Biographical Consequences of Activism

The Biographical Consequences of Activism
Author(s): Doug McAdam

Source: American Sociological Review, Vol. 54, No. 5 (Oct., 1989), pp. 744-760
Published by: American Sociological Association
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/2117751
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THE BIOGRAPHICAL CONSEQUENCES OF ACTIVISM
DOUG MCADAM
University of Arizona
Using survey data collected in 1983-84 on 212 participants in the 1964

Mississippi Freedom Summer project and 118 individuals who applied, were
accepted, but did not take part in the project, the author seeks to assess the short-
and long-term political and personal consequences of high-risk activism. Using
both descriptive and inferential statistics, the author demonstrates a strong effect
of participation on the subsequent lives of the volunteers and "no-shows." The
volunteers were more politically active throughout the sixties than the no-shows
and remain so today. In addition, the volunteers are much less likely to be married
and to have significantly lower incomes at present than are the no-shows. Besides
reporting these basic findings, the author seeks through path analysis to explore
the specific factors and processes that mediate the impact of participation in
Freedom Summer on the later lives of the volunteers.
INTRODUCTION the macro- and microlevels of analysis. At the

macrolevel we are only beginning to explore
Historically, two principal research questions
such topics as movement-countermovement
have dominated the sociological study of
interaction (see, e.g., McAdam 1983; Zald
social movements. The first concerns the
and Useem 1987), movement outcomes (see,
origins of collective action and constitutes the
e.g., Gamson 1975; Snyder and Kelly 1979),
longest and most coherent research tradition
and state-movement relations (see, e.g.,
in the field (see, e.g., Gurr 1970; McAdam
Burstein 1985; Gale 1986). At the microlevel
1982; Skocpol 1979; Smelser 1962; Tilly
we know a great deal about the factors that
1978). Recently, however, the "micro ques-
make for individual activism, but much less
tion" of recruitment to activism has begun to
about how movement participation ebbs and
command as much attention as the issue of
flows over time or the political and personal
movement emergence. The former question
consequences of movement participation. The
focuses on psychological, attitudinal, or
latter is the subject of this paper. Using
social-structural factors that account for the
survey data collected in 1983-84 on 212
entrance of the individual into activism (see,
participants in the 1964 Mississippi Freedom
e.g., Klandermans 1984; McAdam 1986;
Summer project and 118 individuals who
Oliver 1984; Snow, Zurcher, and Ekland-
applied, were accepted, but did not take part
Olson 1980).
in the project ("no-shows"), I assess the
Although different in emphasis, these two
short- and long-term political and personal
questions share a common focus on the
consequences of high-risk activism (see
earliest stages of collective action. Regretta-
McAdam 1986). Specifically, I examine the
bly, scholars have paid much less attention to
activist, occupational, and marital histories of
the later stages of a social movement at both
both groups and seek to determine what
effect, if any, participation in the summer
* I would like to thank Ron Aminzade, Gerhard project had on the subsequent lives of the
Arminger, James Fendrich, Roberto Fernandez, volunteers and "no-shows.>" Before turning to
Neil Fligstein, John McCarthy, Susan Olzak, these analyses, however, I address the
David Snow, and Verta Taylor for their extremely theoretical issue of the biographical conse-
helpful comments and suggestions on various
quences of activism.
drafts of this paper. I am very grateful to Kelly
Moore and Ronnelle Paulsen for their help with
various analyses reported in the paper. The
research was supported in part by a Guggenheim THE CONSEQUENCES OF ACTIVISM: A
Fellowship, a grant from the National Science CONCEPTUAL OVERVIEW
Foundation (SES-8309988), and various forms of
support through the University of Arizona's Social Although only a few scholars' studies have
and Behavioral Sciences Research Institute. focused on the biographical impact of activ-
744 American Sociological Review, 1989, Vol. 54 (October:744-760)
BIOGRAPHICAL CONSEQUENCES OF ACTIVISM 745
ism, the media have paid considerable who fit the account. Second, the account rests
attention to the contemporary lives of 60s on a dubious interpretation of the shifting
activists. Based on countless newspaper, patterns of cultural and political allegiance
newsmagazine, and television news stories, within the baby boom generation. Probably
many in the general public feel certain they no more than 2 to 4 percent of the generation
"know" what happened to the 60s activists. took. an active part in any of the movements
And in knowing what happened to the 60s of the mid-to-late 60s. It, therefore, seems
activists, they presume to know something likely that today's Yuppies are drawn, not
more general about the consequences of from the activist subculture, but from the
movement participation. What they "know" other 96-98 percent of the generation. Third,
can be gleaned from popular media portraits the popular account is inconsistent with the
of former activists. growing number of studies of former activists
What emerges from these stories is the and the theoretical literature dealing with the
image of the former activist as opportunistic processes of conversion and alteration.
Yuppie. The contemporary lives of former
activist "stars" such as Jerry Rubin and
Conversion, Alternation, and
Eldridge Cleaver are routinely offered as
High-Risk Activism
"evidence" to support this view. Rubin, now
a stockbroker, and Cleaver, the born-again Conversion is defined as a radical transforma-
clothier, represent reassuring symbols of a tion of a person's life, including their
kind of moral and political maturation claimed self-conception, network of associations and
to be typical of many 60s "radicals." So often larger worldview. The most common exam-
have stories on these two appeared in the ples of conversion tend to focus on entrance
popular press that their lives now serve as a into cults or insular religious groups (cf.
general account of the contemporary biogra- Lofland and Stark 1965; Richardson and
phies of yesterday's activists. Thus the Stewart 1978; Seggar and Kunz 1972; Snow
collapse of the Movement in the early 70s and Phillips 1980). These studies clearly
allegedly triggered a period of wholesale highlight the potential for long-term biograph-
generational sellout that found the lion's share ical effects as a result of the conversion
of former radicals embracing the politics and process. While some "converts" "lapse" or
lifestyles of the "Me Decade." "stray from the flock," many others are
Given that Rubin and Cleaver are virtually permanently transformed.
the only former activists that the popular press Distinct from conversion are forms of
publicize, why do these images of genera- personal change that Travisaro (1981) calls
tional sellout persist? The answer may lie in alternation. These are identity changes that
the larger depoliticizing function of the are not as drastic as conversions, but
account. If most of the 60s radicals grew up "relatively easily accomplished changes of
to become Yuppies, then their earlier radical- life . . . which are a part of or grow out of
ism can be attributed to immaturity or existing programs of behavior" (p. 243).
faddishness. By growing up to espouse Travisaro cites such examples as a high
mainstream values and hold conventional school student becoming a college student
jobs, figures like Rubin and Cleaver reassure and a husband becoming a father. The crucial
the public that it need not take their earlier difference between conversion and alternation
radical politics seriously. The "kids" were centers on the degree to which the change is
just sowing a few wild oats before they settled continuous with the individual's previous life
down. Properly chastened, the 60s radicals and conception of self. Unlike conversion,
are now finding fulfillment in commodity alternation does not entail a radical break with
futures and gentrified urban housing. From the past or the construction of an entirely new
this perspective, the long-term biographical self. This does not suggest that alternation is
consequences of 60s activism appear to be an insignificant social process. On the
modest. contrary, it is associated with most of life's
Despite the popular appeal of the contem- key turning points. While the transition from
porary media account, there are several high school to college student may entail no
reasons for doubting its generalizability. radical break with the past, it has profound
First, after Rubin and Cleaver, it is hard to and enduring implications for the individual's
identify any other prominent 60s activists future. All aspects of a person's life are
746 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
subject to significant change as a result of ideal setting within which alternation can
becoming a college student. Moreover, the occur.
effect of these changes is expected to persist Thus, theoretically, we should expect that
throughout life. Though less dramatic than a those involved in high-risk/cost activism will
true conversion experience, this example be very susceptible to either conversion or
highlights the powerful and enduring changes alternation and to the long-term behavioral
that accompany alternation. and attitudinal effects that accompany these
The relevance of this literature for the study processes. Empirically, there is even an
of individual activism comes from recogniz- emerging literature that suggests as much.
ing certain similarities between conversion
and alternation and the personal changes that Follow-Up Studies of Activists
often accompany activism. The degree to
Though far less developed than the literature
which activism is experienced either as
on individual recruitment to activism, there
conversion or alternation depends on the level
does exist a small body of studies on the
and forms of activism in which the individual
personal consequences of movement partici-
engages. For most movement participants,
pation (see Table 1 for references). These
nothing in their experiences even hints of
studies are hampered by a host of methodo-
conversion or alternation. Quite simply, the
logical problems, which I examine later.
fleeting low-cost, low-risk forms of activism
Nonetheless, they have consistently yielded
(e.g., giving money, writing letters, signing
results strongly at odds with the popular
petitions) in which most individuals engage
account reviewed above. Taken together,
do not require ongoing interaction with other
these studies suggest a powerful and enduring
activists. This requirement and the gradual
effect of participation on the later lives of the
immersion into a new subculture set the stage
activists. Unlike Rubin and Cleaver, the
for either conversion or alternation. What
subjects in these studies display marked
distinguishes conversion from alternation is
continuity in their values and politics over the
the degree to which the group or subculture in
past 10-20 years. Specifically, the former
question is exclusive and organized in oppo-
activists were found to have:
sition to the rest of society. Conversion tends
to occur in groups that demand the exclusive -continued to espouse leftists political attitudes
loyalties of its members and maintain a (Demerath, Marwell, and Aiken 1971, p. 184;
hostile stance toward mainstream society. Fendrich and Tarleau 1973, p. 250; Marwell,
Aiken, and Demerath 1987; Whalen and
Alternation generally takes place in the
Flacks 1980, p. 222);
context of a group that is relatively more
-remained active in contemporary movements
inclusive and tolerant of the other attachments
or other forms of political activity (Fendrich
of its members.
and Krauss 1978; Fendrich and Lovoy 1988;
Virtually all forms of high-risk/cost activ- Jennings and Niemi 1981);
ism are organized through and therefore -concentrated in the teaching or other "helping
involve the individual activist in one of these professions" (Fendrich 1974, p. 116; Maiden-
two types of groups. By necessity, revolution- burg and Meyer 1970); and
ary movements tend to create groups that are -continued to define themselves as "liberal" or
exclusive, highly insular, and hostile to the "radical" in political orientation (Fendrich
society they seek to change. Therefore, and Tarleau 1973, p. 250).
something akin to conversion would seem to Taken together, it is hard to reconcile these
be a likely outcome of entrance into and findings with the image of the activists as
absorption into such groups. Reform move- depicted in the contemporary media account.
ments, on the other hand, tend to spawn However, before we embrace these studies as
groups that are more inclusive and tolerant the final word on the subject, it is necessary
of mainstream society than revolutionary to amplify the note of caution touched on
movements. Nonetheless, they can be very earlier. The works cited earlier are beset by a
demanding of a person's time, energy, and number of methodological shortcomings (see
loyalties.' Such groups, then, constitute an Table 1).
Equality (CORE), Inge Powell Bell (1968) pro-

