International Seminar on Food Security (USRISFS2016)

Bandar Lampung, Indonesia, August 23-25, 2016

FOOD PRODUCTION, RESURGENCE OF SHIFTING CULTIVATION SYSTEM, AND

ITS ENVIRONMENTAL IMPLICATION:
A CASE FROM PASAMAN DISTRICT, WEST SUMATRA PROVINCE, INDONESIA 1

YONARIZA, MAHDI, JULI YUSRAN, BEVY ASTIKA ANDINI

Andalas University, Padang – Indonesia
email: yonariza@gmail.com
Mobile: +628126769298

ABSTRACT
Shifting cultivation has been considered declining in last two decades. Population
growth, technological change, and world market integration; all has been associated with the
decline. Some argue that the shifting cultivation would come to an end in favor of small
holder plantation or introduction of another sedentary farming system. However, this paper
argues on the resurgence of shifting cultivation. Based on a case study in an upland village of
Pasaman District, West Sumatra Province, Indonesia, this paper describe the resurgence of
shifting cultivation and analyze factors contribute to the resurgence of shifting cultivation. It
also discusses its environment implication. It concludes that decline in the world price of the
commodity, such as rubber, push the farmer to return to the shifting cultivation system.
Since the former shifting cultivation land have been converted into smallholder rubber
plantation, the farmers have to clear old growth forest in the upper part of the watershed.
The rice yield is quite high and provokes farmers to re-practice shifting cultivation for food
security in the following year. Unless insurance is provided against world market shock for a
market-oriented commodity such as rubber, the farmer would exploit vulnerable natural
resources as a livelihood strategy to face with income decline and food shortage. The
resurgence has a negative impact on the environment.
Keywords: environmental service, upland, Pasaman, livelihood, rice, rubber

INTRODUCTION

Following concept of food security formulated during World Food summit 1996, a dimension
of food security is food availability from “supply side” which is determined by the level of
food production, stock levels and net trade (FAO, 2008). Based on this concept, food security

1
Paper prepared for International Seminar on Food Security “Improving Food Security: The Challenges for
Enhancing Resilience to Climate Change” to be held at Lampung University, 23-24 August , 2016
 2

depends on food production in which various agricultural technologies and resources

management are incorporated (Cairns & Garity, 1999). In a subsistence economy, food
security may solely depend on local food production and food storage technology.
Shifting cultivation is a food production system commonly found in Asia and Africa
until today (van Vliet et al. 2012; Wangpakapattawong, Kavinchan, Vaidhayakarn, Schmidt-
Vogt, & Elliot, 2010; Blacoa et al. 2013). However, the shifting cultivation experiences
multidimensional changes. Literature suggests that this system is undergoing transformations
due to population growth, changes in market demand, and public policies since the 1970s
(Mertz et al., 2009; Padoch, 2010). Traditional shifting cultivation has been observed
historically to undergo more or less predictable processes of intensification (Raintree, J. B. &
Warner, K. 1986). They are part of the major land cover change in Southeast Asia (Ziegler,
et al., 2012). Teegalapalli and Datta claim that shifting cultivation is no longer relevant
because of the large population and its growing demands. Another study in Laos found that
rural areas in Laos are experiencing a rapid transformation from traditional rice-based
shifting cultivation systems to more permanent and diversified market-oriented cultivation
systems (Vongvisouk, Mertz, Thongmanivong, Heinimann, & Phanvilay, 2014).
Nevertheless, other fact shows that the system continues and resurgence (Teegalapali &
Datta, 2016) .
With the continuation of the shifting cultivation, the pro-cons on the existence of
shifting cultivation also continue. The pro-con argument varies from the social, economic,
and ecological aspect of shifting cultivation. The Economic explanation for the persistence of
shifting cultivation is that the real returns to labor in shifting cultivation probably exceed its
real opportunity cost and that, although a trend to smaller farms will continue, shifting
cultivation will persist for some decades (Cramb R. , 1989; Dove, 1983). Some scholars
argue that shifting cultivation should be accepted as a rational land use system and that earlier
calls for bringing a “green revolution” to shifting cultivators are still relevant to achieve
intensive and sustainable production (Mertz, et al., 2008). On ecological debate, fallowing
after shifting cultivation is found not able to mimic uncut forest ecology in terms of species
richness (Teegalapalli and Datta 2016). It is also not conducive on carbon sequestration.
Bruun et al. found that effect of shifting cultivation on carbon storage and soil quality are
compared to the effects of intensified production systems that shifting systems of Southeast
Asia transform into. Time-averaged above ground carbon stocks decline by about 40% if the
long fallow periods of traditional shifting cultivation are reduced to 4 years and about 60% if
 3

