manipulate image and establish or try to alter a brand. This
applies to planned capitals with apparently well-defined roles like Canberra
(Chapters 4 and 7), to emerging and re-emerging capitals like Cardiff (Chapter 3)
and to well-established capitals seeking a changed image to reflect changed
national circumstances like Pretoria/Tshwane (Chapter 6) and to a lesser
extent Hanoi (Chapter 16). It applies equally to cities struggling to make the
most of their assets in image and marketing terms – for example Budapest
(Chapter 15). Second, their roles as centres of power and heads of their
nation have profound effects on the nature of the built environment and on
the attractions they offer. Capitals (or areas of the capital in larger cities) fre-
quently boast clusters of cultural attractions – like national museums, galler-
ies, theatres, arts centres and memorials – as well of course as buildings
housing seats of government and their accompanying bureaucracies. These
facilities are designed with an emphasis on their symbolic as well as functional
roles, and the result is displayed through street layouts, building types, zones
of prestige, historic monumentality and contemporary icons reflecting present
or past power and influence. We can see this in places as diverse as Valetta
(Chapter 10), Ottawa–Gatineau (Chapter 19) and Beirut (Chapter 17).
Attractions and monumentality have obvious tourism potential, which cities
seek to exploit, but symbols are contested and may be a source of conflict,
and the way in which visitors experience and appropriate them is varied and
open to only limited influence (e.g. London’s icons; see Chapter 8). Third,
capitals have advantages in a globalized world, usually enjoying comparatively
high levels of connectivity and profile, even if their size and economic func-
tions are comparatively modest. As seats of government capitals tend to be
privileged in investment in buildings, cultural attractions and in infrastructure
too (although there are exceptions – see the discussion of Wellington, Chapter
9). Combined with their other assets this can give them significant potential
advantages over competitors, particularly in certain tourism markets, such as
business and conference tourism and education tourism (see Chapters 12 and
14 for discussions).
While commonalities are clear, however, so are contrasts. These stem in

part from the different capital types, but also from differing histories. In
Chapter 2, we pointed out that the rapid growth in the numbers of political
capitals could be seen as a consequence of the end of empires, the adoption
of federal or devolved governments and the gradual emergence of suprana-
tional capitals. We also argued that the period of rapid growth was at an end
and that we could expect more stability. The discussion of capitals in the book
makes clear that while there may be stability in the numbers and designation
of capitals, historic forces are still having crucial effects on the cities and how
they represent and focus their efforts in tourism. In part, this reflects continu-
ing development and change in the nation state. Capitals present themselves
as ‘the symbolic heart of their nation’ (Capitals Alliance, 2003, p. 1) or the
‘showpiece of the nation’ (see Chapter 2), and this is seen as conditioning
their tourism role. However, it presupposes that we can identify the nation,
which they represent, and in an increasingly pluralist and contested world,
this presents difficulties. Rather, capitals inevitably represent a series of
national perspectives and different national groups. Brussels perhaps particu-
larly illustrates this, with its multiple formal and informal capital roles (Chapters
11 and 18), but similar tensions between emerging and developing national
identities and capital roles can be seen in many of the other cities we have
examined. This contextualizes the different ways in which heritage, monu-
ments and other symbols are presented and represented in different places,
and at different times.
Capitals are at the centre of processes of national change and this is not
always a comfortable place to be. The research presented in the book shows
that they also suffer other disadvantages. First, as seats of government they
may be burdened with the image that accompanies government and public
bureaucracy – which is generally rather negative. Administrative functions give
rise to perceptions that a place will be dull or boring and discourage visitation.
This seems more of an issue in planned capitals, where governmental func-
tions are more dominant (e.g. Canberra, Ottawa–Gatineau; see Chapters 4, 7
and 19), but it affects other cities too. Second, capital status may lead to
administrative complexity in terms of how the city is governed. National gov-
ernments invariably have special interest and influence in the city in which
they are based, and the division of responsibilities between national–federal or
regional–provincial and local government can be complex. At the same time,
as pressures for decentralization develop, national governments may wish to
avoid appearing to privilege the capital and choose to build new or move
existing national attractions elsewhere. This makes planning future tourism
developments and organizing marketing more challenging (e.g. Pretoria/
Tshwane, Brussels, Dublin and Budapest – see Chapters 6, 11, 13, 15 and
18). Finally, the symbolic roles played by capitals may mean priority is given
to preserving and displaying heritage and monuments at the expense of the
everyday life of the city and its residents. While this may benefit some types of
tourism, it can undercut the appeal of the city for visitors seeking the ‘real’ city
as well as disadvantaging residents (e.g. Valetta, Brussels, Beirut – Chapters
10, 11, 17 and 18).
Aspects of National Capital Tourism