1 In her autobiographical account of participa-
vides a striking example of the potential for
tion in a local chapter of the Congress of Racial absorption within just such a group.
Table 1. Follow-Up Studies of Movement Participantsa
Year of Year of Activists Control Before and Resulting

Investigator(s) Participation Follow-up in Sample (N) Group? After Data? Publications
Demerath, Marwell, 1965 1969 40 No Yes Demerath
and Aiken et al. 1971.
Fendrich 1960-1963 1971 28b Yes No Fendrich
1974, 1977;
Fendrich and
Krauss 1978;
Fendrich and
Tarleau 1973.
Fendrich and Lovoy 1960-1963 1986 23 Yes No Fendrich and
Lovoy 1988.
Jennings and Niemi 1964-1972 1973 216 Yes Yes Jennings and
Niemi 1981;
Jennings 1987.
Maidenberg and Meyer 1967 1969 230 No No Maidenberg and
Meyer 1970.
Marwell, Aiken, and 1965 1984 145 No Yes Marwell et
Demerath al. 1987.
Nassi and Abramowitz 1967 1977 15/30C No No Abramowitz and
Nassi 1981;
Nassi and
Abramowitz
1979.
Whalen and Flacks 1970 1980 11 No No Whalen and
Flacks 1980.
a Table was adapted from Table 1 in DeMartini 1983, p. 198.

