GEED 10033 - Readings in Phil History-Lesson 2
GEED 10033 - Readings in Phil History-Lesson 2
GEED 10033 - Readings in Phil History-Lesson 2
Compiled by:
Prof. Cherry Lynn Roloyan
FOREWORD
This instructional material is intended for the course: Readings in the Philippine History.
The content of this instructional material was taken from the book: Readings in
Philippine History 2014 by Mc Donald Domingo Pascual, S. D. This is intended to be
used by students at Polytechnic University of the Philippines – Sto. Tomas Branch, Sto.
Tomas, Batangas.
The historian’s primary tool of understanding and interpreting the past is the historical
process. Historical sources ascertain historical facts. Such facts are then to analyzed
and interpreted by the historian to weave historical narrative.
Using primary sources in historical research entails two kinds of criticism. The first one is
the external criticism and the second one is the internal criticism.
In this lesson, we are going to look at a number of primary sources from different
historical periods and evaluate these documents’ content in terms of historical value and
examine the context of their production.
It is from historical sources that our history is studied and written. But in analyzing them,
several methodologies and theories were used by historians to properly study history
and glean from the sources what is, for them, a proper way of writing history to enhance
and disseminate national identity.
Historical sources are written by various authors with different perspective. Perspective
refers to the point of view of the said writer who was a witness to the event. Though
historical sources are important in the writing of history, the historian is careful in using
these sources as the writer maybe biased or prejudiced on the subject, he/she is
discussing.
Different participants who also wrote their accounts can also give varied opinions and
statements about a single event. In any case, reading a historical event from the points
of view of all sides will enable us to form our own studies about the said event.
The author of the account for this topic is Antonio Pigafetta who lived sometime
between 1491 and 1531. Hailed from Vicenza, he was an Italian scholar and explorer
who belonged to a rich family. This allowed him to have the means to study
astronomy, geography and cartography. Being a member of a rich and influential
family, Pigafetta was able to make his way and become the chronicler of the Magellan
Expedition. He was among the 18 crew members who were able to return to Spain
out of the approximately 270 crew members of the ill-fated expedition.
How was the account written? There are four known manuscripts or versions of
Pigafetta‘s account. One version which is located at the Ambrosiana Library in Milan is
written in Italian. Three other versions were written in French. The first French version
titled Le Voyage et Navigation was found in Paris sometime in 1525. This version was
translated into Italian in 1536 with the title Il Viaggio fatto dagli Spagnivoli.
Subsequently, it was included in the first volume of Navigationi et Viaggi published in
1550 by Giovanni Battista Ramusio. This French version had been the basis of
subsequent translations to different languages.
On October 21, 1520, after more than a year of naval voyage, Magellan was
able to discover a passage which connects two great bodies of water, the Atlantic and
the newly- discovered Pacific Ocean. This passage was named as the Strait of
Magellan. During this time, however, only three out of the five original ships were able
to cross the passage because the ship San Antonio deserted the voyage by reversing
its course while the ship Santiago was wrecked by a strong squall in the Brazilian
coast. The crew members of the expedition experienced horrible conditions while
crossing the Pacific Ocean. It was even described that some of the men were forced
to eat the leathers of their gears and garments and ropes, mice and saw dusts just to
keep them alive. Their agony ended when they were able to replenish their stocks in
Guam on March 6, 1521. They initially called the island as the Island of Sails but later
changed it to Isla de Ladrones when natives stole a boat from the ship Trinindad.
Ladrones, a Spanish term, means thief in English.
On March 16, 1521 they were able to land in the island of Zamal (Samar).
Their arrival coincided with the day of the Feast of St. Lazarus that is why Magellan
named the islands that he and his men saw as the Archipelago of St. Lazarus. They
then went to Humunu (Homonhon) where they met the rulers of Butuan and Caraga,
Rajah Siagu and Rajah Colambu. On March 27, 1521, they left Homonhon and
reached Masao (Mazaua?) in Butuan on the following day. Magellan and Rajah
Colambu made a blood compact as a sign of their friendship. On March 31, 1521, Fr.
Pedro de Valderrama offered a mass. The crew later installed a cross on the
mountains, signifying the conquest of the land.