Image and brand
This part of the book focused on issues concerning the imaging and branding
of national capital cities, covered by four chapters.
One of the key questions that arises from these discussions is how national
capital cities are perceived, how far promotion efforts can affect their image
and how marketers seek to brand them. Is this different to other city market-
ing? The answers are complex, due to the diversity of national capital types,
the range of their tourist products and their approach to integrating capital
status in destination marketing. National capital status provides both advan-
tages and disadvantages to imaging and branding the city in a post-industrial
era. It can help develop competitive advantage or a unique selling proposition
for the city. The extensive range of monuments and iconic attractions can be
used as part of that city marketing effort in a unique way (e.g. Canberra,
Pretoria/Tshwane – Chapters 4 and 6). Not only can this help in the branding
of the city, but also in rebranding or repositioning the nation to the wider
world, as national capitals have multiple audiences (including foreign compa-
nies and countries, international tourism and their own domestic and local resi-
dents). However, as White (in Chapter 4) suggests, questions remain as to how
specific national capital imagery, signs and symbols can be integrated into
branding in the most effective way for multiple audiences.
As outlined in Chapters 3 and 6 in the context of Wales and Pretoria/
Tshwane, the branding and development of the capital city also reflects the
branding of the nation itself on a wider stage. As the nation changes over time,
then so too does its need to rebrand itself or market its reflection of the broader
developments and successes of the nation itself. As Eades and Cooper note in
the case of Tokyo (Chapter 5), the city has made itself into a high-tech global
capital, while the ancient capitals of Nara, Kamakura and Kyoto provide exam-
ples of historical former capitals. Changing national power relationships and
contested stories can manifest themselves in the representation of the nation to
the wider world. The key challenge for marketers will be not to erode any com-
petitive advantage that capital status affords through the simple replication of
the strategies of other cities and the loss of distinctiveness and authenticity –
reflecting the concerns about standardization that are a theme in city tourism
more broadly.
The imaging and branding of national capital cities are not without chal-
lenges. There are contested views and interpretations about what values the
national capital is meant to represent and how to communicate these to resi-
dents and tourists alike. ‘It is frequently organic communication processes,
developed through the arts, education and the media, which have the strong-
est and most pervasive influence on the image of a destination’ (Hankinson,
2004, p. 11). This means that tourism marketers, in order to attract visitors,
need not only to ensure that a desirable image is conveyed in the market
place, but also to manage the media. This concern is particularly relevant to
national capitals since as the seat of government they have high media
exposure, and hence bear increased opportunity for being portrayed in both a
positive or negative light. The role of politicians as ambassadors to increase
awareness and improve promotional activities in a national capital is an inter-
esting strategy. It could be a relatively low cost and effective marketing
approach, however Jansen-Verbeke et al. (2005) observe that care must be
taken as informal marketing can also be difficult to regulate and negative feel-
ings about politicians may present a threat to positive marketing aspirations.
Planned and political capitals can suffer particularly from stereotypical
images linked to governmental roles: for domestic visitors especially they can
be seen as cities that are ‘dull’, ‘boring’ and ‘sleepy’, as outlined in Chapter 2
and throughout this book. That makes creating and transmitting a favourable
image to potential tourists in target markets a high priority for such national
capitals. However, countering powerful organic images is difficult, and the
process is made still more complex by the fragmented development of tourism
and the range of agencies involved in promoting and developing tourism in
planned and political capitals. Capital city status inhibits developing a cohesive
and unique brand in these cases.
Visitor experiences
Part III of the book focused on issues concerning visitors’ experiences in

national capital cities and was covered by four chapters.
Looking at capitals from the visitor perspective underscores the difficulty of
projects intended to manipulate their image. The qualities of capitalness further
complicate a process that is complex in any city. Research reported in this
book shows that capitalness plays an important role in the visitor experience of
cities. Visitors respond to a series of intertwined qualities. Capital city status
affects the built environment of cities, with the whole place or particular zones
of prestige laid out in a formal manner with monumental buildings, spaces and
sites. Canberra and Valetta are far apart in many ways – geographical, cultural
and historical – yet share characteristics of monumentality that shape the visitor
experience. Capital status also provides visitor attractions, especially those that
reflect and interpret national culture and history, like museums, galleries and
performance spaces, and they too condition visitor experience. And finally, it
provides a series of symbols and images to which visitors respond and react –
not always in ways which would be expected or desired by city marketers.
Yet, capitals’ many advantages do not automatically translate into an expe-
rience that visitors find positive or enjoyable, as the discussion of Wellington
(Chapter 9) makes clear. Despite its attractive location, concentration of cul-
tural facilities and historic buildings, and carefully marketed food and beverage
culture, visitors seemed unwilling to spend much time in the city. Their percep-
tions of the place seemed to focus on mundane matters of inadequate parking
and signage. Capitalness as a memorable feature for visitors thus seems to
go beyond an accumulation of environmental advantages and a variety of
cultural and consumption opportunities. This reflects the fact that visitors
play much more active role in consuming what the capital has to offer than
is often acknowledged. Stevenson and Inskip’s examination (Chapter 8) of
how visitors perceive and interpret even the most familiar images – in this case,
Big Ben and the London Eye – illustrates this. These are well known images,
used as symbols of London and of Britain by tourism authorities, the commer-
cial tourism industry and government at all levels. Yet, these iconic images both
represent London and can be taken by visitors, migrants and visitors and inter-
woven with their own personal stories, histories, connections and memories.
Capitalness gives them particular power, but they are appropriated and their
meanings developed and changed.
Capital qualities can contribute to the visitor experience, and be important
to local people – yet also undermine elements of what attracts visitors to cities,
and the quality of life for local people. Smith’s discussion of Valetta (Chapter
10) shows that the city’s monumentality plays a pivotal role in attracting cul-
tural tourists and in how Malta is represented to itself and the world. But this
focus has undermined the liveability of the city, to the detriment of residents,
and to those visitors who want to get ‘off the beaten track’ to discover the ‘real’
city of everyday life. The tension between preservation of nationally and inter-
nationally important historic environments and adaptation to the changing
needs of everyday life is familiar enough, but given added complexity in small
capitals with their roles as national symbols.
The visitor experience of capitals revolves around tensions, contradictions
and contested interpretations of symbols. This emerges clearly from the study
of the visitor experience of Canberra (see Chapter 7). Capitalness is essential
to the experience of the city, yet reveals tensions and contradictions. The
formality and monumentality of the capital has a distancing effect, making it
feel soulless, sterile and isolated. The essence of the experience revolves
around juxtaposed notions of detachment and engagement about the meaning
of the place and about interpreting capital qualities and symbols. The exami-
nation of the visitor’s experience in this and the other chapters show that
visitor experiences are complex and not easily susceptible to simple summary.
Authors here and elsewhere in the book point to the multilayered character
of capital cities and of the experience that they offer to visitors and which visi-
tors take from them – a character that needs to be acknowledged in planning
and marketing capitals.
Tourism markets
The four chapters of Part IV examine particular visitor markets in capitals.