shifting cultivation is converted to oil palm plantations. The stock of soil organic carbon
(SOC) in tree plantation are 0-40% lower than stocks in shifting cultivation, with the largest
losses found in mechanically established oil palm plantations (Bruun, Lawrence, & and
Ziegle, 2009). There is a need to transform shifting cultivation to sustainable intensification.
The latter implies managements that produce more per unit area, time, and energy inputs. The
goal is to restore soil quality, replace what is removed, and respond wisely to what has been
changed by natural and anthropogenic perturbations. Payments to farmers for sequestration of
carbon and other ecosystem services are good strategies for promoting the adoption of best
management practices (Teegalapalli and Datta 2016). Since a meta-analysis of land-cover
transformations of the past 10–15 years in tropical forest-agriculture frontiers worldwide
shows that shifting agriculture decreases in landscapes with access to local, national and
international markets that encourage cattle production and cash cropping, including biofuels
(Vliet, Mertz, Heinimann, Langanke, & Pascual, 2012). Transition or transformation of
shifting cultivation is reported toward commercial agricultural with tree crops or annual crops
such as maize. This transformation assumed to be permanent to the sedentary farming system
(Cramb, et al., 2009). None of those reports mentions about the resurgence of shifting
cultivation after agricultural transformation, in other words, no one reports cycle of land use
from shifting to sedentary and back to shifting.
Twenty years ago, I also argued that shifting cultivation system as a traditional way of
life would eventually come to an end (see Yonariza, 1996). My study in a shifting cultivation
community, East Pasaman, West Sumatra revealed several reasons for the likely declining in
shifting cultivation system, among others; declining in upland rice production due to
shortened fallow period, rice supply from irrigated land increase, government rice price
policy, increasing lowland production due to intensification made rice price in the market
decrease and stable. Meanwhile, export commodities price, such as rubber, increasing and
made rubber cultivation attractive as a term of trade between rubber and rice increase. As my
study revealed, shifting cultivators transformed their shifting cultivation practice into rubber
cultivation and engaged more on world market economy, they began to rely on the market for
rice as their staple food. They also changed the long tradition of reserve forest (hutan
larangan) aimed mainly to practice shifting cultivation by allowing shifting cultivators to
grow rubber on communal land. This agricultural transformation has changed land tenure
system where farmers gained longer access to the communal land as far as they can maintain
their rubber cultivation. The market seems to be the primary mover of this transformation.
 4

The term of rubber trade with rice increase, which furthermore provoke farmers to move
from rice to rubber cultivation in the upland. However as (Cramb, et al., 2009) found that
Cash crops have often improved livelihoods but complete specialization for the market
increases vulnerability. However, no one has proved this proposition. This paper takes this
stock.
At the same time, the national government together with international development
agencies also promoted a permanent agricultural to replace shifting cultivation (see GTZ
1996). All with the same reasons, low productivity of shifting cultivation along with
unsustainability of the system (see Penot, 1997). Permanent tree crops such as rubber were
seemed suitable for hill farming as rubber tree would maintain soil fertility and protect land
from the slide as rubber is tree crop and would not be cut. ICRACF (now World
Agroforestry) also promoted alternative slash and burn farming (ASB) by promoting rubber
jungle model. All of this promotion with the assumption that rubber price will increasingly
stable as demand for natural rubber will stay high due to increasing demand for the car. In
addition, rubber is irreplaceable for tire and 67 other rubber base products (Setyamidjaja,
1993).
Similar research theme also reported by (Penot, 2004) entitled “from shifting
agriculture to sustainable rubber complex agroforestry systems (jungle rubber) in Indonesia: a
history of innovations production and adoption process”. He argued ‘planting rubber during,
or after, after upland rice was a very marginal supplementary amount of work, with no risk
and more important: no cost’ (Penot, 1997); 1). In addition, He argued that ‘jungle rubber has
so many advantages economically and environmentally; no labor required for maintenance
during the immature period, income diversification with fruits, rattan, timber and other NTFP
(non-timber forest products) from the agroforest. Indirect benefit for environment includes
soil conservation and rehabilitation of degraded lands’ (1). Cairns (1999) also found that ‘ the
imperative to evolve more permanent forms of land use has been exacerbated by rapid
population growth, gazettement of remnant wildlands into protected areas, and state policies
to sedentarize agriculture and discourage the use of fallows and fire’.
Sustainability of the shifting cultivation system is at the center of debate. Cramb
(1989) in a study of shifting cultivation in Est Malaysia concluded that the farming system of
which shifting cultivation is a part (which includes perennial cash crops) is sustainable in two
senses: it is resilient to exogenous disturbances; it exhibits a non-negative trend in output.
Shifting cultivation makes an important contribution to the overall stability and sustainability
 5