Not all of the chieftains in Cebu wanted to establish friendship with Magellan. Lapu-
lapu, the chief of Mactan refused to accept the Spaniards. Apart from Lapu-lapu,
another chief in Mactan named Zula wanted to defeat the former. Zula sought the
assistance of Magellan, who without hesitation agreed to fight Lapu-lapu. Magellan
was too confident that they could defeat Lapu-lapu to the point that he refused the
offer of Humabon for help. A group of sixty men arrived in Mactan on April 27, 1521.
Out
of this number, eleven were left behind to man the ships while fourty-nine waded
towards the shore. Magellan and his men were overwhelmed by Lapu-lapu‘s warriors.
The Mactan warriors totaling to more than 1,050 formed three divisions to repel the
Spaniards. The foreigners were shot with arrows, bamboo lances and stones. A
poisoned arrow hit Magellan on his leg. It was only then when he ordered a retreat. A
bamboo lance then hit his arms while a javelin struck his back, causing him to fall
facing downwards. Upon seeing the death of their leader, the Spaniards soon
retreated to their ships. The surviving crew of the voyage requested that the body of
Magellan be handed to them which, unfortunately, the natives denied. For them, the
body was an accolade and a symbol of their valor and victory.
The horrors experienced by the Spaniards did not end there. Humabon was
quite disenchanted with the defeat of the Spaniards that he connived with Enrique,
the slave of Magellan who was abused by Duarte Barbossa, the successor of
Magellan as the leader of the expedition, to kill the remaining Spaniards. He invited
the remaining Spaniards to have a dinner with him in his palace. Twenty-six
Spaniards went to feast, and while they were eating, they were treacherously killed by
the natives. Out of this number, twenty-four were killed, including Duarte Barbossa,
Juan Serrano, and Pedro de Valderrama, the priest who baptized them.
The remaining crew members quickly left Cebu and started their voyage to
return home. On their way southwards, they were able to reach Palawan, Brunei,
Mindanao, and Moluccas. They then decided that the two remaining ships–Trinidad
and Victoria would take two different routes. The Trinidad which was commanded by
Gomez de Espirera would cross again the Pacific in the hope of reaching Mexico
while the Victoria which was commanded by Sebastian de Elcano would sail to Spain
by crossing the Indian Ocean and the African coast. The Trinidad was not able to
complete its goal for it was captured by the Portuguese in Moluccas. The Victoria, on
the other hand, was able to return to Spain on September 6 1522, after 2 years, 11
months and 16 days. Out of the 270 original crew members of the expedition, only
eighteen, along with four Indians survived the journey.
On Government and Social Organization. The Tagalogs were ruled by their chiefs
called by them as datos (spelling in the account). They governed and served them as
their captains in times of war. They were obeyed and revered to a point that any
offense committed against their person or word spoken against their wives and
children were severely punished. Plasencia likened the datos to the knights of the
Spaniards. Their communities were referred to as barangay, a term which was drawn
from the boat they used to reach these islands. Barangays were small communities
composed of thirty up to one hundred families.
Next to the datos were the Maharlicas (nobles) who were required to
accompany the dato especially in times of war. This was their main duty, especially
because they were not required to pay taxes or tributes. Apart from accompanying the
dato in his exploits, the maharlicas had to pay their own expenses such as food,
clothing, armor and their boat to be used in war. Next were the commoners which
Plasencia referred to as the Aliping Namamahay. Although they lived in their own
houses while serving their masters, one privilege they could enjoy was their immunity
from being sold to anyone. Moreover, they could also be inherited by their master‘s
son although they could not be brought with him should the son wish to transfer to
another barangay.
The last level belonged to the slaves. Plasencia identified them as Aliping Sa
Guiguilir/Guiguilid who were usually the captives in war and enslaved together with
their children. They lived with their master and served as farmers in their master ‘s
field. Since they were slaves, they could be sold, including their children. If any of the
Sa Guiguilir happened to possess gold beyond the sum of his value as slave and
could pay it to his master, then he could ransom himself and become a Namamahay
or a commoner. The price for ransom could not go below five taels. If the
agreement with his master went beyond the minimum ransom price or ten taels for
that matter, then he could be totally free.
The difference between the Aliping Namamahay and the Aliping Sa Guiguilir should
be noted because in page 168 of the book, a confusion between the two terms was
encountered. Many were classed as slaves even when they were really not. The
Indians, seeing that the alcalde mayor did not understand this, adopted the custom of
taking away the children of the Aliping Namamahay, making use of them as Aliping Sa
Guiguilir, as servants in their households which was considered illegal. If the Aliping
Namamahay would appeal to justice, it would be proven that he was an alipin like his
father and mother before him. And whether or not he was indeed an Aliping
Namamahay, his status would be taken in the context of Aliping Sa Guiguilir. Without
further declaration, he would be considered as an alipin at once, thus becoming a Sa
Guiguilir who could also be sold elsewhere. The Aliping Sa Guiguilir, together with
their master, could be transferred to another barangay by virtue of inheritance,
provided that he and his master would remain in the same village.