As the broader literature suggests, national capital cities can attract many gov-
ernment and private-sector business travellers, who visit on business trips and for
conferences and events and who are an important market because of their poten-
tially ‘high spending’ (e.g. in Brussels, Cardiff, and Dublin – Chapters 11, 12 and
13). However, there is limited research or knowledge on the extent to which capital
city status attracts these key market segments. As noted in Chapter 13 by Skinner
and Bryne, international organizations in Europe are more likely to identify
with Dublin (and its attributes) as a business destination than Ireland as a whole.
Their images, although not directly related to capital city status, are indirectly a
result of government and external investment in the capital, and development

and presentation of cultural attractions that help portray Irish identity to the
wider world. Interestingly, these perceptions were found to differ by location
suggesting this may be a result of geographical and cultural distance. This is a
similar issue for Wellington (Chapter 9), which showed that international tour-
ists place more importance on national capital status in their decision to visit
than do domestic visitors.
Capital cities may also attract lower spending, but important groups such
as school excursion parties, whose members hope to enhance their under-
standing of the national capital, may as a result change their perceptions of it
and may in fact return to the destination in the future (see Chapter 14). As
mentioned above, capitals have particular appeal for cultural tourists because
of the array of cultural resources, monuments and icon attractions that they
afford (see Chapter 11 on Brussels in particular, but also Chapter 10 on Valetta
and Chapter 16 on Hanoi). In some respects these resources and support from
government provide competitive advantages compared to other cities. However,
they can also cause problems and issues in developing leisure tourism opportu-
nities, because of the nature of capital city status. Many of the attractions are
free, which create limited opportunities for developing commissionable prod-
uct. This problem may also restrict or ‘retard’ private-sector investment in tour-
ist attractions and innovative product, as identified in the case of Wellington
(Peirce and Ritchie, 2007).
Capitals have great advantages for business tourism, but it is also evident
that being a strong conference or convention city may give rise to exhibition
and accommodation capacity problems (as indicated in Chapter 13), and
when hotel occupancy and room rates are highly dependant on weekday
business travellers (such as in Wellington, Ottawa and Canberra), leisure trav-
ellers may be discouraged by the high costs (Pearce et al., 2004, p. 398),
and it may be difficult to develop school excursion accommodation (Chapter
14). Furthermore, such cities may have infrastructure problems at key tourist
precincts and locations (as indicated in Chapter 9) due to low levels of fund-
ing and physical space constraints. These issues might not be so important
for some types of capital cities (global and multifunctional capitals or historic
and former capital cities). For ‘late’ capitals, such as political or planned capi-
tals, these may be more problematic, as they have developed around their
administrative functions, they lack other industry sectors, and as indicated in
Chapter 1, they may foster a bureaucratic rather than an entrepreneurial
culture. This suggests the importance of imaging, branding and diversifica-
tion of the city outlined in the Part III as well as good planning and develop-
ment of the city, outlined in Part V.
Tourism development
All the four chapters in Part V acknowledge the challenges and complexities in
planning and developing tourism in national capital cities.
Within many national capitals there exist multiple levels of government

(federal, state and municipal), all with an influence on tourism, and further-
more, because the national capital region may cross various jurisdictional bor-
ders, more than one tourism organization may be responsible for the marketing,
planning and development of tourism (e.g. see Budapest and Ottawa–Gatineau
in particular, in Chapters 15 and 19). This creates unique interesting challenges
in coordinating tourism marketing and development activities. In some cases, it
may lead to a lack of coordinated marketing due to confusion over what to
market and whom to market to. This is clearly shown in the case of the Ottawa–
Gatineau capital region, with different organizations marketing different parts
of the product to different audiences, depending on whether they are franco-
phone or anglophone.
Further, these organizations often have competing mandates and
demands, and consequently, as observed by Hall (2002, p. 239), ‘the plan-
ning of capital cities along with the planning of tourism in capital cities can
be somewhat problematic’. The mandates of many of the national agencies
are to plan for, protect and promote only the capital dimensions (such as
that of the National Capital Commission in Canada or the National Capital
Authority in Canberra). Others have provincial or city development respon-
sibilities for the local or regional community (e.g. Brussels), alongside national
and international roles. Although their activities may not be mutually exclu-
sive, they do create problems in coordinating goals and overlapping respon-
sibilities and actions. Brussels (Chapters 11 and 18) is also handicapped by
institutional fragmentation in a similar way to Budapest (Chapter 15) and
Ottawa–Gatineau (Chapter 19). Budapest displays a complex administrative
structures (23 districts) and a fragmented capital city tourism development
which can be partly related to past history. The result is difficulties for visi-
tors in accessing attractions spread throughout the city and is related to a
lack of public- and private-sector cooperation and private sector investment
in tourist product (outlined earlier). Although national capitals may be well
endowed with tourism-related resources, they may not be fully integrated
into tourism marketing or planning.
As noted throughout the book, tourist resources in national capitals are
often located in precincts, zones or quarters. The planning of tourist pre-
cincts and quarters may also create problems. First, as noted by Diekmann
and Maulet in Brussels (Chapter 18), there is no clear rationale for developing
two particular quarters for tourism, with no clear connection to the role or
nature of the capital and a lack of involvement of the local people in their
planning. One of these precincts seems to have emerged as a result of tourist
interest in everyday life in the city (increasing important in city tourism – see
Chapter 1), while the other reflects Brussels’ emerging role as a supranational
capital. Some precincts may be more about monumentality and may not
engage visitors (see Chapter 7 on Canberra). A lack of interpretation or visi-
tor guiding may also restrict the ability of visitors to understand what they are
seeing, and more importantly, what this may mean to them (Chapter 18 on
Brussels quarters).
Where cultural or business resources are isolated in precincts or ‘bubbles’,