b Fendrich's 1977 article is based on comparative data on 28 white and 72 black activists.
c Nassi and Abramowitz relied on 15 subjects; Abramowtiz and Nassi, on 30.
The first problem concerns the timing of of subjects are involved in these studies. Only
the studies. Only four of the studies (Fendrich the Jennings and Niemi (1981), Maidenberg
and Lovoy 1988; Marwell et al. 1987; Nassi and Meyer (1970), and Marwell et al. (1987),
and Abramowitz 1979; and Whalen and studies involved more than 40 subjects.2 And
Flacks 1980) were conducted after the close the first two of these studies share the timing
of what is popularly conceived of as the deficiencies touched on earlier. Both were
recent activists era (see Table 1). For the conducted while popular protest was still
other studies, it is hard to know whether the widespread in the United States, no more than
reported continuities in political thought and five years after the subjects' initial activism.
action were an effect of an era in which the Third, most of the studies draw subjects
follow-up studies were conducted or an from only a narrow geographic area, some-
enduring consequence of the subjects' earlier times a single city (cf. Whalen and Flacks
activism. For instance, Maidenberg and 1980). This makes it difficult to generalize
Meyer (1970) reported that a sample of the results especially when the geographic
former Free Speech Movement demonstrators areas are as atypical as the Bay Area (cf.
living in the Bay Area in 1969 remained Maidenberg and Mayer 1970; Nassi and
active in leftist politics. Given the high level Abramowitz 1979) or Santa Barbara (cf.
of activism in the Bay Area in that era, the Whalen and Flacks 1980).
finding may be a simple function of time and Another weakness of these studies is their
place, rather than the impact of the Free failure to make use of nonactivist control
Speech Movement. groups. Without such groups, one cannot
A second timing issue centers on the basic
question of whether sufficient time had
2 Most of James Fendrich's research has been
elapsed to allow for an adequate assessment
based on data gathered on 28 white activists
of the impact of movement participation. In involved in civil rights activity while students at
half of the studies, no more than five years Florida State University. In his 1977 article,
had passed between activism and follow-up Fendrich employs comparative data on 100 activ-
investigation. Moreover, only a small number ists, 72 of them black.
establish a behavioral or attitudinal baseline summer project was time-consuming, physi-