Situation 1: Those who were considered Maharlicas both on their paternal and
maternal sides could continue to enjoy their status forever. If, for instance
they became slaves, it happened because of marriage.
Situation 2: If the Maharlicas had children among their slaves, the children and their
mothers would be considered freemen.
Situation 3: If the Maharlicas had children with the female slaves of another Maharlica,
the female slave would be compelled, when pregnant, to give her master half of a
gold tael because of her risk of death, and for her inability to work during pregnancy.
In this case, the child would be considered half-free due to his father. If his father
would not supply him with food and hence would not recognize him, the child would be
considered totally as slave.
Situation 4: If a free woman had children by a slave, the children would be regarded
as freemen, provided that he was not the free woman‘s husband.
Situation 5: If a Maharlica and a slave—whether Namamahay or Sa Guiguilir—
married, their children would be classified according to birth order: odd
birth order (first, third, fifth, etc.) would inherit the status of the father while
the even birth order (second, fourth, sixth, etc.) would inherit the status of
the slave mother. If the child was the only offspring, he would be regarded
as half-free, half-slave.
The classification of the children was irrespective of their sex. What was
evident was those who inherited the status of the mother would work as slaves. If, in
case, the last child was an odd birth, the child would consider as half free and half
slave.
After marriage, the Maharlicas could not move from one barangay to another
without paying a certain amount of fine in gold. The fine ranged from one to three taels
and also a banquet sponsored for the entire barangay. This fine was larger or smaller
according to the inclination of the different villages. Failure to pay the fine might result
to a war between the barangays, the one where he left and the other where he would
live anew. This tradition was equally applied to men and women, except that when a
man from a certain barangay would marry a woman from another, their children would
later on be divided equally between the two barangays.
On Loans. The debtors were condemned to a life of toil because of the excessive
interest added to their debts. As a result, debtors were plunged into difficulty until they
became slaves, together with their children. In order to earn a living, sometimes their
debt was sold to other people, so the debtor had to pay more debt and had to
experience an increasingly pitiful state.
On Inheritance. Though legitimate children could inherit equally, there were some
situations wherein the mother or father showed favoritism by bestowing more gold or
gifts to a child. The dowry they gave to a son in order to marry the dato‘s daughter
was not included in the partition of the inheritance. In like manner, the property that
was provided by the parents to their child could not be considered inheritance, unless
it was declared a necessity and not for accumulating a wealth. If a man had a child by
one of his slaves, their children would not inherit anything. Instead, his legitimate child
would be bound to free the slave and must give her a tael or a slave. A man ‘s child
from another woman would inherit everything when there was no legitimate child with
the wife. However, if it happened that the man died without an heir—legitimate or
natural, the inheritance could be acquired by his parents, grandparents or the closest
relative in their absence.
On Inheritance of Adopted Children. The adopted child could inherit twice of the
amount paid in his adoption. For example, if one tael of gold was paid upon a child‘s
adoption, he should be given two taels of inheritance by the adopting parents
thereafter. Children whose fathers died before their adoption could not inherit anything
from the adopting parents. The rule was simple: the arrangement on inheritance
stopped at the death of their biological fathers.
The payment of fine had to be done on the following day, so the offender had
to surrender half of his cultivated lands and that of his produce to his master in
exchange for money. The master, in turn, would provide him and his children with
food and clothing, thus remaining him and the children to servitude until such time
that he could compensate the debt. If he could pay his debt, his master would claim
that he fed and clothed his children and should also be paid thereof. In this way, he
would keep possession of the children if the additional payment could not be met
promptly.
The last scenario became an unsettled problem usually on the part of the
debtor, the reason why he and his children would remain as slaves. If the debtor had
some relatives or friends who could pay for him, he would be obliged to render half of
his services to them until he could settle his payment. The services to be rendered
would not be in the context of being an Aliping Sa Guiguilir but within that of Aliping
Namamahay. If the creditor could not or refused to serve his creditor then he would
have to pay twice the amount of what was previously lent to him. In this way, slaves
were made by debt by being a Sa Guiguilir if they served the master who was favored
by the judgment or by being an Aliping Namamahay when they served the person
who lent them money to pay the value of their offense.