of the farming system and should be evaluated on this basis. On the other hand, van Vliet et
al (2012) conclude that the demise of shifting appears to be a reality in many forest-
agriculture frontiers, especially in Southeast Asia. The results of the cluster analysis indicated
three main combinations of drivers that lead to shifting area decrease: market development
and population growth; policies; economic structures, population growth, and conservation
policies (van Vliet, Mertz, Heinimann, Laganke, & Pascual, 2012). After all, agricultural
intensification leads to lower shifting productivity and household income without ensuring
clear benefits for farmers. Limited access to fertilizers, herbicides and technical assistance
combined with the market demand for a single product hinders adaptation (Jakovaca, Pena-
Clarosa, Mesquita, Bongersa, & Thomas, 2016).
The cons against shifting cultivation are its ecological disadvantage since the
technology applied is slash and burn where the forest is cut down, the debris is dried, and
burn down. FAO (1957) has labeled shifting cultivation as the most serious land use problem
in the tropical world. This is because the technology used can cause serious effect on
greenhouse gas emission, increase erosion, and reduce biodiversity (Bruun, Lawrence, & and
Ziegle, 2009), or simply, as a source of deforestation (Angelsen, 1995). van Vliet, Nathalie;
Mertz, Ole; Heinemann, Andreas; Langanke , Tobias; Pascual, Unai, et al. (2012): Important
to the international debate on climate change mitigation is that the transition from shifting to
many intensive cropping systems may reduce total carbon stocks. A study in Amazone
(Andrade & Rubio-Togler, 1994) found a low difference in species richness and number of
individuals captured among plot of different years after the abandonment of shifting
cultivation. Specifically, they observed and compared regenerating one-hectare crop fields,
from 1 to 17 years after abandonment, and undisturbed understory sites were compared in a
sample effort of 4323 net hours. They made 878 captures of 103 species belonging to 11
trophic groups. Differences in species richness and number of individuals captured between
regenerating areas and primary forest were low. This, again, supports idea that shifting
cultivation does not necessarily reduce biodiversity. It is even a new paradigm in managing
tropical forest (Fox, et al., 2000).
Food production, ever since, has environmental implication not exclusive to shifting
cultivation system. However, shifting cultivation has different effects, at least two type
environmental risk caused by shifting cultivation. Firstly, it triggers soil erosion when
practiced in steep slope; secondly, it contributes to greenhouse gas emission by way of
biomass burning. Thirdly, it reduces biodiversity as the system caused land degradation and
 6

left Imperata cylindrical as climax vegetation. The resurgence of shifting cultivation with
conventional slash and burn technique caused a serious environmental effect. As this paper
argue, the traditional land rotation has changed since most of formerly reserve forest for
shifting cultivation has been converted into a rubber plantation. As a consequence, the
resurgence of shifting cultivation is practiced in newly open old growth forest.
Shifting cultivation remains important in many frontier areas where farmers have
unequal or insecure access to investment and market opportunities, or where multi-
functionality of land uses has been preserved as a strategy to adapt to current ecological,
economic and political circumstances. If van Vliet et al. (2012) prognoses that in many areas
shifting will remain part of rural landscapes as the safety component of diversified systems,
particularly in response to risks and uncertainties associated with more intensive land use
systems. It is a good opportunity to proof. This case study would proof those prognoses.
The current debate on shifting cultivation also includes between deforestation and
biodiversity after succession. At the end, the debate suggests intensification of agroforestry,
including jungle rubber. More specifically, the intensification by adopting agroforestry, see
(Raintree & Warner, 1986). But this recommendation forgot about market dynamic and how
its affect the shifting cultivation, especially on food production.
Shifting cultivation is considered to be the most widespread cultivation system in the
tropics (Blancoa, Pascal, Ramon, Vandenbroucke, & Carrierea, 2013). Study on shifting
cultivation continue asking a new question such as how farmers increase productivity to meet
both food and fiber needs are under ever-growing pressure, as well as rising household
economic demands. In many shifting cultivation systems, farmers are taking advantage of
restorative forest fallow periods to plant commercially-oriented orchards to increase output
(Wood, Rhematullab, & Coomes, 2016). Agroforestry is the best alternative for shifting
cultivation using economic indicators (Rasul & Gopal, 2006). The existence of shifting
cultivation will continue as the economic mainstay of upland communities in many
countries in Southeast Asia (Cairns and Garrity, 1999).
I was also so sure that shifting cultivation will come to end. But, when I checked
world rubber price in last five years (see Fig 1), that made me a shock. In fact, it is a shock to
a community who had just transformed their shifting cultivation into rubber cultivation, what
would happen to their livelihood and more specifically to their food security. The fact is that
rubber price decline tremendously from 275 US cent in 20011 to as low as 55 US cents in
2016 per kg, almost as low as 20% of the price five years ago. Meanwhile, rice price stable
 7