to judge the effects of activism. Four of the cally demanding, and highly newsworthy.
seven studies in Table 1 failed to employ a The project began in early June with the
control group. Even when control groups first contingent of volunteers arriving in
were used, the characteristics on which Mississippi fresh from a week of training at
activists and nonactivists were matched often Oxford, Ohio. Within ten days, three project
left the issue of consequences unresolved. For members, Mickey Schwerner, James Chaney,
example, Fendrich matched his subjects on and Andrew Goodman, had been kidnapped
the basis of college attendance at Florida State and beaten to death by a group of segregation-
between 1960 and 1963. While clearly an ists led by Mississippi law enforcement
advance over the other studies, even this officers. That event set the tone for the
research design fails to allow for a clear summer as the remaining volunteers endured
explication of the impact of activism. What is beatings, bombings, and arrests. Moreover,
at issue is the salience of the characteristic on most did so while sharing the grinding
which the subjects were matched. Matching is poverty and unrelieved tension that was the
done to hold constant variables that might daily lot of the black families that housed
otherwise confound the interpretation of them.
causal effects. Fendrich held constant the Prior to their participation in the campaign,
effects of time and place but left unexamined all prospective volunteers were asked to fill
the influence of prior attitudinal differences. out detailed applications providing informa-
It may be that these differences account for tion on, among other topics, their organiza-
both the activists' involvement in the move- tional affiliations, college activities, reasons
ment as well as the later differences between for volunteering, and record of previous
activists and nonactivists turned up by these arrests. On the basis of these applications
studies. (and, on occasion, subsequent interviews),
Finally, the earlier studies also lack "be- the prospective volunteer was accepted or
fore" and "after" data on the activists. The rejected. Acceptance did not necessarily mean
usual procedure has been to gather contempo- participation in the campaign, however. In
rary information on the former activists and to advance of the summer, many of the accepted
then infer the effects of participation from theapplicants informed campaign staffers that
data collected. But without prior information they would not be taking part in the summer
on the subject, it is hard to determine the effort after all. Completed applications for all
extent and significance that changes in three groups-rejects, participants, and with-
participation may have bought about. drawals-were copied from the originals,
Correcting all of the deficiencies noted which are now housed in the archives of the
above yields a prescription for a very different Martin Luther King, Jr. Center for the Study
type of study than has been completed to of Nonviolence in Atlanta and the New
date. It would be national in scope, involve a Mississippi Foundation in Jackson, Missis-
much larger sample of activists, employ Sippi.3 In all, 1068 applications were copied,
"before" and "after" on activists and nonac- with the breakdown as follows: 720 partici-
tivists alike, and be conducted well after the pants, 239 withdrawals, 55 rejections, and 54
activists episode in question. The research applicants whose status in the summer project
reported here generally approximates this was unclear. The applications were then
ideal. coded and the data used as the basis for an
earlier study of recruitment to high-risk
activism (see McAdam 1986).
THE STUDY
The applications were also used as the
This paper reports the results of a follow-up
study of 330 applicants to the 1964 Missis-
3 My deep appreciation goes to Louise Cook,
sippi Freedom Summer project. That project
the former head librarian and archivist at the King
brought hundreds of primarily white, northern
Center, and to Jan Hillegas-herself a Freedom
college students to Mississippi for all, or part Summer volunteer-of the New Mississippi Foun-
of, the summer of 1964 to help staff freedom dation for all their help in locating and copying the
schools, register black voters and dramatize application materials used in this project. Without
the continued denial of civil rights throughouttheir help, this research would have been impossi-
the South. As instances of activism go, the ble.
methodological starting point for the present values they brought to the project (McAdam
study. Specifically, several application items 1986, pp. 72-76). That analysis also indi-
(alma mater, parents' address, major in cated that "the volunteers and no-shows
school) functioned as crucial leads in my appear as essentially alike on a list of
efforts to obtain current addresses for as many variables: race, social class, type of neighbor-
of the applicants as possible. The information hood (urban, suburban, rural), home region,
on alma mater allowed me to contact alumni type of school, and major in school"
associations for help in tracking the appli- (McAdam 1988). Holding so many important
cants. Failing that, phone directories were variables constant increases confidence in
searched to ascertain whether their parents attributing subsequent differences between
were still living at the addresses listed on the the no-shows and participants to the effects of
applications. Their help was then enlisted in participation in the summer project. The
contacting the subject. Using the information subjects in both groups looked very similar
on college major as a guide, academic going into the project. The key question is, to
directories were scanned for possible matches. what extent do their biographies diverge after
Finally, once contacted, the applicants were the summer? To what extent can we speak of
often helpful in locating other subjects. Freedom Summer as having constituted an
The result of these efforts yielded current instance of alternation in the lives of the
addresses for 556 of the 959 participants and volunteers?
withdrawals for whom I had applications. Of
these, 382 (of a total of 720) had been
RESULTS
participants in the project, while another 174
(of 239) had withdrawn in advance of the One of the most distinctive aspects of the 60s
summer. Separate questionnaires were then was the twin emphases on personal liberation
prepared and sent to the participants and to and social action. While it remained for
the "no-shows." Participants were questioned radical feminists to give explicit voice to the
about their experiences during Freedom notion that "the personal is political," the
Summer, their activist histories, and the idea had, in fact, informed New Left politics
broad contours of their lives, personal as well almost from the outset. Accordingly, any
as political, post-Freedom Summer. The assessment of the consequences of participa-
questionnaire sent to the no-shows dealt with tion in the summer project must focus not
these latter two topics as well as the reasons only on the applicants' later political activities
why they withdrew from the project. In all, but on their personal lives as well.
212 (or 56 percent) of the participants and
118 (or 68 percent) of the no-shows returned
Political Consequences
completed questionnaires. In turn, the com-
pleted questionnaires yielded the data on The original project applications included
which the findings reported here are based. several questions that provided information
This study closely approximates the ideal about prior political activities. Not surpris-
research design described earlier. It involves ingly, both participants and no-shows appear
a large number of subjects (330) drawn from to have been reasonably active politically
all over the country. The research itself was before the summer. This was especially true
conducted nearly 20 years after the instance in regard to the civil rights movement. Fifty
of activism in question and employs data percent of the participants and 40 percent of
gathered prior to the summer project as a the no-shows were already members of civil
baseline against which to judge any subse- rights organizations. Seventy-nine percent of
quent changes in the subjects' lives. Perhaps, the participants and 65 percent of the
most importantly, subjects were drawn not no-shows reported some form of prior civil
only from a group of former activists, but rights involvement on their applications.
from the perfect comparison group: other Similar differences were also found in regard
applicants to the same project. This feature ofto other forms of political activity. Thus,
the study allows for an unambiguous resolu- while both groups were politically active
tion of the troublesome issue of prior values. before the summer, participants were slightly
The earlier study of recruitment showed more so.
clearly that the no-shows did not differ Did this pattern hold following Freedom
significantly from the participants in the Summer or did the summer mark a significant
divergence in the political lives of the two involved in southern voter registration activi-
groups? In answering this question, we will ties was eight to one. Three times as many
want to distinguish the short- and long-term participants as nonparticipants helped orga-
political consequences of participants in the nize civil right-related boycotts of northern
summer project. Short-term refers to the schools. Twice as many returned to the South
subject's political involvements between the in connection with later civil rights cam-
fall of 1964 and the National Guard shootings paigns. In contrast, the proportion of no-
at Kent State University in May of 1970. shows listing "on campus civil rights activi-
These dates were selected because they define ties" as their principal form of activism was
the peak years of New Left activism in the triple the comparable figure for participants.
United States. The long-term consequences of With the rise of "black power," the role of
involvement in Freedom Summer refers to the whites in the movement grew ever more
contemporary political attitudes and activities problematic. Consequently, the focus of
of the participants and no-shows. activism for the white New Left shifted to
Short-term political consequences. The other targets. The three movements to benefit
evidence from the follow-up questionnaires most from this displacement of activist
would appear to support two conclusions. energies were the student, antiwar, and
First, the Freedom Summer volunteers were women's liberation movements. Not surpris-
far more politically active than the no-shows ingly, both groups of applicants report high
between 1964 and 1970. More importantly, levels of involvement in all three movements.
the differences in the activity levels between As shown in Table 2, however, the volunteers
the two groups appear to be directly related to were more active in each than were the
the participants' involvement in the summer no-shows.
project. Evidence for the first conclusion is This characterization holds for one final
summarized in Table 2. comparison between the two groups. The
By a margin of 90 to 74 percent, the follow-up questionnaire asked all subjects to
volunteers were significantly more likely to provide a detailed employment history sine
have remained active in the civil rights Freedom Summer. What was surprising was
movement following the summer. Just as the number of subjects who had worked as
important, the forms of civil rights activism full-time paid activists at some point during
the participants engaged in tended to be much the 60s. Thirty-six percent of the volunteers
more intensive than those of the no-shows. included such a job on their questionnaires as
Thus the ratio of participants to no-shows compared to 24 percent of the no-shows.
Altogether, these findings support two
Table 2. Percent Differences in Political Activism 1964- conclusions. First, the volunteers were signif-
1970, by Status on the Summer Project icantly more active throughout the 60s than
(Percents) were the no-shows. Second, the gap in the
Volunteers No-Shows
activity levels of the two groups was more
Type of Activism (n = 212) (n = 118) pronounced than before the summer. This
suggests that the participants' higher post-
Active in the civil rights 90** 74
movement following summer activity levels were a function of
Freedom Summer their experiences in Mississippi. Fortunately,
"Very" active in the 46** 28 more systematic data are available to test this
antiwar movement implicit proposition.
Returning students who report 40* 28
Using information from the follow-up
being "very"active in the
student movement
questionnaire, a measure of the applicant's
Females who report 66** 45 level of movement activism between 1964
being "very" active and 1970 was constructed.4 The continuous
in the women's movement
Full-time paid activist 36* 24
employment 4 The activism scale was constructed using three
Mean number of member- 3.1** 1.5 questionnaire items. The first asked respondents to
ships in political organi- report the forms of civil rights activism, if any,
zations, 1964 1970a they were involved in following the summer. A
a Mean rather than percent. numeric value was then assigned to each of these
* = p < .05. forms of activity based on its intensity relative to
** = p < .01. all others. For example, joining the staff of one of
variable ranges from zero to 59. Not Table 3. Results of Regression Analysis Assessing the
surprisingly, the volunteers' mean score Effect of Various Independent Variables on