there may be limited ‘trickle-down’ benefits or dispersal throughout the rest of
the city – an issue in city tourism more broadly. This occurs in the case of
Valetta (Chapter 10), and has been noted as a general concern in tourist pre-
cincts in other cities (Ritchie, 2008; Chapter 1). According to Smith (Chapter
10), this could create tensions and divisions among the local population, which
could lead to resentment and damage to the long-term development of tour-
ism. In some national capitals, space within precincts is becoming increasingly
precious and good planning is required to allocate land for future museums and
monuments, and balance that with the demand for tourist facilities and other
economic activities. However, few national capitals have long-term plans for
their precinct areas, with one exception being Washington, DC. This is particu-
larly important as political and planned capitals begin to diversify their
economies.
As the authors note in the discussion of Budapest (Chapter 15), a more
holistic approach to planning and developing tourism in national capitals may
be required. The irony is that if this does not emerge from existing administra-
tions, then yet another overarching whole-of-destination structure may need to
be created to ensure that collaboration does occur. Special themes (such as an
anniversary of the city) may also create opportunities for multiple stakeholders
to collaborate. Failing that, perhaps the current economic crisis and cuts to
government spending due to reduced revenue, may ensure collaboration out of
necessity.
Conclusion and Future Research Directions

As indicated in Chapter 1, not only has there been neglect in examining city
tourism, but this has been even more pronounced in national capital cities.
Yet the significance of tourism marketing, planning and development in
these cities has been ignored and little is made of the significance of capital
status in the tourism literature (Hall, 2005). This book addresses the neglect
in understanding national capital tourism, and in doing so, contributes to
knowledge of city tourism. Tourism in capital cities highlights issues con-
cerning the imaging and branding of cities generally, the experience and
perceptions of visitors in cities and how tourism is developed and planned in
such cities.
This book shows that the neglect of national capital tourism is unjustified.
Commonalities and contrasts between capitals, which are outlined above, mean
that there is much to be learned from examination and comparative study
between capital cities. Although there is a wide range of types of capital cities,
and classification of these cities may be debatable, core concepts and questions
remain: to what extent is capital city status or capitalness integrated into imag-
ing, branding or planning of these cities? To what extent does capital city status
influence visitor decision making and experiences? The work in this book con-
firms that capitalness exists and is important to tourism. It combines to create
functional attributes of the city, influences the built environment, and uses icons
and symbols of the city in development and marketing, which are contested
and debated. Capital city status is a quality recognized and promoted by cities
themselves – in various ways. It is acknowledged by visitors, who interpret and
appropriate it, and whose reactions are both engaged and detached, reflecting
ambivalent responses to nation and to government. So capitalness does exist –
but it is elusive and difficult to define.
We feel that in this book we have made a useful start in developing our
understanding of tourism in capital cities – but we have had to start from the
low base of the very limited research undertaken to date. More research and
work are required to understand the influence and integration of capital city
status in tourism marketing, planning and development. Furthermore, we need
to establish consistent and systematic approaches, and to develop more com-
parative studies in order to understand better the idea of capitalness, how it
varies between different categories of city, what it adds to a city’s offer, how it
affects the tourist experience and how capitalness should be integrated into
tourism marketing and branding strategies.
We believe that now is an interesting time for this work to occur as the rapid
creation of new capitals has slowed and there is some stability. However, the
historical and cultural processes that have driven the growth in numbers of capi-
tals continue and are still being played out in the ways in which cities present and
represent themselves for tourism and the means by which they incorporate tour-
ism in their economies. We need to develop the intellectual basis to examine
diverse experiences systematically and consistently so that lessons can be learned.
The framework we have developed for this book is useful and has helped develop
a more systematic understanding of capital city tourism. It could be further refined
to provide a stronger basis for better understanding capital city tourism.
Research directions and priorities can be considered at a macro level and
a micro level. At a macro level there are two main research priorities. First, we
need to develop deeper theoretical understanding of the range of phenomena
in national capital cities and how such cities add to the broader field of city tour-
ism and mobility. To do this tourism researchers need to engage with research-
ers from a range of theoretical backgrounds and fields (such as marketing,
urban development and planning, urban geography and psychology), to create
deeper insights into capital city marketing, planning, development and visitor
experiences. These deeper insights could also lead to a better understanding of
how to manage and plan national capital cities. Second, we also need detailed
examination of more cities – on a consistent and comparative basis. Most of
the limited research that exists has been conducted in Western Europe, and in
planned capitals in the new world. Developing world and post-socialist capital
cities (Chapters 6, 15 and 16) are especially interesting in terms of changing
roles and development, but are particularly under researched and should be a
priority for further work.
At a micro level, the chapters within this book have both individually and col-
lectively raised a number of research issues and possible future research questions
and topics to explore. Table 20.1 attempts to capture some of these research
questions and issues within each part of the book. In furthering our understanding
of national capital imaging and branding, questions arise as to how to apply
Table 20.1. Book themes and potential research questions and topics.
Image and brand ● What images and perceptions do different audiences have of the
capital (international and domestic tourists, politicians and local
residents)?
● How are images of capitals represented – especially through
websites and newer media?
● How does capital city status play a part in these images and
perceptions?
● Does this differ based on the core function or type of capital city?
● How should the capital city actually manage its contrasting images
and perceptions among a range of target audiences?
● Does, can or should the brand of a capital city differ to that of other
place brands?
● Can a national capital brand be seen as a flagship brand of the
nation?
● Does this create brand equity value? Can this brand equity be
measured in some way?
● Are the symbols, icons and signs linked to capital status and inte-
grated into branding or marketing communication activities?
● If so, how are they integrated and how could this integration be
improved?
● What types of image-changing agents can be used to better market
capital cities?
● What role can diplomats and politicians play in marketing the city?
Visitor experience ● Changing nature of visitors – beyond tourism to wider mobilities.
● How do a wide range of visitors (‘tourists’ and other mobile visitors)
experience capital cities? What are their travel behaviours and
motivations?
● What characteristics of the city appeal to them? How do capitals
compare with other cities?
● How do they navigate and find way in capital cities? Does this differ
based on visitor experience levels?
● What roles do familiar tourism precincts and ‘off the beaten track’
areas play in the visitor experience?
● How far can visitor dispersal techniques reduce congestion and
spread visitors across the city?
● What is the long-term impact on domestic visitors’ national identity as
a result of a visit to a capital city?
Tourism markets ● What are the main tourist markets in capital cities?
● In what way are they attracted to the city due to the capital
dimension?
● Are the advantages of capital city status being used in promoting to
and developing specific markets (such as conference, business and
school excursions)?
● What are the key opportunities and threats associated with their
development?
● To what extent are these opportunities and threats related to capital
city status?
● How can these be resolved?
Continued
Table 20.1. Continued.