at IDR 15,000 (USD 1.5) per kg. This means, farmer real income declines sharply. What
would happen to their food supply?
I start by showing world rubber price that decline from US 250 cent per pound in Jan
2011 and jumped down to US 50 cent per pound recently in Fig. 1. For domestic rubber price,
it reveals that rubber prices at farm level dropped drastically to Rp 5,000 per kg, especially
since the beginning of 2014. Prior to that, farmers had even enjoyed a price between Rp
18,000 - Rp 20,000 per kg in 2011. According to the news, world rubber price would remain
low until next few years.

World Rubber Price 2011-2016

Rubber Monthly Price - US cents per Pound
300

250

200

150
Price

100

50

0
Apr-11

Apr-12

Apr-13

Oct-14

Apr-15

Oct-15
Jan-11

Jul-11
Oct-11

Oct-12

Oct-13

Apr-14
Jan-12

Jan-13

Jul-13

Jan-14

Jan-15

Jan-16
Jul-12

Jul-14

Jul-15

Figure 1. Global trend of rubber price

Source: http://www.indexmundi.com/commodities/?commodity=rubber&months=60 access 27 Feb
2016

Following recent local online news about the sharp decline of rubber price in
Indonesia, I found some clues that the price decline has put more burden on rubber farmers as
they rely on rubber mono-crop farming for livelihoods.2 It is also reported that some farmers
stop tapping their rubber trees and even cut their rubber trees3. This is all due to lower rubber

2
http://industri.bisnis.com/read/20141222/12/385149/ekspor-karet-gapkindo-perkirakan-stagnan-pada-2015
3
http://www.beritasatu.com/ekonomi/306735-gapkindo-prediksi-harga-ekspor-karet-tetap-rendah.html
 8

demand of rubber to 70% due world economic crisis4. Some reports say that world rubber
production surplus in last six years would continue lower rubber price. This surplus is due to
an increasing number of productive trees and lowering demand from China. The surplus is
predicted as much as 316.000 ton as of 2016, this surplus also increased as compared to
surplus in 2015 which was 483.000 ton.5 Thailand as the largest world exporter exceeds
production estimate6. The International Rubber Study Group increase estimate as those tree
planted during 2006-2008 would be tapped in the year 2015-2016.
This news brought my mind back to my research site in Pasaman District with a basic
question in mind was what happened to the farmers who had to transform their shifting
cultivation to rubber mono-crop due to the slowing of rubber price. During 2015 massive
forest fire in Indonesia, I noticed, my former research site contributed some hot spots in
Indonesia. Unlike in another part of the country, the hot spot was mainly caused by forest fire
with an intention to convert forest into oil palm plantation, in East Pasaman, due to its
agroclimate with higher elevation unsuitable for oil palm, then the forest fire might be caused
by slash and burn farming.
This phenomenon brought me back to my former research site putting in mind what
happened to food security from production site and what implication of resurgence of shifting
cultivation. This paper aims at; describing the resurgence of shifting cultivation and
analyzing factors contribute to the resurgence of shifting cultivation. It also discusses the
implication on food production as well as on the environment. One of assumption is that
perennial tree crop such as rubber cultivation is not dynamic farming practice as crop
replacement as not as easy as those of annual crops. A possible response to declining global
rubber economy to subsistence agriculture is to clear more forest and put those rubber
cultivation land fallow. If this is the case, farmers would diversify their farming as a strategy
to cope with disturbance.
Question;
1. How shifting cultivation re-emerge as farmer response to declining of rubber market on
their food security
2. What are characteristics of resurgence shifting cultivation
3. What is the environmental implication of shifting cultivation resurgence?