Level of Activism 1964-1970
(21.3) was significantly higher than that of
the no-shows (13.6).5 The real interest here, Independent variable b SE(b)
however, is in identifying those independent Ties to other volunteers
variables that best predict variation in 60s in 1966 .201 .212
activism. A simple ordinary least squares in 1970 1.476** .632
regression was preformed regressing 15 Political orientation prior t
independent variables on the dependent vari- Freedom Summer -.935 .683
Change in orientation pre- and
able of 60s activism (see Table 3). The
post-Freedom Summer .534* .223
resulting equation produced a multiple r of Participation in Freedom
.64 and an r2 of .35. Summer?
As shown in Table 3, only five of the (yes/no) 5.008** 1.848
variables in the model were significantly Gender 1.787 1.885
Age .139 .238
related to the dependent variable. Three of
Family income prior to Freedom
these support the causal importance implied
Summer .0002 .0003
by the simple bivariate relationships reviewed Level of activism prior to
earlier. However, the single strongest predic- Freedom Summer .213 .136
tor of high levels of subsequent activism was Organizational affiliations prior
participation in the summer project. What to Freedom Summer (N) 1.306* .575
Years married during the 60s - .106 .403
makes this finding all the more important
Years as parent during the 60s -.326** .606
theoretically is the presence in the model of Years employed full-time
four variables (age, gender, level of activism during the 60s - 1.136** .440
prior to the summer, and number of organiza- Years in college during the 60s -.708 .448
tion affiliations prior to the summer) which Attend college post-Freedom
Summer?
were earlier shown to bear a strong relation-
(yes/no) 2.452 1.965
ship to participation in the summer project
Constant 10.263 8.431
(McAdam 1986, p. 88). However, with one
N = 189.
exception, the significance of these variables
*p < .05.
disappeared when entered into the present **p < .01.
equation. Clearly, the subjects' later activism
cannot be attributed to the same mix of
background factors that led to their participa- involvements? Two variables in Table 3
tion in the summer project. The suggestion is suggest some answers to this question. One is
that the summer served as an instance of the subject's own estimate of the change in
alternation in the lives of the volunteers and his or her "political stance" pre- and
was largely responsible for the shape of their post-Freedom Summer. Political stance was
subsequent activist histories. measured by means of a ten-point scale
What was it about Freedom Summer that ranging from "1" for radical left to "10" for
encouraged the subjects' later movement radical right. Table 3 indicates that a sharp
leftward shift in the subject's political orien-
the major civil rights organizations was assigned a
tation following Freedom Summer is signifi-
numeric value of 5. Participating in civil rights cantly related to levels of 60s activism. This
fund-raising was accorded a value of 1. Second, all suggests that participation in the summer
subjects were asked to indicate their level of project radicalized the volunteers and encour-
involvement in the major movements of the period: aged higher levels of activism.
the antiwar, student, and women's liberation A second independent variable that bears a
movements, among others. Defining oneself as strong relationship to the activism measure is
"very involved" in any of these movements was
the subject's estimate of the number of
assigned a point value of 3; "moderately" or
Freedom Summer volunteers he or she
"somewhat involved," 2 and 1 point, respectively.
remained in contact with in 1970. The greater
Finally, all instances of full-time paid activist
employment were assigned a value of 5. The
the number of ties, the higher the level of
individual's activism score was the sum of the activism in the postproject period. This
points on these three items. finding adds a structural component to the
5 Using a standard F-test, the difference of attitudinal interpretation advanced above.
means is significant at the .01 level. Freedom Summer did more than radicalize
the volunteers. It also put them in contact What are the causal dynamics that may
with like-minded people. Thus the volunteers account for the differences between activists
left Mississippi not only more attitudinally and no-shows. To get at these dynamics, a
disposed toward activism, but embedded in a summary measure of contemporary activism
set of relationships and an emerging activist was constructed combining three items from
subculture ideally suited to reinforce the the follow-up questionnaire.6 Comparable to
process of personal change begun in Missis- the summary measure of 60s activism, the
sippi. contemporary activism variable is continuous
Long-term political consequences: the vol- and ranges from zero to 37. The volunteers
unteers today. Have the volunteers remained also tend to score higher on the variable just
politically active? How do the no-shows and as they did on the measure of 60s activism.7
volunteers compare on various measures of The ultimate value of the measure, however,
contemporary activism? Have the volunteers stems from its role as the dependent variable
remained significantly more active or has the in a path analysis (see Figure 1) designed to
gap between the two groups narrowed? Let shed light on the causal dynamics that shape
me take up the first of these questions. contemporary activism. The model consists of
One item on the follow-up questionnaire variables drawn from four time periods. Time
asked the volunteers whether they were I represents the period immediately preceding
"currently active in any social movements." Freedom Summer; Time II, the summer itself;
Nearly half of the volunteers reported they Time III, 1964-1970; and Time IV, 1983-
were, while a quarter said they remained 1984.
"very active" in at least one current social The goal of the analysis is to assess the
movement. strength of the relationships between the
How do the volunteers' current rates of variables at these four points in time. A
activism and political attitudes compare to detailed analysis of the relationship of the
those of the no-shows? The data in Table 4 variables at Time I and participation in
show that the volunteers remain significantly Freedom Summer has been reported else-
more active and more leftist in political where (McAdam 1986, p. 88). Three of the
orientation than the no-shows. four Time I variables (gender, # of orgs.
presummmer, and level of activism presum-
Table 4. Percent Differences in Rates of Contemporary
Activism and Current Political Attitudes by
mer) were among the strongest predictors of
Status on the Summer Project participation in that earlier analysis.
The four presummer variables were in-
Volunteers No-Shows
cluded in the model to assess the strength of
(n = 212) (n = 118)
association between them and level of activ-
Currently active in any so- 48** 33 ism, the principal dependent variable at Time
cial movement
III. If participation in Freedom Summer was
"Very" involved in antinu- 11 6
clear movement as personally transforming, then the subjects'
"Very" involved in the nu- 10 5 level of 60s activism should be more a
clear freeze movement
"Very" involved in the envi- 11* 3
ronmental movement 6 The applicants' current level of political
Mean number of member- 2.1** 1.4 activism was measured by a scale constructed from
ships in political organiza- their responses to three items on the follow-up
tions questionnaire. First, they received one point for
"Leftist" in current political 60** 41 answering "yes" to a question asking them
stancea whether they were currently involved in any social
Agreeing that "tax structure 56** 40
movement. For all those movements they reported
should be modified to re-
being "actively involved in," in response to a
duce the income disparity
second question, they received three additional
between the rich and the
poor" points. Finally, if they were currently employed
full-time in an activist capacity, they received five
a The designation "leftist" was reserved for those
more points. The person's score on the contempo-
subjects who used the numbers 1, 2, or 3 to designate
rary activism scale was the sum of these point
their current "political stance" on a 10-point scale
totals.
ranging from 1 for "radical left" to 10 for "radical
right." 7 The mean scores on the contemporary activism
*p < .05. measure are 7.4 for the no-shows and 9.5 for the
**p < .01. volunteers.
function of their summer status than of their leftist political values that have persisted into
characteristics prior to the summer. Specifi- the present (current political stance).
cally, I anticipate a significant direct effect of For the most part, the findings reported in
participation on the subject's level of 60s Figure 1 are consistent with these hypotheses.
activism, as well as indirect effects mediated Taken together, they provide strong evidence
through the other Time III variables: political of an enduring political impact of participa-
stance postsummer, # of orgs. 1964-1970, tion in the Freedom Summer project. For
and ties in 1966. I hypothesize that participa- many volunteers, the project seems to have
tion in Freedom Summer encouraged later 60s initiated an important process of personal
activism both by radicalizing the volunteers change and political resocialization and the
(political stance postsummer) and by increas- beginnings of a kind of activist career. The
ing their integration into political organiza- importance of Freedom Summer to this alter
tions (# of orgs. 1964-1970) and activist career is reflected in the strength of the paths
networks (ties in 1966) that supported their leading to level of 60s activism. While
latter involvements. participation in Freedom Summer does not
A similar set of dynamics is expected to bear a significant direct relationship to level
link variables at Times III and IV. In of 60s activism, it is linked indirectly to the
particular, the level of the subjects' activism latter variable by several intervening vari-
during the 60s is expected to bear a strong ables. Participation in the summer project is
direct relationship to their level of contempo- positively related to both the number of
rary activism. We should also see indirect political organizations and ties to other
effects of level of 60s activism on current volunteers the subject was involved in during
activism as mediated through the other Time the period 1964-1970. In turn, these variables
IV variables. That is, a high level of activism were significant predictors of the subject's
during the 60s is expected to have laid a level of activism during these same years. In
strong foundation for activism today, bothaddition,by a strong association exists between
cementing the subject's links to other activists the subject's participation in Freedom Sum-
(current ties) and movement organizations (# mer and his or her political orientation at the
of current orgs.) and by reinforcing a set of close of the project. That orientation, in turn,
# of orgs. .190 #of orgs. .187 # of