● Can distinct experiences be created or turned into commissionable
product at cultural attractions?
● How should the multilayered capital be represented to these diverse
markets?
● What incentives could be used to attract markets during peak times
(such as parliamentary sitting times)?
Tourism ● What are the levels of private or public sector investment in tourism
development products in capital cities?
● In what ways can private sector investment be increased?
● Should levies or fees be applied due to market failure in capital cities?
● What is the current level and nature of collaboration in capital cities?
● What appropriate collaboration strategies could be adopted to
improve cohesion?
● What governance structures may be the most appropriate for
developing tourism and reducing rivalry?
● How can local residents be involved in planning and marketing
tourism?
● What community engagement models could work in these cities?
● How do policies of non-tourism agencies impact upon tourism and
vice versa?
● How should tourist precincts be designed and integrated into the city
landscape?
● How can collaboration between cities be improved?
marketing concepts to cities, and how the brand equity of the capital could be
measured. Questions also arise about how visitors’ images of capitals are formed,
and the extent to which capital status imagery, icons and symbols are integrated
into marketing efforts and the actual images and perceptions different audiences
have of the capital city. The use of image-change agents and the most effective
types (especially for planned or political capitals) could also be explored.
Visitor experiences in national capitals require much more investigation –
reflecting a gap in our knowledge in city tourism more generally. We need to
acknowledge that increasing motilities mean that visitors to capitals go beyond
tourists as conventionally defined and include other groups – students, temporary
migrants, contract workers and so on – who will also want to explore the city.
Different visitors will seek different experiences from the capital, and while
icons, landmarks and cultural attractions remain important, some visitors will
be more interested in getting off the beaten track and engaging with the every-
day life of the city. We need more research to understand the visitor experience
in capitals and to compare that with visitor experience in other cities – for
example world tourism cities (Maitland and Newman, 2009), some of which
are capitals and some of which are not. This requires studies to reveal the tour-
ist experience and explore expectations and desires. It means using newer
technologies such as global positioning system (GPS) to gain a greater under-
standing of how visitors use and experience cities – the itineraries they con-
struct, the places where they linger and the images they choose to capture.
Insights gained from this research can feed into improved visitor experiences,
shaping of city images and developing techniques to manage visitors to reduce
congestion and spread the benefits of tourism across the city.
Key questions on tourism markets are mainly related to uncovering the
actual types of markets and the extent of capital status in the ‘pull’ of capital
cities. The leveraging of capital status to attract key markets such as business,
conferences and school excursions is not well understood. Nor are the con-
straints to developing these markets, which may be partly related to limited
private-sector investment in some types of capital cities. The issue of free
attractions creating commissionable product experiences is noted, as is the
issue of seasonality. Seasonality may be an issue for specific types of capital
cities depending on their functions. Choice modelling studies of consumers
could help managers to understand how to deal with seasonality (through focus-
ing on elements of the marketing mix), or even help identify commissionable
product options and pricing.
Finally, key questions and research topics related to tourism development
include how to increase the level of private-sector investment in these capitals
and increase public–private-sector collaboration. Other questions and topics
are concerned with how to create more cohesive and collaborative structures
that reduce the fragmentation that exists in many capital cities. The engage-
ment of local residents in the decision-making process and the role of non-
tourism agencies in planning are also issues that need further research. To
examine issues concerning tourism development, stakeholder collaboration
and governance theory and concepts could be applied in future research. In
particular, network analysis and an examination of stakeholder power and con-
trol could highlight particular challenges for the future governance of capital
city tourism.
In conclusion, we hope that this book has contributed towards better
understanding national capital tourism, and city tourism more generally.
Capitals are fascinating places: important destinations in their own right,
pivotal in national representation and image and frequently gateways to
their countries – yet little has been written about them. We hope that this
book will inspire more research and thinking about the special role that
capitalness could play in the marketing, planning and development of tour-
ism within these cities, which have special significance for such a wide range
of people.
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Index
Page numbers in bold type refer to figures and tables.

