We Need The Truth: Enforced Disappearances in Asia

Enforced Disappearances in Asia
Compilation and redaction: Katharina Lauritsch

Responsible for the edition: Franc Kernjak
Graphic Design: Peter Chalupnik, www.chalupnik.at

Photo: Ram Kumar Bhandari
Imprint:
Equipo de Estudios Comunitarios y Accion Piscosocial – ECAP
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ISBN: 978-9929-8096-4-2
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without the written permission of the publisher is prohibited.
Enforced Disappearances in Asia
2 | Index
Index
Why a book like this?

By Katharina Lauritsch and Franc Kernjak. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Introduction
By Mary Aileen Diez Bacalso.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Disappearances in the scope of internal armed conflicts.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
SRI LANKA.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Individual, Familial and Social Impacts of Enforced Disappearances –
Tactics of a ‘Repressive Ecology’ and Ways of Responding
By Daya Somasundaram, Induwara Gooneratne, Thanuja Pathirane, Visaka Dharmadasa
and an Anonymous Author.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Still waiting for justice in Sri Lanka

By MCM Iqbal.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
NEPAL. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
Victims Families‘ Needs for Truth and Justice – Challenges for Human Rights Groups
and the Nepali Justice System
By Harihar Wasti, Pashupati Mahat, Ravindra Karn, Simon Robins. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
Enforced Disappearances in Democratic Countries.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
THAILAND. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
Enforced or involuntary disappearance situations in Thailand: Challenges and Hopes
By Pratubjit Neelapaijit, Justice for Peace Foundation.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54
INDIAN ADMINISTERED KASHMIR.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69

“To forget, they say, would be to reconcile to injustice.”
Situation of families of enforced disappeared persons
Arranged by Katharina Lauritsch.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
PHILIPPINES.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
Families of the Desaparecidos in the Philippines: Turning sadness and longing
to flames of justice
By Lorena P. Santos (Desaparecidos) and Maria Esmeralda de la Paz-Macaspac
(Children’s Rehabilitation Centre).. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
Index | 3
And They Shall Cry No More… Enforced Disappearances in the Philippines

and the Struggle for Truth and Justice
Co-authored by the Families of Victims of Involuntary Disappearance (FIND);
the Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD); Rev. Fr. Ben Moraleda,
Ms. Josephine Callejo, Dr. Benito Molino, M.D. and Ms. Dianne S. Reyes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98
Enforced Disappearances as a Legacy of Dictatorship or Occupation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
INDONESIA.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
Disappearances, Exhumation and Psychosocial Intervention –
Caught between looking to the Future and remembering the Past
By Ari Yurino, Bedjo Untung, Putri Kanesia and Rini Kusnadi. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
EAST TIMOR.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135

Working with Families of the Missing: A Case Study from East Timor
By Soren Blau, Luis Fondebrider and Gregorio Saldanha. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136
CAMBODIA.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145
Engaging Communities – Easing the Pain: Outreach and Psychosocial Interventions
in the Context of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal
By Judith Strasser, Julian Poluda, Mychelle Balthazard, Om Chariya, Yim Sotheary,
Im Sophea, Eng Kok-Thay, Christoph Sperfeldt.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146
Regional Perspectives.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
From ‘Healing Wounds / Mending Scars’ to ‘From Survivors to Healers’

By Ms. Josephine Z. Callejo, M.A., Psychologist and Fr. Juvenal A. Moraleda,
M.A. Marital/Family Counselor Phillipines.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164
Authors. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169
Annex.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177
Country facts.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178

4 | Why a book like this?
Why a book like this?
The present publication is one of the fruits of the First Asian Conference on Psycho-
social Support in the Search for Enforced Disappeared, in the struggle for Truth and
Justice and in Exhumation Processes that took place in November 2009 in Manila, Phil-
ippines, organized by Asian Federacion Against Involuntary Disappeareances (AFAD),
Equipo de Estudios Comunitarios y Accion Psicosocial (ECAP) and Geimeinnützige
Entwicklungszusammenarbeit GmbH (GEZA).
In this conference nearly forty Asian experts, representatives of family organizations,

psychologists, social workers, human rights activists, lawyers, anthropologists and fo-
rensic scientist assisted and discussed International Minimum Standards for the psycho-
social support of victims, their relatives, affected groups as a whole and the entire so-
cieties that suffer or had suffered from the crime of enforced disappearance. Minimum
Standards that cover the search for the disappeared person, the exhumation process and
the struggle for truth and justice (the Minimum Standards will be shortly available at:
www.congresoexhumaciones.com).
These International Minimum Standards were the achievement of the exchange of ex-
periences of more than 500 experts from more than 45 countries – from Latin America,
Asia, Africa and Europe – that met at the 1st International Conference about Psycho-
social Work in Processes of Exhumation, Enforced Disappearance, Justice and Truth in
Antigua, Guatemala in 2007 and three years later in April 2010 at the 2nd International
Conference in Santa Fe de Bogotá, Colombia. In Bogotá it was already possible to con-
sider the comments from the Asian conference the year before. The Asian contribution
to this discussion is highly valuable, as Asia is the continent that reports the highest
number of enforced disappearances to the UN working group every year.
The participants of the conference in Manila commonly expressed the wish and ac-
cepted the need of documenting their own working experience, in order to continue and
intensify the exchange of experiences between Asian actors. Furthermore documenting
the past and ongoing atrocities contributes to pressure the different governments to
take serious their duty of investigation and prosecution of severe violations of human
rights. And of course documenting the struggle of the families in order to dignify it and
respond to the need for truth and remembrance.
Why a book like this? | 5
The initial idea was that people working in the several countries with families of en-
forced disappeared persons come together and write jointly an article about the situa-
tion of enforced disappearances in their country, explaining the political and historical
background, the current context and sharing some thoughts about future perspectives.
The following pages contain the valuable result of the effort of the writing teams to
write down their point of view on the situation they are working in.
“First of all we want to know the truth” is a quote from a mother of two missing sons in
Nepal. But “truth” is not only her priority; the same words could have been expressed
by a mother from Sri Lanka, Thailand, the Philippines or Indonesia, from Cambodia,
East Timor or Kashmir. They could have been expressed by any relative of a disap-
peared person around the world. In this quote the voices of all people who lost a loved
one are echoing, united behind the common need to know the truth. This publication
aims to give room and audience to all these voices, that claim “We need the Truth”.
Furthermore this is a call to the respective states to create and implement the judicial
requirements to define enforced disappearance as a crime in the national legal system,
to foster and not to restrain the search for the truth and exhumation processes and to
provide compensation and reparation programs for the affected families. The state, in
not acting at all, is responsible for a prolongation of the daily pain of the families of the
enforced disappeared person. The “coping process” for the families would be far easier
if the states revealed the truth, acknowledged the disappearance, asked for forgiveness,
provided means for the prosecution and provide possibilities for compensation.
Thank you
This publication wouldn’t have been possible without the disposition of all the con-
tributors to dedicate their time to write and work on the articles. We want to thank
each of them, that they opened the door to their life a bit for us readers, that they let us
have a glimpse on their commitment, their energy and motivation and the force with
which they defy the obstacles in their day by day work. To know that you all keep work-
ing makes the world a lighter place. Special thanks to Mr. Simon Robins, Ms. Judith
Strasser and the Anonymous Author from Sri Lanka, your effort has shaped this book
sustainably. We also wish to express our gratitude to the Austrian Development Coop-
eration for the substantial financial support.
Katharina Lauritsch (Compilation and redaction)

Franc Kernjak (responsible for the edition)
6 | Introduction
Introduction
By Mary Aileen D. Bacalso,
Secretary-General
Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances
First and foremost, allow me to express my heartfelt congratulations to this book´s

principal publishers, the Equipo de Estudios Comunitarios y Accion Psicosocial
(ECAP) and Gemeinnützige Entwicklungszusammenarbeit GmbH (GEZA), which
organized the First Asian Conference on Psychosocial Support in the Search for
Enforced Disappeared, in the Struggle for Truth and Justice held in Manila, Philippines
on 9-11 November 2009 and the results of which are published in this book, entitled,
“We need the truth.”
This publication is an integral part of the results of that conference participated in

by about fourty NGO workers, who came from different parts of Asia to discuss for
the first time a subject matter so relevant in a continent that continues to submit the
highest number of cases to the UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Dis
appearances.
The ECAP and GEZA deems it important to give birth to this publication as part of
its effort to help empower the families of the disappeared who are the most important
actors in the fight against impunity. The book’s contents reveal the still continuing crime
of enforced disappearances in the world’s largest continent, many of whose states have
not yet signed and ratified the United Nations Convention for the Protection of All
Persons from Enforced Disappearance. While the book aims to reveal the stark reality
of enforced disappearances in Asia, it also strives to show some signs of hope, one of
which is the establishment of the Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappear-
ances (AFAD) whose work is to a certain extent mentioned in some of the articles in
the book. The conception and birth of the Federation has, among other factors, con-
tributed to the efforts in helping the traumatized families of this unspeakable crime of
enforced disappearance in overcoming its devastating effects.
During our almost 12 years of journey toward a world without desaparecidos, we
have been working with the families of the disappeared who are our very constituents.
Introduction | 7
An integral part of our work is the psycho-social rehabilitation in recognition of the

traumatic effects of the disappearance on the families of the victims and the imperative
of helping them transcend the trauma incurred in the loss of their loved ones. We are
aware that no amount of reparation and psycho-social rehabilitation can fully bring
back the broken pieces remaining in the lives of families. However, we believe that each
and every family member of a victim has, with our help and the help of greater society,
the capacity to heal and empower themselves and in the process, serve as co-healers
to their co-victims. From this inner healing comes the innate power to search for the
truth, to struggle for justice and reparation and to reconstruct the historical memory
of their disappeared loved ones.
In recent years, as an integral part of our goal to attain a world without desapareci-
dos, our Federation has been facilitating psycho-social rehabilitation activities, entitled
“Healing Wounds, Mending Scars” and “From Victims to Healers.” In the process, we
were able to witness how the devastated family members of the disappeared valued
their oneness and solidarity in their common pain and struggle and how they were
able to recognize their built-in capacities to go beyond their loss. In a summing–up
of our rehabilitation program held in Bangkok, Thailand in December 2007, entitled
“Sharpening Our Healing Capacities Towards Empowerment,” families of the disap-
peared expressed their deep appreciation in the value of such activities and signified
the importance of their sustainability. It is unfortunate, however, that such a valuable
program for the families of the disappeared, who are the very constituents of our Fed-
eration, could not be sustained due to dearth of resources. Much remains to be done
to revive the circle of healing and empowerment in order to strengthen the Federation’s
very constituents – the families of the disappeared.
In the course of our work for the last eleven and a half years, we initially searched
for the truth, manifested among many other ways, in finding remains of disappeared
persons. This experience continues to be enriched in many of our countries where
our member-organizations are based. In the context of the level of achievement in the
struggle for human rights Asian organizations have achieved and considering legal and
cultural impediments, the use of forensic anthropology in the search for the truth is not
yet well-developed and is found wanting in countries herewith mentioned.
To mention a few of these countries, during our first visit to the Association of Parents
of Disappeared Persons in the disputed-state of Jammu and Kashmir in 2003, the idea
of excavating remains of disappeared persons was frowned upon with skepticism. The
8 | Introduction
cultural factor of desecrating the dead if skeletal remains are exhumed, coupled with the
security implication for those who may be conducting the excavation and the pressure
of responding to the every day violations of human rights– these were some reasons for
resisting the conduct of this important human rights task. It was only in 2008 when a
report, entitled, “Facts Underground,” revealing the existence of mass graves in 18 Uri
districts, in localities near the Line of Control with Pakistan, was released, that the im-
perative of this very important aspect of work has been gradually appreciated. A more
recent report, entitled “Buried Evidence,” speaks of 2,700 unnamed mass graves, 154
of which contained two bodies each and 23 contained more than two cadavers. Within
these 23 graves, the number of bodies ranged from 3-17. Sooner than later, these skel-
etons in the closet have to be unearthed if we are, indeed, to be true to our mission of
ferreting out the truth about what happened to the desaparecidos. And if this is realized,
accompaniment to families of the victims would certainly be much-needed.
In East Timor, efforts to exhume remains of disappeared persons who were made to
disappear during the conflict brought about by the Indonesian occupation are being
conducted by the Argentinian Forensic Anthropology Team (EAAF). In a visit of our
Federation to our newest member-organization, Perkumpulan HAK in November 2009,
skeletal remains of a thirteen-year old child, Antonio da Silva Freitas, killed on 12 No-
vember 1991 were exhumed and returned to the family for proper reburial. Carried
in the street of Dili was a coffin with the skeletal remains of Antonio while his mother
wailed incessantly during the long march terminating with a long Catholic ritual at a
local church of Dili. Despite the passage of time, no mother would be able to withstand
the poignant sight of the young skeleton of her son. With the mother sobbing without
let-up, at that very moment of profound grief, there was an obvious absence of psycho-
social support. It is not certain if such support was made available after the burial.
It is a consolation to know that in the Philippines, human rights organizations such

as the Families of Victims of Involuntary Disappearance (FIND), the Desaparecidos
and Karapatan are conducting individual efforts to exhume remains of disappeared
persons. FIND claims to have exhumed eighty-one remains of desaparecidos. It has
a program that is, in general, giving peace of mind to the families of the victims and
providing potential pieces of evidence needed in the pursuit of justice. Most of these
families were able to put closure to their search for their loved ones and to pay their
last respects during the proper reburial of their dead.
In the course of doing this, FIND deems it important to respond to the need for
psychosocial support to the grieving families of the victims. To borrow from the words
Introduction | 9
of Dr. Benito Molino, “news that a missing relative’s gravesite has been found almost
always trigger emotions from loved ones, relatives, friends or ordinary human rights
advocates. Temporal relationship between the missing victims was reported and the
discovery of the probable gravesites may affect the gravity of emotions, but there will
always be emotions involved. Thus, psychological preparation for all concerned indi-
viduals and groups in the whole process of the exhumation is very necessary.”
Due perhaps to the inadequacy of experience and much-needed resources in many of

our countries, or perhaps, the lack of documentation of efforts conducted in countries
that may have possibly reached a higher level of experience, the above-mentioned ex-
amples are but a drop in the bucket vis-à-vis the vast continent of Asia and thus, do
not necessarily establish a trend in the Asian region in terms of psychosocial support
and exhumations.
The psychosocial rehabilitation activities that AFAD conducted were not necessarily
carried out in the context of forensic investigation. After all, with or without foren-
sic investigation, these were relevant and were, so far, conducted independently from
forensic investigation and successfully serving their purpose, albeit needing sustainability.
We are aware that in Asia, much remains to be done in the search for those who disap-
peared, through forensic investigation. Whatever level of accomplishment in terms of
forensic investigation that have been conducted so far here in countries where AFAD
member-organizations are based still need to be reinforced and be complemented by ac-
companying psycho-social support for the families. Theoretically, we are convinced that
always and in all circumstances, psychosocial support has to be made available in the
process of exhumations. However, the complementation of these efforts remains to be
carried out. In actual practice both in the past and possibly at present, they are not yet
being fully carried out. Thus, the Minimum Standards for Psychosocial Work in Exhuma-
tion Processes of Serious Human Rights Violations should be given serious consideration.
Nevertheless, experiences from different Asian countries in the field of psycho-social

support and forensic investigation, no matter how limited they may be, have to be har-
nessed and raised to the theoretical plane in order to contribute further to the search
for truth, justice, reparation and memory. These will contribute in no small measure to
giving an Asian particularity to the global efforts to enhance psychosocial support in
the search for the disappeared and the struggle for truth and justice.
| 11
Disappearances
in the scope of
internal armed
conflicts
| 13
Sri Lanka
14 | Disappearances in the scope of internal armed conflicts
Individual, Familial and Social

Impacts of Enforced Disappearances
Tactics of a ‘Repressive Ecology’
and Ways of Responding
By Daya Somasundaram, Induwara Gooneratne, Thanuja Pathirane,
Visaka Dharmadasa and an Anonymous Author
Background
Enforced disappearances have been a well known phenomenon to Sri Lanka before,
during and in the ‘post’ conflict scenario.2 However, from time to time we had large-
scale disappearances, becoming widely used from the 1980s onwards, connected to the
politico – military situation and in local areas of the country.3
For the first time in Sri Lanka, we came to know about the phenomenon of enforced
disappearance during the 1971 JVP 4 insurgence which was brutally crushed by the state
forces. Thousands of youths were reported missing. Then the same fate happened to
many Tamil speaking youths since the early eighties (before the 1983 riots 5), who were
suspected to have connections with the militant organizations.6 Like in many parts of
the world, ‘disappearance’ was systematically used by the state to suppress opposition
and to terrorise society. Ironically, during late 80’s both, Sinhalese and Tamil militant
organizations also adopted this inhumane, cruel phenomenon to deal with their op-
ponents, suspected informants and their own ‘traitors’.
When there were large-scale battles in land or sea or in secret missions, many com-
batants were just ‘disappeared’. Sometimes they were claimed as dead and some times
2 See: Human Rights Watch (2008).

3 See: Three final Reports of the Commissions Of Inquiry into Involuntary Removal and Disappearance
of Persons in the Western, Southern and Sabaragamuwa Provinces (1997); in the Northern and East-
ern Provinces (1997) and All Island (2001). At: http://www.disappearances.org/news/mainfile.php/
reports_srilanka/
4 JVP: Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna – People‘s Liberation Front
5 “Tamil militants marginal until 1983 ambush killed thirteen soldiers in northern town of Jaffna,
provoking Sinhala nationalists to unleash pogroms in Colombo and other Sinhala majority areas.
Over 1,000 Tamils killed and tens of thousands fled homes; state failed to stop violence.” International
Crisis Group (2010).
6 See: Human Rights Watch (2008).
Sri Lanka | 15
they were thought as being kept by the ‘enemy’ forces. When members of the state
forces were killed or taken by the militants and if the bodies of those who were killed
in action couldn‘t be found, they were labelled as “missing in action” in accordance to
military tradition. Also if they were taken and not declared to the ICRC, the same term
was used. Normally the soldiers who are “missing in action” are regarded as “killed
in action” after one year, this was done solely in order to facilitate the compensation
process and the access to legal documentation for the families. The Liberation Tigers
(LTTE) didn’t have a category “missing in action” in the early days of their warfare.
Once the whereabouts of a combatant were not known after a battle, they were re-
garded as killed in action. For those, whose bodies were not recovered, special graves
have been erected.
The situation became more muddied during the late 80’s, when the Indian (peace
keeping) forces (IPKF) were unleashing a war against Tamil militants (and the Tam-
il community on a large scale), while the state forces were busy suppressing the re-
emerged JVP insurgence in Southern Sri Lanka.7 Ten thousands of young men and
women just ‘disappeared’ in that period, which in a way helped the state to get over the
threat. Disappearances peaked in 1988-89 when thousands of youths were reported
missing to the various Commissions of Inquiry. The victims were abducted from homes
and streets, and their bodies were found floating in rivers and burned on tires thrown
on the way side. The numbers are astonishing: More than 60,000 girls and boys were
reported missing. Parents waited for them for so long but they never made it home.8
During early, middle and late nineties, disappearances simply continued in different
parts of the country and at times people were even taken as a group. After a cordon
operation or after catching them from their working places (like paddy fields), they
were made to disappear. During these periods there were changes of control over local
areas, either by the state forces or by militants and with each change of power many
people disappeared.9 In the Eastern province of Sri Lanka, a record number of cases,
more than 12,000 forcibly disappeared civilians, were reported to the ICRC. In most
of these instances the family or the village could identify the perpetrators as the persons
who took the people that subsequently disappeared.10
7 “In 1987, India signed agreement with the Sri Lankan government that dispatched peacekeeping force
(IPKF) to north east and initiated constitutional amendments promising Tamil autonomy. IPKF soon
became embroiled in war with LTTE.” International Crisis Group (2010).
8 See: the reports of the three Zonal Commissions of Inquiry into Involuntary Removal or Disappear-
ance of Persons and an overview on findings and subsequent developments. In: United States Institute
of Peace (2009).
9 See the report of All Island Commission, Cap. XI.
10 International Committee of the Red Cross (2009).
The story continued in the new millennium and disappearances became a part of
everyday life in these years. Disappearances once again reached a zenith when the
peace process was broken in 2006 and large numbers of people were made to disap-
pear not only in the distant parts of the country but also in the capital. Now, apart
from the reasons mentioned before, disappearances just occurred for obtaining ransom
and other financial gain.
In the recent clashes in the early months of 2009, many combatants and civilians
were disappeared and no reliable data was available either to confirm their death or to
know their whereabouts. The access to the former war area has been denied until now,
although the war is officially over.11
No one knows the exact number of disappearances that have happened in Sri Lan-
ka nor is there any reliable and comprehensive data about how many of those disap-
peared have returned. But the number is very large – the three Zonal Commissions
together investigated over 27,000 complaints and established more than 15,000 cases
of enforced disappearances between 1988 and 199812 – and part of the ‘repressive ecol-
ogy’ of the country.13
In Sri Lanka, disappearances haven’t solely happened to one group, village or
region. Disappearances have now become a widely prevalent phenomenon (like an
‘endemic disease’ in medical terms) even in the post-conflict situation. There are dif-
ferences in the social, political, religious and cultural contexts among the victims and
their families. These cultural contexts have not been addressed while dealing with dis-
appearances. The inquiries held by the different commissions or the few exhumation
processes didn’t attempt to address the cultural context, nor did they have a mandate
to do so14. A drastic example of not considering the cultural and religious context is the
exhumation of Krishanti Kumaraswamy, her mother, her brother and a family friend
that is described below. Here the bodies were re-buried right away and the relatives
didn‘t get a chance to “mourn over the dead or perform the last rites”.15
11 University teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna), Sri Lanka (2009).

12 See: United States Institute of Peace (2009).
13 See: Somasundaram (2007).
14 See chapter I of the All Island Commission of Inquiry: http://www.disappearances.org/news/mainfile.
php/frep_sl_ai/102/
15 Thangavelu, V. (2001).
Sri Lanka | 17
Effects on the families