pre-summer 1964-1970 current orgs.
* -.068*
level of **144** .550* **
activism ties in 1966 -* ties in 1970 P.current ties
pre-summer
participate .273 level of .220** level of

Project (y/n) 60ssactivism
political 443** political .428** current

stance stance political
pre-summer post-summer stance
gender P -.37
Fg 1 p < .01
Fig. 1. Results of Path Analysis of Long-Term Political Consequences of Participation in Freedom Summer
is a strong predictor of the subject's activism Table 5. Short-Term Differences in Occupational His-
tory by Staus on the Summer Project
between 1964 and 1970.
The level of a subject's activism during the Volunteers No-Shows
60s stands in a similar relationship to current
Working full-time before age 39%** 59%
activism as participation in the summer 25 (%)
project did to it. The one difference is that the Mean number of full-time 3.9** 2.0
level of a subject's activism during the 60s jobs held 1964-1970
seems to have exerted direct as well as several (means)
Mean years of full-time em- 2.2* 3.0
indirect effects on level of current activism.
ployment 1964-1970
The direct path between 60s and current (means)
activism constitutes the single best predictor Employed as full-time paid 33%** 19%
of variation in the dependent variable. But in activists sometime be-
addition, the two intervening variables, num- tween 1964-1970 (%)

"Strong agreement" with 46%** 34%
ber of current organizations and current
statement: "My participa-
political stance, provide strong indirect links tion in social movements
between the two variables. This suggests that strongly affected my
activism during the 60s is related to present choices about work" (%)
organizational affiliations and current politi- p < .05.

cal orientation and that, in turn, these * < .01.
variables bear a significant relationship to
level of current activism.8
Personal Consequences
The picture that emerges is one of
persistent differences in level of activism The ideological imperative of the 60s called
between the volunteers and no-shows. These for activists to recognize the political signifi-
differences are evident prior to Freedom cance of their personal lives and to make
Summer (McAdam 1986) and continue to choices about work, family, and relationships
exercise some independent influence over the that reflected their politics. Any complete
volunteers' later activist careers. At the same accounting of the impact of participation in
time, it is clear that participation in Freedom Freedom Summer, then, must examine these
Summer plays a particularly decisive role in ostensibly nonpolitical aspects of a person's
shaping the applicants' later political values life.
and involvements. In addition, these data Short-term personal consequences. In as-
confirm a certain self-perpetuating quality to sessing the effects of activist participation, I
individual activism. Activism, by its very will again distinguish short- from long-term
nature, broadens the base of the activists' consequences. The period 1964-1970 seems
links to movement organizations and other especially appropriate for examining short-
activists. In turn, these links make it more term differences in work and marital histories
likely that the activist will be drawn into because it demarcates the span of years within
subsequent activist episodes, thereby deepen- which most applicants would have been
ing his or her commitment to activist values expected to begin careers and/or marriages.9
and perpetuating the process of personal Did they fulfill these traditional expectations
change that initial forays into activism have and, if not, can we see the imprint of
set in motion. Freedom Summer on their personal and
professional lives?
Work histories. Based on the data pre-
sented in Table 5, it seems clear that the
volunteers and no-shows were as different in
8 The only remaining variable that is signifi-
their work as their activist histories during the
cantly related to level of current activism is gender,late 60s. The volunteers entered full-time
with female applicants more likely to be active. I
employment later, changed jobs more fre-
have refrained from discussing this relationship or
the general issue of gender because the topic merits
systematic attention in its own right. I am currently 9 The mean age of the two groups on the eve of
at work on an empirical paper focusing exclusively the summer project was 23.6 years for the
on "Gender Differences in the Causes and volunteers and 21.8 for the no-shows. By 1970 the
Consequences of Activism" using the data set average volunteer was in his late 20s or early 30s
employed in this paper. with the no-shows only slightly younger.
quently, and worked fewer years during the Mississippi. They were now looking for a
later 60s than the no-shows. The only partner who shared their commitment to the
work-related measure on which the volunteers struggle.
scored higher than the no-shows is percent Current occupation/income. One of the
engaged in full-time activist employment. most consistent findings from the previous
This finding suggests that the roots of the follow-up studies is the concentration of
occupational differences between volunteers former activists in the teaching or other
and no-shows lie in the different political "helping professions" (cf. Fendrich 1974, p.
values and commitments motivating each 116; Maidenburg and Meyer 1970). Data in
group. On the questionnaires, all subjects Table 6 confirm the applicability of this
were asked to respond to the following occupational profile to the volunteers. How-
statement: "My participation in social move- ever, the table also shows that, relative to the
ments affected my choices about work." comparison group, there are few significant
Nearly half of the volunteers (46 percent) differences between the volunteers and no-
expressed "strong" agreement with the state- shows in terms of their distribution into broad
ment as compared to 34 percent of those who occupational categories, suggesting that par-
withdrew from the project. A chi-square test ticipation in the summer project had little
shows this percentage difference to be impact on the fields in which the volunteers
significant at the .05 level. have chosen to work.
Marital histories. Between 1964 and 1970 However, one work-related difference be-
the volunteers were just as likely to wed, tween the volunteers and no-shows appears to
were married just as long, and got married at bear the imprint of Freedom Summer. The
almost the same age as the no-shows. '0 But itno-shows have significantly higher incomes
is possible that the volunteers' criteria for than the volunteers. The modal income
selecting a mate were more often influenced category for the no-shows is $40,000, while it
by their politics than was true for the is $20-29,999 for the volunteers. At the other
no-shows? On the questionnaires, the appli- end of the income scale, nearly 50 percent
cants were asked to express their level of more volunteers than no-shows earn under
agreement with the following statement: "My $10,000. This disparity would appear to
participation in social movements affected my derive from the different political histories of
choice of mate(s)." Nearly two-thirds of the the two groups. Perhaps the income gap has
volunteers but not quite half of the no-shows its roots in the volunteer's later entrance into
agreed with the statement. This percentage full-time employment, a difference that previ-
difference is statistically significant at the .05ously has been linked to their greater
level. It must be remembered that the willingness to subordinate work to politics.
volunteers averaged nearly 24 years of age at Excluding those who were employed prior to
the beginning of the summer. That meant that Freedom Summer, the modal years of en-
the majority of them had grown up in the trance into full-time employment was 1969
1950s and early 1960s, during one of the for the no-shows and 1972 for the volunteers.
more romanticized and conservative eras of In effect, the volunteers postponed the start of
domestic life in this country's history. Even their careers, thereby sacrificing the market
as they were challenging much of this advantage they could have enjoyed as babies
socialization, the volunteers couldn't help but born during World War II or the early
be affected by it as well. They were no less postwar years. Had the volunteers entered the
interested in getting married than their peers,work force on schedule in the mid-to-late 60s,
but their vision of the ideal mate appears to they would have benefited not only from a
have been politicized by their experiences in boom economy, but from the relative paucity
of competitors for an expanding number of
jobs. Instead, by waiting until the early 70s,
10 The proportion of each group to marry
they confronted the same stagnant, competi-
between 1964 and 1970 was 59 percent for the
tive job market as their younger brothers and
volunteers and 56 percent for the no-shows.
sisters.
During these years, the volunteers averaged 2.3
years of marriage, and the no-shows, 2.1. Mean But this remains mere speculation. While
age at first marriage was 26.9 for the volunteers the different work histories of the volunteers
and 25.9 for the no-shows. None of these and no-shows may explain the disparity in
differences was statistically significant. their incomes, it remains for me to link those
Table 6. Volunteers, No-Shows, and Comparison Groupa in Selected Occupational Groups (percents)
Comparison
Volunteers No-Shows Group
% N % N % N
Selected professional occs.