On Marriage Dowries. Dowries were given by the men to the women's parents. If the
parents were still alive, they could enjoy the dowry given to them. If the dowry was not
consumed by the parents because of death of the parents, the wife and her siblings
would equally inherit it in addition to the rest of the estate. If the wife, at the time of
her marriage, did not have a living father, mother or grandparents, she would enjoy
the dowry by herself. As regards to unmarried women, their customs would not allow
them to own a property—be it an estate or a dowry. This is because their labors were
usually considered as devotion to their parents.
When the sons were about to get married, their fathers would bestow instantly
upon them the half of the dowries that they should give to the parents of their brides.
Failure to provide dowries would require a certain sum which varied according to the
practice of the barangays or the individual‘s affluence. The fine was at its heaviest
when the groom or the bride would withdraw from the marriage because the nuptial
was a pre-arranged affair by their parents who previously died. In this scenario, the
dowry had to be returned by the family of the bride. If the parents of the bride were
alive, the fine was heavier because it was thought that her parents wanted her to
marry for the sake of financial gains alone.
On Divorce. The pre-colonial Filipinos practiced divorce, contrary to what the present
Filipinos have. Until the coming of the Spaniards, divorce was practiced due to certain
grounds. For instance, when the wife left the husband before giving birth to a child for
the purpose of marrying another, the entire dowry would go to the husband. But when
the wife left him and would not marry another man, the dowry would be returned.
When the husband left his wife, he would lose his half of the dowry.
When the husband and wife had a child, the entire dowry and fine would go to
the child. The dowry for the children would be taken cared by the grandparents or
close relatives. If they were childless and the wife died, the parents would return half
of the dowry to the husband. If the husband was the one who died, half of the dowry
would be returned to his relatives.
The Worship of the Tagalogs, their Gods, their Burials and Superstitions
On the Worship Practices of the Tagalogs. Plasencia noted the absence of temples
consecrated for the performance of sacrifices, the adoration of native idols and the
general practice of idolatry in all the villages or in other parts of the archipelago.
Although the Tagalogs used the term Simbahan which meant a temple or place of
adoration, in reality festivals referred to as pandot or worship were celebrated not in
the Simbahan but in the large house of the chief. There, they constructed a temporary
shed on each side of the house, with a roof called sibi for the purpose of sheltering
the assembled people, and to protect them from the rain.
They also constructed the house in a manner that could accommodate many
people, dividing it into three compartments following the fashion of ships. On the posts
of the house, they set small lamps called sorihile. At the center of the house was
placed a large lamp which was adorned with leaves of the white palm wrought into
many designs. They also brought together many drums, large and small, which they
beat successively while the feast lasted for four days. During this time, the whole
barangay or family would unite and join in the worship which they called nagaanitos.
The house, for the above-mentioned period of time, was called a temple.
On the Tagalog Deities. Among their many idols, there was one called Badhala
(Bathala) whom they especially worshiped. The title seems to signify ―all powerful‖ or
―maker of all things‖. They also worshiped the sun which, on account of its beauty,
was almost universally respected and honored by infidels. They worshiped also the
moon, especially when it was a new moon. At which time they held great rejoicings,
adoring it and bidding it welcome. Some of them also adored the stars, although they
did not know them by their names with the exception of the morning star which they
called Tala. They knew, too, the seven little goats (the Pleiades) and, consequently,
the change of seasons, which they called Mapolon and Balatic. They possessed many
idols called lic-ha which were images with different shapes. At times they worshiped
some particular dead men who were brave in war and endowed with special faculties,
to whom they commended themselves for protection in their tribulations. They had
another idol called Dian Masalanta, who was the patron of lovers and of generation.
The idols called Lacapati and Idianale were the patrons of the cultivated lands and of
husbandry. They paid reverence to water lizards called
by them as buaya or crocodiles due to fear of being harmed by them. They were even
in the habit of offering these animals a portion of what they carried in their boats, by
throwing it into the water or placing it upon the bank.
On their superstitious beliefs. If they left their house and met on the way a serpent
or rat, or a bird called Tigmamanuguin which was singing on a tree, or if they chanced
upon anyone who sneezed, they returned at once to their houses. This is because
they considered the incident as an augury that some evil might befall them if they
should continue their journey, especially when the above-mentioned bird sang. This
song had two different forms: one was considered as an evil omen while the other
one was a good omen. They also practiced divination to see whether weapons such
as a dagger or knife would be useful and lucky for their possessor whenever
occasions would offer.