Culturally the ambiguity of the loss is very significant and the family members are
often confused about the role they have to adopt. For example, a wife of a disappeared
husband would not know which role to take – an awaiting wife or widow? Obviously
these two roles are very different in the cultural context.
The local society is not prepared to accept the nature of ambiguity in a disappear-
ance. It expects the victim’s family to behave in an ‘all or none’ manner, which creates
a huge amount of pressure on the family members. This may reflect in situations like
attending cultural ceremonies and festivals, forming new relationships, taking part in
different forums and becomes palpable for children in school. In the Tamil culture,
thali (a sacred chain which functions much like an engagement ring) and kungumap
pottu (a red mark in the forehead) are the two symbolic representations of one’s mar-
riage and their living husband. In general, a young unmarried woman should not wear
these, until she marries a man and similarly a divorced or widowed woman is not
supposed to wear these symbols. Women without these symbols are not considered as
‘auspicious’ and are not allowed in the front lines of any event. A wife of a disappeared
person finds it very difficult to adapt either of the roles, since the loss is ambiguous
and she is put in a quandary in social situations. In her own mind too, she undergoes
considerable agony and wavering between these two different roles, a struggle mixed
with guilt, sorrow, anguish and unresolved grief.
Further these women are expected to take the missing member’s role in the family.
All of a sudden the family becomes a woman-headed family and the woman in addi-
tion to her personal suffering has to take the additional burden of earning livelihood,
dealing with different authorities, looking after their children’s educational and other
needs and struggling against family conflicts and social marginalization. As one witness
of the inquiry Commission states:
The society survives because of women. They have kept the hearths burning. They could be seen
almost on every road in Jaffna either walking or on their bicycle. They are the ones who get
checked at checkpoints and get exposed to harassment.16
Another aggravating factor is that the majority of these women are still young.
Children are often kept away from the truth and are told false – fabricated stories,
which create additional confusion for them at schools and playgrounds, since in these
places they sometimes are confronted with the reality of the missing parent. Adults
think that children may not understand the reality or may not withstand the pain of
16 Report of the All Island Inquiry Commission, Cap. XI

the truth. But children do understand what has happened in the family and they tend
to suffer silently. In some cases, these silent sufferings are reflected in their educational
performance, socialization skills, in their dreams and behaviour (sadness, anger, defi-
ance, withdrawal).
However, it is important that children need to know the truth and the ambiguous
nature of the loss and their emotions should be appropriately dealt with. Their worries,
dreams, expectations, frustrations, etc. need to be addressed. Some family members
or the mother herself should provide the father figure. Grown up children should be
encouraged to support the family as a whole. Issues at the school and society should
be handled carefully.
The families of those, whose fate is not known, are affected in more than one way.
On one hand, they are psychologically affected and unlike in other instances such as
death, where the impact is reduced by time, in cases of missing, time aggravates the
problem. Families wait for very long periods for the loved one to return. This trauma
has a big impact on how the family is socialized. They prefer to be isolated, because
others might not understand how they feel. Outsiders tend to think that the immedi-
ate family members are suffering from mental illness due to their unreasonable way
of thinking of a dead persons’ return. On the other hand, all this has a very negative
impact on the families‘ economy. A family, who has someone missing, will never be
able to give back their whole potential to the society. It is this aspect that has to be
highlighted to make the world understand that if and when the existence of one indi-
vidual is concealed, in fact the family is much more hurt than the very individual that
has been abducted.
Responding
It is very hard to imagine the burdens that the family suffered after the disappearance
of their beloved ones. Since it happens so suddenly and the family never faced similar
experiences in the past, often the families suffer a lot without knowing how they should
respond to the disappearance. It would be good to have a handbook or folder-like edu-
cational material that gives an overview on things to do and possible consequences of
a disappearance. Shanthiham elaborated on a local scale the handbook “Waiting” in
Tamil17, but apart from that, nothing is widely available to educate the public about
what should be done after the occurrence of a disappearance. This fact reinforces the
hidden purpose of disappearing a person. It leaves the family and community in limbo,
confused about what to do and not knowing what has actually happened. The choice
17 Shanthiham (2008).
Sri Lanka | 19
between reporting to authorities and searching can lead to such serious repercussions
that some people just remain in limbo. Generally people are encouraged to lodge a
complaint with the Human Rights Commission or the nearest police station (both are
state sponsored institutions) and international organizations like the ICRC or the UN
and then start waiting for their family member’s return. Some people start searching for
the person in the local army, navy or militant camps. Few may go beyond these steps
and start communicating with various authorities and human rights organizations to
make the event more public thinking that it will give pressure to the perpetrators. But
on the other hand many fear that this sort of publicity may endanger the life of the
disappeared person and minimise the chances for him to return back. Other people
file a case (habeas corpus18) in the courts with some evidences and get a court order to
bring the person to the courts. Some families resort to cultural practices or rituals like
consulting oracles19 or taking vows for their return. Most are reluctant to perform the
last rites or accept a death certificate, leaving them in limbo.
After sometime, the families become fed up with these procedures and rituals. Then
they start readjusting their life, with the deep-rooted uncertainty and pain in their
hearts and minds.
Generally the family gets good support from their relatives, neighbours or friends.
However, in some instances, there is little safety for those families and witnesses. In
these circumstances, the survivors and witnesses have to flee from the area or coun-
try. Similarly, if the politico-military situation is too tense, people feel unsafe identify-
ing themselves with the disappeared persons or their families. In communities which
were under the ruling of the Tamil militant organization LTTE and where the person
has been disappeared by the LTTE, the situation becomes more complex. Families are
sometimes compelled by social circumstances to forget or erase the person from their
minds to continue to live in society. They may not show their pain publicly to the
world, but they continue to suffer privately, suppressing their grief and anger within
themselves.
18 “A writ of habeas corpus is a judicial mandate to a prison official ordering that an inmate be brought
to the court so it can be determined whether or not that person is imprisoned lawfully and whether or
not he should be released from custody.” http://www.lectlaw.com/def/h001.htm
19 See Lawrence P. (1999).
Inquiry Commissions:
In the past, as a result of the local and international pressure the state appointed four
commissions and inquiry boards – three “Zonal Commissions” for the different geo-
graphic parts (1995-1997) and one “All Island” commission (1998-2000) – mainly to
collect evidence but they also served to get some ideas about the families’ needs and
expectations. Furthermore they elaborated recommendations for relief measures and
rehabilitation, recommended exhumations and the establishment of an independent
Human Rights Prosecutor and identified perpetrators in more than 1,000 cases. How-
ever the subsequent developments leave doubts about the seriousness of the imple-
mentation. Of the several thousand suspected perpetrators only about 500 court cases
have been filed and only some of them had been convicted.20 Some of the scholars who
worked in these commissions later expressed their mental agony and dissatisfaction
about their work, partly caused by the stricken realities and partly by the insensitive-
ness of the authorities who failed to take actions based on their commission’s findings
and recommendations.
Compensations:
In Sri Lanka the state never acknowledged the fact that disappearance is mainly car-
ried out by the state sponsored military and paramilitary organizations. However, from
time to time the state offers deaths certificates and compensations to the families, based
on the complaints made to the Inquiry Commissions. These compensations are only
monetary, recommendations of the Commissions on other relief measures, including
counselling, have not been implemented yet. While some families are receiving those
death certificates and compensations, other families are not receiving them, thinking
that if they receive it they have to accept their beloved one’s death, which they do
not want to do. How can one accept a death without credible evidence? This is the
dilemma – in order to receive compensations, people have to accept, even to declare
the death of their beloved one without proof. From the psychological point of view,
this is very difficult and families are not ready for that. However many have to accept
the monetary compensations due to economic pressure. If the states revealed the truth,
acknowledged the disappearances, asked for forgiveness, provided means for the legal
prosecution and compensated the families, in other words, if the state conceded inte-
gral reparations and dignified the dead person, then the families would find it far easier
to go through their grieving process.
20 See: United States Institute of Peace (2009).

Sri Lanka | 21
Family organizations:
When enforced disappearances occurred at a mass level, families tended to orga-
nize themselves with or without the help of some facilitators (like NGOs, Human
Rights or political organizations). In Sri Lanka, there were and still are organizations,
working with families with forcibly disappeared members and most of the time they
work without making much noise and publicity. Community participation is largely
restricted in our country for more than one reason. The phenomenon of disappear-
ances, though being considered as a forgotten tragedy, causes a considerable amount
of stigma and pressure to the state and groups which were directly or indirectly (func-
tioned as informants) involved with the acts. Therefore, those who are in power and/
or those who are responsible for the disappearances won’t allow the community to
actively organise themselves. During the time of conflict and even in the post conflict
scenario, any emerging leadership would be kept under constant surveillance, pressure
and monitoring.
When compared with the Northern and Eastern part of Sri Lanka, people and
organizations from Southern Sri Lanka did many works – advocacy, making short
films, presenting their problems in international conferences like the one on “The
Missing – The right to know”21 in February 2003 organised by the ICRC.
But still, organizations at times ran the risk to be either misused or politicised and
thus the neutrality of these organizations was destroyed. “Mothers and Daughters of
Lanka” is such an organization. From time to time politicians and high state authori-
ties wanted to listen to the families with much publicity but with no follow through
afterwards. Family members complained that they were made to cry in front of cam-
eras but without long-term avail. They only received political spin and pressured the
organizations to organize protest campaigns against specific perpetrators. Neither the
passive acceptance of the promises, nor the forced activism is very helpful to overcome
the agonies of the families with disappeared members.
Furthermore, there was little communication between the different organizations
to strengthen their work, their relationships or to exchange their experiences and
lessons that they had learned. The ethnic barriers, language obstacles and the major-
ity – m
inority issues have also played and are still playing a major role in prevent-
ing adequate networking between the organizations working in different parts of the
country. Some families and organisations have lost hope, are frustrated and also they
are tired of working and waiting for decades to get some relief. New hope for justice
is necessary to bring all together to collaborate. However, despite the difficult working
21 http://www.icrc.org/web/eng/siteeng0.nsf/htmlall/5jwfms/$File/TheMissing_Conf_prog_an.pdf
context, some organizations from 1988, for instance “Parents of Servicemen Missing
in Action” have been able to maintain neutrality and keep on pressing the authori-
ties for the truth. This organization also gained other kinds of remedies such as iden-
tification discs to all solders and combatants, funerals monuments, etc. They could
also work together with the Jaffna based “Guardian Association for Disappeared” in
particular to collectively participate in the ICRC conference in Geneva in 2003 “The
Missing – The right to Know” and to demonstrate together in the heart of Colombo
calling for the right to life for all.
In general, psychosocial work among families and communities with disappeared mem-
bers is at a minimal level. Group meetings that are conducted in some areas among
the members of family of enforced disappeared persons should be considered as a very
good activity from the psychosocial point of view.
From a clinical and research based point of view, one of the immediate needs for the
families with disappeared members is emotional and economical reparation. However,
this is not seen and addressed properly. Families should be helped in order to minimize
their ambiguity and to move on with the unforgettable memories of their beloved ones.
Exhumation in Sri Lanka

The sad truth was and is that in most of the time, the disappeared persons were really
disappeared from the world and more often than not they were made to disappear in
the air – without showing any evidence of the remains. In Sri Lanka the current law
permits the state sponsored armed forces (military, police and other special groups) to
dispose of bodies without obtaining a medical report 22.
A magistrate orders an exhumation, in accordance to the law of Sri Lanka when
there is convincing evidence of a surreptitious disposal of human remains or when
there are doubts concerning the nature of the individual’s death of. The criminal proce-
dure code provides general guidelines concerning exhumations in Sri Lanka. Also it is
possible for a special commission of inquiry to authorize an exhumation order under a
special law addressing a special context.
Forensic experts in Sri Lanka engage in exhumations routinely, if the death circum-
stances are doubtful or if it concerns illegal disposals or unknown human remains.
However there were hardly any exhumation processes of mass graves in Sri Lanka. The
exhumations of the Chemmani mass grave (1999), the Duraiappa stadium mass grave
(1999), the Murusuvil mass grave (2000) and the Sooriyakanda (Embilipitiya) mass
grave (1994) were the most noted ones and will be described here in detail. Almost all
22 Prevention of Terrorism Act (1979).

Sri Lanka | 23
exhumations of mass graves have been conducted under supervision of forensic spe-
cialists. However it is apparent that the police units are not well trained in this area and
depend on forensic experts for advice. There was a special unit created in the police for
crime investigations, what can be considered an improvement in that respect.
Case studies of exhumations
The Mirusuvil massacre happened when eight internally displaced Tamil refugees, including chil-
dren, returned to inspect their property, on 19th December 2000. They were arrested in a village
named Mirusuvil close to Jaffna and subsequently murdered, allegedly by Sri Lankan Army sol-
diers and buried in a mass grave. The murders were disclosed because one of the arrested escaped
from Army custody with serious injuries and informed relatives about the incident. Eventually the
Sri Lankan government charged five Sri Lankan Army soldiers with illegal arrests, torture, murder
and burial of the dead bodies in a mass grave. The case is still pending.23
The Duraiappah stadium mass grave was accidentally found during the excavations for the
Duraiappah Sports Stadium in Jaffna. As workers sank the foundations for new changing rooms,
their spades struck bones. Eventually 25 skeletons, including those of 2 children, were unearthed.
There is no information as to the fate of these findings so far.24
The exhumation of the grave of Krishanthi Kumaraswami was another remarkable case in Sri
Lanka, as far as disappearances are concerned. On August 7, 1996 the 19 year old student went
missing on her way home from school. She was last seen alive at 11.30 am at the Kaithady Army
checkpoint in Jaffna. Her mother, brother and a family friend were concerned, went to look for
her and also disappeared. Subsequently evidence located their bodies in a mass grave near the
military camp. In the course of investigation, it was revealed that Krishanthi was gang raped and
murdered. Also her family who searched for her was murdered – by state military personnel. A
trial was conducted and six soldiers were sentenced to death. One of the sentenced soldiers re-
vealed the existence of the Chemmani mass grave and other graves around Jaffna.25
Most of the exhumations were done merely with a political agenda, either to find fault with the
previous Governments or – like in the case of the exhumation of the Chemmani mass grave in
1999 in the North, the most significant one in Northern Sri Lanka – after international pressure,
– to show the Iinternational Ccommunity that actions were taken in respect to enforced disap-
pearance. This exhumation was mainly organised by the judicial system, supported by the then
Government, and involved all the local and international stakeholders (Amnesty International
and Physicians for Human Rights were present) including the media. It was a big show piece for a
short time but was not permitted to be followed up. As such nothing constructive came out after-
wards. 13 bodies have been exhumed and even after the DNA analysis only 2 could be identified
and no legal steps have been taken since.26
Sadly the idea of reparative work was ‘out of context’ in those exhumations. There
was hardly any psychological support and accompaniment during the exhumation pro-
cesses. Neither the Government organizations like the District Mental Health Services
23 For the current situation and a Chronology see: Tamilnet, 27 June 2007
24 CanadianHART(2009).
25 University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna), Sri Lanka (1999); Thangavelu, V. (2001).
26 Asian Human Rights Commission (2006).
and/or the Department of Psychiatry at the University nor the local NGOs and family
organizations made any active contribution and people in general were too afraid of
future retaliations to take an active role during the exhumation processes.
Almost all forensic experts in Sri Lanka have been trained abroad. They have been
exposed to and trained on international standards. Sri Lanka does also have DNA
laboratories and other identification facilities. One of the drawbacks in Sri Lanka is the
limited number of fully trained forensic anthropologists and odontologists, however
with the existing experts it is possible to manage any exhumation process to interna-
tional standards. Regardless, there must be a commitment from the state and other
relevant parties to proceed with investigations and legal processes.
In concrete terms, that means: training police and improving the state agencies’
motivation to proceed with investigations, fostering the empowerment of families, civil
society and the assistance of INGOs and NGOs. Likewise there should be transparency
or quality check mechanisms for exhumation processes, including papers such as the
“Working Paper for International Consensus On Minimum Standards for Psychosocial
Work in Exhumation Processes for the Search for Disappeared Persons”27, which has
not been discussed yet. As seen in the previous case examples, more than one family
member tends to disappear at the same time or within a short interval. Obviously the per-
petrators don‘t want to leave anyone who witnesses the incident or who actively searches
for evidences. The fear is that if someone tells something or organises something, then
he/she too will be disappeared. As a result, even though the community has some doubts
or information about the possible outcome of the disappearance or burial ground where
they may find evidence for what happened to the disappeared persons, they may choose
not involve themselves with any active organised exercises like exhumation.
Impunity
It is important to note that all the exhumations were supported, sponsored and politi-
cally “owned” and used by the Government of Sri Lanka. Afterwards the state falls
silent on this issue and there hasn’t been any progress on the legal side. While there are
filed cases on disappearances, very few have lead to convictions like in the case of the
killings of 23 school children from Embilipitiya High School.
Although the root cause of this case of disappearance was in fact a private dispute, it was allegedly
related to Army operations against JVP. Three officers and four soldiers were condemned to 10
years’ rigorous imprisonment by the High Court of Ratnapura. Two other officials were acquitted.28
27 Equipo de Estudios Comunitarios y Acción Psicosocial (2009).

28 Report of the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances (1999), p. 8.
Sri Lanka | 25
This was also one of the occasions where exhumations have been conducted. This time
the government ordered the involvement of the High Court in 1994 after receiving
pressure from the UNWGEID29.
Although the Commissions of Inquiry handed over the names of thousands of per-
petrators to the President, the list has never been made public and the perpetrators
were sometimes released from custody, honoured and promoted not only in their re-
gimes, but also even to a diplomat level.30 Many police officers, who were identified
by the Commissions as perpetrators, were given promotions in the very same areas
making the lives of those who gave evidence very unsafe.
Concluding note
The minimum standards for the psychosocial support of families in exhumation pro-
cess, compiled in the draft document31, seem to be very good and appear a strong
enough tool. However, in countries like Sri Lanka much needs to be done even before
entering into the exhumation processes. Disappearances are often denied rather than
acknowledged. At present there is resistance in accepting the realities of disappeared
persons and their families’ dilemma on a wider level and at the political level. They
have become the ‘lost reality’ of the society. The legal system and even some human
rights organizations are not offering adequate information and services for the victim’s
family members. The psychosocial support is minimal. Organizations and individuals
are fearful of working in this area. Everything is done with a low profile. The legal
provisions are not adequate as abduction is not a criminal offence in this country, un-
less the intention to kill can be proven. Enforced Disappearance is not yet an offence
nor has the “International Convention for the Protection of all Persons from Enforced
Disappearance”32 been ratified. The affected families are continuously suffering from
their loss. Some are coping well, some are not.
29 United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances. See http://www.ediec.

org/areas/un-mechanisms/unwgeid/ for more information.
30 E.g.: Major General Janaka Perera: „After he was appointed Sri Lanka‘s High Commissioner to Aus-
tralia, the Tamil community there accused him of being responsible for hundreds of deaths and the
torture of Tamils in the Jaffna peninsula when he was in command. [...] The human rights group
Amnesty International raised similar concerns. However, no formal charges were ever brought against
General Perera.“ http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Janaka_Perera
31 Equipo de Estudios Comunitarios y Acción Psicosocial (2009).
32 International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance (2006).
References and further information (revised May 31, 2010)
Printed:
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New York: Routledge.
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In S. &. Eds. Gamage, Conflict and Community in contemporary Sri Lanka- ‘Pearl of the East’
or the ‘Island of Tears’? New Delhi: Sage Publications.
Nesiah, Vasuki and Alan Keenan (2004), Human Rights and Sacred Cows: Framing Violence,
Disappearing Struggles. In: From the Margins of Globalization: Critical Perspectives on Human
Rights, edited by Neve Gordon, 258. Lanham, Md.: Lexington Books.
Ruwanpura PR et al.(2006), Adaptation of archaeological techniques in forensic mass grave exhuma-
tion: the experience of ‘Chemmani’ excavation in northern Sri Lanka. Ceylon Med Journal 51(3):
98-102.
Shanthiham (2008), Waiting. Jaffna. Not published. Copies can be requested directly at the center.
Somasundaram, Prof. D.J (2001), Collective Trauma of conflict, displacement and poverty: Mental
Health in North Sri Lanka. Shantiham and Basic Needs.
Somasundaram, Prof. D.J (1998), Scarred minds: the psychological impact of war on Sri Lankan Tamils.
New Deli: Sage Publications.
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At: http://www.amnesty.org/en/region/sri-lanka/report-2009
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At: http://www.ahrchk.net/statements/mainfile.php/2006statements/404/
Asian Human Rights Commission (2008), The State of human rights in Sri Lanka 2008.
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Sri Lanka | 27
International Committee of the Red Cross (2009), Anual Report 2008. Sri Lanka. p.210-215.
At: http://www.icrc.org/Web/eng/siteeng0.nsf/htmlall/annual-report-2008-sri-lanka/$File/icrc_ar_08_
sri_lanka.pdf
International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance (2006).
At: http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/pdf/disappearance-convention.pdf
International Crisis Group (2010), Conflict History: Sri Lanka. At: http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/
index.cfm?action=conflict_search&l=1&t=1&c_country=100
Macan-Markar, Marwaan (1999), The ghosts of chemmani. At: http://www.sangam.org/VIOLENCE/
ghosts_of_chemmani.htm
Peterson, Trudy Huskamp (2005), Final Acts: A Guide to Preserving the Records of Truth Commissions.
Washington, D.C.; Baltimore: Woodrow Wilson Center Press; Johns Hopkins University Press.
http://www.wilsoncenter.org/press/peterson_finalacts.pdf
Prevention of Terrorism Act (1979). At: http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/shrilanka/document/
actsandordinance/prevention_of_terrorism.htm
Punyasena, Wasana (2003), The Façade of Accountability: Disappearances in Sri Lanka, 23 Boston
College Third World Law Journal 115.
At: http://www.bc.edu/schools/law/lawreviews/meta-elements/journals/bctwj/23_1/03_FMS.htm and
http://www.ictj.org/static/Asia/SriLanka/facade.eng.pdf
Report of the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances. Addendum. Report on the
visit to Sri Lanka (25-29 October 1999). At: http://www.unhchr.ch/Huridocda/Huridoca.nsf
Silva, Romesh, Britto Fernando, Vasuki Nesiah (2007), Clarifying the Past & Commemorating Sri
Lanka‘s Disappeared: A Descriptive Statistical Analysis of Enforced Disappearances Documented by
Families of the Disappeared Families of the Disappeared. Human Rights Analysis Group Benetech,
International Center for Transitional Justice.
At: http://www.hrdag.org/resources/publications/FoD-HRDAG-ICTJ-2007-10-27-report.pdf
Somasundaram, Prof. D.J (2007), Collective trauma in northern Sri Lanka: a qualitative psychosocial-
ecological study, International Journal of Mental Health Systems 2007,1:5.
At: http://www.ijmhs.com/content/pdf/1752-4458-1-5.pdf
TamilNet (1999), Two more sceletons in stadium grave, 16 April 1999.
At: http://www.tamilnet.com/art.html?catid=13&artid=3164
TamilNet (2007), Court fixes Inquiry into Mirusuvil case, 27 June 2007.
At: http://www.tamilnet.com/art.html?catid=13&artid=22586
Thangavelu, V. (2001): The rape and murder of teen aged Krishanti Kumaraswamy by Sinhalese soldiers.
At: http://www.sangam.org/JANAKA/Thanga6_21_01.htm
The Lectric Law Library Lexicon, Habeas Corpus. At: http://www.lectlaw.com/def/h001.htm
United States Institute of Peace (2009), Commissions of Inquiry: Sri Lanka.
At: http://www.usip.org/resources/commissions-inquiry-sri-lanka
University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna), Sri Lanka (1999), Gaps in the Krishanthy Kumarasamy
Case: Disappearances & Accountability. At: http://www.uthr.org/SpecialReports/spreport12.htm
University teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna), Sri Lanka (2009), Let Them Speak: Truth about Sri Lanka‘s
Victims of War. At: http://www.uthr.org/SpecialReports/Special%20rep34/Uthr-sp.rp34.htm
WSWS (1999), Eyewitness account from Sri Lanka: Tamil mass graves excavated in Chemmani.
At: http://www.wsws.org/tools/index.php?page=print&url=http://www.wsws.org/articles/1999/
jun1999/sri-j26.shtml
Organisations:
Shanthiham. Association for Health and Counselling: http://www.shanthiham.org/
Association of War Affected Women and Parents of Servicemen Missing in Action:
http://www.awawsl.org/
Association for Family Members of the Disappeared (AFMD): contact: thanuja_pathirane@yahoo.com
Still waiting for justice in Sri Lanka 33

By MCM Iqbal 34
Several Commissions of Inquiry into Disappearances of Persons (COIs) had been ap-
pointed by successive governments since 1990. Of these, the writer had been the Secre-
tary to what is known as the Central Zone Commission and the All Island Commission
appointed in 1994 and 1998, respectively. Militancy of Sinhala youth in the South and
the Tamil youth in the North resulted in what NGOs estimate to be the disappearance
of nearly 60,000 youth from various parts of Sri Lanka. However the Commissions
appointed in 1994 received only 27,526 complaints. Of these 10,136 complaints were
inquired into by the All Island Commission appointed in 1998. The following com-
ments and observations are made as a corollary to the book that is being launched
today. It is hoped that the readers would get a clearer picture of the task of the COIs
and what followed after their reports were submitted to the President.
The Mandates of these Commissions

The Mandates of the three Zonal Commissions authorized the COIs to inquire only
into incidents of disappearances that occurred after 1st January, 1988. This resulted
in a large number of disappearances being excluded from being inquired into by these
COIs.
At the time the COIs were appointed, Jaffna was under the control of the LTTE and
the people of that area had no electricity or access to information. They were not able
to travel freely to the South. So many of the victims of disappearances in the North at
that time did not even know there was a COI appointed to inquire into such incidents.
Consequently, the North East Zonal COI, which incidentally never had a sitting in
Jaffna, received very few complaints from the Jaffna District.
33 This article was published originally at: http://www.groundviews.org/2010/03/23/still-waiting-for-

justice-in-sri-lanka/
34 More articles of the same author can be found at: http://www.groundviews.org/author/mcm-iqbal/
and http://www.ruleoflawsrilanka.org/resources/writings-of-m-c-m-iqbal
Sri Lanka | 29
In the conduct of their inquiries the COIs are exempted from the requirement to com-
ply with the provisions of the Evidence Ordinance so they were able to come to a
finding on a balance of probabilities based on the evidence of complainant and other
witnesses, and on an examination of the relevant information books and records at
the police stations. The COIs had to, inter alia, come to a finding on whether credible
material indicative of the person or persons responsible, was available.
The COIs were also expected to report on the whereabouts of the persons alleged
to have disappeared. This could not be done satisfactorily as they had no access to the
several unauthorized detention centres about which the COIs became aware during the
course of the inquiries.
When the COIs had concluded their inquiries and were in the process of writing
their reports, the Secretary to the President informed them that any compensation con-
templated should not be a burden to the finances of the country. They were directed to
fall in line with the provisions of a circular issued in 1987 with regard to compensa-
tion to victims of the riots that took place during that year. This circular had specified
a scale of compensation ranging from Rs.15,000 to a student who had been killed or
disappeared to Rs.500,000 to a politician who had been killed or disappeared. The
COIs had no option in this matter and had to comply with the directive. Nevertheless
they have added a note in their Reports indicating their disapproval with the grading
of the disappeared persons and the amounts to be paid as compensation.
Procedure of recording evidence

In view of the large number of complaints that had been received by the COIs, the
evidence of the complainants and the witnesses were led only up to the point where
credible material indicative of the person responsible came to light. During the trials
where the court cases had been filed, the prosecution had not appraised the courts of
this fact. Consequently the defence counsel were able to take advantage of this defi-
ciency and plead that the details of the incident as given by the witness during the trial,
were fabrications.
Ignored Recommendations
The key recommendation with regard to the legal action to be taken against the al-
leged perpetrators was that ‘an independent public prosecutor should be appointed’ to
prosecute in cases of disappearances. In making this recommendation the COIs implied
that the Attorney General may not be able to play a neutral role in these cases. Yet
these cases were handled by the lawyers in the Missing Persons Unit of the Attorney
General’s Department. They perused the evidence and passed on the files for further
investigations by the Disappearances Investigation Unit of the Criminal Investigation

Department. The latter consisted of police officers. The brotherly feeling they had with
the perpetrators, some of whom had been their colleagues, superiors or subordinate
officers, stood in the way of effective investigations being carried out in all earnest.
Among the perpetrators against whom the COIs found credible material indicative
of their responsibility for the disappearances are the names of several leading politi-
cians, high ranking officers in the police and security forces, many of whom are still in
service in higher positions. The victims of the disappeared who gave evidence of their
involvement in the incidents concerned, are helpless spectators of these persons who
are now in high positions despite their misdoings.
The President called for a special report from the Central Zone COI on the killing
of a candidate contesting a leading politician on the request by the influential wife of
the deceased. In compliance with this request, the Commission did a thorough inves-
tigation and submitted a special report. The passports of the security officers of this
politician who were complicit in the killing, were impounded. Yet no action was taken
against this politician despite there being enough evidence of his involvement in the
killing. Subsequently the wife of the deceased, who had complained to the COI, was
made a Minister following which the special report was swept under the carpet.
The COIs drew the attention of the government to the information on the existence
of about ten mass graves and several torture chambers in various parts of the country.
It was recommended that these be investigated into, yet, successive governments did
not take any action with regard to this recommendation even though the location of
these places and the names of the persons who were responsible for them were made
available in the statements of the relevant witnesses who gave evidence before the
COIs.
No disciplinary action against errant police officers