College professors 17 (34) 18 (18) 3 (108)
Lawyers or judges 8 (16) 12 (12) 2 (83)
Teachers 7 (15) 5 (5) 11 (465)
(except college)
Health practitioners 3 (6) 0 (0) 0 (4)
Social workers 2 (5) 4 (4) 1 (40)
Clergy 2 (4) 2 (2) 1 (29)
Physicians and dentists 2 (4) 1 (1) 2 (91)
Nurses 1 (3) 2 (2) 2 (64)
Psychologists 1 (2) 4 (4) 0 (13)
Engineers 0 (0) 0 (0) 3 (115)
Accountants 0 (0) 0 (0) 2 (78)
Writers, artists, 11 (22) 7 (7) 2 (106)
entertainers, athletes
Other professionals 10 (21) 5 (5) 7 (316)
(including technicians)
Executive, managerial 15 (30) 21 (21) 17 (723)
and administrative occs.
Sales occupations 2 (4) 3 (3) 9 (395)
Adminis. support occs., 1 (2) 4 (4) 7 (283)
including clerical
Service occupations 1 (3) 0 (0) 5 (229)
Farming, forestry and 0 (0) 1 (1) 2 (90)
fishing occupations
Precision production, 1 (3) 3 (3) 4 (178)
craft and repair occs.
Operators, applicators, 1 (3) 1 (1) 8 (320)
and laborers
Unemployed or 12 (25) 8 (8) 13 (534)
not employed
97 (202) 101 (101) 101 (4264)
a The comparison group is composed of all subjects from the Census Bureau's 1984 Current Population Survey
Annual Demographic File who share the same age and general educational level as the volunteers.
different histories to their earlier patterns of pursue "activist careers." In turn, the nega-
activism. I attempt to do this in a path tive relationship between income and current
analysis which features current income as the activism suggests that the pursuit of such a
principal dependent variable (see Figure 2). "career"9 encouraged the subordination of
Of particular interest is the series of paths work to politics, resulting in significantly
linking participation in Freedom Summer to lower incomes for the volunteers.
current income. I expect that participation
Participation is also linked to lower in-
will bear a strong indirect relationship to
comes through the mediating effect of the
income as mediated by the subjects' later
various work variables. Data in Table 5 show
activism and work history.
that the project veterans started to work at a
The results provide strong support for a
larger age, worked less during the 60s, and
link between participation in Freedom Sum-
were enrolled in college fewer years after the
mer and current income. Specifically, the
project than were the no-shows. In turn, all of
analysis documents two dynamics linking
these variables. The first centers on the these variables were significantly related to
familiar positive relationships between the the total number of years the applicants have
activism variables and the significant negative been employed. Finally, the more years the
relationship between current activism and subject has worked, the higher his or her
income. Participation in the summer project income. These results, then, clearly confirm
clearly encouraged many of the volunteers to the political or activist roots of the disparity in
participate 7.659** level of *343** level of