Young girls who first had their monthly courses, their eyes were blindfolded for
four days and four nights. In the meantime, their friends and relatives were all invited
to share food and drink. At the end of this period, the catolonan took the young girl to
the water, bathed her and washed her head and removed the bandage from her eyes.
The old men claimed that they did this in order that the girls would bear children and
have fortune in finding husbands whom they liked and who would not leave them
widows in their youth.
There were also ghosts, which they called vibit and phantoms which they called
tigbalaang. They had another superstition. If there were any woman died in childbirth,
it was believed that she and the child suffered punishment. At night, she could be
heard lamenting. This was called patianac.
Plasencia noted that since the Tagalogs became Christians, the seasons were
not really the same all throughout the year for he observed that at ―Christmas‖ would
be colder. The Spaniards, since their advent in the country, had determined the
seasons, introduced the months which were divided into weeks.
The devil was sometimes liable to enter into the body of the catolonan, and,
assuming her shape and appearance, filled her with so great arrogance. The devil,
being the cause of it, would seem to influence the catalonan that she seemed to shoot
flames from her eyes. Her hair stood on end, a fearful sight to those beholding and
she uttered words of arrogance and superiority. In some districts, especially in the
mountains, when in those idolatries that the devil incarnated himself and took on the
form of his minister, the latter had to be tied to a tree by his companions, to prevent
the devil in his infernal fury from destroying him.
The objects of sacrifice were goats, fowls, and swine, which were flayed, decapitated,
and laid before the idol. They performed another ceremony by cooking a jar of rice
until the water was evaporated, after which they broke the jar, and the rice was left as
an intact mass which was set before the idol; and all about it, at intervals, were placed
a few buyos—which was a small fruit wrapped in a leaf with some lime, a food
generally eaten in these regions—as well as fried food and fruits. All of the
above-mentioned articles were eaten by the guests at the feast; the heads [of the
animals], after being offered, as they expressed it, were cooked and eaten also.
The reasons for offering this sacrifice and adoration were, in addition to
whatever personal matters there might be, the recovery of a sick person, the
prosperous voyage of those embarking on the sea, a good harvest in the sowed
lands, a propitious result in wars, a successful delivery in childbirth, and a happy
outcome in married life. If this took place among people of rank, the festivities lasted
thirty days.
On the Priests of the Devil. The first was called catolonan who was either a man or
a woman. This office was an honorable one among the natives and was held
ordinarily by people of rank. This rule was general in all the islands.
The third was called manyisalat, which was the same as the magagauay. These
priests had the power of applying such remedies to lovers that they would abandon
and despise their own wives, and in fact could prevent them from having intercourse
with the latter. If the woman, constrained by these means, were abandoned, it would
bring sickness upon her; and on account of the desertion she would discharge blood
and matter. This office was also general throughout the land.
The fourth was called mancocolam, whose duty was to emit fire from himself at
night, once or often each month. This fire could not be extinguished except as the
priest wallowed in the ordure and filth which fell from the houses. And he who lived in
the house where the priest was wallowing in order to emit this fire from himself fell ill
and died. This office was general in the islands.
The fifth was called hocloban which was another kind of witch, of greater
efficacy than the mangagauay. Without the use of medicine, and by simply saluting or
raising the hand, they killed whom they chose. But if they desired to heal those whom
they had made ill by their charms, they did so by using other charms. Moreover, if
they wished to destroy the house of some Indian hostile to them, they were able to do
so without instruments. This was in Catanduanes, an island off the upper part of
Luzon.
The sixth was called silagan who was clothed in white, to tear out his liver and
eat it, thus causing the victim‘s death. This, like the preceding, was in the island of
Catanduanes. Let no one consider this a fable because, in Calavan, they tore out in
this way through the anus all the intestines of a Spanish notary, who was buried in
Calilaya by father Fray Juan de Mérida.The seventh was called magtatangal whose
purpose was to show himself at night to many persons without his head or entrails. In
such wise, the devil walked about and carried, or pretended to carry his head to
different places. In the morning, he would return to his body and remained alive as
before. This seemed to me to be a fable, although the natives affirmed that they saw it
because the devil probably caused them so to believe. This occurred also in
Catanduanes.