4
http://video.metrotvnews.com/play/2016/01/13/469889/permintaan-turun-harga-karet-anjlok-hingga-70
5
http://market.bisnis.com/read/20140521/94/229856/harga-karet-diprediksi-bakal-melemah-hingga-2016
6
Thailand massively promoted rubber plantation in 2000-an (see Yonariza 2009)
 9

This paper follows and ideas that global changes associated with the
internationalization of economic activity may also have significant impacts on food systems
(Leichenko & O'Brien, 2002). The paper is organized in the following order. Following this
intro, methodological part explains and justifies how the research was carried out. Result and
discussion present finding of this study begins with a salient feature of the research site, the
resurgence of shifting cultivation that shows characteristics of re-practiced shifting
cultivation. This includes; land, technology, harvest, month of rice consumption for food
security. Quantitative analysis was carried out to test factor influencing the recent resurgence
shifting cultivation .

METHODOLOGY

This case study is a revisit to Nagari (village) of Silayang, Pasaman District, West
Sumatra Province, Indonesia. A visit is a rather brief, one week with a research team of 3
members. The data collection relied on three main techniques; observation, key informant
interview, and household survey. Key informants are former village head, the current village
head, former sub-village head, and current sub-village head. Former means the one
interviewed during 1995 visit.
Household survey was carried out to identify household participation in shifting
cultivation in last 5 years. A systematic cluster sampling technique was employed. The
sampling frame was a population of the farmers in each shifting cultivation site. There are
two main patterns of shifting cultivation site (banjar); large banjar accommodates more than
50 household and smaller banjar accommodate less than 10 households. Two large banjar
were Aia Matinggang and Banjar Tolang, while smaller banjar was scattered around the
village.
This study selected household sample from Banjar Matingang, Banjar Aia Tolang,
and some scattered banjar in Bangkok sub-village. A total number of shifting cultivators in
Banjar Matinggang was reported 60 households, while in Banjar Tolang also around 50
households. While in smaller Banjar in Bangkok sub-village around 30. Almost half of (57)
households involved in shifting cultivation last year were interviewed using a semi-structure
questionnaire. Interviews were made in last week of March 2016 or a month after last rice
harvest of 2015 shifting cultivation cycle.
Following UNESCO’s typology, shifting cultivators in Silayang can be classified as
established swiddeners. Established shifting cultivators who live at lower elevations,
 10

preferring to farm the gentle slope and plateaus within one definite territory for long periods,
in this case, the Nagari or within a hamlet (UNESCO, 1983). Our household sample
happened to distribute among settlement and there is a pattern that household in same
settlement cultivate the same banjar as shown in Table 1.

Table 1. Household sample distribution by settlement and by shifting cultivation site

Shifting cultivation site

Settlement
Aia Aia Durian Mating- Rubuih Others Total %
(Jorong)
Kukuran Tolang Dontuang gang
Aur Kuning 0 0 0 16 0 1 17 29.82

Titian Batu 0 15 4 0 0 0 19 33.33

Bangkok 0 0 0 0 6 2 8 14.04

Batang 0 0 0 3 0 0 3 5.26
Silayang
Tigo Koto 4 0 0 0 0 6 10 17.54

Total 4 15 4 19 6 9 57 100.00

% 7.02 26.32 7.02 33.33 10.53 15.79 100.00

Source: household survey

As Table 1 shows, during 2015 cultivation cycle, people from Aua Kuning cultivate
Banjar Matinggang mostly, people from Titian Batu concentrated in Banjar Aia Tolang. The
rest is scattered in some banjars. The sample equally distributed according to sub-village
which is also congruent with the location of shifting cultivation. This is because each sub-
village or settlement has their respective shifting cultivation site following local land tenure
system.
Main features of the questionnaire are; the practice of shifting cultivation in last six
years 2010-2015, detecting whether the household practicing the shifting cultivation in each
year, shifting cultivation site, the size of land, land tenure, yield and other crops are grown
either annual or perennial crops. Aside from that, data on a number of labor on the household,
rubber tapping activities, rubber price in last 6 years were also collected.
The data were analyzed quantitatively. The analyzed variables among other are; the
size of land, harvest, the number of households, rubber harvest, the price of rubber, other
sources of income, ownership of motorbike, and tree crop planting in shifting cultivation plot.
 11

To measure factors influence household to re-engage in shifting cultivation, firstly we

analyzed the correlation between rubber price and household engagement in shifting
cultivation from 2010- 2015. We used 2010 as a benchmark as global rubber price show the
price decline. To analyze the impact of rubber price on the resurgence of shifting cultivation
we correlate rubber price each year and a number of household practicing shifting cultivation.
We further analyzed factor associated with the size of land cleared for shifting
cultivation during the 2015 cultivation cycle using linear regression. Table 2 presents
suspected variable associated with the size of land clearing for shifting cultivation.