in Summer PI' -*60s activism 60s activism
Project (yin)j\5
family~~~~~~~~i
income age of current
pre-summer lst l nco
#of yearsJ16*
years .644** current
employed income
1964-1970
incomeX
pre-summer # of years
years of
college <.?S
post-summer ** = p < .0
Fig. 2. Results of Path Analysis of Effect of Participation in Freedom Sum
current income between the volunteers and variety of reasons. One of the chief culprits is
no-shows. change (cf. Houseknecht, Vaughan, and
Current marital status. Earlier I reported Macke 1974; Scanzoni 1978). Marriages are
that the marital histories of the volunteers partnerships founded on certain assumptions
were not appreciably different during the late about the world and the partners themselves.
60s from those of the no-shows. Yet, only Should these assumptions be rendered obso-
half of the project veterans were married as of lete, the likely result is a marital crisis and
1984. This compared to 72 percent of the quite often divorce. Given the importance
no-shows, and 79 percent of the matched accorded politics by the volunteers and the
comparison group. What accounts for this rapid pace of change within the New Left in
striking difference? Table 7 reports the results the late 60s and early 70s, it is likely that'their
of a logistic regression analysis that bears on marriages foundered on the political instabil-
this question. The analysis reported in Table 7 ity characteristic of the era.
was designed to measure the degree of
association between 15 independent variables
CONCLUSIONS
and the applicants' current martial status (0 =
not married; 1 = married). Significantly, It would be hard to imagine a set of findings
participation in Freedom Summer is clearly that would contradict the popular image of the
the best predictor of the subject's current 60s activists more than the one presented
martial status. Indeed, it overwhelms all the here. Unlike the personalities profiled in the
other variables in the model. Without being popular press, the summer volunteers have
able to assess the strength of the various evidenced a remarkable continuity in their
causal paths linking participation to current lives over the past 25 years. They have
martial status, one cannot know what it was continued not only to voice the political
about Freedom Summer or the biographical values they espoused during the 60s, but to
path it set the volunteers on that has made act on those values as well. They have
them so much less likely to be married. One remained active in movement politics. More-
can speculate, however. Marriages fail for a over, in a variety of ways they appear to have
least long-term.
Table 7. Logit Regrpssion The results also Current
Predicting shed light on Ma
Status (Married/Unmarried) of the Freedom
the specific social processes that appear to
Summer Applicants
account for the transformative potential of
Independent variable b SE(b) high-risk activism. One effect is attitudinal,
the other structural. Attitudinally, high-risk
Gender .241 .340
Age - .031 .038 activism is likely, as a consequence of the
Political stance prior to Free- - .177 .132 events participants are exposed to and their
dom Summer immersion into an activist subculture, to
Choice of mate(s) affected - .114 .097
result in a radical resocialization of those
by movement involve-
involved. Participants are likely to emerge
ment? (yes/no)
Currently employed? (yes/ .033 .581 from the experience more committed to
no) activism than ever before, thus laying the
Income .130 .127 attitudinal foundation for ongoing involve-
Participate in Freedom Sum- - 1.254** .328
ment. The significant positive effect of the
mer? (yes/no)
"political stance" variable on the various
Years of full-time employ- - .032 .038
ment measures of subsequent activism attests to the
Current political stance -.071 .207 credibility of this interpretation.
Level of current activism -.015 .027 But the effects of high-risk activism are not
# of current political affilia- .143 .096 merely attitudinal. The activist "careers" of
tions
the Freedom Summer volunteers also attest to
# of years college atten- .022 .061
dance post-Freedom Sum- the mediating effects of certain structural
mer consequences of the Summer Project. That
Level of activism, 1964-70 - .016 .017 project left many of the volunteers tied to
Family income prior to Free- -.00001 .00005 networks of organizational and personal
dom Summer
relationships that helped sustain their activ-
Scale of current political .042 .097
attitudes
ism. The series of positive relationships
Constant 2.055 1.410 linking organizational or personal ties to
subsequent activism suggests the critical role
N = 217.
*p < .05. of structural embeddedness in sustaining
**p < .01. activist careers.
Future research might explore in more
detail the mediating effects of attitudinal
remained faithful to that New Left imperativechange and subcultural integration on sus-
to treat the personal as political. Indeed, both tained activism. For now it is enough to alert
their work and marital histories appear to researchers to these processes and to docu-
have been shaped, to a remarkable degree, by ment the role they appear to have played in
their politics. accounting for the activist "careers" of many
The findings reported here confirm the of the Freedom Summer veterans. For these
results of the earlier follow-up studies of the volunteers, the summer marked a watershed
60s activists. What makes the consistency of in their lives, a point in time around which
these findings all the more significant is the their biographies can be seen in "before" and
size of the sample involved and the span of "after" terms. The summer left them attitudi-
years that have elapsed since the subject's nally more disposed and structurally more
initial activism. National in scope and con- available for subsequent activism. For many,
ducted 20 years after the instance of activism New Left politics became the organizing
in question, this study provides strong and principle of their lives, personal as well as
consistent evidence of the enduring impact of political. In effect, the summer set them on
participation in activism. course for a kind of activist career that has
Theoretically, the results reported here continued to shape all aspects of their lives
provide a firm basis for two principal down to the present. Far from being the
conclusions. Activism, at least of the duration fleeting, faddish activity often depicted in the
and intensity of Freedom Summer, does popular press, activism-at least of the
indeed have the potential to trigger a process high-risk variety-would indeed seem to
of alternation that can affect many aspects of highlight the potential for personal transfor-
the participants' lives. Secondly, the conse- mation embodied in intense and sustained
quences of this process may be lifelong or at social action mediated through integration
into organizational and personal networks of Movements, Conflict and Change, edited by
individuals. Louis Kriesberg. Greenwich, CT: JAI.
Fendrich, James Max and Kenneth L. Lovoy,
1988. "Back to the Future: Adult Political
DOUG MCADAM is Associate Professor of Behavior of Former Political Activists." Ameri-
Sociology at the University of Arizona. His can Sociological Review 53:780-84.
previous work in the field of social move- Fendrich, James M. and Alison T. Tarleau. 1973.
"Marching to a Different Drummer: Occupa-
ments and political sociology includes a
tional and Political Correlates of Former Student
number of major journal articles as well as
Activists." Social Forces 52:245-53.
two books: Political Process and the Devel-
Flacks, Richard. 1967. "The Liberated Generation:
opment of Black Insurgency (Chicago: Univer- An Exploration of the Roots of Student Protest."
sity of Chicago Press, 1982) and Freedom Journal of Social Issues 23:52-75.
Summer (New York: Oxford University Gale, Richard P. 1986. "Social Movements and
Press, 1988). The latter has been nominated the State: The Environmental Movement, Coun-
for the Sorokin Award, given every two years termovement, and Governmental Agencies."
to the best book published in sociology. He Sociological Perspectives 29:202-40.
was also awarded a Guggenheim Fellowship Gamson, William. 1975. The Strategy of Social
in support of this work. Protest. Homewood, IL: Dorsey.
Gurr, Ted. 1970. Why Men Rebel. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press.
Houseknecht, Sharon, Suzanne Vaughan, and
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Biographical Consequences of Activism

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The Biographical Consequences of Activism

Author(s): Doug McAdam

American Sociological Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and

Using survey data collected in 1983-84 on 212 participants in the 1964

INTRODUCTION the macro- and microlevels of analysis. At the

744 American Sociological Review, 1989, Vol. 54 (October:744-760)

Equality (CORE), Inge Powell Bell (1968) pro-

Year of Year of Activists Control Before and Resulting

a Table was adapted from Table 1 in DeMartini 1983, p. 198.

establish a behavioral or attitudinal baseline summer project was time-consuming, physi-

surprisingly, the volunteers' mean score Effect of Various Independent Variables on

# of orgs. .190 #of orgs. .187 # of

participate .273 level of .220** level of

political 443 political .428 current

addition, the two intervening variables, num- tween 1964-1970 (%)

organizational affiliations and current politi- p < .05.

Selected professional occs.

participate 7.659** level of *343** level of

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