administration, city location (concentration/dispersal
centralization and leadership 167, patterns) 84, 121, 203, 209
218, 226, 255–256 tourist precincts 4, 9, 134
decentralized/fragmented model new uses for monumental
205–207, 208–209, 243, buildings 132, 137, 207,
260 220
tourism focus, over-emphasis off-peak visits 196–197
136–137, 266 visitor number analysis 32, 220
town centre management 4, Australia
31–33, 130 creation of federal state 77
advertising slogans 46–47, 70, 153, national identity 39–40, 89
227 school trip statistics 186, 187
archaeology
excavation management 51, 57,
229–230 Barcelona 5, 112, 129
relationship to modern Beirut
identity 232–233 archaeological sites 229–230, 231
architecture Martyr’s Square 228, 230
contrast between traditional and National Museum 234–235
modern 105 Solidere (city reconstruction
design competitions, for iconic company) 226, 227–229,
buildings 43 233
monumental urban design Belgium
126, 255–256 geographical/linguistic
opinions of quality (Canberra) communities 239, 244
83, 85 political history of region 144–145
attractions, tourist branding
activities for schools 190, benefits 27, 72–73
192–193, 197 communication of 33–34, 45–48,
funding 193, 206, 270 65–66, 70
279
280 Index
branding (continued) impact of wars and natural

name change implications 66–68, 67 disasters 52, 55, 56, 226,
scope, in place marketing 28, 227–229
30–31, 34–35 role as national gateway 170, 177,
see also image 201, 217
Britain see United Kingdom socialist politics, effect of 203, 205,
Brussels 214, 217–218
capital functions and identity status benefits 5, 32, 62–63, 71, 265
142–143, 145–146, local support and recognition
239–240 166–169, 211, 212
European role, impacts on symbolic significance 94–95, 105,
tourism 112, 147–148, 112, 129–130, 266
245, 247 Cardiff
key cultural heritage attractions Bay area development 30
149, 152 capital city status 29, 31–32,
Matonge (African quarter) 243, 245, 165–166, 168, 170
247–249 Cardiff & Co. marketing
Budapest 204 organization 168–169
district fragmentation 202, visitor attractions 28, 32–33
203, 212 city tourism
political history 201, 205 effect on urban development 4
tourism opportunities 207–208, 209 existing data and research 1–2
tourist tax distribution 206, 207 recent and future trends 3
buildings see architecture; monuments see also tourism development
business tourism 147–148, 164, climate change, tourism impact 3
173–174, 269–270 competitiveness (as tourist destination)
BESTBET project 162, 163–164 capital city dominance 4, 32–33,
effect of globalization 7 143, 202, 265
extended for leisure tourism 177, challenges, for new/small
181, 183 capitals 45, 167–169
differentiation, among competing
cities 58–59, 71–72, 163
Canberra ultra-modern cities, competition
ambivalence of Australians to 38, between 59
48, 78, 90 conferences 160–163
key tourist sites 37, 44–45 attendance choice criteria 178,
Lake Burley Griffin, in city design 178–180
41, 42 destination bidding 161, 165, 167
marketing organizations 37, 45–46 venue accommodation 163,
Old Parliament House 44, 88, 174–175
88, 90 conservation, of historic sites 51–52,
Parliament House 43, 43–44, 85, 137, 230
86, 88–89 Copenhagen 209
schools visits to 187, 189 Cultural Capital of Europe events 15,
capital cities 148–149, 150–151
classification (typology) 15–18, 21, cultural tourism
110 archive collections 52, 88–89
functions, past and present 51–57, display/interpretation 85–86,
142, 186–187, 214, 221 221, 234–235
image problems (dullness) 5, 143, arts, literature and music
247, 266 events 136, 152, 177
Index 281
educational value 186 EU political institutions, location

funding resources 193, 258 145–147, 245
see also festivals tourist market share 174
event hosting
political and economic 46, 146,
destination marketing see marketing, 147–148, 216–217
place as source of tourism investment
districts, city 161, 222
challenges of fragmented sports, international
administration 205–208, Commonwealth Games
243 164, 165
planned diversification 254 FIFA World Cup (football/
segregation of 146–147, 228, soccer) 64, 66, 70
232, 234 Olympic Games 40, 56, 161
diversity (multicultural) exhibition facilities 163, 166, 174–175
between and within ethnic
quarters 244–245, 258
historical sources 32, 229, 234–235, festivals
241 annual, in
in tourist markets 154, 154–155, Ottawa–Gatineau 257–258
262 Matsuri (Kyoto) 53
Dublin 175–176 national (Canberra) 45
awareness of, in USA and Europe Sziget (rock music,
180, 182 Budapest) 208
destination marketing 175–176 flags, national
image, compared to Ireland’s design, symbolism of 46
176–177, 180, 181 recognition and display 43, 73, 85
flagship branding, of capital cities 35
foreign direct investment (FDI), effect on
Edo (Japan), cultural legacy 54–55 business tourism 174, 176, 182
educational tourism
infrastructure needs 196–197
resources and facilities 191, globalization, effects on tourism 6–8,
192–193 10–11
risk and safety issues 193–194, 196 green (‘responsible’) tourism 66, 117, 262
size and nature of market 186–188, guidebooks
189 characterization of Hanoi 217
targeted marketing opinions of Canberra 38, 42
programmes 188–189 opinions of Valletta 133, 137
Eire see Ireland, Republic of use of capital identities,
emerging (changing) capitals 18 Brussels 245, 246, 247
global preconceptions 34
importance of landmark
buildings 129, 166, 255 Hanoi
origins of new capitals 2, 16 French colonial legacy 215,
ethnic quarters see diversity (multicultural) 219–220
Europe national museums 219, 219–221
Cultural Capital events 15, political history 215–216
150–151 heritage tourism 131–132
educational tourism market 186 authenticity 33–34, 228–229
emerging capital cities, status 27, 112 domestic marketing 57–58, 218, 222
282 Index
historic (former) capitals 17, 18 Japan