Table 2.Variables tested associated with the size of land cleared for shifting cultivation

Variable Explanation
Dependent variable
Y Size of shifting cultivation plot Continue = 1
x1 HH size Self-explanation
x2 Labor force at HH Self-explanation
x3 rubber harvest yield per week Self-explanation
X5 Number of motorcycles Self-explanation

RESULT AND DISCUSSION

Salient Feature of Nagari Silayang

Nagari means traditional village following Minangkabau social organization. To be a

Nagari, it must have territory, natural resources, local market, a mosque, and a village hall
where importance decision regarding community is made. Nagari is also adopted as an
administrative unit in West Sumatra province. A Nagari is divided into sub-village, called
jorong. A jorong consist of some settlement (kampung). Nagari Silayang consists of 5
jorong; Tian Batu, Aua Kuniang, Batang Silayang, Tigo Koto, and Bangkok.
Geographically, it is located within Mapat Tunggul Selatan Subistrict, 000340 N -
000060 North and between 100006’ - 100020’ East. It is on the border between Province of
West Sumatra and Riau. The total area is 124.72 km2 (26.44% of sub-district area) with
elevation ranges from 150 – 2281 m above sea level (BPS-Kab-Pasaman, 2016). Distance to
Padang as provincial capital is 260 km and to Lubuk Sikaping, the district capital, is 89 km.
Total population as of 2016 is 4,105 and give population density around 33 people per km2.
This is a quite low density. Dominant land use is forest and agroforest, there is only very
 12

little wetland agriculture. This makes people depend on the forest for livelihoods, such as
practicing shifting cultivation and rubber agroforest.
The majority of households live below poverty line. According to local statistics
office, 393 individuals belong to pra-Sejahtera, 1, 381 individuals belong to Sejahtera I, 472
individuals belong to Sejahtera I and only 162 individual belongs to Sejahtera II, none of
them belong to Sejahtera III and III +. Prasejahtera and Sejahtera I household are poor
household.

This village can be accessed by motor vehicle in last ten years, but the better access
was only in place since 2010. The local government developed infrastructure to connect
Silayang to Trans-Sumatra highway near Rao, the center of economic activity in Pasaman
district. Since 2010 also, this Nagari is part of a newly established sub-district administrative
unit called Mapat Tunggul Selatan.

Resurgence of Shifting Cultivation and Food Security

We were told that in 2010 shifting cultivation was no longer practiced or practiced by
very few households in Silayang. Farmers focused on their smallholder rubber plantation or
jungle rubber appropriately. They rely on rice from the market for food in an exchange with
rubber. In 2014, almost all household return to the forest and re-practiced shifting
cultivation. People from Jorong Parik Batu practicing shifting cultivation in Banjar Aia
Matinggang, the western hill of Silayang valley, around 60 households cleared 15 years old
secondary forest. People from Jorong Titian Silayang cleared forest in Banjar Aia Talang, an
old growth forest for shifting cultivation, their number also more or less 50 households.
People in Jorong Bangkok and surrounding areas had to clear forest in neighboring Nagari as
their forest has been converted to rubber. They borrow land with sharecropping basis. We
draw sample these households and interviewed the selected households, the sampling was
rather systematic based on their settlement.
Household survey data reveal that many of household samples did not practice
shifting cultivation in the previous year, only a quarter of them practicing shifting cultivation
in 2010, but the number keeps increasing. The resurgence of shifting cultivation as shown by
a number of household practicing shifting cultivation increased four folds from only 15 to 57
household. This is a sharp incline. Table 3 reveals a number of household practicing shifting
 13

cultivation since 2010. The average size of land cleared for shifting cultivation is more than
one ha per household and the land size variation is low as shown by the standard of deviation.
Table 3. Characteristic of shifting cultivation area cleared by farmers and mean of the month
in rice consumption from shifting cultivation harvest.

Item 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

Number of household
involved N 16 17 20 26 35 57
% 28.07 29.82 35.09 45.61 61.40 100.00
Mean of shifting
cultivation area (ha) .9469 1.0706 1.0875 1.0981 1.1229 1.1886
Std. Error of Mean .11632 .08745 .07538 .08825 .12887 .09104
Mean of month of rice
7.7187 7.1389 7.1632 7.4423 5.7571 7.8070
consumption
Std. Error of Mean 1.26159 1.60463 .97318 1.85479 1.04628 .81820
Source: household survey