Though it was recommended that disciplinary action should be taken against all police
officers who were found by the Commissions to have violated departamental rules and
procedures, no such action had been taken against any of them. Given below are some
instances of such violations found by the COIs:
In spite of a circular by the IGP 35 directing that all Information Books relating to
the period of the COIs should be preserved until the COIs had completed their task, it
was found that many OIC ’s 36 had destroyed these books.
35 Inspector General of Police, the head of the Sri Lanka Police

36 Officer in Charge
Sri Lanka | 31
Where complains of disappearances had been accepted by the police, such complaints
had been recorded in the Minor Offences Register. This indicates that whoever record-
ed such a complaint considered the disappearance of a person to be a ‘minor offence’.
There were instances where the list of detainees at a police station on a given day,
did not contain the names of some individuals who had in fact been detained, as their
names appear in the Diet Register for that particular day which was maintained by
another officer.
There had been evidence of female complainants having been raped by police officers
either at the police station when they came to make complaints or at other places dur-
ing search operations.
No action had been taken against the officers concerned.
Miscellaneous
The copies of the Reports of the COIs that were printed and made public by the Presi-
dential Secretariat do not contain all the contents of the reports that were handed to
the President – some important information from the original reports had not been
made public.
The mandate of the All Island Commission on Disappearances was identical to
those of the Zonal Commissions except that it was authorized only to inquire into
the 10,136 complaints that had been received by the Zonal Commissions and left un-
inquired. In other words it was precluded from inquiring into any new complaints. Yet
while the Commission was functioning it received 12,000 new complaints of disap-
pearances which it was not authorized to inquire into. These complaints have been
listed and included in the Report of the COI with a recommendation that the President
should take action to inquire into them at a future date.
The Citizens‘ Committee of Batticaloa handed a list of 7000 disappearances with a
note that these were not filed before the COIs appointed in 1994, as the persons who
were alleged to be responsible for the incidents were still in service at the respective
stations in the East. So the complainants were afraid to complain against them at that
time.
At the time the All Island Commission was appointed in 1998, Jaffna had been re-
gained from the LTTE and had come under government control. About 600 of the new
complaints received by this Commission were in respect of disappearances from the
Jaffna District which occurred following the takeover of Jaffna by the government. 341
of them had been filed at the National Human Rights Commission, which appointed a
Committee to inquire into these 341 complaints. The Report of this Committee states
that in an overwhelming number of those cases there was clear evidence that the army
in Jaffna had taken the persons concerned into custody and that there is no evidence
whatsoever as to what happened to them thereafter.
The National Human Rights Commission also launched a project to process the
12,000 complaints left un-inquired by the All Island Commission and to compile a
computerized data base of all the information on disappearances that had been in-
quired into by the COIs. Unfortunately, this project was aborted with the change of
government and the new set of members taking over the Human Rights Commission.
As stated earlier in this document, the COIs have recommended the appointment of an
Independent Public Prosecutor with constitutional safeguards. This was cited by the
International Independent Group of Eminent Persons (IIGEP) who too contended that
the Attorney General was not an independent person and should not lead evidence at
the COI appointed in 2007 to inquire into serious human rights violations.37
Conclusion
Successive governments continued to ignore the recommendations of the Commissions
with regard to the perpetrators and the steps that need to be taken to prevent the
re-occurrence of such incidents in the future. This promoted the culture of impunity
which had by then pervaded the police and security forces personnel. It has been said
in a lighter vein that the COIs have helped the successive governments to identify those
in the police and army who could be used to cause disappearances effectively. By this
time causing the disappearance of a person had by then become a useful weapon in
the hands of whichever government that came to power. Even the current incidents
of disappearances could be by such persons who have by now become adept in the
technique.
The three major parties in Sri Lanka – the UNP, the SLFP and the JVP are not
interested in dealing with perpetrators of disappearances. They have not pressed for
the implementation of the recommendations of the COIs, perhaps because, at some
time or the other, each of these parties have themselves used this weapon on those who
had become thorns on their backs. In these circumstances, the victims of disappear-
ances who are waiting for justice have no hope whatsoever of getting justice meted out
to them in the near future.
37 See: International Independent Group of Eminent Persons Public Statement 15 June 2007.
At: http://www.medico-international.de/en/projects/srilanka/watch/20070615iigep.pdf
| 33
Nepal
Victims Families‘ Needs

for Truth and Justice –
Challenges for Human Rights Groups
and the Nepali Justice System
By Harihar Wasti, Pashupati Mahat, Ravindra Karn, Simon Robins
Historical Overview
Nepal’s Maoist insurgency was driven by a legacy of centuries of feudalism in a Hindu
kingdom built on a codified framework of social, economic and political exclusion
that marginalized indigenous people, lower castes and women. In 1996 a small party
from among Nepal’s fractious Marxist left, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)
[CPN-M], declared a ‘People’s War’ against the newly democratic regime. The insur-
gency grew rapidly from its initial base in the hills of the impoverished Mid-west with
the Maoists conducting military operations throughout the country. Whilst disap-
pearances had occurred from the start of the conflict, and even before it, the introduc-
tion of the Royal Nepal Army (RNA) into the escalating conflict in 2001 dramatically
increased human rights violations of all kinds.38 Between 2000 and 2003 Nepal was
responsible for a greater number of cases of disappearance reported to the UN’s Work-
ing Group on Enforced Disappearances than any other state.39 Enforced disappearance
has become the defining violation of the conflict. The conflict came to an end in April
2006, with a second ‘People’s Movement’ uniting the Maoists and the constitutional
parties against a king who had seized absolute power. As part of an ongoing peace
process the monarchy has been abolished and following elections to a constituent
assembly the Maoists are now the largest party in the legislature. The conflict has left a
legacy of some 15,000 dead40, and more than 1,300 unaccounted for.41
Since the end of the Maoist insurgency abductions have continued at a lower level,
largely perpetrated by armed Madeshi groups in the Terai.
38 INSEC (2007).
39 Human Rights Watch, (2003).
40 INSEC (2007).
41 ICRC (2008).
35
Missing teenage girl from the

Tharu community in Bardiya district;
©www.simonrobins.com
Victims and Perpetrators of Enforced Disappearances and Abductions

Complete data concerning the number of enforced disappearances and abductions of
the conflict are not available and estimates vary from 600 to 3000. However agen-
cies working in this field have estimated it to be in excess of 1,300 42, although no
agency claims a complete list. Different organisations have reported different numbers
of those still unaccounted for. This is due partly to variations in definition and pur-
pose, but also reflects the need for a comprehensive and systematic review of cases.
For example, INSEC reported 933 as of August 2008, 828 “disappeared” by the state
and 105 “abducted” by the Maoists, while noting that NHRC had recorded 998 as
of May 2008, 732 disappeared by the state and 266 abducted by the Maoists.43 The
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), which employs a broader concept
of “missing” given its humanitarian mission, reported over 1,300 persons missing as
of April 2009.44 National NGOs like the Advocacy Forum, courts and OHCHR-Nepal
have also documented cases.
Whilst disappearances45 were also perpetrated by the Maoists, the vast majority
were the responsibility of state actors, apparently as a deliberate strategy of war by
military commanders at several levels in the hierarchy. One motivation was the elimi-
nation of those perceived as part of the Maoist threat, and this appears to be what
drove the disappearance and apparent extra-judicial execution of students and others
perceived to be Maoist activists. In rural areas there were additional dynamics that
encouraged disappearance linked to the traditional power structures of caste, class
42 ICRC (2009).
43 Informal Sector Service Centre (2008), p. 6 and Annex I.
44 ICRC (2009), p. 1.
45 According to the definitions of international human rights law only forces linked to a state can perpe-
trate disappearance (although states are obliged to investigate those perpetrated by non-state actors);
here, the term disappearance will be assumed to also include cases of abduction perpetrated by non-
state parties to the conflict in Nepal, notably the CPN-M.
and ethnicity that were the underlying cause of the conflict. In rural areas controlled
by the Maoists both killings and abductions targeted landlords and others perceived to
be ‘class enemies’ of the People’s War, and others who opposed the CPN-M, including
journalists and teachers.
A minority of the disappeared are educated and urban (a significant number of
students are among those missing) but most come from rural peasant backgrounds. As
a result, many families of the disappeared are of low educational level, illiterate and
poor. The missing are predominantly younger males with the result that families have
been deprived of breadwinners and women of husbands, often with young children to
support, further reducing economic security. As a result of women’s position in both
the community and family, the loss of a husband can have catastrophic consequences.
The Janajati, those people considered indigenous to Nepal, were successfully mo-
bilized by the Maoists and thus became more vulnerable to becoming casualties of
the conflict. The Janajati of both the hills and Terai are among the most excluded and
poorest of the people of Nepal and the conflict reduced further their ability to cope
both as communities and as individual victims of the conflict. The district worst affect-
ed in terms of the number of disappearances is Bardiya in the Mid-west Terai, where
the local Tharu population were targeted by the state as an extension of the ongoing
conflict over land; the district has almost twice as many persons missing as any other
(more than 200), of those approximately 80% are Tharu.46
In the hills of the Mid-west, and in particular the Rapti region that includes the
districts of Rukum and Rolpa, where the insurgency began, a large number of Magar
people are missing as a result of actions of both parties to the conflict. In the central
and eastern Terai, the Madeshi population constitutes a large majority of the missing.
The majority of the disappeared are in the age range 15 – 30 years of age, and an
empirical study suggest that more than 90% are male.47 The same study suggests that
more than 80% of all disappearances were state perpetrated. Disappearances peaked
in 2002, but occurred throughout the conflict.
In addition to Bardiya, highly impacted districts are dominated by those in the Mid-
west and include Banke, Dang, Rolpa, Surkhet and Kalikot. Elsewhere, Kanchanpur
in the Far West, Chitwan in the Central region, and Kapilvastu and Kavre in the West
were highly affected.48
46 Conflict Victims’ Committee, Bardiya (2007).

47 Simon Robins (2009).
48 ICRC (2009).
Nepal | 37
Districts of Nepal;
©http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Nepal_districts.png
A Brief description of active organizations:

The Office of High Commissioner of Human Rights in Nepal (OHCHR-Nepal) is a
UN body that takes up issues directly with state actors such as Nepal Police, Armed
Police Force (APF) and Nepal Army (NA). It has also provided forensic experts for
exhumations according to international best practice (e.g. exhumation of Ms Maina
Sunwar). Its intervention at the highest level has attempted to ensure the cooperation
of the Government and its agencies, as well as the Maoists and other political parties.
The Informal Sector Service Centre (INSEC) gathers data and maintains records on
enforced disappearances. It works very closely with other human rights organizations
The National Human Rights Commission of Nepal (NHRC-Nepal) is a statutory body

which is regarded as a neutral national human rights watchdog which has the author-
ity to order and supervise exhumations (alongside the Nepal Police) and its findings
are admissible in a court of law. NHRC-Nepal has identified and supervised many
exhumations.
The Advocacy Forum is a Non Governmental Organization (NGO) working for the
rights of families of victims of the conflict in Nepal. It counsels victims’ families, pro-
vides them with assistance to approach the police or the court to get justice and bears
all the costs of victims’ families including their travel and logistics during the process
of registering cases with the police and proceedings in court.
The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has been carrying out its man-
date to protect and assist victims of conflict in Nepal since 1998 and has documented
missing persons and other violations throughout the conflict. The International Centre
for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) is an international NGO that works to address all issues
arising from legacies of violence in states in transition. In many cases of exhumation in
Nepal, these agencies have worked in close coordination.
Victims organization
The Conflict Victims’ Society for Justice-Nepal (CVSJ-Nepal) is an organisation of the
survivors of violence and relatives of those killed and disappeared at the hands of both
the state and the then Maoist rebels during the decade-long armed conflict in the coun-
try. Since 2003, and actively supported by Advocacy Forum (AF), victims started to
form pressure groups in various parts of the country starting in Banke and Bardiya
and spreading out across the whole country. In 2008 they united and currently have a
presence in 20 districts. Their objectives range from exerting sustained pressure on the
Nepalese government to address issues of conflict victims, to overseeing the implemen-
tation of transitional justice mechanisms and putting an end to impunity by bringing the
perpetrators involved in (gross) human rights violations to justice. Foremost of course,
the objective has to be to empower the victims and to advance collaboration within civil
society and with various national and international human rights organizations.
The Conflict Victims’ Committee (CVC) was established in 2006 in Bardiya district
and is working to provide skills training, income generation programmes and legal
support to families of victims of enforced disappearance and extra-judicial killings.
CVC has documented disappearances in Bardiya, was engaged to develop awareness
for filing cases of disappearances and extra-judicial killings and has been campaigning
for victims’ justice, relief and reparations, and for the establishment of the Truth and
Reconciliation Commission (TRC), organizing many activities and protests.
Committee for Social Justice (CSJ) was founded in 2007 in Lamjung to advocate for
victims’ rights and assist families in discovering the whereabouts of their loved ones.
CSJ conducts workshops and awareness meetings as well as family visits. The group
also acts as a community level watchdog for issues of social justice in Lamjung. On
the basis of creating a national network of families of the disappeared run by and for
victims and independent of human rights agencies, CSJ has provided the core of the
Families of Disappeared National Network (FDNN), which is the largest and most
inclusive family organisation on the national level in Nepal.
39
Rally of families of enforced disappeared to put pressure on the government to give information;
© AF Nepal
Solidarity Campaign for Justice (SOCAJ) is a new national structure, formed in Janu-
ary 2010, that advocates for victims of both, Maoist and state, backed by national
and international human rights agencies. It is a loose forum where victims and com-
munity based groups from across the country jointly put pressure on the government
to address the issues of conflict-related victims and combat impunity. SOCAJ conducts
meetings and workshops with different stake holders and human rights organizations
to share information, moreover SOCAJ coordinates different NGOs/INGOs and civil
society at local and central level to speed up their movement.
In addition to the above, other Family Associations that are actively engaged in the
issue of disappearance include the Pressure Committee for Investigation of Disappeared
Citizen, Nawalparasi,49 and the Pressure Group of Investigation of Disappeared Citizen
(PGID)-Western Region. The oldest association of families of the disappeared is the Dis-
appeared Warriors Family Association, founded by the Maoist party during the conflict
and representing only those taken by the state. It remains active in Kathmandu. The
construction of grass-roots movements and activism is still at an early stage in Nepal.
Challenges in the search for the disappeared

It is feared that there may be several clandestine mass burial sites known only to perpe-
trators from both the state and the Maoists. The prevailing situation in Nepal strongly
49 Wilson, Erik (2009).

suggests that both state and Maoists seek to shield their people from any legal action,
irrespective of the gravity of the crimes they might have committed. This seems to
explain the non-cooperation of state actors. The perpetrators of such crimes remain
free and in many cases in positions of authority, which prevents families lodging com-
plaints or pursuing cases further. In the absence of any clear cut guidance from the
government, The morale and initiative of the Nepal Police is too low to take any action
against perpetrators. As a result, the police cannot provide protection to the families
of victims in this scenario.
This lack of resources, trained manpower and technical facilities is the background
under which Human Rights defenders have to work to provide some relief to the fami-
lies of the victims.
Challenges faced in every day work

• Although civil courts issue warrants concerning human right violations, investiga-
tion and enforcement is not necessarily provided due to non-cooperation from state
actors and political bias.
• The ongoing illegal activities of Terai-based armed groups (extortions, murders,
abductions, etc.) continue to increase. This creates difficulties for human right de-
fenders to monitor their activities, as security cannot be guaranteed.
• Another challenge for human rights defenders is their simple failure to achieve visi-
ble results in the current environment. Victims blame human rights workers for col-
lecting testimony but being unable to take things any further. The Government does
not implement court orders or recommendations of the NHRC or the OHCHR and
this has a direct impact on the activities of organizations working in the field of
human rights. Until and unless the government is serious in such implementation,
the work of human rights defenders will not be able to combat impunity or provide
access to justice and reparations for victims and their families.
• It remains a challenge for human rights workers to motivate and convince victims
to continue struggling for their rights, as they face financial difficulties, psychoso-
cial problems and as the legal efforts continue with no result.
• The lack of adequate technical and financial resources to properly document cases
and record testimony of affected families is a further difficulty.
Nepal | 41
Response of State
The peace process that started in 2006 with the active collaboration of the Seven Party
Alliance (SPA) and the CPN-M ended the decade long violence. The Comprehensive
Peace Accord signed by the SPA and the CPN-M included a commitment to create
mechanisms of transitional justice, several of them concerning disappearances, includ-
ing a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and a Disappearance Commission.
The Interim Constitution, adopted in January 2007, recognizes “enforced disappear-

ance” as a feature of the conflict and demands relief for the affected families, in terms
of interim relief and economic support pending a comprehensive reparations process.
Several important Judicial Interventions have constituted the most positive inter-
ventions on the issue. However, they have generally been followed by inadequate and
deficient government responses which have failed to satisfy the judicial orders or meet
international standards. The most extraordinary incidence in this context has been
the 129 page landmark judgement of the Supreme Court on the 1st June 2007 that
set the bar for government action. It ordered the Government to form an “all power-
ful commission” to investigate the fate of the disappeared. The government and the
Home Ministry were also ordered to file criminal charges of murder against all officials
implicated in the death of detainee Chakra Katuwal50 and to provide compensation to
those affected.51
Truth and Reconciliation (TRC) Bill: In August 2007 the Government presented a
draft bill to create a TRC, that drew sharp criticism from various human rights groups,
victims’ families and others. It fell short of international standards in creating a body
lacked operational independence and transparent appointment of Commissioners,
dealt inadequately with victims’ right to justice and reparation and provided amnesty
to perpetrators for a range of offences. Despite changes to this initial draft, the govern-
ment has yet to produce a comprehensive and acceptable TRC bill.52
The Disappearance Bill: The interim parliament ordered the government in November
2007 to withdraw the current draft of the Disappearance Bill and produce a new ver-
sion, compliant with the Supreme Court ruling. The government was however given
50 A schoolteacher from Okhaldhunga District “who had appeared in person at the office of Chief Dis-
trict Officer (CDO) on 13 December 2001, and upon the CDO’s order, was put in illegal detention,
first at the district police office, and then at the army barrack. On 16 December 2001, due to cruel
torture given by army officials, he was killed.” Uprety, Kishor (2008).
51 See Fullard (2008), p. 15.
52 Human Rights Watch (2007).
only one month to implement this, and could only issue an ordinance without consul-
tation with victims and civil society. The bill criminalizes disappearance retrospectively
and creates a Disappearance Commission, in charge of investigating disappearances
and determining guilt; cases are referred by the Commission to the Attorney General.
Victims, national and international organizations maintain that the Bill falls short of
international standards.53
Psychosocial work in the search for the forcibly disappeared

The aftermath of war presents numerous challenges for societies attempting to
recover and rebuild. Among the most difficult is locating and identifying those missing
during the conflict. Providing families psychosocial assistance and education around
the identification process should be an essential part of all forensic investigations
involving recovery of human remains and identification of bodies. The role of social
workers and other mental and public health professionals is integral to the success of
that task.
Psychosocial support to the families of the disappeared means supporting family
members to deal with the ambiguous loss of the disappeared and the accompanying
emotional reactions, helping them to redefine their lives and structure it in a way that
they are socially functional.
The Centre for Mental Health and Counselling Nepal (CMC-N) is working in
Nepal to support victims of war in the most affected regions of the country. This has
included support to families of the disappeared. Social field workers support family
members in dealing with their psychological trauma, with family members encouraged
to ventilate their feelings and traumatic experiences, and to find meaning in the rela-
tive’s absence from the family, how this has affected their hope of his return and how
they can cope if he never returns. Family members prepare to make the final rituals and
say farewell to the disappeared person when evidence of death is identified.
The meaning of death rituals in Hindu and other cultures of Nepal is intimately
linked with the end of physical contact and closure. The spirit of the dead must be
allowed to travel to the spirit world and be a source of protection for the remaining
family members. In the absence of proper ritual the spirit may haunt the home and
cause misfortune and illness to the family members or community. As a result, great
cultural importance is placed on completing the death rituals according to traditional
practice, although the nature of this varies between ethnic groups. Family members
53 Asia Pacific Forum (2008), Bhandari, Ram K (2010), Amnesty International et al (2009).
Nepal | 43
and community were seen to be content and secure after completion of this ritual.
Somatic complaints of the wife and mother of the disappeared person were reported
to decrease.
Social field workers help family members to register the disappeared with human
rights organizations to advocate for justice. The birth registration of children in these
families was coordinated with the Village Development Committee so that they can
secure citizenship and property rights in their father’s family. Children of these families
were supported by CMC-N in their education, play and recreational activities and
teachers were sensitized to the reactions of victimized children.
Social support in developing self-help groups among the women and children of
the disappeared and killed are also important where family members, mainly women,
were encouraged to develop organizations to help families with livelihood options,
skill d
evelopment training, education support for children and to encourage them to
advocate for their rights. In Rolpa, the district where the Maoist insurgency began,
family members of both the disappeared and the killed have united to demand liveli-
hood support from the local government. The local authority has responded with sup-
port for skill development and children’s education. This represents a success story in
terms of empowering victims to fight for their rights and improve their situation.
There are various national and international organizations doing psychosocial
work with victims of violence in Nepal including TPO (Transcultural Psychosocial
Organisation) Nepal, Antaranga, Centre for Victims of Torture (CVICT), and CWIN
(Children Workers In Nepal).
Whilst a number of agencies have worked with victims of conflict, and some have
conducted workshops for families of the forcibly disappeared, none yet has regularly
specific programmes to target these families. The ICRC has been actively working with
families of the missing, including through the provision of livelihood assistance, and
is beginning to provide psychosocial support to the families of the missing in some
districts.
That psychosocial support to families of the disappeared is necessary in Nepal is
beyond doubt, but the greatest challenge is the lack of financial support to such work,
which has prevented funding of proposed interventions. If and when such work begins
on a significant scale, it will be necessary to ensure the broadest base of learning from
experience to ensure that the unique cultural context, and limited experience to date,
informs any future initiatives.
Exhumations in Nepal – Traditions and practices

Whilst Nepal contains a diverse range of religious cultures, including animists, Bud-
dhist and Muslims, a majority of the people are Hindu and laws and traditional rituals
followed by most are based on the ancient Hindu philosophy. In Hindu tradition death
is considered as the start of a new life through reincarnation and cremation of the dead
is mandated. As a result there is little tradition of exhumation or excavation of human
remains, and no legal framework for such procedures.
The decade long armed conflict in Nepal that led to gross violations of human rights
created new modalities of investigation not mentioned in existing laws. Investigations
of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and other human rights organi-
zations in the country led to the exposure of the burial sites of victims of violations.
The first such example of exhumation in Nepal was performed in 2003 at a mountain
site in Ramechhap district, east of the capital, Kathmandu.
Today families are searching for loved ones who were disappeared by both par-
ties to the conflict. Sites have been identified or are suspected as alleged human grave
sites scattered throughout the country. There is huge need from the relatives of the
disappeared for exhumation to find remains of their loved ones and to confirm his or
her death, as well as to permit the necessary religious and cultural rituals and to seek
justice and compensation from the state. The families, relatives and friends of the dis-
appeared have already started to search for grave sites and have even attempted exca-
vation in a number of places. Such an attempt was made in the well known “Shivapuri
Case” where around four dozen individuals were allegedly cremated or buried having
been removed from detention in an army camp.54
The state remains reluctant to listen to the voices of the families of the disappeared
and is taking no proactive initiatives to conduct exhumations. NHRC and other con-
cerned international and national NGOs are trying to assist but the resulting efforts
are limited and insufficient. 29 exhumations have been conducted since 2003 and 24
victims of illegal killings have been positively identified.
Most exhumations were conducted on the initiative of NHRC. A few cases were ex-
humed by the Nepal Police and one case was exhumed by order of the Supreme Court.
There are very limited human resources available for such procedures and the same
technical experts are engaged whoever guides or initiates the process. In a majority of
cases sufficient evidence of homicide could be found and according to the mandate of
NHRC, cases were recommended for prosecution by state authorities in civil courts.
Unfortunately no case has yet been prosecuted and to date nobody has been punished
54 OHCHR (2006).
Nepal | 45
for such killings or disappearances according to the existing legal provisions. This
situation of impunity is enhancing the existing psychological trauma of relatives and
families and coping mechanisms after the conflict are further challenged. Impunity is
furthermore the major challenge for all who are trying to contribute to the search for
the disappeared and to find the truth.
Case studies of exhumation of enforced disappeared persons:
DOROMBHA (2003)
19 persons, active members of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) [CPN-M] were captured
by army personnel and allegedly shot dead one by one while hand-cuffed. An internal investiga-
tion by Royal Nepal Army (RNA) Headquarters was conducted and informed the public that the
deaths had occurred during an armed encounter. Huge pressure from civil society compelled the
NHRC to demand an independent investigation which was conducted by a High Level Enquiry
Committee. It concluded after the exhumation that the dead were killed while hand-cuffed by
powerful rifled firearm shots to the upper body, mainly the head. To date, no action has been taken
against any army personnel as a result of these deaths.
PANCHKHAL KAVRE (2007)