ancient, in east Asia 50, 51–55, 58, domestic tourist market 57–58
215 early Chinese cultural influence 50,
original sites, in Europe 31, 130, 51
138, 202 imperial and warrior history 50,
historic sites 51–55
ritual and pilgrimage modernization processes 55–57
visiting 220–221
survival and conservation 51–52,
137, 230 Kamakura (shôgun headquarters,
Hungary, tourism development Japan) 53–54
strategy 211 Kyoto
cultural heritage and sites 52–53,
58–59
iconic structures 97–98, 98 railway station 53, 58, 59
attractiveness to tourists 6, 152
as political/economic power
symbols 5, 85, 105 landmarks see iconic structures
image landscape
analysis, by semiotics 38–39, 80, design, in planned cities 41–42, 42,
96–97 78, 84, 132–133
attractiveness of capitals 5, as factor in tourist marketing
241–242, 254–255, 259–260 57, 121, 259–260
authenticity of heritage languages
tourism 33–34 English, as factor in business
holistic character, maintaining 53, tourism 179
85, 133–134 multiple, impact on planning 153,
preconceptions and visitor 255, 258
experience 111–112, 119– Welsh, importance in cultural
121, 153 identity 28, 29
promotional campaigns 40, 73–75, Lebanon
134, 163–165, 243 national independence and civil
unique identity building 64–65, war 225–226, 236
70–71, 143, 166 relationship between Arab and
see also branding Phoenician origins
infrastructure 229–230, 232–233
city transport networks 56, 106, logos/symbols 41, 45, 74, 136, 168
209 London
development, in marketing Big Ben 99, 101, 102,
strategy 64, 65, 118, 163 104, 105
local skills development 165 as conference and events
social, and city liveliness 130, 137 centre 161
for tour transport suppliers 113, London Eye 6, 100–102,
197 103–104, 105
Ireland, Republic of
cooperation with Northern Ireland
172, 182 Malta
political history 172 EU membership 127
ranking, as tourist destination national identity 129, 135–136
174–175 Manchester 159–160, 161,
see also Dublin 164–166
Index 283
marketing, place name change, city

challenges, for conference linked to political change 55
tourism 162–163 management of consequences
concept, in relation to branding 28, 66–68, 67
30–31, 34–35 Nara (ancient Japanese capital) 51–52
factors adding value 69, 121, 175 national identity
incentives for school visits 187–189, construction, through
195 symbols 39–40, 84–85,
research/data collection methods 126, 129
114–115, 163–164, and devolution 27, 29–30, 31, 35
177–181 origins, shown in historical sites 51,
strategies 40, 45–48, 64–66, 220–221, 229–230
92, 111–112 role of capital city 135–136, 202,
use of cultural resources 149, 152, 218, 266
241, 243 New Zealand, visitor numbers 113
MICE (meetings, incentives, conferences
and exhibitions) market see
business tourism Olympic Games, used for national image
mobility promotion 40, 56, 161
and connection with home 106 Ottawa (–Gatineau)
distance from tourist markets 112, annual festivals 257–258
187, 196 cross-border identity 253, 255
perceived accessibility 6, 164, 179, museums and galleries 255–256
217 National Gallery, school visits 187,
travel information availability 6–7 188–189, 193
modernization role of National Capital Commission
architectural impact 53, 56 (NCC) 188, 254–256,
and loss of distinctive character 6, 260, 262
57–58, 146 Wakefield tourist train 259–260
monuments
relationship to contemporary
life 125, 130, 137 Phoenicia see Lebanon
tombs and mausoleums 51, 220 photographs
walls and gates 127, 128, 134 choice of subject 83–89, 97–98
war memorials 44, 44–45, 86, 87 composition 99–100,
multifunctional (global) capitals 17, 18 103–104
Brussels, consistency of image 142– panoramic views 105–106,
143, 155–156, 240–242 134
London, growth and diversity 94–95 reasons for taking 79–80, 96, 106
Tokyo, recent development used as research tool 77, 80–83,
of 56–57, 59 96–97
museums planned capitals 17
contribution to national architectural design 43–45, 85,
patriotism 219, 219, 221 126, 127, 255–256
external architecture 83, 88, 132 layout, in topographical
importance for education 187 setting 41–42, 78, 133,
national, location of 32–33, 202, 254–255
255–256 political motivations 40–41, 43,
open-air (in situ archaeological 77–78, 139 n
sites) 230, 231 postcards 79
see also Cultural tourism Prague 201, 203, 208
284 Index
Pretoria see Tshwane tourism development 19–20