The main harvest from shifting cultivation is rice as the staple food. Rice is only for
own consumption. The people consider selling rice from harvest as a taboo. They keep dried
unhusk rice at home and milled when needed. The rice milling is available in the village. As
shown in Table 3, mean of rice consumption per household is 7 months per year, this means
the local people still depend on rice from outside for the rest of time. In addition, the farmers
grow some vegetables and spices in their shifting cultivation land such chili.
Rubber price declines sharply from 2011 onward. But, the villagers felt the sharp
decline in 2014, some of them marked it after Jokowi administration, although the trend of
the price of rubber had been declined prior to the administration transfer. However, due to a
low labor opportunity cost, farmers continue tapping rubber despite declining price. In
addition, since the rubber taping did not consume much time, the farmer continue tapping
rubber and it does not incur them any cost in cash. Table 4 presents a production of rubber
per two weeks, the farmer collected latex per two weeks.
 14

Table 4. Rubber production per household per two weeks

2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016

N 44 45 49 50 53 54
Mean 100.4545 88.3778 86.2653 123.9400 119.1509 87.59
Std. Error of
31.82762 30.08633 27.68572 46.91239 44.31627 25.659
Mean

Factor associate with resurgence of shifting cultivation

The return of people to forest for shifting cultivation was mainly triggered by the
decline of rubber price as rubber was their main source of income. Figure 2 illustrates rubber
price decline and an increasing number of household engage in shifting cultivation.
60

50

40

Rubber price (IDR

30 '000/Kg)
Number HH practicing
shifting cultivation
20

10

0
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

Figure 2. Graph rubber price development and number of household practicing shifting
cultivation

During the year 2010 when the rubber price was high, many households could afford
to buy a motorbike, the motorbike reduces their time to reach the shifting cultivation site and
increased their time to work in the field. Table 5 show possession of motorbike.
 15

Table 5. motorbike possession by household

# As Table 5 shows, there is only 10.5 % of the household

Frequency Percent
motorbike without a motorbike. A fifth of them has more than one
0 6 10.5
motorbike. With the infrastructure development
1 40 70.2
2 8 14.0 including improved track to the forest, made forest is
3 3 5.3 more accessible these days and cut time to reach the
Total 57 100.0 banjar. At the end, farmers can work more hours in their
shifting cultivation field. As will be shown later, this increased forest clearing for shifting
cultivation.
Table 6. Number of motorbike by year purchase

Period Numer % Table 6 shows a number of motorbike according to a the

of
year of purchase, more than half of sample purchase
motorbi
ke motorbike from the period of 2010-2014, mostly 2010
2000-2004 7 10.94% to 2011, it was during high price of rubber. This
2005-2009 18 28.13%
2010-2014 35 54.69% technological change affects shifting cultivation.
After 2015 4 6.25% We further analyzed factor associated with the size of
64
land cleared for shifting cultivation during the 2015
cultivation cycle using linear regression, among independent variable we analyzed were the
size of household, the number of labor, and possession of motorbike. Table 7 shows the
model of regression.

Table 7. Result of linear regression analysis

Model Unstandardized Standardized t Sig.

Coefficients Coefficients
B Std. Error Beta
1 (Constant) 1.501 .331 4.533 .000
Number of labor -.078 .096 -.107 -.813 .420
force
Number of -.109 .061 -.236 -1.773 .082
dependents
Number of motor .282 .133 .273 2.124 .038
bike
a. Dependent Variable: size of shifting cultivation plot in 2015 (ha)
 16

The regression analysis shows a rather strange result where a number of the labor
force at household as well as a number of dependent effects shifting cultivation land size
negatively, while the number of a motorbike at household has a positive effect on the size of
cleared land for shifting cultivation. These findings reveal two things; first, with regards to
the labor force, it seems there is a change in a mode of land clearing. We were told that tree
cutting is no longer done manually, but with machinery chainsaw. The farmer pay chainsaw
operator IDR 1,2 M per ha (USD 100). In addition, farmers continue with communal work
for planting. The farmers in a banjar work cooperatively in planting rice. Second, motorbike
has been common on the site. With a motorbike, they save time to reach the banjar and
made more time available to work on the field. In addition, a number of the labor force at
household level may not represent the actual labor spent in fieldwork. Hence, possessing
motorbike increased forest clearing.