The eighth they called osuang which was the equivalent of a sorcerer. They
said that they saw him flew and that he murdered men and ate their flesh. This was
among the Visayas Islands and not from the Tagalogs.
The ninth was another class of witch called mangagayoma. This witch could
make charms for lovers out of herbs, stones, and wood which would infuse the heart
with love.
The tenth was known as sonat which was the equivalent of a preacher. It was
his task to help a person to die. Likewise, he could predict the salvation or
condemnation of the soul. It was not lawful for the functions of this priest to be fulfilled
by others than people of high standing, on account of the esteem in which he was
held. This priest was general throughout the islands.
The eleventh was the pangatahojan who was a soothsayer and a predictor of
the future. This type of priest was also general in all the islands.
The twelfth was the bayoguin who was signified a cotquean. A cotquean was a
man whose nature inclined toward that of a woman.
All the various kinds of infernal ministers were, therefore, as was stated:
catolonan, sonat (who was a sort of bishop who ordained priestesses and received
their reverence, for they knelt before him as before one who could pardon sins, and
expected salvation through him) mangagauay, manyisalat, mancocolam, hocloban,
silagan, magtatangal, osuang, mangagayoma and pangatahojan.
On the Belief on Death and Other Associated Rituals. Their manner of burying the
dead was as follows: the deceased was buried beside his house. If he were a chief, he
was placed beneath a little house or porch which they constructed for this purpose.
Before interring him, they mourned him for four days and afterwards laid him on a boat
which served as a coffin or bier. He would be placed beneath the porch where a guard
was kept over him by a slave. In place of rowers, various animals were placed within
the boat, each one being assigned a place at the oar by twos. These animals, for
example two goats, two deer or two fouls, were male and female of each species.
It was the slave's care to see that they were fed. If the deceased had been a warrior,
a living slave was tied beneath his body until in this wretched way he died. In the
course of time, all would suffer decay and for many days the relatives of the dead
man bewailed him, singing dirges and praises of his good qualities until finally they
wearied of it. This grief was also accompanied by eating and drinking. This was a
custom of the Tagalogs.
The Aetas, or Negrillos (Negritos) who were inhabitants of the island had also a
form of burial but different. They dug a deep, perpendicular hole and placed the
deceased within it, leaving him upright with head or crown unburied. On top of the
deceased, they would put half a cocoa-nut which was to serve him as a shield. Then
they went in pursuit of some Indian whom they killed in retribution for the Negrillo
who had died. To this end they conspired together, hanging a certain token on their
necks until one of them procured the death of the innocent one.
These infidels said that they knew that there was another life of rest which they
called maca, just as if we should say ―paradise,‖ or, in other words, ―village of rest.‖
They say that those who go to this place are the just, and the valiant, and those who
lived without doing harm, or who possessed other moral virtues. They said also that in
the other life and mortality, there was a place of punishment, grief, and affliction,
called casamaan, which was
―a place of anguish;‖ they also maintained that no one would go to heaven, where
there dwelt only Bathala, ―the maker of all things,‖ who governed from above. There
were also other pagans who confessed more clearly to a hell, which they called, as I
have said, casanaan; they said that all the wicked went to that place, and there dwelt
the demons, whom they called sitan.
Plasencia ended his account with this statement: ―May the honor and glory be
God our Lord's, that among all the Tagalos [sic] not a trace of this is left; and that
those who are now marrying do not even know what it is, thanks to the preaching of
the holy gospel, which has banished it.
Bonifacio came out after the failure of the reform movement headed by Rizal and M. Del
Pilar. This paved way for a more radical and more active lines. He formed the Katipunan,
a secret society which was founded at Tondo Manila, in a house on Azcarraga Street
then numbered 314, on July 7, 1892, the same date on which Rizal was decreed to be
banished to Dapitan.
Rizal doubtless approved the first aim but refused to accept the second and this was the
reason that he refused to go along with the “Katipuneros” (soldiers’ of the Katipunan)
and voluntarily surrendered that leads him to prison and death. To achieve unity of the
Filipinos, propaganda work must be done and this was through massive education and
civic trainings of the Katipuneros. To that end, Bonifacio prepared his now well-known
decalogue, and Jacinto his famous “Kartilya ng Katipunan” (Primer of the Katipunan)
The Author and His Background
Ever since, the authorship of the Kartilya has been ascribed to Emilio Jacinto, the
young adviser of Andres Bonifacio and the so-called Brain of the Katipunan. Due to his
brilliance, he rose from the position of fiscal to the rank of a general in the underground
movement. Under the leadership of the Supremo, he served as intelligence director in
the assault made in San Juan del Monte on August 30, 1896 in order to seize a Spanish
garrison in the area. His friendship with Bonifacio allowed him to naturally provide the
latter with weapons and ammunitions, money, printing materials and artistic creations
(Filipinos in History, 1995).