A young school girl (Maina Sunuwar) detained by RNA personnel at the Army Training Centre
was alleged to have been killed and buried at the site. Concerned organizations, including OHCHR
Nepal, NHRC, Advocacy Forum and others, pressured the Government to conduct an exhumation.
Three years after the death and burial, the body was exhumed and positively identified, with confir-
mation that she had been shot. This is the sole case where a prosecution has been registered in a civil
court but as yet no perpetrators have been arrested, despite their having been identified.
DAILEKH (2008)
In a remote hill area, a journalist had been detained for some days by the CPN-M armed organ-
isation, the People’s Liberation Army, and allegedly beaten to death. Exhumation was made four
years after the death and bones and other artefacts of the alleged journalist recovered with con-
firmed identification and multiple blunt force injuries to many parts of the body.
Psychological work in exhumation processes

Although it is crucial to counsel the relatives and families of the disappeared, the psy-
chological aspects for families are often not considered and no specific activities carried
out. Family members are always in great mental stress from the time persons go miss-
ing and this is exacerbated during and after exhumation. The psychosocial work at all
steps must be performed according to specific objectives and in a systematic way. Many
relatives are found with depression. One such example in Nepal can be cited. The
father of Maina Sunuwar (see case above) recently committed suicide by ingestion of
poison. This could have potentially been prevented if regular psychosocial counselling
was available around and following the identification of his daughter and information
about her cause and manner of death.
If there are no exhumations: Alternatives in the Asian Context

The number of exhumations that have occurred in Nepal remains tiny compared to the
total number of persons missing as a result of disappearance and abduction during the
decade long conflict. In the absence of such process families have a range of needs that
can be addressed while awaiting return of human remains.
A study of the needs of families of those missing in Nepal55 has identified the needs
of the families of the missing as articulated by a representative sample of families. In
addition to the need for an answer and a body, this identifies economic support as the
most urgent need. Those most targeted by the state during the conflict were the poor
and the marginalized, and since 92% of those missing are men56 the loss of breadwin-
ners has left families struggling with livelihoods, particularly those now headed by
women or the elderly whose ability to work is limited. As such, economic support to
families of the missing is a priority to ensure their well-being. Limited payments of
Rs.100, 000 have been made to some families, but these payments remain both far
from comprehensive and inadequate to ensure the long-term livelihood of many fami-
lies. Families identify their principal economic needs as paying for children’s education
and affording health care. Whilst a comprehensive reparations programme must await
the truth regarding the fate of the missing, families are in urgent need of economic sup-
port from the authorities in the short term.
Solidarity and support has been provided to some families through their formation of
family associations, most often on a district basis. Such groups provide a crucial outlet
for families to share problems with peers who sympathize and understand. This provides
a particularly important coping mechanism for women who, in the patriarchal societies
in which they live, often find themselves stigmatized and discriminated against in their
families and communities. A number of wives of the Missing face extreme stigmatization
in their homes that has led to their being rejected by their in-laws, leaving voluntarily or
continuing to live in terrible conditions. In their communities the problems of the fami-
lies of the missing are poorly understood; wives of the missing are often stigmatized for
refusing to behave as widows are expected to, and are often perceived as being predatory
in pursuit of a new husband. Where family associations do not exist, or where they are
unable to access families in more remote areas, it is vital that they be supported to access
the most isolated victims who are likely to be most in need of their support. The training
of family association members in psychosocial counselling by appropriate local experts
would increase their capacity to support their members.
55 ICRC (2009).
56 ICRC (2009).
Nepal | 47
Chronic physical symptoms that are attributed to the long-term impact of disappearance
are also widely reported, presumably somatic. A minority of family members report symp-
toms consistent with the impact of trauma and are subject to various depressive and anxi-
ety disorders. Small minorities are disabled by mental illness but have little or no access
to the specialized services that would enable them to restore function. No psychosocial
or mental health programme addressing families of the missing is currently ongoing in
Nepal. A minority of families faces administrative issues, notably concerning the transfer
of land or property owing to the ambiguity of the fate of a head of household. A majority
of affected families favours a legal status of “missing” so that such issues can be addressed.
Recognition also remains a need of many, with a desire for acknowledgment from the
state of the missing as martyrs, and the construction of physical memorials in their areas.
Outline of works to be undertaken

Rather few studies of the needs of the families of the disappeared have been made, but
those that have, suggest that families prioritize the need for livelihood and economic
support, the need for an answer concerning the fate of the disappeared person and
access to human remains where they are dead.57 Other needs include that for recogni-
tion from the state and judicial process against perpetrators; to achieve that, the most
urgent measures are outlined here:
• A reliable and integrated database of victims of disappearances is required. A single
authenticated database, maintained by a reputed impartial body, will go a long way
to supporting justice and reparation to the victims and their families.
• A Survey of families of disappeared, that identifies the families of victims, records
their statements and provides them with support to file and pursue cases, should be
conducted by NGOs working in the field of human rights. The Advocacy Forum is
attempting this in the most severely affected regions of the conflict.
• The adequate Protection of families of enforced disappeared persons should be pro-
vided by the state. Therefore, NGOs need to put pressure on the government. At pres-
ent the perpetrators of crimes remain free and threaten families of victims with dire
consequences, causing insecurity and hesitation to come forward to demand justice.
In some cases the families of victims are dissuaded by human rights activists them-
selves not to lodge cases against the perpetrators, due to the grossly inadequate secu-
rity environment. Police simply refuses to provide any security to victims’ families.
• The encouragement of Mobilization of Victims through Family Associations can
provide psychosocial peer support as their members are victims themselves and they
57 International Centre for Transitional Justice and the Advocacy Forum (2008), Simon Robins (2009).
best understand the needs of victims. This may also protect victims from the agenda
of human rights organizations which nor always meet the aspirations of the victims
and most importantly, through these associations victims themselves become actors
with an agency in the process.
• The Identification of burial sites and exhumations is a priority, as it is widely be-
lieved that most of the disappeared are dead and buried at places known only to
perpetrators, in some cases in mass graves. Exhumations should be subject to inter-
national archaeological and anthropological best practices. Forensic experts should
be trained to take DNA samples of not only the fresh tissues but that of bones too.
Adequate training in this regard should be given to local forensic teams and the sup-
port of external forensic experts promoted with the help of international agencies.
This expertise is required to establish the identity of the victims of disappearance
beyond doubt. At present there is no forensic lab in Nepal that is equipped with
DNA testing facilities and all samples collected are sent outside the country for such
tests. The international community should help Nepal to establish such a forensic
lab for a faster processing of forensic cases.
• Justice to the victims and their families: The scale of violence due to Maoist insur-
gency and state counter action and the prevailing security situation in Nepal war-
rants an empowered and independent Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC)
and/or Disappearance Commission backed by all major political parties. This can
only be achieved by sensitizing people and making them more aware of the necessity
of such a commission in order to bring lasting peace, come to terms with the past
and obtain justice for victims and their families. Political parties should be subject to
intense pressure from the people, the international community and organizations to
facilitate the formation of such mechanisms that should start working with the help
of an integrated database of disappeared persons and other victims of violence.
• Interim measures: The government should form a separate empowered cell within
the police department to investigate and file cases of human rights violations. This
cell may also maintain a database of cases of serious human rights violations and
could prepare the way for a full functioning TRC.
• The Rehabilitation of the families of victims of disappearances represents some kind
of justice. A single payment is insufficient to rehabilitate families, especially when
the victim was the sole breadwinner. In present circumstances, guaranteed monthly
support to victims’ families, with provision of free education for the children of the
victims would be more beneficial. Similarly the close relatives of such victims suffer
prolonged mental trauma which may result in other complications. Therefore a reha-
bilitation package should also contain the provision of medical support.
Nepal | 49
References (URLs revised May 31, 2010)
Advocacy Forum (2008), Review of the implementation of Recommendations made by the special
Rapporteur on Torture, Manfred Nowak, after his mission to Nepal in 2005.
At: http://www.advocacyforum.org/downloads/publications/Special_Rappeurtor_Report_on_Torture.pdf
Amnesty International et al (2009), Nepal: Joint Memorandum on the Disappearances of Persons
(Crime and Punishment) Bill.
At: http://www.amnestynepal.org/content/download/20090823_Nepal_DisCom_joint_
memo[FINAL].pdf
Asia Pacific Forum (2008), Nepal: NHRC expresses objection on Forced Disappearance Bill.
At: http://www.asiapacificforum.net/news/nepal-nhrc-expresses-objection-on-forced-disappearance-
bill.html
Asian Human Rights Commission (2009), Human Rights Report 2008.
At: http://material.ahrchk.net/hrreport/2008/AHRC-SPR-013-2008-Nepal_AHRR2008.pdf
Bhandari, Ram K (2010), Missing justice, Impunity and the long shadow of war, Nepali Times N° 484,
08 Jan 2010-14 Jan 2010. At: http://www.nepalitimes.com/issue/2010/01/08/GuestColumn/16688;
Conflict Victims Committee (2007), Analysis of families of the disappeared, Bardiya, 2007.
Fullard, Madeleine (2008), Disappearances in Nepal, Kathmandu: ICTJ.
At: http://www.ictj.org/static/Publications/ICTJ_NPL_Disappearances_pb2008.pdf
Human Rights Watch (2004), Between a rock and a hard place: Civilians Struggle to Survive in Nepal’s
Civil War, Washington: HRW.
At: http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2004/10/06/between-rock-and-hard-place-0
Human Rights Watch (2007), Nepal: Supreme Court Orders Action on „Disappearances“.
At: http://www.hrw.org/legacy/english/docs/2007/06/15/nepal16194.htm
Human Rights Watch (2009), Nepal: send Human Rights Bill to Parliament,
In: http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/01/29/nepal-send-human-rights-bills-parliament
Informal Sector Service Centre (2007), Human Rights Yearbook 2007, Kathmandu: INSEC.
At: http://www.insec.org.np
Informal Sector Service Centre (2008), Impaired Accountability, State of Disappearance in Nepal,
Brief Assessment of Implementation of UN WGEID Recomendations.
At: www.humansecuritygateway.info/documents/INSEC_Nepal_Disappearances.pdf
Insight on conflict (2010), Nepal, Conflict profile.
At: http://www.insightonconflict.org/conflicts/nepal/conflict-profile/
International Centre for Transitional Justice and the Advocacy Forum, Kathmandu, Nepal (2008),
Nepali Voices, Perceptions of Truth, Justice, Reconciliation, Reparations and the Transition in
Nepal, Kathmandu: ICTJ/AF. At: http://www.ictj.org/images/content/8/3/830.pdf
International Centre for Transitional Justice (2008), Comments on the Draft Disappearances Bill.
At: http://www.ictj.org/static/Asia/Nepal/Disappearances_draft_bill_Comments.pdf
International Centre for Transitional Justice (2009), Comments on Nepal’s Disappearances Ordinance.
At: http://www.ictj.org/static/Asia/Nepal/Disap_Ordinance_comments_summarised.pdf
International Committee of the Red Cross (2008), Missing persons in Nepal: The right to know,
Kathmandu: ICRC. At: http://www.icrc.org/web/eng/siteeng0.nsf/htmlall/nepal-missing-news-
280808/$FILE/ICRC-2008-Missing-persons-in-Nepal.pdf
International Committee of the Red Cross (2009), Families of missing persons in Nepal: a study of
their needs, Kathmandu: ICRC.
At: http://www.icrc.org/web/eng/siteeng0.nsf/html/nepal-missing-persons-report-300609
International Crisis Group (2006), Nepal’s Peace Agreement: Making it work, Asia Report N°126.
At: http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=4577
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At: http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=4099
Robins, Simon (2009), An assessment of the needs of families of the Missing in Nepal, York: PRDU.
At: http://www.simonrobins.com/NepalMissingReport-Robins.pdf
Shakya, Anjana (2009), Social Impact of Armed Conflict in Nepal. Cause and Impact, Social Inclusion
Research Fund.
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C5C1257677004DC85F/$file/Social+Impact+of+Armed++Conflict+in+Nepal+by+Anjana+Shakya.pdf
Sharma, Mandira (2007), Torture still continues: A Brief Report on the Practice of Torture in Nepal,
Kathmandu: Advocacy Forum. At: http://nepal.ahrchk.net/pdf/AHRC-FP-011-2007-Nepal.pdf
United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (2008), Conflict-related Disappear-
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into arbitrary detention, torture and disappearances at Maharajgunj RNA barracks, Kathmandu, in
2003–2004. At: http://nepal.ohchr.org/en/Reports.html
Uprety, Kishor (2008), Against Enforced Disappearance: the Political Detainee’s Case before the Supreme
Court, Chinese Journal of international law, July 2008.
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the-Political-Detainees-Case-before-the-Nepal-Supreme-Court
Wilson, Erik (2009), In Nepal, a small meeting bring hope.
At: http://blog.ibj.org/2009/07/16/in-nepal-a-small-meeting-brings-hope/
| 51
Enforced
Disappearances
in Democratic
Countries
| 53
Thailand
54 | Enforced Disappearances in Democratic Countries
Enforced or involuntary
disappearance situations
in Thailand
Challenges and Hopes
By Pratubjit Neelapaijit, Justice for Peace Foundation
The Justice for Peace Foundation58, a network of human rights and peace activists to
protect human rights, to promote access to justice and to end impunity, has collected
extensive information related to enforced or involuntary disappearances in Thailand.
This short article highlights the scale of the problem as well as the obstacles faced by
the families and victims.
The situation of enforced or involuntary disappearance in Thailand

Enforced or involuntary disappearance in Thailand seems to be a new phenomenon in
Thai and international perception, due to the small scale comparing to other countries
in Asia. But, in fact, the problem of enforced or involuntary disappearances is not new
in practice, since reliable information affirms that the Royal Thai police has used en-
forced disappearance as a tool to eradicate political opponents since the 1940s.59 This
fact demonstrates that the problem is not new, and also shows us that enforced disap-
pearances are a chronic problem in Thai society. As a newly democratic country, Thai-
land has to face political instability due to the weakness of the Rule of Law, the weak-
ness and politicization of the Royal Thai police as well as of the Army by politicians
and political parties. Also the lack of rights awareness among Thai citizens aggravates
the problem of enforced or involuntary disappearance, because obviously until now,
no one has been held accountable for any case, while the Human Rights organizations
found and documented an increasing number of disappearances.
In the past, at least before the disappearance of the prominent human rights lawyer
Somchai Neelapaijit in 2004, the problem of enforced or involuntary disappearance
used to be only a rumor because no case had been raised to the public yet. Moreover
58 http://www.wgjp.org/; The Justice for Peace Foundation was formally known as Working Group on
Justice for Peace.
59 See Chit Wiparttawat (1960), The Confession of Gen. Pao Sriyanon, Bangkok: Preapittaya.
Thailand | 55
the problem has been justified with the question of security of the state, therefore in the
past, Thai society was only familiar the term “missing” not “enforced or involuntary
disappeared”. We can argue that since Thai society had no word to address the prob-
lem, enforced or involuntary disappearance is quite “new” in the social perception.
Unknown number
The scale of enforced or involuntary disappearances remains unknown, due to the
lack of concrete efforts by government agencies to acknowledge and investigate the
issue. The Deputy Prime Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh told the Thai parliament on
March 18, 2004, “Villagers [in the southern border provinces] complained to me that
they have been abused continually by the authorities. They said more than 100 people
have been ‘disappeared.’”60
The National Reconciliation Commission has received reports of disappearances
and documented 23 cases. There are no reliable and comprehensive statistics regard-
ing the exact number of people who have disappeared. While some relatives imme-
diately filed missing persons’ reports at their local police stations, others have never
done so.
The Justice for Peace Foundation (JPF)61 has collected throughout the country more
than 90 cases between 1991 and 2010. In detail this data shows that over 30 cases
occurred in 1992 when security forces cracked down on democracy demonstrations
in Bangkok, one concerns the President of the Labour Congress of Thailand in 1991,
dozens of cases occurred during 2003-2005, when the Thaksin administration was
embarking on its infamous “shoot-to-kill” anti-drug campaign across the country, in
2004 Somchai Neelapaijit disappeared, 34 documented cases occurred in the South of
Thailand during the anti-separatist policy from the term of the former Prime Minister
Thanksin Sinnawatra until now [2002-2010], and another case is Kamon Laosopapan,
who complained to the local police about corruption in the Northeast of Thailand in
2008 and wasn’t seen since.
The details collected on the cases highlight at least two points: First, in terms of
space and time, as mentioned before, enforced or involuntary disappearance is not
new in Thai society and many of the cases occurred during times of democratic gover-
nance. Moreover, disappearances have taken place in all parts of the country and have
impacted all classifications of Thai people, ranging from hill-tribe communities, to
Malay Muslims, from pro-democracy activists to anti-corruption leaders.
60 Human Rights Watch (2007).

61 See in http://www.wgjp.org/
Second, the phenomenon of enforced disappearance shows the weakness of the re-
gime and the democratic institution in Thailand, especially the problem of politiciza-
tion in the Royal Thai police and Army. Looking back in time, when the legitimacy
and the power of the political party relied on support from the police or the Army,
enforced disappearance seemed to be an effective tool to quell anybody, who was
considered a national security threat. Many of those who have been disappeared,
were suspected by the police or the army of being communists, drug sellers [in the
time of the infamous “shoot-to-kill” anti-drug campaign in 2004], militants or of
supporting one of these groups, or of having information on separatist attacks in the
ethnic conflict area in the Deep South – in general, suspected of being opponents of
the police or the army.
Background of enforced disappearances

Several conditions can be identified that served as underlying causes for the occurrence
of disappearances in Thailand, involving the power structure of Thai society as well
as legal framework. Special laws are being used in sensitive areas namely, the Martial
Law, the Emergency Decree and, most recently, the Internal Security Act. They provide
the legal basis for security forces to arrest and detain people. Numerous victims were
arrested as national security threats and subsequently went missing.
Regarding these laws, particularly concerning is the imbedded impunity for security
officers abusing their power. Moreover, lawyers, and sometimes even families, do not
have access to the detainees under these laws, which provide the grounds for unlawful
behavior. As the judiciary is lacking independence and strength, legal oversight over
detentions have also not consolidated. There is a prevalent culture of impunity, par-
ticularly among high ranking officers, coupled with a lack of good governance. So far,
not one case of official abuse of power has been successfully brought to court. Investi-
gations of police crimes continue to be carried out by police officers, who protect each
other. Hundreds of victims of the War on Drugs, for example, are still waiting for the
government to carry out investigations of the deaths and disappearances.
The power structure in Thailand ensures that the military still plays an important
role in Thai politics, especially in the border area where the mentioned special laws
provide for excessive powers. Particularly, the border areas in the North and South
suffer from excessive military abuse as martial law applies and national security con-
cerns rank high. Often killings are justified by branding people as drug traffickers or
insurgents.
As a matter of fact, I would argue that disappearances are a symptom of the exis-
tence of authoritarian characteristics in the Thai democracy.
Thailand | 57
On the way of Seeking Truth and Justice:

Stories from the court, the exhumation field, reconciliation stage,
and psychological work with the families of the disappeared in Thailand
The most important point conditioning the situation of enforced or involuntary disap-
pearances in Thailand is that the problem is not considered a serious crime, as there
is no law criminalizing it. This poses a major obstacle for victims and family member
to access the Thai justice system and other ways to seek the truth, justice or even the
body of the disappeared. Because of this reason, Thai society has responded to the situ-
ation by refusing the fact at all or just paying some compensation to the families of the
disappeared, without acting on the truth and justice for the case. At the moment we in
Thailand have not enough knowledge to solve or prevent the situation.
Nevertheless, the Royal Thai Government by the Rights and Liberties Protection
Department, Ministry of Justice has done a research on the readiness of Thailand to
ratify the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced
Disappearance62. The government seems to have political will to stop and prevent the
problem of enforced disappearance in Thai society and also wishes to ratify the Con-
vention, but because of the government’s instability, nothing happened till now.
As a result of the continuing failure of the government to seriously address the issue
of disappearances and the ongoing culture of impunity, witnessed by the lack of pros-
ecution and coupled with the lack of remedies for the families, the problem of enforced
disappearance still is serious in Thai society. While the number of cases seems to have
dropped over the years, families continue to live in fear and poverty. In our working
experience we found, that most of the affected ethnic hill tribe families in the North as
well as the Malay Muslim families in the Southern most part of the country still live
under the control of the Internal Security Operation Commander (ISOC), which forms
part of the Thai army. Their daily life is affected by the Martial Law and the Emergency
Decree, which force them to keep silence. Those families are farmers without other
livelihood options, often they are plunged in debt as high as 1875 US$ and on top of it,
the only head of the household is a widow or a wife of a disappeared with difficulties
to feed the families.
Stories from the court:

One of the key cases that has affected the trust in the justice process and the rule of
law in Thailand is the case of the disappearance of the prominent human rights lawyer
62 http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/pdf/disappearance-convention.pdf; further on referred to as “The

Convention”.
Somchai Neelapaijit. So far, this case was the only one taken to court. However, even
in this prominent case the government has continuously intervened in the investigation
and obstructed justice, because it relates to high ranking police officers. The case has
been politicized.
Somchai Neelapaijit was 53 years old at the time of his disappearance. He had practiced
law for more than 20 years with Somchai Neelapaijit Law Office, was the chairperson of
the Muslim Lawyer Club and Vice-Chair of the Human Rights Committee of the Law-
yer Council of Thailand at that time. Many of the cases he worked on were regarded as
politically controversial. Since 1983 he had represented a number of clients charged with
alleged terrorism-related offences, many relating to the long-standing low-level insur-
gency in the Southern border provinces of Thailand – Pattani Yala and Narathiwat.
On 4 January 2004 a robbery of military weapons from an army camp in the Deep
South happened and the Government of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, respond-
ing to the gun robbery, declared Martial law in the effected provinces.63
Somchai Neelapaijit was asked to represent some of the suspects and he played a
key role in collecting names for a petition of 50,000 signatures to request martial law
to be lifted. Based on the torture allegations, he issued a court petition requesting the
release of the five detained men. The petition was rejected. On 11 March 2004, he
therefore submitted a petition alleging abuse to the Ministry of Justice, the Ministry
of Interior, the Royal Thai Police, the Attorney General’s Office, the National Human
Rights Commission, the Prime Minister and the officer of the senate. The following
day, on 12 March 2004, Somchai Neelapaijit has been seen getting forced into a car
and disappeared since then.
In the first court case, the five police officers who stood trial were only accused of
minor charges of coercion or robbery. The judgment was pronounced on 12 January
2006 and the court found only one of the five defendants guilty of coercively abducting
Somchai Neelapaijit and sentenced him to three years imprisonment.
On 19 May 2009, the Bangkok Post reported, that the officer, Pol Maj Ngern
Thongsuk of the Crime Suppression Division, sentenced in connection with Somchai’s
disappearance, is believed to have fled the country after having been released from jail
while appealing the verdict. Earlier that year he had reportedly gone missing in a flood.
Angkhana Neelapaijit, the wife of Somchai had requested the police to investigate the
whereabouts of the officer’s body, which was not found.64
63 See Lawe-Davies (2005).