Environmental Implication

Shifting cultivation serves as a safety valve for the farmers during the rubber market
shock. The resurgence of shifting cultivation in short run provides a safety net for food
security. Moreover, household even gets a good harvest since the shifting cultivation is
practiced in long fallow or old growth forest. This has two implications; farmers are
encouraged to practicing shifting cultivation, at least, until the term of trade between rubber
and rice is one to one or one to two, means two-kilogram rubber for one kg rice. Average
rubber production per household relatively low and if falling of rubber price push the small
holders to return to their shifting cultivation system to fulfill their need for staple food. This
response threatens forest sustainability especially threaten the environmental service
provision. It also indirectly reveals the price of environmental service should the farmers
maintain forest by discontinuing forest clearing for shifting cultivation. In other words, with
the current level of rubber harvest, farmers would stop clearing forest if the term of trade
between rubber and rice is 2 : 1. If forest to be preserved, there should be compensation for
the farmer of falling rubber price in order to save the forest from clearing.
Many smallholder rubber farmers live in the area surrounding the forest. Their current
rubber farm was formerly shifting cultivation plot that has been transformed into perennial
rubber cultivation, they normally have less wetland to grow rice. In recent past, they
terminated growing rice for their subsistence using shifting cultivation technique and turn to
the market for rice as a staple food by involving in the market economy as rubber producers.
 17

This was begun by integrating rubber cultivation into shifting cultivation plot (Yonariza,
1996).
The transformation from shifting cultivation into sedentary rubber cultivation was
seen by many as a sustainable livelihood as compared to shifting cultivation system.
However, with declining of rubber price, they have to re-practice their shifting cultivation.
Since most of the former shifting cultivation land have been converted into rubber plantation,
they have to clear old growth forest for shifting cultivation. Fig. 3 – Fig 6 show current re-
practice of shifting cultivation as a response to declining rubber price, it begins with forest
clearing up to harvesting and continue with the next clearing. This shows a full scale of
shifting cultivation practices, please take note the size of the cut tree.
The resurgence of shifting cultivation is a real threat to forest sustainability as it
increases deforestation and forest degradation to which global community has been fighting
for (REDD+ [reduced emission from deforestation and forest degradation]). REDD can be
both challenge and opportunity for shifting cultivators (Mertz, 2009). This is because the
clearing of the old forest only gave a small return in term of rice which is only enough for
six-month of rice consumption. I argue here that shifting cultivation on old forest has a very
high environmental cost.
The locations of shifting cultivation plot are at important catchment area where water
has been used for hydropower plant downstream. Hence, the resurgence of shifting
cultivation threat energy supply. What most wondering is that after rice harvest, the plot is
planted with gambier and patchouli oil plantation, shrub type of crops that are not conducive
for catchment area but has a higher market price.
With the decline of rubber price due to stagnant of global rubber market, domestic
rubber consumption must be increased. The government of Indonesia through Ministry of
Public Work has committed to using rubber for road construction work. But, I argue, the
action must be immediate and cannot wait longer even until one financial year. As field level
evidence proven, next cultivation system is beginning.
What is an ideal level of rubber price to make smallholders terminate their shifting
cultivation practice? Farmer quote price above IDR 8,000 per kg of farm gets the price is
sufficient to provide them enough food and cash as happened four years ago. This is due to
the small scale of rubber cultivation and also with low productivity. With the current price of
IDR 5,000, they are indebted to local traders and push them to re-practice shifting cultivation.
 18

The same also hold true for payment environmental service (PES). If shifting
cultivator as upland poor to be rewarded for environmental service, the formula is simple,
rubber price must be insured. The subsidy is provided if rubber price decline below IDR
8,000 per kg.

CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATION

This paper has shown that the transformation of shifting cultivation into the sedentary
agricultural system is not a permanent and it also shows that the transformation is not a linear
process, it’s rather cyclic. Since the transformation was driven by market force, meanwhile
the market fluctuates, there is a possibility to return to shifting cultivation especially if the
market could not provide food security.
The resurgence of shifting cultivation characterized by a larger cleared old growth
forest. Since this type of forest has higher biomass contents, the yield of harvest is also
satisfied which furthermore provoke farmers to clear a more old forest. The harvest of
shifting cultivation on average still not enough for all year round consumption which make
them still depend on the market for rice and rubber is the only source of cash for exchange. It
is also time for the farmer to diversify their crops to anticipate market shock of a particular
commodity.
When farmers cleared old growth forest for shifting cultivation, it has a serious effect
on the environment as it reduces environmental service in terms of carbon stock and increases
carbon emission. But, it also gives and idea for the price of environmental service if the
farmer is to be compensated for maintaining the old growth forested land. It is by providing a
subsidy for their rice in the form of rubber price.

Acknowledgement

This research was funded by a grant from Andalas University called Hibah Penelitian Guru
Besar or Professorship Research Grant, contract number 524/XIV/A/UNAND, Date 9 May
2016.
 19

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Fig 3. cleared forest for shifting cultivation Fig. 4. shifting cultivation land after rice

Fig 5. Cleared Forest has reached top of hill Fig. 6. Slashing is being started at a new plot
with steep slope for next cultivation season