In spite of his failure to finish a university degree, Emilio Jacinto was a man of
intellect, refinement and literary indulgence. He wrote Liwanag at Dilim which contained
some essays about his political and social philosophies. Included in this collection were
the essays Sa Anak ng Bayan, Ang Ningning at ang Liwanag, Kalayaan, Ang Tao‘y
Magkakapantay, Ang Bayan at ang mga Pinuno and Ang Maling Pagsampalataya
(―Liwanag at Dilim‖, n.d.). In the hills of Majayjay, Laguna where he set up his secret
headquarters, he contracted malaria which became the cause of his death on April 6,
1899 at the age of 24 (Filipinos in History, 1995).
An Excerpt from the Second Paragraph of the Kartilya which states that “The object
pursued by this association is great and precious: to unite in ideas and purposes all
Filipinos by means of a strong oath and from union derive force with which to tear the
veil that obscures intelligence and thus find the true path of reason and light”
The strong oath was documented and signed with the signed with the blood of the
“Katipuneros” (blood (blood compact). They swore at the Katipunan creed; Katipunan
creed; to defend the oppressed, fight the fight the oppressor even to the extent of
supreme self- supreme self- sacrifice.
One of the most important Katipunan documents was the Kartilya ng Katipunan. – The
original title of the document was “Manga (sic) Aral Nang (sic) Katipunan ng mga A.N.B.”
Or “Lesson of the Organization of the Sons of Country”.
The Kartilya presents not only the teachings for the neophyte Katipunero but also the
guiding principles of the society. These teachings are expected from the members even
after the attainment of freedom from the colonizers. The Kartilya ends with a document
of affirmation by the member to the society’s teachings.
The Kartilya was not just a document for the Katipunan. It’s importance today is
predicated on the teachings that embodied the moral and nationalistic principles of a
nation that fought for independence. These principles are relevant as the sense of
nationhood still holds true when the cultural and historical values of every Filipino are
threatened by the onslaught of foreign influences brought about by today’s globalization.
READING THE “PROCLAMATION OF THE PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE”
June 12, 1898 - The Philippine Declaration of independence was proclaimed in Cavite el
Viejo (present day Kawit, Cavite) – Filipino revolutionary forces under General Emilio
Aguinaldo proclaimed the sovereignty and independence of the Philippine Islands from
the colonial rule of Spain.
1896 - the Philippine Revolution began. Eventually, the Spanish signed an agreement
with the revolutionaries – Emilio Aguinaldo went into exile in Hongkong. At the outbreak
of the Spanish-American war.
Commodore George Dewey - sailed from Hong Kong to Manila Bay leading a
squadron of U.S. Navy ships. – May 1, 1898 - the United States defeated the Spanish in
the Battle of Manila Bay. – the U.S. Navy transported Aguinaldo back to the Philippines.
Proclamation of June 12 - Independence was proclaimed on June 12, 1898 between
four and five in the afternoon in Cavite at the ancestral home of General Emilio
Aguinaldo.
– The event saw the unfurling of the National Flag of the Philippines, made in Hong
Kong by Marcela Agoncillo, Lorenza Agoncillo, and Delfina Herboza.
– and the performance of the Marcha Filipina Magdalo, as the national anthem, now
known as Lupang Hinirang, which wakkkjs composed by Julián Felipe and played by the
San Francisco de Malabon marching band.
– The Act of the Declaration of Independence was prepared, written, and read by
Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista in Spanish.
– The Declaration was signed by ninety-eight people, among them an American army
officer who witnessed the proclamation who attended the proceedings, Mr. L. M.
Johnson, a Coronel of Artillery.
– The proclamation of Philippine independence was, however, promulgated on 1 August,
when many towns had already been organized under the rules laid down by the
Dictatorial Government of General Aguinaldo
– The declaration was not recognized by the U.S. nor Spain and Spain later sold the
Philippines to the United States in the 1898 Treaty of Paris ended the Spanish-
American War. – Philippine-American War - The Philippine Revolutionary Government
did not recognize the treaty or American sovereignty, and subsequently fought and lost
a conflict with United States.
