DV3165 Development Management Chapter 2.2
DV3165 Development Management Chapter 2.2
DV3165 Development Management Chapter 2.2
- For any initial distribution of vendors along the beach, the players will tend to converge on the
midpoint. (for the same reasons mentioned in the previous two games)
- But once all three players have reached the middle of the beach, they will not be able to find a
stable equilibrium.
- This is because the player that ends up in the middle loses his entire market share to the two
outer players.
- Hence he will relocate to a position just to the left or the right of one of the two players
surrounding him.
- But this will leave another player stuck in the middle, who will then behave likewise.
- In an abstract game such as this, with no relocation costs, this sort of competitive churning will
go on forever, until the end of time, and no stable solution will ever be found.
- Any stable solution for the three player game would entail one of the players accepting zero
market share, which none of the three will do.
Hotelling Beach Game with 6 players
- This game has a solution that is unambiguous and stable at the positions depicted in your
figure.
- At these positions, the outermost players will capture the entire market between them and the
endpoints
- The four interior players will split the remaining market between them, where each interior
player catches the line segment between himself and the nearest dotted line (which are the
midpoints of the two interior line segments).
The Hotelling beach model has been applied frequently to the analysis of party positions in
political ‘space’
- Here the beach becomes an ideological continuum varying between left-wing and right-wing
positions. (Two player game)
- In particular, the two and three player games have been used to explain why third parties, and
third-party candidates, fare so badly in countries like the US and UK, with entrenched two-party
systems.
- In the US’s two party system: Democrats and Republicans
- In the UK’s two party system: Conservative party and the Labour party
- There is no ideological space for a third party to occupy such a system, the Hotelling model
implies.
- When a third party forms in such a system, the existing two parties will manoeuvre to take
away its market share, in this case potential voters, by relocating so as to surround it on both
sides.
- Such dynamics also explain why two-party systems always battle for the political centre.
- Neither the left nor the right-leaning political party will actually locate on the left or right of the
ideological spectrum.
- Both will locate firmly in the middle, because the middle ground is where elections are won.
- It is impressive that such a simple model can shed light on such complex real-world
phenomena as the number of parties that survive in different political systems, and the
ideological positions they take up.
- However, Hotelling’s model does not shed light on the two conditions for responsive
governments.
- Unfortunately, both uni-dimensionality and ‘single peaked-ness’, key assumptions of the
Hotelling model, are implausible if votes are to transmit useful information to politicians.
- With respect to voting, uni-dimensionality implies that voters can only care about a single
domain of their lives, such as education, transport, or defence.
- Given that in the real world, voters do care about more than a single domain, and that
elections must transmit information across a number of domains if they are to make politicians
accountable to voters, uni-dimensionality is simply unrealistic.
More recent scholars, including notably Downs (1957), and Besley and Coate (1995), have
devised a variety of models of voting.
- But voting equilibria are problematic for deep reasons first recognized over two centuries ago by
the Marquis de Condorcet (French philosopher, mathematician and political scientist)
> He concluded that voting in a multi-dimensional space will lead to the possibility of cycling aka
Condorcet Cycling.
> The prospect of getting chocolate, which is student 2’s least favourite flavour, leads him to
propose a vanilla alliance with student 3, which student 3 accepts.
> But student 1 likes vanilla least, so she approaches student 2 and suggests a strawberry
alliance.
> At this point, student 2 breaks the vanilla alliance, and joins the strawberry alliance, which
flavour he prefers.
> But strawberry is the flavour student 3 likes least… and so on.
> In the absence of frictions and transaction costs, meaning in practical terms that the students
have nothing else to do, and do not die of hunger, these broken-coalition “elections” can go on and
on and on until the end of time without ever a stable equilibrium being reached.
- A number of scholars have tried to solve one or the other of these problems, by proposing
increasingly restrictive assumptions about the sorts of preferences voters are allowed to have, or
by positing probabilistic voting mechanisms, which remove the mechanical link between voters’
beliefs and/or preferences, and their voting behavior.
- Although some progress has been made, none of these contributions has managed to solve
either problem in a way that is approximately realistic, and that allows our two conditions –
information and accountability – to be met.
- Thus democracy can produce stable equilibria – that is to say, clear results of some sort – only in
the simplest models, and under highly unrealistic assumptions, that make the transfer of
information from voters to politicians impossible.
- Relax the assumptions of these models even a little, to allow for – say – three dimensions, and
even the equilibria disappear, and the models have no solution.