64 See: AHRC (2010).
Thailand | 59
Angkhana recently petitioned the civil court to declare her husband missing so she
could take control of his assets. The civil court took up the petition and declared on
18 May 2009 that Somchai was a missing person, as he had been missing for five years.
In the process of investigation and searching for the body of Somchai Neelapaijit,
no substantial progress has been made until now, although several former government
officials, including a former Prime Minister and the Attorney General, have publicly
stated that they know Mr. Neelapaijit was killed. The case was handled in the past four
years by the Department of Special Investigation (DSI), but attempts have only been
made to acquire evidence from the Maeklong River, Ratchaburi province. Insofar, four
200-litre-drums have been recovered and are believed to have been used for destroy-
ing the body of Mr. Somchai. Some human bone remains have also been obtained,
but after forensic tests, it has been found that they don’t match the genetic pattern of
Mr. Somchai Neelapaijit.
There have been further developments in the Somchai case. Pol Lt Gen Panupong,
head of police Region 7 (Ratchaburi province) withdrew from his post and Pol Gen
Tanee, the chief investigator of the Somchai case within the DSI, is now looking for
new evidence and witnesses in the area. At the same time, the National Counter Cor-
ruption Commission (NCCC) is preparing to deliver their investigation results into the
torture allegations brought forward by Somchai Neelepaijit before he disappeared.
Meanwhile, compensation has been offered to the family. It is important to know, that
compensations are commonly used by the Thai government to discourage further de-
mands or actions by the victims’ families, as was attempted in the cases from Southern
Thailand. But Angkhana still keeps asking for truth and justice in her husband’s case.
Recent developments show that the case is still highly topical and disquieting for
some people. In the morning of 7 June 2009, the car of Somchai Neelapaijit was bro-
ken into. The Honda Civic was parked in front of the house of the Neelapaijit family in
Bangkok. The small window on the right hand side of the car was broken, in order to
unlock the door. Several of Somchai’s belongings were moved within the car including
a prayer’s hat, an Al Qur’an and a mobile phone charger, but nothing was stolen even
though it contained valuables such as a radio-tape player. Angkhana Neelapaijit re-
ported the break-in to the head of the Department of Special Investigation, responsible
for investigating the case, the head of police, the local police and her lawyer. The local
police and a forensic investigation team arrived at the house quickly and took finger
prints. An umbrella and the broken window were subsequently found in a garbage can
opposite the house.
At about 2 am of 10 June 2009, Angkhana Neelapaijit’s car, a Honda Accord with
the license plate Por Yor 8574, which parked in front of her house in Bangkok, was
broken into in the same way as Somchai’s car. Nothing inside the car was stolen but
a little purse and cards were dropped in a trash bin opposite the house. Everything
happened in the same way as with Mr Somchai’s car earlier. At the moment the of-
ficers are investigating the finger prints and have not found any matching finger prints
taken during the investigation of the break-in into Somchai’s car. Also, finger prints
could not be matched to any person filed with a criminal record by the police. The
police have set up a CCTV camera outside the house and assigned civil police officers
to guard.
Angkhana Neelapaijit believes that this latest incidence is a threat to her and her
family, due to the ongoing pressure and developments regarding the disappearance
case. Examples for these developments are the several meetings she had with high rank-
ing officials, including the newly appointed Prime Minister Abhisit Vajajiva and the
Minister of Justice, to lobby for greater action. Especially PM Abhisit Vajajiva assured,
that the Thai government is determined to do its utmost to bring the case to a conclu-
sion, based on the rule of law and that the Government’s intention was to ensure swift
and meaningful progress in investigating and bringing to justice the perpetrators of
Mr. Neelapaijit’s enforced disappearance.
Then, in March 2009, the case was highlighted by the Canadian delegation dur-
ing the reporting of the Working Group on Enforced and Involuntary Disappearances
(WGEID) at the UN Human Rights Council. They asked for details on the progress of
the case. In response, the Thai government again reconfirmed its commitment to take
all allegations of disappearances very seriously and put all efforts in addressing the
cases in accordance with the rule of law and the principles of justice.
At the same time the public commemoration of the fifth anniversary of Somchai’s
disappearance took place in Bangkok. Moreover, in a Joint Press Statement of the Sec-
retary General of the Organization of The Islamic Conference (OIC) and H.E. Nitaya
Pibulsongram, Minister of Foreign Affairs in May 2007, followed by the exclusive
report of the Secretary General on Muslim Communities in Non-OIC Member States,
submitted to the 36th session of the Council of Foreign Ministers in May 2009, the
OIC urged the government of Thailand to investigate the cases of Tak Bai, Krue Se65
and Somchai’s disappearance.
The disappearance of Mr. Somchai Neelapaijit is also related to the alleged torture
of the 4 January 2004 gun robbery suspects while being detained by several high
ranking police officials. This case is investigated by the National Counter Corrup-
tion Commission (NCCC). But due to the slow justice process and inefficient witness
65 For more information about the Tak Bai and the Krue Se incidents see AHRC (2008).
Thailand | 61
protection, witnesses and their families have been living in fear, unable to live their
normal life ever since. On November 2009, the Justice for Peace Foundation has
received information that three of the witnesses are now being charged with mak-
ing a false statement of torture by Pol. Maj. Gen. Chakthip Chaijinda. The plaintiffs
filed the complaint with the Bangkok Criminal Court, which is now in the process of
calling for evidence. At the same time, the plaintiffs have requested to obtain access
to the investigation report of the NCCC, which they have not yet made available.
Again, this constitutes another tactic by police officers to abuse their powers and
threaten victims to protect themselves. According to one of the witnesses, Pol. Maj.
Gen. Chakthip Chaijinda is one of two police officers were among the group who
allegedly tortured the five men.
As a result of these developments, Angkhana Neelaphaijit submitted a letter to
Mr. Wicha Mahakhum of the NCCC, to request not to include the testimony of the
defendants in the investigation report that is supposed to be sent to the plaintiffs, due
to the sensitivity of the information and the protection of the defendants. WGJP/JPF
published an open letter, concerned about the security of the defendants, their rela-
tives as well as the lawyer involved in the case and therefore also plans to observe
the trial. We also called on the international community to raise these concerns with
the Thai government and particularly the Royal Thai Police, in order to ensure the
safety of the defendants, a fair process and to secure impartial observation of the trial.
On 9 November 2009 the NCCC refused to send the requested information to the
plaintiffs.
On 11 December 2009, one of the key witnesses in this case, Mr. Abdulah Arbukaree
was made to disappear. He had been waiting for years to testify as a witness in the
Court. During late November, he has gone to his hometown in one of the Southern
border provinces and wasn’t seen since then.
Should the disappearance of Mr. Abdulah Arbukaree prove to be an enforced disap-
pearance, it shall inflict a horrendous threat to other witnesses in this and other cases.
Their confidence in their safety and their trust in the efficiency of the justice system to
hold the perpetrators liable shall be gravely eroded.
The second case which had been brought to the court, is case of Mayateng Marano
[from Yala province, Deep South] and was also reported to the WGEID. His wife has
asked the court for investigation of the case, making it the first attempt of a habeas
corpus case in Thailand. But finally the court ruled, that the missing man was not
disappeared by military forces, as they had argued, and that he had been released
already. Again, evidence heard by the court was limited and weak and lawyers, judges
and witnesses were intimidated by military officers.
Similarly, in northeastern Thailand, in February 2008, Kamon Laosopapan, an activist

exposing corruption in his local community had met a senior police officer. His family
lost contact with him during the meeting. Police officers failed to explain his disappear-
ance to his family. For a year now, this case is under the responsibility of the Depart-
ment of Special Investigation, like the case of Mr. Somchai. But till now there was not
any progress made.
Stories from the exhumation field:

Actually I can’t say that exhumation processes are already practiced in our country.
As far as I know, there was only one case that has gone through a process similar to
an exhumation process, which is the case of Mr Somchai Neelapaichit. The work of
NGOs or relatives of the disappeared in Thailand mostly focus on legal and compensa-
tion issues. Since enforced disappearances are still not a crime in Thailand, there are
several challenges and obstacles for the process of exhumation.
First, the concept of the “exhumation process” is very new for us. The Thai state has
very little knowledge about it. At this stage, JPF are campaigning for the ratification of
the Convention against enforced disappearance and lobby the judiciary to renew laws
concerning enforced disappearance, because Thailand does not have adequate laws.
At the local level, an exhumation process is far beyond the understanding of the
relatives. There was an attempt from Mr Wasant Panich, a former National Human
Rights Commissioner (NHRCT), who tried to establish a procedure for exhumation
processes of the disappeared. However, the procedure has not been completed.
Second, related to the culture and the religious belief, exhumation is a sensitive
issue, particularly in southern Thailand, where most disappearances happen. The

Islamic concept, which is valid for the majority of the southern border provinces, is
that exhumation is not allowed, because in Islamic thought, the grave is the recreation
place for the (whole) body, waiting for the day of Judgement. Therefore most local
people do not agree with exhumations, because it might disturb the dead and their
“life” in the grave.
Among the relatives the necessity of exhumations is an issue of discussion, as some
don’t agree for religious reasons, but some are in favour of it, and argue that exhuma-
tions are acceptable for the sake of justice.
The Islamic Committee of Thailand has a fatwa (agreement among Islamic Nobels)
that exhumations are allowed under the agreement of three components: the fam-
ily, the local Imam and the provincial Islamic committee. There are two cases from
the south, where the relatives signed an agreement for an exhumation. However, the
location of the exhumation is still not identified. The exhumation has not yet started.
Thailand | 63
Third, although exhumations in other parts of the country would be possible, judicial
and legal processes remain to be obstacles of the exhumation. In a case where Mr
Wasant Panich tried to do an exhumation in a graveyard in Pattani province in the year
2007, he had difficulties to get the permission from the court. Even though he finally
got the permission, for some reason the exhumation couldn’t start until now. It seems
that in this case not the judiciary but rather the legal procedure seems to be an issue.
There is not much information available about the background of the case; we wish to
find out more about it.
Fourth, Thailand has no independent institution or participation in the exhuma-
tion process. There are at least four state agencies that are or might be involved in the
exhumation process, the National Human Rights Commission Thailand (NHRCT),
the Department of Special Investigation (DSI), the Central Institute of Forensic Science
Thailand (CIFS) under the Ministry of Justice and the Forensic Department of the
Police.
The former NHRCT was quite active advancing the issue of exhumation processes,
but the new staff of the NHRCT has not proven its qualities yet. The DSI and CIFS
cooperate in the Somchai case, but not in all other cases. Besides, the head of CIFS is
now suspected of having taken favors from the army, which could be bias if the dis-
appearance was allegedly caused by the army. The Forensic Department of the Police
could not gain trust from the relatives, because most of the missing were allegedly
disappeared by the police.
Furthermore there are very few anthropologists in Thailand and to our knowledge
there is no Thai forensic anthropologist. We would depend on foreign forensic anthro-
pologists, if exhumation processes were really functioning.
Fifth and finally, the security would be a main concern for the exhumation process,
as disappearances are committed directly or in directly by state officials. Those perpe-
trators have an interest to cover the crime, therefore they made people disappear. Once
the remains are found, an exhumation would trouble the perpetrators and they would
try any way to prevent the process. The State officials that are involved with this crime
mostly come from influential agencies as the police or the army. It would be very dan-
gerous if there was no security plan to protect the team.
But it has to be noted that there would be the reasons to advance exhumations in
Thailand: the head of the CIFS, Dr. Khunying Porntip stated in 2004 that only her
agency received details of some 1000 unknown persons’ remains each year. Besides
that, there are some 400 unidentified graves documented in Chinese Graveyards of the
Southern Provinces that also wait for investigation. The Asian Human Rights Commis-
sion states in this context:
Heavy denial is a common characteristic of any country or place where gross human rights abuses
are routinely occurring. So it was in Somchai’s case, where at first it was denied that he had been
abducted, then it was denied that he had been abducted by the police, then it was denied that
any other part of government was involved, and then it was denied that the evidence exists with
which to solve the mystery. So it was too with the hundreds of graves in the south, where it was
denied that the graves existed, that they existed in such large numbers, that they would be the
graves of Thai people (as opposed to Burmese or others from outside of the country), and that it
was anything out of the ordinary that hundreds of unidentified graves could be found within a
small area.66
Stories from reconciliation stage:

In 2005, the National Reconciliation Commission was tasked with analyzing the
conflict in southern Thailand and to make recommendations for reconciliation. For
the first time these mechanisms provided for the establishment of a committee on
disappearances. The committee was informed of 23 cases of enforced or involuntary
disappearances that took place in the conflict area between 2003 and 2005. The gov-
ernment then established the “Commission of policy and administration of healing
for the people affected by conflicts” with aimed to distribute healing mechanisms to
victim’s families. The commission approved to pay compensation to 17 families of
disappeared persons, offering 100,000 Bath for each family, including scholarships
until university grade for their children.
However, the commission was dissolved without reasonable explanation, which
implicated that no further distribution of compensations occurred thereafter. More-
over, the JPF has received complaints from the victims’ families in the South that
the provincial administration refused to approve the scholarship for their children,
because a newly established healing program does no longer cover cases of enforced
disappearance.
Psychological Work with Families of the Disappeared in Thailand:

There is no organization or team that focuses on psychological accompaniment. The
Justice for Peace Foundation (JPF) did a couple of psychological trainings for the rela-
tives of the disappeared. They were psychologically strengthening for the relatives, but
they were not involved in exhumation processes at all. Since the issue of disappearance
is still considered small scale in Thai society, there is no psychologist focusing on this
issue. As far as we know, JPF is the only NGO so far, that did psychological activities
for the relatives, in cooperation with the AFAD.
From our experience, here are some challenges we found in the field. First, Thailand
has no knowledge, no lesson-learned, no experience in taking care of the victims or the
66 AHRC (2006).
Thailand | 65
families of the disappeared, so there is still no special program from the government
to help the families. The most important reason for the lack of a reparation program
is that the government does not want to accept that the perpetrators are government
officers, both police and military.
Second, most areas where enforced disappearances occurred are considered very
insecure, deadly conflict areas, especially along the border. Because of this precarious
situation, some social workers try to convince the families not to bring the case to the
court or not to seek the truth for their loved one.
Third, the diversity of belief, culture and language in areas where enforced disap-
pearances took place is another challenge for the psychosocial work in Thailand. As
a worker, it is necessary to understand the cosmology of the groups the families of the
disappeared belong to. Especially the way they think about life, death and being disap-
peared, the way they respond to the situation, and the way they express their feelings.
Understanding those people and their contexts is useful, not to say indispensable for
psychological work, because sometimes we have to use different methods and some
local cultural tools in addition to the standard medical science methods. Even local
language seems to be an obstacle for psychological work in some areas.
Nevertheless, in our experience we found that uniting a group of different people
from different cultures in the same activity, is a very successful method, because all
families share the same feelings. Especially in cases, where the family has been sus-
pected by their community, a multicultural group proved effective, as different cultural
beliefs or languages turned out to be good, since it took away a lot of pressure and
made the sharing natural and more relaxed.
Fourth, in some areas with an ongoing deadly conflict like the southernmost prov-
inces in Thailand, psychology work seems to be harder, because the families have
to live in a violent and insecure context. Fear for safety and the live of those that
have been disappeared is heightened by extrajudicial killings and torture of detainees,
suspected of being involved in the insurgency. Advancing psychological activities and
networks between the families are very important in this situation.
JPF has been working with families of disappeared persons since 2006. We con-
ducted several activities – needs assessments, rehabilitation trainings, investigation
and advocacy on disappearances for instance – and encourage the families, mostly
wives and daughters of the missing persons, to set up or join the Network of Families
of Disappeared Persons (functioning right now in all three provinces, Yala, Pattani,
Narathiwat). We also encourage a village volunteer to take care and cooperate with the
families of the disappeared in their area.
Impact of enforced disappearance on women in the area of the ongoing conflict

The violence in Thailand’s Southern border provinces escalated in 2004 and has inces-
santly affected the livelihood of the local Muslim population. Women in particular
have to suffer a great deal from the turbulence, injustice and various kinds of structural
violence, including domestic violence, drug abuse, income disparity, impoverishment,
food security, etc. These problems prove challenging for women in their role of taking
charge of their families and raising their children. It is particularly true for women who
not only lost their husband, but also the household’s breadwinner and who are now
solely responsible for the household’s economic survival.
Angkhana Neelapaijit (2010, in process of publishing), the president of the Justice
for Peace Foundation, in her academic paper on Roles and Challenges for Muslim
Women in the Restive Southern Border Provinces of Thailand67 argues that the violence
renders an acute impact on women as victims and perpetrators of violence. A number
of women have had to change their roles from being wives or daughters to leaders and
breadwinners of the families. They take efforts in studying various legal texts appli-
cable in the local area, including Martial Law, the Emergency Decree on Government
Administration in States of Emergency B.E. 2548 (2005)68, or civil and criminal laws.
Life is hard for them considering their existing low education, their weak literacy in
Thai language and that they have to take on the economic burden of the households as
family leaders, coupled with the lack of available means and resources to do so. Tra-
ditionally, religious teaching was considered enough to qualify Malay Muslim women
to perform the roles of good wives and daughters. This report looks in detail at how
women have been affected by the violence and the type of violence inflicted on them.
Angkhana points out the main facts conditioning the situation of families of
enforced disappeared persons: To this day, the government is lacking a clear policy
concerning remedies for the families of enforced disappeared persons. In 2006, the
government set up the National Reconciliation Committee (NRC), which documented
23 cases of enforced disappearance, perpetrated by state forces, in the Southern border
provinces. The Special Subcommittee under the “Committee on the Remedy Policy for
Those Affected by the Situation in Southern Border Provinces” has provided help to 17
families. As the Subcommittee became dormant with a new government, support for
the families was discontinued. On top, enforced disappearances are not yet criminal-
ized in Thailand, meaning families do not have any legal possibilities of acknowledg-
ing the disappearances. Without official recognition of disappearances, families of the
67 The full paper will be published in June, 2010 on http://www.wgjp.org

68 Available at: http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/482b005f2.html
Thailand | 67
disappeared are not entitled to a judicial process, compensation or remedies. Mean-

while, human rights organizations have filed complaints of cases of enforced disap-
pearances among the Malay Muslims in the Southern border provinces with the UN
Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearance (UN WGEID). 18 cases
have been received by the UN WGEID so far,69 and efforts should be made to urge
the Thai government to track down the disappeared and to provide remedies to the
families.
None of the religious scholars in Thailand have made any attempts to interpret the
issues concerning enforced disappearances within Islamic law, to adopt measures such
as the right of the surviving wives to manage the matrimonial assets, the right to lead
family matters, child education or livelihood, or even the right to remarry. Thus, Malay
Muslim women in the Southern border provinces, whose husbands have disappeared,
find it difficult to live their life, being left on their own.
Although families are still living in fear and poverty, they draw hope from the fact
that their voice had been heard, their problem had been recognized by compatriots
and the global community. They hope that some day their problem will be solved. For
that, the families and their alliances in Thai society are seriously working to stop and
prevent the problem of enforced or involuntary disappearance, if not for ourselves, at
least for our children.
69 Cited in JPF/WGJP’s report, 2009.

References and further information (URLs revised May 31, 2010)
AHRC (2006), If not Somchai’s bones, whose bones?

AHRC (2008), The state of human rights in Thailand – 2008.
At: http://material.ahrchk.net/hrreport/2008/AHRC-SPR-018-2008-Thailand_AHRR2008.pdf
AHRC (2010), 6th Anniversary of the Disappearance of Somchai Neelapaichit, concept note.
ALRC (2006), Forensic Science under threat in Thailand and its implications for human rights.
Statement submitted to the 62 session of the Human Rights Council.
At: http://www.alrc.net/doc/mainfile.php/62written/381/
Anderson, Frank G. (2009), Thai Victim’s widow seeks justice, UPIASIA (28.12.2009).
At: http://www.upiasia.com/Human_Rights/2009/12/28/thai_victims_widow_seeks_justice/9112/
Chit Wiparttawat (1960), The Confession of Gen. Pao Sriyanon, Bangkok: Preapittaya.
Emergency Decree on Public Administration in Emergency Situation, B.E. 2548 (2005) [Thailand],
16 July 2005. At: http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/482b005f2.html
Human Rights Watch (2007), “It was like suddenly my son no longer existed”, Enforced Disappear-
ances in Thailands Southern Border Provinces. At: http://www.hrw.org/en/node/10992/section/1
Lawe-Davies, Francesca (2005), Thaksin’s timebomb. At: http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/
south-east-asia/thailand/thaksins-timebomb.aspx
Neelapaichit, Angkhana (2009), Reading between the lines, Working Group on Justice for Peace,
Bangkok. At: http://material.ahrchk.net/docs/ReadingBetweenTheLines.pdf
Neelapaichit, Angkhana (2010), Roles and Challenges for Muslim Women in the Restive Southern
Border Provinces of Thailand. At: http://www.wgjp.org
Nonviolence International Southeast Asia (2007), Justice disappeared, exploring the links of Arms
Trade, Impunity and Enforced Disappearance.
At: http://www.nonviolenceinternational.net/images/stories/Justice%20Disappeared%20Final%20
layout-s.pdf
Working Group on Justice for Peace (2009), The Disappearance of Persons is The Disappearance of
Justice. Available in Thai at: http://www.scribd.com/doc/7741697/The-Disappearance-of-Persons-is-
The-Disappearance-of-Justice
| 69
Indian Administered
Kashmir
“To forget, they say, would be

to reconcile to injustice.”
Situation of families of enforced
disappeared persons
Arranged by Katharina Lauritsch
Historical and political context in Indian-administered Kashmir

Since 1947, the year Pakistan and India gained independence, the Kashmir Valley is a
disputed territory and reason for political tensions between Pakistan and India. After the
first war in 1948, the Kashmir region was divided by the740 kilometre-long disputed
Line of Control (also ceasefire line) into the Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir
and a smaller area under Pakistani control, without a plebiscite consulting the Kashmiri
population, as promised before.
Since then Pakistan and India fought several wars about the control, from the 1980s
onwards, Indian-administered Kashmir faced a guerrilla war fought by the Young
Fighters of Jammu and Kashmir Liberations Front (JLFK), that aimed at a reunited and
independent Kashmir. Later on religious militant groups arouse that focused more on
the religious and global issues. Both are said to have received support from Pakistani
based organisations.
The answer of the Indian government was a militarisation of the whole region,
leading into a spiral of violence and although it seems that in the last years moderate
forces that are willing to negotiate different concepts of autonomy are gaining strength,
the presence of the Indian security forces continues. A presence visible in 671 security
camps around the region and perceptible in ongoing pressure and human rights viola-
tions.70
Between 1989-2009, the actions of India’s military and paramilitary forces in Kashmir have
resulted in 8,000+ enforced and involuntary disappearances and 70,000+ deaths, including
through extrajudicial or “fake encounter” executions, custodial brutality, and other means.
10 Lawyers have reportedly filed 15,000 petitions since 1990, inquiring, largely unsuccessfully,
into the location and health of detainees and the charges against them.71
70 See Chatterji et al., IPTK (2009), p. 33-36; 9-18.

71 Chatterji et al., IPTK (2009), p. 10.
Indian Administered Kashmir | 71
On the 8.10.2005 an earthquake with the epicentre near Muzaffarabad, the capital
of Pakistani administered Azad Kashmir, killed in total more than 74.000 people and
injured over 106.000, also effected the Indian administered part with a death toll of
1.400 and 6000 injured. The international humanitarian response lead to the opening
of five crossing points along the Line of Control that divides the two Kashmir regions,
in order to facilitate the humanitarian help. Many international organisations came to
assist in the relief operations, some stayed afterwards, like MSF and Action Aid.
Since 2006 the numbers of people killed by the insurgency are declining.72
Situation of enforced disappearances in Kashmir:

The following text is an edited excerpt taken from the report “BURIED EVIDENCE:
Unknown, Unmarked, and Mass Graves in Indian-administered Kashmir.”73 The 108-
page report was published in December 2009, authored by Angana Chatterji, Parvez
Imroz et al. The excerpt below published here by courtesy of the IPTK (International
People’s Tribunal on Human Rights and Justice in Indian-administered Kashmir).
I. Graves
Children ask us about these graves. Children ask us why soldiers are everywhere. Children grow
up here thinking violent death is “natural.” (Community elder, Baramulla)74
The Indian state’s governance of Indian-administered Kashmir requires the use of disci-
pline and death as techniques of social control. The structure of governance affiliated with
militarization in Kashmir75 necessitates dispersed and intense forms of psychosocial regula-
tion.76 As an established nation-state, India’s objective has been to discipline and assimilate
Kashmir into its territory. Discipline is affected through military presence, surveillance,
punishment, and fear. Death is disbursed through “extrajudicial” means and those autho-
rized by law. Psychosocial control is exercised through the use of death and deception to
discipline the living.77 Discipline rewards forgetting, isolation, and depoliticization.78
72 http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/states/jandk/data_sheets/annual_casualties.htm
73 Full report At: www.kashmirprocess.org
74 Personal communication, IPTK (2009).
75 Unless otherwise specified, “Kashmir” refers to Indian-administered Kashmir.
76 Indian-administered Kashmir includes Kashmir, Jammu, and the Ladakh region.
77 Deception operates through systematically distorted communication as the ordering principle in regular
interactions between state-legitimated authorities and civilian populations.
78 We draw on the work of Michel Foucault. 1979. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. New
York: Pantheon Press; 1980. Power/Knowledge. New York: Pantheon Press; 2000. “Governmentality,”
in Power: Essential Works of Foucault, 1954-1984, Volume 3, ed. James Faubion, 201-22. New York:
The New Press; 2007.
Mourning the dead is a habitual practise of dissent amid Kashmir civil society. The con-
ventional and recognized cemeteries that hold Kashmir’s dead are maintained and cared
for by local people and organizations. Alongside these cemeteries are other clandestine
graveyards, often unnamed, unmarked, undecorated. They exist amid habitations, next
to schools and homes, by the roadside and town square, in prayer grounds and forests,
at the edges of fields and community cemeteries across rural and urban space.
This research into unknown, unmarked, and mass graves was conducted by the
International People’s Tribunal on Human Rights and Justice in Indian-administered
Kashmir (IPTK) between November 2006 and November 2009. The graveyards we
investigated entomb bodies of those murdered in encounter and fake encounter killings
between 1990-2009.79
The graves, their creation and effect, belong to the present history of Kashmir, to
a continuing chronicle of violence and violation. The graves are hyper-present in the
local imaginary, but rarely spoken of in public. These “secrets” are hidden from/
through speech. As a gravedigger in a rural town stated: “They [graves] are there to
be noticed and to make us fear them [security personnel]. We all know what they are,
where they are, but we cannot say so. To speak of them is treasonous.”80
Based on the investigations, the IPTK recorded in 3 districts (Baramulla, Kupwara
and Bandipora) and 55 villages a total of 2700 graves containing more than 2943 bodies.
Next-of-kin, community, collective testimony and archival research evidences that
most of the bodies in the graves recorded above were of men (99%) and that in vari-
ous instances, “encounter” killings across Kashmir have, in fact, been authenticated
as “fake encounter” killings. Post-death, the bodies of these victims were routinely
handled by military and paramilitary personnel, including the local police. The bodies
were then brought to the “secret graveyards” primarily by personnel of the Jammu
and Kashmir Police. […] We have been reliably informed that, prior to the delivery
of bodies to the “secret graveyards” security forces personnel selected local male resi-
dents or professional gravediggers, usually those respected within the local community,
and asked that graves be prepared to bury the dead. The graveyards were prevalently
constructed on local religious or community owned and/or used land and dug by local
residents at the coercion of security personnel. The persons preparing the graves were
79 “We” refers to the authors of the report and IPTK staff, unless otherwise noted. Encounter killing:
Killing of civilians alleged to be involved in armed confrontation with state forces. Fake encounter
killing: Extrajudicial killing of civilians, often while they are in the custody of state forces, recorded by
officials as resulting from an armed confrontation with state forces instigated by the recently deceased,
see Human Rights Watch (2009).
80 Personal communication, IPTK (2008).
usually informed in advance of the number of bodies to be buried. Professional gravedig-