public–private partnerships 66, 74, 164, advertising/communication 210,
168, 208 227, 232
promotional materials 242,
247, 248
reconstruction, following destructive events analysis and information-
coordination and finance 226, 232 gathering 111, 153–154,
design opportunities 56, 133, 154–155, 208–210
228–229, 236 collaboration among
regional capitals 112, 181 stakeholders 155, 189,
regional (ethnic) communities 210–211, 248, 260–261
in Belgium 144–145, 240, 244 diversification 242, 247
integration, in Ottawa– impact on residents 4, 245, 248
Gatineau 255, 257, 258 resentment towards tourists
tensions between, in Beirut 136–137, 140, 235,
229–230, 232, 235 236
residents objectives, for domestic and foreign
friendliness and service to visitors 219–221,
tourists 69, 118–119 222–223
population diversity 95, 146–147, research priorities 273–276,
230, 232–233, 243, 245 274–275
standard of living 78, 130, strategic forward planning 64–66,
136–137, 147, 262 70, 165, 260
touristic/cosmopolitan tourism markets
behaviour 8–10, 97 business and conference 147–148,
160–163, 164, 173–174
cultural 136, 152, 241–242
safety/security and risk 65, 69, domestic 57–58, 145, 220, 222
193–194, 196, 235 educational 185–189, 197–199
school excursions see educational tourism heritage 57–58, 131–132
semiotics see also event hosting
choice of images 39–40, 46, 80, tourist products
97–98, 99–104 accommodation 119, 131, 196
colour schemes 45, 46, 168 exhibition/convention space 163,
definition 38–39, 99 166, 174–175, 257
logos/symbols 41, 45, 136 facilities 113–114, 134–135,
slogans and commercials 44, 45, 192–193
46–47 interpretation (information)
South Africa points 47–48, 74, 92, 119,
national branding 73–74 247
transition from apartheid 69 merchandise 46, 55, 248
sporting events see event hosting specialist (trained) staff 192
strategic planning (for tourism) tourists see visitors
outcomes 66, 68, 74, 227 transport see infrastructure
process 64–66, 73, 206–207, 211, travel see mobility
243 Tshwane (formerly Pretoria)
change of name 66–68
tourism opportunities 63–64,
Tokyo 68–69
economic prosperity 55–57 unique selling propositions
tourist appeal 57–58, 59 (USPs) 70–71, 71
Index 285
UNESCO World Heritage Sites 51, 53, interpretation of

130, 259 experiences 81–89, 90,
United Kingdom 103–104, 111–112
city regeneration strategies 5, motivations for photography 79–80,
159–160 96, 104
devolution and national identity 27, numbers and visit
29–30, 31, 35 frequency 78, 113, 148,
relationship to Malta 127 203, 258
safety on school trips 193–194 reasons for visits 7–8,
116–117, 120, 220–221,
247–248
Valletta 135 seasonality 69, 188, 196–197,
historical identity 125–126, 235, 257
126–127, 138
opera house reconstruction 128,
132, 139 Wales
Vietnam cultural heritage 28
heritage destinations 217 historic capital (Machynlleth) 31
reform and tourism growth 216 language 28, 29
visitors location of national
contribution to economy 64, 110, institutions 32–33
113, 117 Washington, DC, as
sector comparisons 63, 173, educational destination 187,
202, 222 189, 194
demographic analysis 57–58, 69, Wellington 62–63
114, 115–116 appeal to visitors 113–114,
detachment and engagement 117–120
91, 99, 103, 106–107, 249 marketing opportunities 120–121

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CITY TOURISM

National Capital Perspectives

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Typeset by SPi, Pondicherry, India.

National Capitals in the City Tourism System

1 Introduction: National Capitals and City Tourism 1

2 City Tourism: National Capital Perspectives 14

Imaging and Branding

3 The Capital City as a ‘Product’ Brand Under 27

4 Images of Canberra: Destination Marketing 37

5 Migrating Capitals: Diverging Images of Tradition 50

6 Branding and Positioning an African Capital City: 62

7 Inside the Triangle: Images of a Capital 77

8 Seeing the Sites: Perceptions of London 94

9 Changing Visitor Perceptions of a Capital City: 110

10 The Relationship between Capital City 125

11 Brussels: a Multilayered Capital City 142

12 Putting the Capital ‘C’ into Cardiff’s Identity 159

13 International Business Tourism: the Case of Dublin 172

14 School Excursion Management in National 185

15 Twenty-three Districts in Search of a City: 201

16 Reinvented National Capital City: 214

17 Resurrecting Phoenicia: Tourist Landscapes 225

18 Diversifying the Tourism Product in Brussels: 239

19 Modern Tourist Development and the Complexities 253

20 Conclusions and Future Directions for 264

Huong Thanh Bui is a PhD student at Griffith University, Australia. Her

ing with Palgrave). Consortium University of Leuven, Celestijnenlaan

Institute, Colchester Avenue, Cardiff CF23 9XR. Email: ejones@uwic.

The Centre for Tourism Research, University of Westminster, 35

©CAB International 2010. City Tourism: National Capital Perspectives

Tourism and the Economy of Cities

Third, rapid economic change and growing inter-city and international

Dissolving Boundaries, Multiplying Mobilities

Organization and United Nations, 1994), as just part of a continuum of mobi-

Tourists’ and Residents’ Experience of Cities

more broadly, there is a de-differentiation between touristic practices and other

range of city users. National capitals experience these changes, sometimes in

attention in urban tourism or wider tourism literature. In doing so, we develop

Typologies of National Capitals for Tourism

Here we review different approaches to developing a typology of national

Hall (2006) develops a more detailed typology, identifying seven types of

Planned and political capitals

This category includes ex-imperial capitals, and so encompasses a wide range

Global and multifunctional capitals

Historic and former capitals

Aspects of Tourism in National Capitals

Tourism development and planning is inevitably a complex process with many

A Framework for National Capital Tourism

Aspects of city tourism

Eades and Cooper (Chapter 5) present an interesting discussion of the

tourism. The ability for Dublin to provide a gateway role in transportation

This chapter continues from Chapter 1 by outlining an approach that not

the typology of capitals and the aspects of tourism to provide an analytical

‘For Wales, See England’

Table 3.1. The development of a contemporary Welsh national identity.

1948 Establishment of a ‘Council of Wales’ to advise (but not rule on)

sporting events, and the redevelopment and regeneration of Cardiff Bay. It is

other hand, is concerned with the pre-existing reputation, or the context

Town centre management and the place of capital cities