– ended when Emilio Aguinaldo was captured by U.S. forces, and issued a statement
acknowledging and accepting the sovereignty of the United States over the Philippines.
– Following World War II, the US granted independence to the Philippines on July 4,
1946 via the Treaty of Manila.
1964 - President Diosdado Macapagal signed into law Republic Act No. 4166
designating June 12 as the country's Independence Day.
Cory Aquino’s speech was an important event in the political and diplomatic
history of the country because it has arguably commented the legitimacy of the EDSA
government in the international arena.
The ideology or the principles of the new democratic government can also be seen in the
same speech. Aquino was able to draw the sharp contrast between her government and
of her predecessor by expressing her commitment to a democratic constitution drafted
by an independent commission. She claimed that such constitution upholds and
adheres to the rights and liberty of the Filipino people. Cory also hoisted herself as the
reconciliatory agent after more than two decades of a polarizing authoritarian politics.
Despite Cory’s effort to hoist herself as the exact opposite of Marcos, her speech still
reveals certain parallelism between her and Marcos’s government. This is seen in terms
of continuing the alliance between the Philippines and the United States despite the
known affinity between the said world super power and Marcos.
THE TEJEROS
CONVENTION OF 1897
A rift began between the two factions when differences between Andres
Bonifacio and Emilio Aguinaldo regarding the strategy of confronting Spain became
obvious. Bonifacio, the Supremo, based his decisions on the consensus of prominent
katipuneros while Aguinaldo believed on a centralized institution in effectively carrying
out plans (May,
2017). This, and the series of defeats he suffered against the Spaniards, caused his
reputation as leader of the Katipunan to dwindle in favor of Aguinaldo, apart from the
continuing suspicion and jealousy that would characterize the members of the
Magdiwang and Magdalo. His engagements with the Spaniards, no matter how
extraordinary and perilous the battles were, considering the armaments they had,
spawned the gradual loss of esteem and confidence as evidenced by the disrespect of
certain members of the Magdalo Council in his attempt to solve their predicament.
Though the conflict was limited in Cavite and certain parts of Batangas, it affected the
solidarity of the Katipunan until the demise of Bonifacio and his brother in May 1897.
The sources to be used in discussing the Tejeros Convention are the books
Katipunan and the Revolution: Memoirs of a General by Santiago V. Alvarrez (1992)
and The Revolt of the Masses: The Story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan by the late
historian Teodoro Agoncillo (2005).
Santiago V. Alvarez and His Background
In the Preface of his book, he said the following about his participation in the
Katipunan and the Revolution.
The Book and Its Content
Readingsin PhilippineHistory
21
Readings in
Philippine History
Teodoro A. Agoncillo and His Background
The late Teodoro Agoncillo was an eminent Filipino historian who authored numerous
books and articles on Philippine history and literature. He is known for his History of the
Filipino People (8 editions, 1960, 1967, 1970, 1973, 1977, 1984, 1986, 1990), Malolos: The
Crisis of the Republic, The Fateful Years: Japan‘s Adventures in the Philippines (2 Vols.,
1965), The Burden of Proof: The Vargas-Laurel Collaboration Case (1984) and more. His
Revolt of the Masses: The Story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan which is regarded as a
classic work in Philippine historiography gained him prominence.
The book initially espoused the idea of a nationalist historiography by contending that
the writing of Philippine must be in the Filipino point-of-view (Quibuyen, 2008). He regarded
that the masses made the revolution successful while the Ilustrados were forced to join it
upon seeing its imminence to success. As such, the book has made an impact among
scholars when it comes to studying the revolution as a product of the collective struggle of the
masses (Aguilar, 2020).
Agoncillo earned his Bachelor of Arts in Philosophy at the University of the Philippines
in 1934 and obtained a master‘s arts degree the year after. He taught at Far Eastern
University, then at Manuel L. Quezon University, before he accepted the invitation of Dean
Tomas Fonacier to teach at the Department of History of the University of the Philippines
where he also served as chairman (Ocampo, 2016). In 1985, he was named National
Scientist of the Philippines by the late President Ferdinand Marcos for his outstanding
contributions in history.
The book Revolt of the Masses: The Story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan was
initially published by the College of Liberal Arts of the University of the Philippines in 1956.
Readings in Philippine History