gers and local residents who were forced to become gravediggers and caretakers were
directed to dig the graves but were largely not supervised by security personnel during
the process of digging or burial. In the process of soliciting their labour, gravediggers and
caretakers81 were routinely intimidated and not remunerated for their services.
In Islamic religious ethos and the Shari’at82, death, and care of the dead, is inter-
preted as a directive to the living, linked to atonement and forgiveness. Gravediggers
and caretakers attempted burial of the corpses in accordance with such tradition. Local
community members and gravediggers that prepared the graves routinely constructed
one grave per body. When permissible, they offered Salat (prayer) prior to burial. At
times, they planted flowers on the graves. For gravediggers and caretakers, the require-
ment of burial of the dead was prioritized over whose body was being inhumed, and
its possible identity and political affiliation or nonaffiliation.
The bodies buried in the 2,700 graves investigated by IPTK were routinely delivered
at night, some bearing marks of torture and burns. Photographs of the dead have been
reportedly documented by local police stations, even as they are not rendered into the
public domain.83 Systems of identification were developed by gravediggers and care
takers in tagging the bodies prior to burial. Gravediggers and caretakers devised systems
through which the bodies were identified and kept identifiable for next-of-kin. Iden-
tification occurred through clothing, distinguishing characteristics and marks, and/or
numbering. The process of identification, dependent on literacy, threat, fear, and other
factors, were usually orally recorded and remembered, or recorded in writing.
In instances where, post-burial, bodies have been identified, two methods have been
used prevalently. These are 1. Exhumation; and 2. Identification through the use of pho-
tographs. In instances where photographs have been used to identify the body, the fam-
ily/next-of-kin of the deceased has been able to identify the body from the photographs
maintained by the police. Following which, graveyard identification records have been
able to match the photo of the deceased with the grave in which the body was buried. On
occasion, these graves have been exhumed and the bodies transported and re-buried by
next-of-kin at the place of residence or family burial grounds of the deceased.
In the discourse of the Indian Armed Forces and the Jammu and Kashmir Police,
the dead buried in unknown and unmarked graves are stated to be uniformly “foreign
militants/terrorists.” They claim that the dead were unidentified foreign or Kashmiri
81 Gravediggers: We refer to professional gravediggers; Caretakers: We refer to those who were forced
into grave digging.
82 Shari’at, Shari’a, Islamic law.
83 Per the police manual, all dead bodies must be photographed.
militants killed while infiltrating across the border areas into Kashmir or travelling
from Kashmir into Pakistan to seek arms training.84
Exhumation and identification have not occurred in sizeable cases. Where exhuma-
tions have been undertaken (50 documented cases) or the bodies in unknown graves
have been identified through other means, in numerous instances as detailed below,
records indicate the dead to be local people, nonmilitant or militant, killed in fake
encounters.
In certain occurrences of fake encounter killings, where the bodies of victims have
been identified, it was found that civilians resident in one geographic area in Kashmir
were killed in another area. At times, these bodies were transferred to yet another area,
then buried. In one instance, we learned that the killings took place outside Kashmir,
for example, in the state of Gujarat in India.
In instances of “encounter” killings, which have later been verified as “fake encoun-
ter” deaths, security forces have manufactured the identities of victims, and entered
into record a list of arms and ammunition being carried by them.
In interactions with police and armed forces personnel, those disappeared and/or
killed in fake encounters were routinely and uniformly presented as “violent” and
“anti-social” without corroboration, and as objects of danger to their families and
society. Through organizing deception, Kashmiri Muslim men are posed as agents in
cross-border armed militant negotiations, as harbingers of violence to Kashmiri Mus-
lim women and the Indian nation.
In claiming these bodies as uniformly “foreign militants/terrorists,” state discourse
exaggerates the presence of external groups and cross-border infiltration. State discourse
positions cross border infiltration as critical to mobilizing and sustaining local struggles
for the territorial and political self-determination.85
Local community members have also testified that, in addition to the burials, bodies
of persons killed by security forces have been disposed of in the Chenab and Jhelum
84 While some persons did travel to Pakistan to seek training, such activity was largely confined to the
early days of the armed militancy, circa late 1980s through the early-mid 1990s. The graves of such
persons killed by the Indian armed forces are usually located on the border, in mountainous terrain far
away from villages and towns, as, for example, in Gali Nullah, Gulmarg, in Baramulla district, where
there exists one grave containing 12 bodies. All were claimed to be militants in the Muslim Janbaz
Force (MJF), a Kashmiri organization, and were killed by security forces in May-June 1991 in an am-
bush attack in the Gali area situated between Tosmaidaan and Afarvat hills. There were 15 members
of MJF present, and one survived.
85 “Self-determination”: In this context, the ability of a people to determine their political or national
status and future without coercion. Legal and political processes through which the legitimacy of
any claims to selfdetermination may be resolved, or a “people” may define themselves as such, are
inconsistent. See Atlantic Charter of 1941 and the United Nations Charter of 1945 for the principles
of self-determination.
rivers of Kashmir. Local community members testified that, for example, on January 1,
1996, four persons were cast into in the Chenab river in Doda district. Of them, one
person survived. According to a statement made by Talib Hussain, the survivor: “On
the evening of January 1, 1996, Mohammad Hussain, Fazal Hussain, Faried Ahmad,
and I were picked up from the home by members of the Village Defence Committee
(VDC).” 86
VDCs are made operational by security forces and supported by the state. VDC
members are recruited by Hindu nationalist/militant groups, and are organized as
civilian “self-defence” campaigns and militias. In the understanding of local communi-
ties these campaigns are staged as retribution for anti-national activities. A network
of VDCs has been instituted throughout the Jammu region and in certain parts of
Kashmir. VDC personnel are predominantly of Hindu and Sikh descent, and in some
instances include Muslim villagers deemed “trustworthy” by VDC personnel.
The testimony continued:
After finishing our daily work from a brick kiln I was having food at my house with Mohammad
Hussain, a colleague and friend of mine, and there was a sudden noise from the outside. We came
out of the house and spotted five VDC members in khaki dress armed with 303 rifles.87 Mohammad
Hussain was taken away and so was I. They took us to the truck. I thought they would take us
for interrogation. I was asked how many children I had. I replied, four, and he said that it was
enough. They blindfolded me... I was asked to get out. Then they pushed me toward the Chenab
[river]. I was forced to jump, and due to swimming, I survived. I caught hold of a rock. They fired
at me. After they left I climbed up to the shore and managed to reach the road and hitch a ride to
Kishtwar where I offered prayers. The whereabouts of the other three were not ascertained and
their dead bodies were not recovered.
It appears that diverse techniques of rule used by the military and paramilitary in Kashmir
generate and circulate death and the fear of death. These techniques of rule are used
to kill, and create fear of not just death but of murder. Across Bandipora, Baramulla,
and Kupwara, the people who were forced to bury the dead in the unmarked and un-
known graves attest to the detrimental psychosocial and physical health impacts they
suffered. These graveyards have been placed next to schools and homes and their affect
on women and children is daunting.
Massified testaments of state power, these unknown, unmarked, and mass graves
seek to produce social death and proscribe remembrance. Acknowledgement and
86 Personal communication, IPTK (2008-2009). The witness has spoken on public record.
87 Khaki, beige coloured garment, used by Hindu militants/nationalists. A .303 is a British developed
(initially in the 1880s) .311 inch calibre rifle.
articulation of events that precipitate these deaths are forbidden. Internalization of

loss and horror is intended to produce fear and isolation. Keeping alive memory, local
communities state, is resistance. Atta Mohammad, 68 years of age, gravedigger and
caretaker at Chehal Bimyar in Baramulla district, testified to burying 203 bodies on a
hillside adjacent to the Jhelum river between 2002-2006.
I have been terrorized by this task that was forced upon me. My nights are tormented and I
cannot sleep, the bodies and graves appear and reappear in my dreams. My heart is weak from
this labour. I have tried to remember all this... the sound of the earth as I covered the graves...
bodies and faces that were mutilated... mothers who would never find their sons. My memory is
an obligation. My memory is my contribution. I am tired, I am so very tired.88
II. Explanations:
How should these graves in Bandipora, Baramulla, and Kupwara be characterized? As
unknown, unmarked, single, and some multiple and mass entombments? Or, as con-
tiguous displays of death through massified killings and burials? Massacre, gendercide,
crimes against humanity function within a continuum of tactics. If the intent of a mass
grave is to perform death with impunity, with intent to kill more than one, and to forge
an unremitting representation of death, then, to that extent, the individual graves within
the graveyards IPTK has identified must be noted as part of a collective burial and display
by India’s military and paramilitary in creating a landscape and habitus of “mass burial.”
Concern
There is a paucity of research, discourse, and discussion on the unknown, unmarked,
and mass graves of Kashmir. Such research is fraught with difficulty and danger. IPTK’s
research was undertaken in extremely tense political conditions within a conflict zone,
and IPTK members were intimidated, targeted, and endangered by the Indian military
and paramilitary during the process. IPTK has been able to study only partial areas
within 3 of 10 districts in Kashmir, and our findings and very preliminary evidence
point to the severity of existing conditions.
This inquiry was not conducted in areas that are hyper-proximate to the Line of
Control (LoC). We were able to access graves in areas where civilians were not ex-
pressly prohibited from entering, even as it remains of concern that such activity may
have been carried out, and perverted, in areas that are restricted from the public eye.
88 Personal communication, IPTK (2008-2009). Atta Mohammad, 68 years of age, gravedigger and care-
taker at Chehal Bimyar in Baramulla district, testified to burying 203 bodies on a hillside adjacent to
the Jhelum river between 2002-2006. He has spoken on public record before the State Human Rights
Commission in Srinagar, and to members of the local and international press.
IPTK’s work is a first and preliminary step in what must be undertaken to disclose the
injustices perpetrated in Kashmir. IPTK’s findings do not include the forensic study of
the exhumations and the conditions of the bodies interred, necessary to documenting
evidence of torture and brutality.
The intensity of IPTK’s findings are indicative of what would potentially be uncov-
ered, with regard to single, multiple, and mass graves and the numbers of people killed, if
independent and transparent investigations were permitted in Indian-administered Kash-
mir. As well, if independent investigations were to be undertaken in all 10 districts, it is
reasonable to assume that the total number of disappearances (8000+) since 1989 would
correlate with the number of bodies in unknown, unmarked, and mass graves.
Crimes Against Humanity

The methodical and planned use of killing and violence in Indian-administered Kashmir
constitutes crimes against humanity in the context of an international conflict.89 [...]
These killings are not part of “war” in the traditional sense, as India does not rec-
ognize itself to be at war with Kashmir, given that India understands Kashmir to be a
part of its dominion. Kashmir civil society participates in administrative, bureaucratic,
and political spheres of the Indian state in Kashmir. However, disproportionately large
segments of Kashmir civil society understand themselves to be subjugated and annexed
for political and other purposes by the Indian state and its institutions.90
Therefore, India’s role in Kashmir may be interpreted as constitutive of annexa-
tion and, in instances, subject to the rules of war under the covenants pertaining to
International Humanitarian Law. Therefore, the executions portrayed here may be
interpreted as crimes against humanity and, in instances, as war crimes. The situation
portrayed here may be interpreted under International Humanitarian Law as an an-
nexation where Jus ad bellum law applies, rendering applicable Common Article 2 of
the Geneva Conventions.91
Even as it has been stated that a “low intensity war continues” across the borders of
Kashmir-India-Pakistan, India’s military rule within Kashmir is not officially recognized
by the international community. India’s prolonged battle on the northwest border, con-
89 See “crimes against humanity” as defined in Article 7 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal
Court, adopted on July 17, 1998, and entered into effect on July 1, 2002. India is not a party to the
Rome Statute.
90 Such identification circulates within a large segment of the Muslim population, including women and
youth, and among the small remaining Pandit Hindu population in Kashmir. Nonviolent resistance
and civil disobedience intensified during 2008 and 2009.
91 Jus ad bellum, Latin: Justice to war, defined as a “Branch of law that defines the legitimate reasons a
state may engage in war and focuses on certain criteria that render a war just,” see Karma Nabulsi,
Crimes of War.
nected to enforcing and unifying territory and identity as a nation, may be interpreted
as linked to a war on Kashmir. The rights violations committed by India’s security forces
in Kashmir are tactical to maintaining its dominion. A slow war within Kashmir is dis-
coursed as a “low intensity conflict” necessitated in response to “cross-border terrorism,”
masking the interests of state that organize the whole of Kashmir as a military zone.92
In identifying Kashmiri Muslims as dangerous anti-national elements and target-
ing this population as an internal enemy, the Indian state’s governance systemically
perpetuates, and makes visible, death as strategy to achieve its specific political and
nationalistic objectives. The message to the people of Kashmir, through these strategies
of governance that produce and circulate death, is “You are our enemy. We are here
to protect you from you.” “Safety” is made synonymous with submission to violent
governance. Through these dynamics, the Indian state seeks to domesticate the local
Kashmiri population and integrate Kashmir into its national identity and territory.
Furthermore, in maintaining an undeclared conflict, India’s militarization in Kash-
mir is justified as necessary to securing the India-Pakistan border, and, as such, having
no brutalizing impact that is internal to Kashmir.93 India’s militarization is portrayed
as an “internal” matter, while refusing transparency, international scrutiny, and adher-
ence to international standards and customary practises of conflict and war.94 Internal
use of force is explained as the eradication of “anti-national elements” within Kashmir
society that collude with cross-border groups. These anti-national elements are seen as
dangerous to themselves and as undermining of India’s national interest. Kashmiris are
given the directive of proving their allegiance to the Indian nation through assimilation
and dissociation from efforts of self-determination.
Official state discourse conflates cross-border militancy with present nonviolent
struggles by local Kashmiri groups (and separatist leaders with divergent positions), por-
traying local resistance as “terrorist” activity. The Indian state and certain media institu-
tions link Kashmir civil society to a discourse of “terror,” even as present-day civil society
dissent is almost entirely principled, peaceable, and locally conceptualized. Islam, Mus-
lims, and violence are equated and connected by the official and dominant discourses.
However, the role of the Indian state in prompting the armed militant violence of the
1990s or its responsibility for inducing cycles of violence through sustained militariza-
tion remains invisibilized outside of public discourse and certain media representations.
92 Indo-Asian News Service (2009)

93 See Protocol II of the Geneva Conventions, pertaining to non-international conflicts.
94 These strategies have become routinized in international contexts, where, for example, per the Mili-
tary Commissions Act, 2006, the United States has used the term “unlawful enemy combatant” to
absolve itself of culpability, see Mark David “Max” Maxwell and Sean M. Watts (2007).
Official figures state that there are few, about 800-1,000, militants in Kashmir pres-
ently. While the Indo-Pak border remains the official reason for the militarization of
Kashmir, a key focus/impact of militarization continues to be the brutalization of Kash-
miri peoples.95 In the prolonged conflict, 6,67,000 Indian military and paramilitary
personnel act with regularized impunity to regulate movement, law, and order across
Kashmir.96
While the Government of India has made repeated declarations regarding the in-
ternal demilitarization of Kashmir, it must be noted that in March 2007, three govern-
ment committees on demilitarization resolved that the “low intensity war continues,”
halting any action on troop reduction.97 When certain cursory reductions in troops
have been made, they are influenced by political interests and not those of human
rights.98 Continued militarization is accompanied by the use of draconian laws, such as
the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958, and the Disturbed Areas Act, 1976 that
provide legal immunity to security forces for international crimes, and enable contin-
ued impunity, and in turn authorize the continued perpetration of crimes. It has been
reported that acts of suppression and violence have been deemed as “acts of service.”99
The impact of this “unspoken” conflict has had damaging psychosocial conse-
quences. Mental health professionals note that Kashmir has a very high rate of people
with suicidal behaviours.100
III. Context
Gendered and sexualized subjection has been definitive of militarized nationalism
across Indian-administered Kashmir, enacted with impunity by the military and para-
military. Violence against civilian men expands spaces for enacting violence against
women.101 Women have been forced to disproportionately assume the task of care
giving to disintegrated families and undertake the work of seeking justice following
disappearances and deaths.
95 See Angana P. Chatterji, et al (2009).

96 Including counter-terrorism operations commandeered by approximately 32,000 security personnel.
Indian military and paramilitary have been prevalently aligned with Hindu majoritarian interests
vis-à-vis Kashmir. The police are reportedly 81,370 strong in Kashmir and there are 20,000 special
police officers. The paramilitary Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) have 75,000 personnel and
have been progressively trained to function in corresponding capacity to the military.
97 Indo-Asian News Service (2009).
98 See Reuters (October 29, 2009).
99 Human Rights Watch (2006, 65-6)
100 In 2008, more than 68,000 visited Kashmir’s sole psychiatric hospital, risking social stigma, to receive
outpatient care, IPTK (2008-2009).
101 See also Radhika Coomaraswamy (2001).
Mental health professionals note that incalculable numbers have experienced gendered
and sexualized violence, including the use of rape as a means of torture.102 Gendered
violence has been utilized to shame and punish the culture. Male youth and men re-
fusing to participate in the sexual servitude of women have been sodomized and men
have been forced to witness rapes of women and girl family members. Women whose
male partners are missing, “halfwidows” and widows have been victimized.103 “Half-
widows” do not qualify for state support, such as pensions offered to “widows,” while
they are marginalized from securing property rights under prevalent structures of
property ownership customary in heteronormative contexts in South Asia, including in
dominant interpretations of Islamic law.
Extensive surveillance and the practice of illegal and long detentions by the legal
system remain regularized. Hundreds of thousands have been displaced, including ap-
proximately 250,000 Kashmiri Pandits of Hindu descent. International organizations
and institutions, that are allowed access to other places, are not permitted to visit
Kashmir. The denial of passports to human rights defenders and journalists continues
to sustain disconnection and isolation.104
In May-July 2009 and August-September 2008, Kashmir witnessed uprisings, as
millions of people engaged in nonviolent protest, calling out for “Azaadi.”105 Amnesty
International stated:
[Civil society protests] are about the ongoing failure of the Indian government to bring members
of the security forces to justice for serious human rights violations. Until the Indian government
provides accountability for the conduct of the armed forces in Kashmir, it will continue to face
discontent from the residents.106
IV. “Exhumed” Truths
Kupwara District
The road to Kupwara district from Srinagar city is often lined with army convoys and
military camps, with security personnel stationed every few metres along the road.
Approximately 1,524 metres above sea level, Kupwara borders the Line of Control to
the north and west and is one of the most heavily militarized zones in Kashmir, about
102 See Asia Watch and Physicians for Human Rights (1993).
103 See Altaf Hussain (2007).
104 See Public Commission on Human Rights (2006); Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons
(2008); Angana Chatterji (2008).
105 Azaadi: Urdu, freedom
106 see Amnesty International (2009)
95 kilometres from Srinagar. Six army camps and seven interrogation centres have
been operational in the surrounding area of Handwara town107, with police stations
functioning as additional interrogation cells. In the whole district, only 209 instances
of disappearances have been confirmed between 1989 and 2009. IPTK documented
1453 graves containing at least 1487 bodies in 14 villages. 1278 of them or 87,9% are
unnamed.
A resident of Kalarus, Kupwara testified:
Since then [1993, year of the construction of the graveyard], other bodies have been buried here.
The army used to tie those killed to their vehicles and drag them down from the hilly areas. The
dragging mutilated the bodies. Whenever we asked about the identity of the slain brought to our
village, the police often answered that the bodies were of unidentified foreign militants who got
killed during different encounters with army and other security agencies in the frontier areas of
Kupwara.
Barmulla District
Baramulla is the largest district in Kashmir with respect to population and area. Baram-
ulla district houses 29 camps of the Indian armed forces. Many of these camps contain
interrogation centres. There are numerous allegations and reports of instances of per-
petration of torture in these camps. In the whole district, only 245 instances of disap-
pearances have been confirmed between 1989 and 2006. IPTK documented 1122 graves
containing at least 1321 bodies in 33 villages. 1013 of them or 90,3% are unnamed.
Bandipora District
In Manasbal, in Bandipora district, army bunkers, barracks, barbed wire fences, and
a checkpoint built on 3,000 kanals of land forcibly “coexist” with laboratories, sheds,
and other buildings of the Cattle Research Station overlooking Manasbal lake. Also
in Manasbal, 2,500 kanals of land, mostly belonging to the Sher-e-Kashmir University
of Agricultural Sciences and Technology, were taken over by the army for constructing
an airport. In the whole district, 95 instances of disappearances have been confirmed
between 1989 and 2006. IPTK documented 125 graves, containing 135 bodies in 8
villages. 82 of them, or 65,6% are unnamed.
In all three districts, the burials were prevalently undertaken by local residents on
community land, while professional gravediggers undertook the task of burial in a
couple of villages.
107 Handwara is an area of political and military significance in Kupwara district.

Example of an identification in Sedarporna, Kupwara District

On April 29, 2007, armed forces claimed the killing of four militants of the Lashkar-
e-Toiba108. The First Information Report [No. 101/07, dated April 29, 2007] filed by
the police stated that the deceased were “four Pakistani terrorists identified as 1. Abu-
Safayan, 2. Abu-Hafiz, 3. Abu-Sadiq, 4. Abu-Ashraf...”
Three of the four male bodies were buried in Sedarpora village in the Kandi area,
Kupwara district. The three bodies were later identified to be residents of Kash-
mir, killed in fake encounters. The names of the deceased were Reyaz Ahmad Bhat,
Manzoor Ahmad Wagay and Sartaj Ahmad Ganai. The identity of the fourth body has
not been ascertained. Reyaz Ahmad Bhat and Manzoor Ahmad Wagay were identified
as ordinary civilians. Sartaj Ahmad Ganai was identified as a local militant.
The bodies of Manzoor Ahmad Wagay, 18 years of age, and Sartaj Ahmad Ganai,
17 years of age were exhumed and identified. Reyaz Bhat was identified through a
complex process.
The Bhat family stated on record that Reyaz Ahmad Bhat, had been missing since
April 25, 2007. Informal lines of communication are circulated across Kashmir to assist
families with possible identification of their dead. Through such networks, Bhat’s family
learned about the four bodies that were buried at Sedarpora. It took them a pproximately
four months to gain access to the photographs on file with the police station.
Reyaz Ahmad Bhat was identified by Javeed Ahmed Bhat, his brother, based on
police photographs taken by the police following his death. The caretaker of the
graveyard at Sedarpora village then confirmed the particular grave. Javeed Ahmed
Bhat spoke of grieving, of his imprisonment and beatings at the police station as he
attempted to locate his brother. Bhat’s family stated that Reyaz Ahmad Bhat had never
been involved in militancy, they reiterated the demands for an investigation into the
events and the circumstances of the death and stated that the petition filed is pending
in the Jammu and Kashmir High Court.
Editors Note from Katharina Lauritsch:

Psychosocial support for victims and families in Kashmir
The Indian Ministry of Health in 1982 determined a policy of community based men-
tal health care in the whole of India, but till now not much infrastructure has been
developed. There is only one psychiatric hospital in Kashmir, the governmental psy-
chiatric hospital in Srinagar. Psychosocial support is also provided in some rural areas
108 Lashkar-e-Toiba: Islamist militant organization, founded in Afghanistan, banned as a terrorist orga-
nization by Australia, India, Pakistan, Russia, United Kingdom, and United States.
through healthcare centres. MSF (Medecins sans frontiers) is working in Kashmir since
2000, conducting counselling inside existing structures, operating a weekly radio pro-
gram on mental health problems, training of doctors, authorities and also outreaching
in rural areas.
Especially for families of enforced disappeared persons, APDP (Association of Parents
of Disappeared People) organised in collaboration with the department of psychiatry,
MSF and AFAD (Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances) three rehabilita-
tion sessions from 2006-2008, each two or three days long.
Another organisation that provides psychosocial support for victims of violence
is Action Aid. They have a community based psychosocial support program and are
working in seven districts.
Recommendations and future perspectives for the work

with families of enforced disappeared
Over the last twenty-five years, exhumations of unknown, unmarked, and mass graves
have been undertaken in Argentina, Iraqi Kurdistan, Rwanda, former Yugoslavia, and
other places. The international community has largely utilized information on mass
graves in organizing advocacy campaigns and used reliable information, when avail-
able, to evidence torture, murder, or complicity of regimes and states in crimes against
humanity, war crimes, and genocide. While there are investigative norms for forensic
and social sciences research, there is a deficit of regulations and protocols on the matter
of unknown, unmarked, and mass graves in international human rights and humani-
tarian law. We urge the formulation of the above. We note as well that a mass grave
itself may be a violation of international law, as per the Geneva Conventions.
We ask that evidence from unknown, unmarked, and mass graves in Indian-
administered Jammu and Kashmir be used to seek justice, through the sentencing of
criminals and other judicial and social processes. As well, the existence of these graves,
and how they came to be, may be understood as indicative of the effects and issue of
militarization in Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir, and the issues pertaining to
militarization itself must be addressed seriously and expeditiously.
We note that the international community and institutions have not examined the
supposition of crimes against humanity in Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir.
We note that the United Nations and its member states have remained ineffective in
containing and halting the adverse consequences of the Indians state’s militarization in
Kashmir.
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| 87
Philippines
Families of the Desaparecidos

in the Philippines
Turning sadness and longing
to flames of justice
By Lorena P. Santos (Desaparecidos) and
Maria Esmeralda de la Paz-Macaspac (Children’s Rehabilitation Centre)
“I say, I am proud of you, Tatay. I have always been. I thank you for showing the realities of life
and society. I thank you for the importance of service. Had you not taught me these, my life would
have no meaning.
And we, the children of disappeared fathers and mothers say we miss you so much. We will never
stop looking for you until we find you. We will never stop fighting until we find justice.”
Excerpt from a letter made for Leo Velasco on Father’s Day109
I received a phone call from my father’s colleague on February 20, 2007. A voice, crack-
ing with emotion, told me that we have to meet immediately. And then, everything
shattered.
My father, Leo Velasco, 56 years old, was abducted by several armed men at Cagayan
de Oro, Misamis Oriental, northern part of Mindanao, Philippines on February 19 of
that year. He was walking along President Aguinaldo Street at around 10 A.M. to meet
with someone close by when a gray L300 van suddenly blocked his path. An unidenti-
fied man alighted from the van and grabbed him. My father was able to struggle for a
while but more men came out the van and carried him bodily, literally like a pig, and
forced him inside the van which immediately sped away.
We have been searching for him ever since.
I immediately reported this incident to my colleagues in KARAPATAN Alliance for the

Advancement of People’s Rights110. KARAPATAN paralegals and staff members imme-
diately formed a Quick Reaction Team (QRT) and flew to Cagayan de Oro to verify the
abduction.
109 Also published in: Pagtatagpo sa Kabilang Dulo: Panitikang Testimonial ng Desaparecidos (Meeting
at the other End: Testimonial Literature of Desaparecidos), Desaparecidos (2009).
110 http://www.karapatan.org/
Philippines | 89
The abduction took place in front of the Philippine First Insurance Bank, and was
witnessed by the bank’s security guard. According the security guard, my father was
abducted by 4 to 8 men wearing jackets with “CIDG” printed at the backs. In the Phil-
ippines, CIDG means Criminal Investigation and Detection Group, a division under
the Philippine National Police. I also found out that my father’s eyeglasses had fallen
off during his struggle, and the security guard picked it up.
A reporter from a local newspaper was the first to respond to the incident, and
asked around about what happened. He was able to talk to the security guard, who
even gave the eyeglasses to the news reporter.
After a few days, the reporter was visited by a certain colonel of the Philippine
Army asking for the glasses.
I knew I should have talked to that military and asked why he wanted my father’s
glasses.
My father, Leo, is a consultant for the National Democratic Front of the Philippines
for the peace process between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines and
the NDFP. He is community health worker since the 1970’s during the dictatorship of
Ferdinand Marcos. He has been an activist against tyranny and repression since his
college days, up until the time he was abducted.
Since Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo came to power in 2001, many innocent and un-
armed activists have been killed or forcibly disappeared in the government’s battle
against so-called “insurgents” or who they deem as “terrorists.” I believe that, as a
consultant for the peace process of the government and NDFP, and as an activist, the
Macapagal-Arroyo regime and the military wanted my father “silenced” at all costs.
The military, however, denied having my father in their custody, but they admitted that
my father is a “target for neutralization.” They even admitted that my father is on the
list of what they call “order of battle”.
I have looked in every military camp where he could possibly being held captive.
But there was no sign of him.
I even filed petitions for the Writ of Habeas Corpus and Writ of Amparo to the
Philippine Supreme Court, but the case was dismissed.
Still, I have not found my father. Still, he is not surfaced by his captors. It has been
three years now.
Enforced disappearance in the Philippines

My father’s disappearance is not an isolated case. There have been numerous of cases
of enforced disappearance in my country.
The first documented case of enforced disappearance in the Philippines was that
of Charlie del Rosario’s. He was a student-activist of the Polytechnic University of the
Philippines during the regime of President Ferdinand Marcos, and was abducted a year
before martial law was enforced. Charlie was never seen ever since that day he was ab-
ducted. There are unverified stories that the military placed his body in a drum, poured
cement in and thrown into the ocean.
Enforced disappearance of the innocent or even the threats of being abducted and
forcible disappeared is being used as a tool by the state to deter the people from speak-
ing against the injustices of the government.
Sadly, documented cases of enforced disappearances continue even after the over-
throw of Marcos’ regime.
Oplan Bantay Laya and Enforced Disappearance

Since the implementation of the counterinsurgency program Oplan Bantay Laya (Op-
eration Freedom Watch), under the regime of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, extrajudicial
killing and enforced disappearance have intensified.
Designed after the United States’ Operation Phoenix in Vietnam, this counterin-
surgency program aims to quell the Philippine revolutionary movement by neutral-
izing so-called “legal front organizations” of the Communist Party of the Philippines,
New People’s Army and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines. Thus,
leaders and members of legitimate people’s organizations have become licit military
targets.
To pursue the neutralization thrust of the Arroyo Regime, a so-called “Target Re-
search” was conceptualized by the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) to conduct
monitoring and surveillance of leaders believed to be influential within identified legal
progressive organizations. Those who were subjected to the target research are killed,
abducted and detained, or abducted and disappeared.
However, the policy of involuntary disappearance is not only confined to the lead-
ers of the legal organizations. To date, 11 consultants and staff of the NDFP in the
peace negotiations with the Philippine government, remain missing.
In 2006, enforced disappearance reached its peak to an average of one abduction
incident a week. Karapatan has documented 205 victims of enforced disappearances
in the eight years of Mrs. Macapagal Arroyo. All of them remain missing to this date.
Bayan Muna (People First) Party List has the most number of victims of enforced
Philippines | 91
disappearance at 12, followed by Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (Peasant Move-

ment of the Philippines).
Even children were not spared with four victims.
Families of the Disappeared

In response, the Families of Disappeared for Justice or Desaparecidos, an organiza-
tion of families of victims of enforced disappearances was founded and continues to
strengthen its call for justice and the surfacing of victims. Relatives of the desapareci-
dos march the streets to raise the people’s awareness of the grave human rights viola-
tions that the Arroyo regime commits against its citizen.
In the course of our search, we discovered the world of our disappeared loved ones:
the world of struggle and defiance. We have become part of the struggle for a genuine
change and a just and lasting peace. We have integrated ourselves, as human rights
defenders, to the broader mass movement in the Philippines, joining the Filipinos in
their struggle for land, adequate wages and other rights.
Our grief and longing has transcended to resistance and hope – fighting for a bright-
er future for our country. Our integration to the people’s movement provided us with
more love for our disappeared loved ones, and deeper understanding of their commit-
ment. We have come to realize and say that the tasks of disappeared and martyred in
providing service to the people is indeed noble, and we have taken upon ourselves to
continue this task and continue what they have begun.
In the midst of repression, we combat fear. We defy state terrorism with strength-
ened conviction.
Legal remedies
The relatives of the desaparecidos would petition for the writ of habeas corpus with
hopes that the state security forces would be compelled by the courts to surface the
victims. However, these petitions are dismissed because the respondents would merely
deny having knowledge of the victims’ whereabouts, even without adequate and prop-
er investigation.
At the height of the clamor of local and international human rights groups and
advocates in 2006 and 2007, the Philippine government was compelled to act upon
the numerous reports of extrajudicial killing, enforced disappearance and other human
rights violations. The Supreme Court (SC) conducted a human rights summit in 2007
to address the issues111, and introduced the rule of the Writ of Amparo.
111 Also see the report of Jose A.R. Melo et al. (2007).
The Rules on the Writ of Amparo was issued by the Supreme Court in September
2007. It allowed courts to order the temporary protection, inspection and production
of documents in cases where an individual’s life, liberty or security have been violated
or are under threat.
I have petitioned for the writ of habeas corpus and for my father which was dis-
missed in June 2008 and was one of the relatives of the disappeared, who immediately
petitioned for the writ of amparo to avail of its legal remedies.
What little gain or remedy achieved in the largely ineffectual justice system, through
the introduction of the writs of amparo, has been systematically undermined by the
very institutions tasked to act judiciously on them.
In the case of my father, the court put on me, as the petitioner to prove that my
father was actually abducted by the military. Because of the military’s simple denial and
my witnesses were too afraid to stand in court, it was easily dismissed.
In the petition for the writ of amparo filed by Lolita and Leny Robiños against Gen.
Hermogenes Espero, Jr. et al, the Office of the Solicitor General (OSG) tried to block
a court order calling for the inspection of military camps to ascertain the whereabouts
of Romulos Robiños, a desaparecido. The OSG, while designated to appear on behalf
of the government in litigations and legal proceedings, is however required by law to
desist in committing “any act which may tend to obstruct, pervert or impede and de-
grade the administration of justice.”112
Even when the court rules in favor of the victims, these orders are ignored, ques-
tioned or not followed to the letter by the military and police respondents.
In September 2008, the Court of Appeals (CA) granted the writ of habeas corpus
petition for the missing student- activists Sherlyn Cadapan, Karen Empeño and Man-
uel Meriño, reversing its decision made the previous year. This “change of heart” by
the court is largely due to the testimony of Raymond Manalo who was also abducted
by the AFP and was held captive for 18 months in various military camps. Manalo
escaped with his brother Reynaldo, and testified that he has met Cadapan, Empeño
and Meriño in one of the military camps he was taken in, and even witnessed the three
being tortured by the soldiers.
The CA said that “the testimony of Raymond Manalo can no longer be ignored
and brushed aside” and that “his narration and those of the earlier witnesses, taken
112 205 SCRA 816: Another role of the Solicitor General is as an officer of the Court, in which case he
is called upon “to share in the task and responsibility of dispensing justice and resolving disputes;”
therefore, he may be enjoined in the same manner that a special prosecutor was enjoined by this
Court from committing any act which may tend to “obstruct, pervert or impede and degrade the
administration of justice.”
Philippines | 93
together, constitute more than substantial evidence warranting an order that the three
be released 113.” The court, however, denied inspection of places and production of
documents that could further shed light on the whereabouts of the missing. The mili-
tary still refused to admit having the three under their custody.
A breakthrough lead
In August 2007, brothers Raymond and Reynaldo Manalo, also victims of abduction
and enforced disappearance on February 14, 2006, were able to escape from their mili-
tary captors. According to Raymond’s 21-page affidavit, he and his brother, Reynaldo,
were, at some point in their incommunicado detention, tortured and inhumanely treat-
ed together with Manuel Merino, Sherlyn Cadapan and Karen Empeño at the 24th
IBPA114 camp in Limay, Bataan. According to his testimony, he witnessed in that camp
the killing of Manuel Merino and the soldiers burned Merino’s body at the perimeter
near the camp. Witnesses whom Karapatan would later interview said that in Septem-
ber 2007, a month after the escape of the Manalo brothers, the military left this camp
in Limay, Bataan, burning some things in the process, using bulldozers in destroying
traces of evidence that the place was used as a military camp.
After a thorough study of Manalo’s affidavit, Karapatan’s search team was able to
locate the abandoned camp of the 24th IBPA. On October 14 and 15, 2008, Karapatan
in cooperation with the Commission on Human Rights (CHR)115 conducted the exca-
vation of the place and the team was able to dig about 5-7 pieces of human bones on
the exact location where, according to Raymond, Manuel Merino’s body was burned.
A bone specialist from the University of the Philippines attested that the bones belong
to a human.
These evidences were submitted to the Supreme Court as part of the on-going peti-
tion for review on the case of the Cadapan-Empeno-Merino case. Sadly, it has been
over a year, but the case seems to be frozen at the Supreme Court.
Despite having the cases of the disappeared stalled and at the mercy of the Supreme
Court, the Manalo testimony and other information gathered at the excavation may
be proof that the military is behind the spate of killings and abductions and enforced
disappearances.
As much as Karapatan and its member organizations would want to conduct
in-depth investigations such as this, its limited number of personnel and even more
113 Evangeline (2008).

114 Infantry Battalion of the Philippine Army
115 http://www.chr.gov.ph/
limited logistic and financial resources does not permit it to do so. Karapatan is grate-
ful for the support of other human rights advocates and professionals who have lent
their services for little cost, and the assistance of the CHR, whose present leadership is
sympathetic to the plight of the victims and their families.
Presenting a member organization of KARAPATAN:

The Children’s Rehabilitation Center: Working with children
Karapatan is a network and umbrella organization of various human rights organizations. Strong
and close coordination between and among Karapatan members ensure that the needs of the vic-
tims’ families are immediately and comprehensively responded to. Health aspects are coordinated
with Health Action for Human Rights while psycho-social needs, particularly of the children are
coordinated with the Children’s Rehabilitation Center116.
The CRC’s services are given importance because it is very common that the effects of the human
rights violations on children are rarely noticed immediately. This is because in times of family
crisis, they are often “shielded” from the problems. Particularly in cases of human rights viola-
tions involving family members, children (particularly young ones) are not involved in the various
processes, from the legal procedures to other course of action such as justice-seeking/reparation or
advocacy. At other times, adults are just too busy following up cases of and/or looking for missing
loved ones and/or finding means for economic survival.
Thus, the effects of the human rights abuses, particularly grave violations such as extra-judicial
killings and enforced disappearances, on children go undetected until more serious behavioral ef-
fects are gleaned. This is the only time that the services of child-focused organizations are sought.
Unwittingly, children are deprived of their right to participate in processes that can actually fa-
cilitate their healing.
Many of the families of Desaparecidos have also been through CRC’s program, not only for
children but for adults as well. Their programs not only concentrate on processing grief and
longing for the missing loved ones and on adjusting to a different family life. CRC also ensures
that children are also aware of the whole human rights context and are able to learn life skills
that will enable them to be part of the whole family’s quest for justice. More importantly, the
psycho-social program instills in the children the importance of collective and organized effort
towards seeking justice.
Beyond grief
Our sadness and longing for the missing have turned into flames of struggle and cries
for justice. We found some ways to transform our grief into beautiful bits and pieces
of memories of our loved ones.
Initiated by the Services desk of KARAPATAN, some members of Desaparecidos
were able to attend psychosocial therapies. It is in this kind of gatherings that we re-
alize that one’s grief is in some way the same with other families yet also different in
some levels. We somehow understood each other.
116 See: www.childrehabcenter.org

Philippines | 95
I remember a colleague of mine whose father was disappeared for 20 years now and
who has been nurturing this sadness for over decades. This person had no other way
of letting this sadness transcend into healing. But through the psychosocial workshops,
this person did some kind of catharsis and let out all the grief.
There was also a fellow whose both parents have been disappeared. He was trying
with all his might the pain he was feeling for a long time until those therapies.
After a few round table sessions, the therapies evolved into psychosocial-writing
workshops.
The secretariat of the Desaparecidos had the idea to come up with a book that
would picture the victims of enforced disappearances as persons being loved by his or
her families, friends and comrades and not as evil communists that the government
portrays them to be.
We wanted the articles to be specifically written by those who personally knew
them. But the challenge was that most of our members are not writers. And most had
difficulties in writing. This is why we came up to have a “writing cum therapy” work-
shop.
With the collaboration of Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and
Democracy and Community Medicine Foundation, the module for the writing-therapy
workshop was a success. The psychosocial therapy and the writing workshop were
merged so smoothly.
It was amazing how the poems, short stories and essays that came out from the
families of the disappeared with just basic knowledge of reading and writing shows
very vivid pictures of loneliness, happy memories and hope.
The workshop was also a challenge for families of victims who haven’t yet attended
psychosocial workshops to participate. Some actually did, but there were also other
members who were not ready to confront their feelings of loss and hopelessness.
This book, Pagtatagpo sa Kabilang Dulo: Panitikang Testimonial ng Desaparecidos
(Meeting at the Other End: Literary Testimonials of Families of the Disappeared) was
successfully launched last December 7, 2009, three days before the 45th anniversary of
the International Declaration of Human Rights.
The following poem is a bright example of the literary quality of the published writings:
Original Version in Tagalog
Salamat
Ni Ipe Soco
Hindi ko na halos maalala

Kung kalian huling nabanggit ang mga salita
Mga katagang magpapakita
Kung gaano ka sa akin kahalaga.
Sa dilim ay aandap-andap
Tuloy pa rin sa paghahanap.
Walang mahanap, walang mahagilap,
Walang ibang masabi kundi salamat.
English Translation
Thank You
By Ipe Soco
I almost could not remember

how long it was when the word was spoken
phrases that show
How important you are for me.
Though it flickers in the dark,

The search continues,
finds nothing, finds no one
Nothing else to say but thank you.
Ipe Soco, 23 years old, is the son of Gloria Soco who was disappeared together with Prudencio Calubid and
Celina Palma when they were abducted by suspected members of the military on June 26, 2006. Ipe is cur-
rently studying as a scholar of Malikhaing Pagsulat (Creative Writing) in the University of the Philippines.
Philippines | 97
References and further Information (revised May 31, 2010)
AHRCHK (2009), the State of Human Rights in the Philippines in 2009. At: http://material.ahrchk.net/
hrreport/2009/AHRC-SPR-007-2009-Philippines-HRReport2009.pdf
Alston Philip (2008), Report of the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary Execution,
Addendum, Mission to the Philippines (A/HRC/8/3/Add.2).
At: http://stopthekillings.org/stknpv2/files/A-HRC8-Philippines_Advance.pdf
Amnesty International (2007), Extrajudicial Killings in the Philippines, Strategies to end the violence.
At: http://www.amnestyusa.org/document.php?lang=e&id=ENGUSA20070314001
Anonymous (2008), Mothers of Missing Struggle on.
At: http://www.iwpr.net/report-news/mothers-missing-struggle
Desaparecidos (Eds.) (2009), Pagtatagpo sa Kabilang Dulo: Panitikang Testimonial ng Desaparecidos
(Meeting at the other End: Testimonial Literature of Desaparecisdos), Families of the Disappeared
for Justice (Desaparecidos), AVHRC: Quezon City.
de Vera, Evangeline (2008), CA to AFP: Produce 2 abducted UP studes, September 19, 2008.
At: http://www.malaya.com.ph/sep19/news1.htm
KARAPATAN (2008), 2008 End-Year Report on the Human Rights Situation in the Philippines.
At: http://www.karapatan.org/files/2008_Karapatan_HR_Report_(updated).pdf
KARAPATAN (2009), Oplan Bantay Laya. Blueprint for Terror and Impunity.
At: http://www.karapatan.org/2009-HR-Report
Melo, Jose A. R. et al. (2007): Report of the independent Commission to Address Media and Activist
Killings. At: http://www.pinoyhr.net/reports/meloreport.pdf
Salamat, Marya (2010), Undeclared Martial Law: The violations of Fundamental Rights in the Philippines,
global research, Jan 4, 2010.
At: http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=16759
Republic of the Philippines Supreme Court Manila (2007b), Writ of Amparo:
http://sc.judiciary.gov.ph/RULE_AMPARO.pdf
Republic of the Philippines Supreme Court Manila (2008), Writ of Habeas Data A.M. No. 08-1-16-SC.
At: http://sc.judiciary.gov.ph/rulesofcourt/2008/jan/A.M.No.08-1-16-SC.pdf
Republic of the Philippines Supreme Court Manila, Writ of Habeas Corpus, Rule 102:
http://sc.judiciary.gov.ph/rulesofcourt/RULES%20OF%20COURT.htm#rule_102
United Nations General Assembly (2006a), International Convention for the Protection of All Persons
from Enforced Disappearance.
At: http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/disappearance-convention.htm
And They Shall Cry No More…

Enforced Disappearances in the Philippines
and the Struggle for Truth and Justice
Co-authored by the Families of Victims of Involuntary Disappearance (FIND);
the Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD);
Rev. Fr. Ben Moraleda, Ms. Josephine Callejo, Dr. Benito Molino, M.D.
and Ms. Dianne S. Reyes
Disappearances – Never An Issue of The Past Only

“Please help us, Madam. Our son disappeared. He was only catching frogs when he
was forcibly taken. He did not commit any crime.” Jose and Cleofas Sanchez, an Aeta117
couple from Mabalacat, Pampanga, appealed to President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo
(GMA) to help them find their son, Nicolas, who disappeared on 18 September 2006.
They are among the many family members of the disappeared whose loved ones were
forcibly taken away from them by alleged agents of the state under the GMA admin-
istration. The Families of Victims of Involuntary Disappearance (FIND) has recorded
299 reported cases of enforced disappearances under this present administration, that
is from the period January 2001 up to the present. The Sanchez couple personally
pleaded to President Arroyo in a meeting with FIND and the Asian Federation Against
Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD) in Malacañang Palace on 14 January 2010.
In this meeting, President Arroyo favorably responded to the request of FIND and
AFAD for the immediate enactment of an anti-disappearance law and the signing and
ratification of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from En-
forced Disappearance118 (hereinafter referred to as The Convention). Unlike the Philippine
117 The Aeta (pronounced as “eye-ta,”), Agta or Ayta are an indigenous people who live in scattered,
isolated mountainous parts of Luzon, Philippines. They are considered to be Negritos, who are dark
to very dark brown skinned and tend to have features such as a small stature, small frame, curly to
kinky hair with a higher frequency of naturally lighter hair color (blondism) relative to the general
population, small nose, and dark brown eyes. They are considered to have been the original settlers
of the Philippines. Accessed from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aeta.
118 The United Nations Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance is
a treaty of universal scope, which will be legally binding for states that ratify it. It specifies obliga-
tions of states in order to prevent and suppress the practice of enforced disappearance. The Conven-
tion establishes the non-derogable right of everyone not to be subjected to enforced disappearance.
Accessed from http://www.afad-online.org (A Primer on the UN Convention for the Protection of All
Persons from Enforced Disappearance by AFAD, 2009)
Philippines | 99
House of Representatives which approved the proposed law on third and final reading in
both the previous and the current Fourteenth Congress, the Senate has always failed to
pass the measure. To date, the bill has not been certified as urgent and the Convention
remains unsigned. The families of the disappeared have no choice but to intensify their
lobby for the bill’s enactment into law in the upcoming Fifteenth Congress.
Looking back, the first meeting of AFAD and FIND with the president was held on
the eve of the International Day of the Disappeared on 29 August 2001, a few months
after her assumption of the presidency. During the meeting she promised that no case
of enforced disappearance would occur during her administration. With that positive
note, the delegation brought to the president’s attention the still unresolved cases of
enforced disappearances in the previous administrations of Marcos, Aquino, Ramos
and Estrada. The president promised that in her administration there would be no
single case of enforced disappearance. The delegation further lobbied for the Philippine
government’s support to the then United Nations Draft Convention for the Protection
of All Persons from Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances and the enactment of
the anti-enforced disappearance bill. The president, who responded that the Philip-
pine government would support the international treaty and would enact a domestic
law criminalizing enforced disappearance, referred the delegation to then Vice Presi-
dent and Secretary of Foreign Affairs, Teofisto Guingona who likewise promised to do
something concrete to fulfill the president’s commitment.
Nine years later, contrary to the president’s earlier pronouncements, extrajudicial
killings and enforced disappearances remain unabated.
This has prompted the United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary
Disappearances (UNWGEID) to officially request a second visit to the country119. To
note, the Working Group visited the country in 1990 and made recommendations, a
number of which still remain to be implemented. In an official request dated 24 May
2006 120, the UNWGEID asked for an official invitation from the Philippine govern-
ment which it followed up on 3 April 2008. To date, the Philippine government has
not responded to the request121.
119 21 UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances’ 2009 Report to the UN Human
Rights Council’s 3th Session held in March 2010, Agenda Item 3 (A/HRC/13/31), pp. 89-90.
120 United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances’ 2009 Report to the
United Nations Human Rights Council on its 13th session held in March 2010, Agenda Item 3
121 United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances’ 2009 Report to the
United Nations Human Rights Council on its 13th session in March 2010
The United Nations Special Rapporteur on Extra-Judicial Killings, Mr. Philip Alston,
was invited by the Philippine government to look into cases of extra-judicial killings,
which are closely related with enforced disappearances. In many cases, victims are first
disappeared before they are extralegally killed. To quote an excerpt from Alton’s report
to the UN Human Rights Council in March 2007, “The impact of my visit, although
I have not yet completed my final report, has been deeply schizophrenic. On the one
hand, the President has taken a range of positive initiatives, many of which I list in
my preliminary note to the Council. On the other hand, the military and many key
officials have buried their collective heads in the sand and announced that business will
continue as usual.”
The visit of Mr. Alston to the country on 12-21 February 2007 122, which confirmed
cases of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances, prompted the Philippine
Supreme Court to convene a National Consultative Summit on Extra-Judicial Killings
and Enforced Disappearances: Seeking Solutions on 16-17 July 2007. This was fol-
lowed by a two-year nationwide education campaign on the issue of extrajudicial kill-
ings and disappearances initiated and conducted by the highest tribunal among the
members of the judiciary in major cities of Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao.
In a presentation before the National Consultative Summit, KARAPATAN dis-
closed that it had documented 188 cases of enforced disappearance for the period
2001-2007. This figure has since risen to 205.
One of these cases is the well publicized disappearance of Jonas Burgos, 37, a peasant
organizer who was forcibly taken by four unidentified men and a woman at Hapag
Kainan Restaurant on 28 April 2007. Despite the filing of separate petitions for the
writs of habeas corpus and amparo and the victim’s mother’s relentless search for her
son, the victim is nowhere to be found. The case has been personally filed by Edita
Burgos, the victim’s mother, before the UNWGEID. The Philippine National Police,
alleged to have been responsible for the disappearance, completely denies responsibil-
ity and on the contrary, accused the victim of being a member of the New People’s
Army. The red labeling has confirmed the fear that the case will be consigned to the
dustbin of unresolved disappearances in the country.
Apart from the Burgos case, other prominent unresolved disappearances under the
GMA administration include those of University of the Philippines students Karen
Empeno and Sherlyn Cadapan; James Balao, former Chairperson of the Cordillera
122 The Alston Report is the Report of the Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary
Execution (A/HRC/8/3/Add.2), Mr. Philip Alston who visited the Philippines on February 12-21,
2007 to investigate alleged cases of extrajudicial killings, including enforced disappearances.
Philippines | 101
People’s Alliance, who disappeared in 2008, the Manalo brothers and the Melissa
Roxas, et.al. case.
In a presentation by the FIND before the 2007 National Consultative Summit, the
following data were presented:
1. As of June 2007, there have been 2,023 reported victims of disappearance nation-
wide (since 1971);
2. The Marcos regime registered the biggest number of reported disappearances at
855;
3. Most victims originate from the basic sectors: farmers (820), workers (254) and
youth (149);
4. The AFP registered the highest number of involvement in disappearance cases (1,040)
followed by the defunct Philippine Constabulary (PC-INP) (225) and Marcos’ Inte-
grated Civilian Home Defense Force (ICHDF) (146);
5. Majority of the victims are between 16 and 25 years of age (482) followed by those
between 26 and 35 years old (409); 498 have no age record;
6. The top three regions with the most number of victims are: Western Visayas (327),
Western Mindanao (193), Southern Mindanao (181);
7. The period 1983-1985 (peak of the mass protests against the Marcos dictatorship)
recorded the highest number of disappearances followed by the period 1987-1989
(period of the Aquino Administration’s total war policy);
8. FIND has exhumed 81 remains of victims nationwide.
In as far as cases of the present administration are concerned, FIND’s list has length-
ened as it has recorded 299 reported cases of enforced disappearances since 2001.
Thus, from the data of both KARAPATAN and FIND, it is evident that disappear-
ances from the past administrations to the present remain unresolved. Perpetrators
enjoy the privilege of impunity.
In response to this alarming phenomenon, the government established Task Force
Usig123 and later, the Melo Commission124 in order to look into cases of extra-judicial
execution and enforced disappearances. Despite these bodies’ confirmation of extra
123 The Task Force Usig was formed by the Philippine National Police (PNP) to investigate cases of
unexplained killings and enforced disappearances.
124 The Melo Commission was formed by the President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo in August 2006 in
order to look into the spate of politically related killings after local and international clamor, submit-
ted the 89-page report of the commission to the president but the findings have not yet been made
public. Accessed from http://en.wikinews.org/wiki/Philippine_commission_holds_retired_general_
responsible_for_killings
judicial killings and enforced disappearances, President Arroyo heaped praises on

General Jovito Palparan Jr. who was implicated in many human rights violations.
Notwithstanding the promulgation of the rule on the writ of amparo125 by the
Supreme Court on 24 October 2007, the writ’s efficacy remains to be proven since it
failed to resolve the internationally-condemned Burgos case, among others.
In an attempt to analyze the roots of enforced disappearance, it is important to note
that the Philippines has the longest running insurgency in the world. Stemming from a
situation of poverty and social injustice, enforced disappearance has been and contin-
ues to be used as a tool to stifle dissent. It is part of the government’s anti-insurgency
campaign dubbed as the Oplan Bantay Laya126. It is for this reason that despite govern-
ment’s pronouncements that it is addressing enforced disappearances by proposing to
criminalize the offense as well as supporting the Convention, enforced disappearances
remain unabated. Moreover, government security forces who are held accountable for
this heinous offense are the main stumbling block to the enactment of an anti-enforced
disappearance law and the signing and ratification of the Convention. Were it not for
the objections of these alleged perpetrators, the Philippines would have been the first
Asian country to have passed an anti-enforced disappearance law and would have been
the first Southeast Asian country to have ratified the Convention.
In the 2008 Universal Periodic Review127 of the Philippines by the UN Human
Rights Council, the government boasted of its improved human rights record, unmind-
ful of the still suffering families of the disappeared from the dark years of the Marcos
dictatorship to the present GMA administration.
125 The Writs of Amparo and Habeas Data are prerogative writs to supplement the inefficacy of Philip-
pine habeas corpus (Rule 102, Revised Rules of Court). Amparo means protection, while habeas
data is access to information. Both writs were conceived to solve the extensive Philippine extraju-
dicial killings and forced disappearances since 1999. Accessed from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
Writ_of_Amparo_and_Habeas_Data_(Philippines)
126 The main objective of Oplan Bantay is to destroy the NPA in 600 barangays in six regions at every
given time. But the maneuver units of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the Philip-
pine National Police (regional mobile units) have only been able to concentrate on less than 300
barangays nationwide at every given time, leaving open tens of thousands of barangays for the New
People’s Army (NPA) to operate in. Accessed from http://www.josemariasison.org
127 In its Resolution 60/251, the UN General Assembly decided that the Council will, inter alia, under-
take a Universal Periodic Review based on objective and reliable information of the fulfillment by
each State of its human rights obligations and commitments in a manner which ensures universality
of coverage and equal treatment with respect to all Member-States. The review shall be a cooperative
mechanism based on an interactive dialogue with the full involvement of the country concerned and
with consideration given to its capacity-building needs.
Philippines | 103
Continuing Offense, Continuing Commission: From Marcos To Estrada…
Marcos Regime (1965-1986)

The documentation of FIND speaks of 860 cases of involuntary disappearance during
the tyrannical and rapacious Marcos regime. These are among the thousands of human
rights violations during the martial law regime covered by a class suit filed by 10,000
victims against the Marcoses before the US Federal Court of Hawaii128. The first case of
enforced disappearance in the Philippines ever recorded by FIND was that of Professor
Charlie del Rosario, Secretary-General of the Kabataang Makabayan129 and professor
of the Polytechnic University of the Philippines who disappeared in 1971. Subsequent
cases came from the ranks of the students, labor leaders, peasant organizers and plain
rural folk who were made to disappear because of mere allegations of being sympathiz-
ers or members of the New People’s Army (NPA), the armed group of the Communist
Party of the Philippines (CPP).
They all disappeared amidst political repression that was courageously and stead-
fastly resisted by militant mass organizations and individual street parliamentarians
many of whom were forced to go underground when Marcos declared martial law on
21 September 1972.
The Marcos dictatorship which lasted for twenty-one years was brought to its end
through a non-violent uprising, now internationally known as the 1986 People Power
Revolution. The popular uprising catapulted the late President Corazon Aquino to
the presidency in February 1986. The new administration implemented democratic
reforms, released all political prisoners and restored the privilege of the writ of ha-
beas corpus. It also established a national human rights institution, i.e. the Philippine
Commission on Human Rights with the mandate to investigate cases of human rights
violations.
128 The Marcos human rights litigation is a class action lawsuit filed in behalf of 9,539 Filipinos who
were tortured, summarily executed, or disappeared during the Marcos dictatorship. This was filed
in 1986 in the United Stales pursuant to the Alien Tort Act. The US court had jurisdiction over
Marcos at that time because he had fled to Hawaii and therefore was in US territory. Conversely, the
Philippine court had no jurisdiction over him at that time for the same reason. Accessed from http://
www.claimants1081.worldpress.com/about
129 Kabataang Makabayan is one of the national democratic underground mass organizations under the
National Democratic Front composed of students and out-of-school youths. It was at the forefront
of rallies and demonstrations during the Martial Law regime before it went underground.
Aquino Administration (1986-1992)

Contrary to the expectations of human rights activists, the downfall of the more than
two decades of the tyrannical and rapacious Marcos regime failed to end enforced
disappearances in the country. In 1991, upon the invitation of the Aquino adminis-
tration, the United Nations Working Group on Enforced Disappearances visited the
country. Such visit confirmed cases of enforced disappearances both during the Marcos
regime and the succeeding Aquino administration. The following were the recommen-
dations of the UNWGEID to the Philippine government130.

1. Severe the national police from the army and put the police under a different
cabinet minister in order to reduce the power in the area of maintenance of public
order in the hands of one single body;
2. Disband the Citizen Armed Force Geographical Unit (CAFGU) – as also recom-
mended by the International Labor Organization, the Peace Commission, the Senate
Committee on Justice and Human Rights and various NGOs – or at least restrict
their deployment to defensive action under the supervision of the army in which
strict discipline should be enforced;
3. Introduce legislation to narrow powers of arrest by strictly circumscribing which
category of public officials may arrest civilians for which offences, in case the
Supreme Court has no immediate occasion to review its rulings on warrantless
arrests;
4. Introduce legislation that should provide for civil action against military and po-
lice personnel for all offenses involving civilians;
5. Prosecute those responsible for disappearances and take severe disciplinary mea-
sures against officers who have failed to enforce adequate measures to prevent
disappearances;
6. Fight actively against the practice of “red labeling”;
7. Establish regional and central registers of arrest in order to facilitate the search for
missing persons;
8. Pursue even more vigorously the clarification of disappearances;
9. Initiate a thorough overhaul of both the law and practice of habeas corpus; and
10. Protect witnesses.
130 “The Long Road to Justice, Enforced Disappearances in the Philippines” by Francis Isaac published
in Reclaiming Stolen Lives. Quezon City, Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances,
2008
Philippines | 105
The results of the visit elicited negative reactions from the Aquino administration,
which, according to the UNWGEID, asked for the change of the latter’s composition.
The government thought that the visit was just an ordinary one but as per its mandate,
the UNWGEID conducted a fact finding mission, the findings of which also held the
newly-installed Aquino administration accountable for enforced disappearances.
Despite the temporary ceasefire between the Government of the Republic of the
Philippines and the National Democratic Front (NDF)131, the government failed to
address the roots of insurgency, which, according to the late former senator and free-
dom fighter, Jose W. Diokno, could only be eradicated through food, freedom, jobs and
justice, and to which the National Democratic Front (NDF) added land and liberation.
In fact, the restive impoverished peasants marched towards the Mendiola Plaza,
close to Malacañang Palace132 on 22 January 1987 only to be met with a hail of bullets
that killed at least twenty-one of them. This resulted in the collapse of the peace talks
and the consequent resumption of hostilities.
The fragile Aquino administration was further destabilized by seven coup attempts
instigated by the right-wing members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines. Instead
of responding to the basic needs of the people, the late president unsheathed the sword
of war against the insurgents. Thus, human rights organizations, which enjoyed rela-
tive democratic space, documented more cases of human rights violations, enforced
disappearances among them. Records of FIND reveal 821 victims during the six-year
Aquino administration.
Ramos Administration (1992-1998)

Under the following administration of General Fidel V. Ramos, FIND was able to
document only 87 cases of enforced disappearance. These occurred, notwithstanding
his being the former chief of the Philippine Constabulary (PC), which was responsible
for a large number of human rights violations during martial law.
This sharp decline in the number of disappearances could be a result of a major
step in the transition from dictatorship to “elite democracy.” It is important to note
131 The National Democratic Front is a coalition of far left leaning political parties, agricultural unions,
trade unions, and other related groups in the Philippines. The front has controversial members, like
the Communist Party of the Philippines, which has its own military wing, the New People’s Army.
The Communist Party of the Philippines calls its participation in the NDF the National United Front
Commission. Accessed from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Democratic_Front_(Philippines)
132 Malacañang Palace, or officially, Malacañan Palace, is the official residence of the President of
the Philippines. The palace is located along the north bank of the Pasig River in Manila. It is called
Palasyo ng Malakanyang in Filipino and Malacañang Palace when referred to as the official resi-
dence of the President of the Philippines. Accessed from http://en.wikipedia.org/wikie
that Ramos initiated a long-term negotiation process with armed rebel groups such
as the NDF and the right-wing Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM)133 and
the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF)134. All these initiatives, however, failed
to facilitate an end to the three decade insurgency of the NDF but, it expedited the
reintegration of the RAM rebel soldiers and the forging of a peace accord with the
MNLF.
In so far as human rights are concerned, Ramos initiated a dialogue with human
rights organizations on 10 December 1992. One of the results was the creation of a
body called the Fact Finding Committee on Involuntary Missing Persons under Memo-
randum Order No. 88 issued on 8 February 1993. The body was tasked to determine
the whereabouts of all desaparecidos and identify the perpetrators. The said body was
also tasked to recommend to the President an indemnification package to the desapa-
recidos’ next of kin.
The Committee that was headed by the Commission on Human Rights and com-
posed of the Department of Justice, the Department of National Defense, the Armed
Forces of the Philippines, the National Bureau of Investigation and FIND, failed mis-
erably to concretize its noble intentions. It did not produce any report and its demise
came sooner than expected.
Estrada Administration (1998-2001)

The administration of former actor President Joseph Estrada was short-lived. For rea-
sons of corruption and malfeasance, President Estrada was ousted from Malacanang
Palace by another people power revolution popularly dubbed as EDSA II. He was
replaced by then Vice President Gloria-Macapagal Arroyo.
In the aborted term of Estrada, only 58 cases were documented. 42 of the victims
were surfaced alive while three were found dead. Had Estrada finished his term until
2003, the number of cases during his administration might have risen.
133 In 1983, the year of crisis resulting from the Benigno Aquino assassination, members of the Philippine
Military Academy class of 1971 formed the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM). Notable
among its leaders was the chief of Enrile’s security detail, Colonel Gregorio “Gringo” Honasan.
RAM first demonstrated against corruption in the armed forces in 1985, while Marcos was presi-
dent. Most RAM officers, including Honasan, have not supported a political ideology. They viewed
themselves as protectors of the people against corrupt, incompetent civilians. Others espoused an
agenda with a populist, or even leftist tone. By 1990, RAM was said to no longer stand for Reform
the Armed Forces Movement but rather for Rebolusyonariong Alyansang Makabayan or Revolution-
ary Nationalist Alliance. Accessed from http://www.country-data.com/cgi-bin/query/r-10496.html
134 The Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) is a political organization in the Philippines. It is
accredited by the Organization of Islamic Conference, which allows it to represent Moro people with
an observer status. Currently, the group is the ruling party of the Autonomous Region in Muslim
Mindanao. Accessed from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moro_National_Liberation_Front
Philippines | 107
Searching for Truth and Justice

“Testimonies of families of desaparecidos, whether in small or big groups, tell that
their first reaction upon knowing the disappearance of a loved one was to look for
her/him at once. Not even the peak of harsh repression of the late dictator Ferdinand
Marcos barred the families from their search. The effort to search speaks of hope that
the missing loved ones could still be alive. But amidst the daring and untiring search
for their missing kin, the families are faced with a blank wall. The skeletons inside the
closet of the perpetrators of disappearances are so secretly kept that the families of
the victims are helpless. Nothing was heard of many desaparecidos since the day they
disappeared.135”
In searching for truth and justice, FIND has implemented five basic programs: 1) Search
and Documentation; 2) Organizing and Education; 3) National and International Ad-
vocacy; 4) Welfare and Rehabilitation; and 5) Livelihood Development. A children’s
rights and welfare component is integrated into each of these programs.
A reliable report of a person’s disappearance which is validated by an efficient and
persistent investigation during which protection is provided to the people involved
in the search is a prerequisite for search work. The search is made in military camps,
police stations, other detention and confinement facilities, hospitals, including morgues
and funeral parlors. During the search, reports are submitted to relevant government
agencies and local and international non-government organizations; personal connec-
tions with government authorities are tapped; petitions for the writs of habeas corpus
or amparo are filed before the courts; and assistance is sought from the Philippine
Commission on Human Rights.
If found alive, the victim is given physical, medical, legal and extra-legal assistance
and psychosocial support. If perceived or suspected dead, the leads to possible burial
sites are relentlessly pursued. If actually found dead, the victim is given a decent burial
which also follows exhumations of skeletal remains.
One of the many ways to search for the disappeared is through forensic investiga-
tion. News that a missing relative’s gravesite has been found almost always triggers an
amalgam of emotions from loved ones, relatives, friends and human rights advocates
and defenders. Personal relationships with the disappeared and the final or unexpected
discovery of the probable gravesites may affect the intensity of emotions. Thus, psy-
chological preparation of all concerned individuals and groups in the whole process of
the exhumation is necessary.
135 “Her Story,” Quezon City, Families of Victims of Involuntary Disappearance, 1998.
The process of exhumation, from data gathering to turning over of identified exhumed
remains to the rightful relatives or claimants is tedious even as it is emotionally draining.
The different exhumation stages require psychological preparations that may come in
many ways: individualized or by group, formal or non-formal, planned or unplanned.
Thus, a counselor or a health professional with experience in counseling victims and
survivors of human rights violations is part of the team and is extra-sensitive to the
emotions of the people involved in the exhumation, especially those of the relatives.
During pre-exhumation, the relatives of the missing victim are informed of the
scheduled exhumation and their support sought. Prior to seeking their support, psy-
chological preparation is necessary. Through this, the psychological readiness of the
relatives can be gauged, whether they are prepared to join the mission and/or provide
or even look for data that could help identify their missing kin. Aside from key in-
formation on the target exhumation site and relevant data about the missing victim,
support groups from relatives, friends, the community including local officials are also
important especially in the emotional preparation of the family.
Continuing psychological processing is required during the exhumation proper. The
relative’s cultural practices vis-a-vis the dead are respected. Sharing words of remem-
brances about the missing by relatives and friends is encouraged. During the whole pro-
cess of the exhumation, reactions of the relatives are keenly observed. Daily updating
by the exhumation team is shared, especially with the relatives. Debriefing is conducted
if necessary. Exhumation could have a devastating psychological effect on the relatives
that needs proper evaluation and management. The entire exhumation process is dis-
cussed with the participating relatives. Culture-based decisions and preferences of the
relatives more particularly with respect to interment practices are respected.
At the end of the retrieval process, a closing ritual is again observed. Participation
of the local leaders and people in the community is encouraged, especially if they had
personal relations with the victim or if they took pains or assisted in burying the extra-
legally killed disappeared.
Final processing of the retrieved remains may last for weeks or months. This is
another anxious waiting period for the relatives for which they are again prepared. The
result may be different from their expectations as some remains may not be positively
identified as those of their missing kin. Thus, during the post-exhumation process, the
presence of some of the relatives, especially those who could provide data that might
help in the identification process is required. If they cannot be physically present, com-
munication lines are kept open.
After the laboratory process, whether with positive or negative identification, post-
mission activities are engaged in with the waiting relatives and relatives of the still
Philippines | 109
missing victims. These activities are designed not only to facilitate the assessment of the
mission but also to determine the psychological status of the relatives and other people
involved in the mission itself. Debriefing is encouraged. This also helps psychologically
prepare relatives of other missing victims who are waiting for reliable leads to the
whereabouts of their loved ones.
Healing the Wounded

The spontaneous idea of the core group members of FIND in banding themselves into
an organization of families of the disappeared two decades and a half ago was in
itself an openness to eventual healing. Psychosocial work through therapy sessions for
sub-groupings of family members, e.g. wives, children, and elderly parents of the dis-
appeared was later adopted. Another sub-group of FIND is the surfaced disappeared
– those who were found alive and who are the living testimonies to the cruelty of
enforced disappearance.
Families of victims of enforced disappearance experience losing their loved ones
much differently from those whose loss is brought about by death. The latter are able
to grieve immediately even in public, and after laying the dead to rest gradually, albeit
not easily, recover from the pain of loss. Unlike these families, families of desapare-
cidos are tormented by the uncertainty of the fate and whereabouts of their missing
kin – whether they are still alive but are relentlessly subjected to inhuman and degrad-
ing treatment or have already been tortured to death and unceremoniously dumped
in unmarked graves they know not where. Yet their anguish may swing to hope that
their loved ones may miraculously surface and be reunited with them. The families’
crucifixion between hope and despair may eventually veer more toward the latter as
the period of disappearance lengthens into weeks, months and years. In a number of
cases, this anxiety may degenerate into clinical depression or worse psychosis that may
require psychiatric intervention. This is the case of an Aeta mother of a disappeared
who is now under psychiatric care.
Coping mechanisms of families vary. There are those who are able to accept the loss in
a relatively short period of time. Others, who are not resilient, suffer from unresolved
grief and exhibit the following post-traumatic manifestations:
• Prolonged inability to accept the disappearance of their loved ones;
• Continuous yearning for the disappeared;
• Persistent flashbacks, recurrent nightmares, intrusive memories;
• Constant feeling that the disappeared is always present and watching over their
family;
• Guilt over acts and omissions concerning the disappeared;

• Extreme anger, sadness, depression or anxiety manifested by: impaired functioning
or inability to perform daily routines, sleep disturbance, apathy, loss of interest in
one’s work or in living, chronic tiredness, feelings of worthlessness or hopelessness,
isolation, paranoid thoughts; and
• Psychosomatic ailments
There are family members who cannot move on as they continue to wait and hope that
the disappeared would come back. Others rage over the elusiveness of justice as the
perpetrators (of the disappearance) remain unpunished.
Most families of the disappeared suffer economic dislocation more particularly if
the disappeared person was the sole breadwinner of the family. Wives are suddenly
burdened with raising their children alone; parents, especially the elderly are deprived
of children who will take care of them as they grow older; and the children are denied
of the love and care that the disappeared parent used to shower them with. Most of
these children are forced to quit schooling and look for odd jobs to enable them to
augment the family’s meager resources.
In view of these tremendous impacts of disappearance on the family, FIND had to
devise psychosocial interventions that are appropriate to the unique situations of indi-
vidual families or aggregates of family members on the basis of positions in the family,
i.e. wives, parents/elderly, or children.
The various psychosocial interventions seek to:

• Enable family members to release feelings associated with grief;
• Overcome lingering pain;
• Prevent psychological trauma or prolonged grief;
• Create a support group;
• Learn and acquire tools and exercises to promote well being of “self”;
• Develop the habit of tapping inner resources; and
• Energize and empower themselves.
Among the techniques/activities employed are:

• Self-awareness activities such as personality types and temperament seminar-work-
shops;
• Expressive therapy, e.g. drawing, poetry reading, essay writing, painting, role play-
ing, various techniques using symbols as tools for self-awareness;
• Relaxation exercises and guided visualization;
Philippines | 111
• Value formation and visual (painting, drawing) and theater arts therapy for the
children of the disappeared;
• Writing letters to the disappeared;
• “Empty chair exercise” wherein the disappeared is imagined to be sitting on the
chair and talked with by the family members;
• Group-sharing of experiences and expression of feelings about the kin’s disappear-
ance; and
• Group-sharing focusing more on present situation than on past experiences accord-
ing to the preference of family members.
Among the results of the above psychosocial activities are:

• “Letting go” or feeling of relief, absence of or reduction in the “heaviness in their
hearts”;
• Ability to cry freely;
• Better understanding of oneself and others;
• Deeper understanding of and determination to pursue the causes fought for by the
disappeared;
• Openness or ease in communicating with others, even cheerfulness;
• Drawing strength from other families.
A separate psychosocial work is employed on survivors or reappeared victims. This is

designed primarily to help them overcome the chilling and debilitating effects of various
forms of torture. These cruel and degrading acts have traumatized some victims and
others become perpetually fearful even as they ironically develop distrust on govern-
ment security forces. Others bear permanent physical marks of torture. A number have
deepened their involvement in the movement for social change and have in fact actively
involved themselves in the campaign to end torture and enforced disappearance.
From 31 May to 02 June 2005, FIND gathered eighteen survivors from different
parts of the country to a psychosocial conference. The following are excerpts from the
conference’s narrative documentation:
“…but it was especially so for the victims, who for a certain period have “disap-
peared” even from themselves and have since struggled to move on with their lives,
some successfully but most with tentativeness signifying unresolved issues hanging
specter-like from their past.
“It was an intensive three-day gathering of storytelling and fellowship done
through rituals, group dynamics, small-group sharing and workshops towards that
sought-after healing into which all the participants enthusiastically poured their
creative and practical energies. It was the beginning step towards understanding that
one defining moment in their lives so that acceptance and healing might eventually
occur.
“FIND invited two experts, Rev. Fr. Ben Moraleda and Ms. Lally Abainza, in
the field of trauma counseling and therapy. They enjoined the participants to create
through this gathering a “safe space” with which to face up to their experiences while
accepting each other as companions in this journey of self-discovery. They were also
reminded that there are lessons that may be plumbed from their well of pain, lessons
that will enrich others not only themselves. The facilitators were on hand to explain in
theory the process of self-discovery. However, they, the participants, will eventually be
the ones to heal themselves that they may go forward with their lives.
“The facilitators introduced the novelty of this activity by explaining that the most
important objective of the group is for all the participants to be able to accept the gath-
ering as a “safe place” to tell their stories, and each other as companions in the journey
of remembering, and, hopefully, understanding and moving on.
“The main processes were divided into two: the deepening of the individual and
group processes and the integration of the individual and group processes. The activities
were not strictly structured but were free-flowing to a point to allow the participants to
feel comfortable enough to share, not only their experiences but more importantly, the
feelings and emotions that accompanied the experience. Small-group workshops and
group plenary sessions were held for individual re-telling of stories. Creative activities
such as clay art workshops and freestyle drawing were adapted to aid the participants
in the process of remembering and identifying “defining moments” of their experi-
ences. Questions such as
What do I remember of the experience?

What were my emotions at the time?
What are the important things in my life now?
What are my strengths and positive qualities?
What are the symbols of my life?
What are my hopes and visions for the future?
What can FIND do for me and what can I offer to the group?
These helped to guide the participants in their creative workshops. These were inter-
spersed with community singing and centering exercises such as body prayer, chi gong
and meditations. The participants also relaxed through shiatsu massage in-between
sessions given by some of their colleagues.
Philippines | 113
“Fr. Ben Moraleda spoke about psychological trauma that he defined as the impact of
an extreme stress or critical incident on an individual’s psychological and biological
functioning and the resulting helplessness and isolation are the core experiences of
trauma. An individual affected by such needs to effectively reconnect with society and
feel empowered to take charge of his/her life in order to successfully recover from trauma.
He further explained that three stages constitute recovery: one, re-establishment of
safety; two, remembrance and mourning; and three, reconnection and empowerment.
The gathering is supposed to create the “safe place” for remembering and through the
process of re-telling their stories, meaning-giving to the experience will ensue, thus
renewing relationships and planning for the future will occur.”
The Samahan ng Mga Anak ng Desaparecidos (SAD) or Association of Children of the

Disappeared formed a theater group, both for the purpose of rehabilitation as well as
for projecting the phenomenon of enforced disappearances to the general public. Dur-
ing the 1993 campaign of Amnesty International Against Political Killings and Disap-
pearances, the SAD theater group toured eight European countries to tell their stories
through the power of theater. This was followed by a series of performances in The
Netherlands two years later during the World Scouts Jamboree. To date, children have
grown up and have been replaced by younger children, some of whom are grandchil-
dren of the disappeared. It should be borne in mind that the children and the children’s
children are potential actors in this long-drawn struggle against impunity136.
The families of the disappeared in the Philippines also participated in the regional
effort of the AFAD towards integral healing and empowerment. Thus, both on the
regional and national levels, in the spirit of friendship and solidarity, selected members
of FIND underwent collective healing with other Asian family members of the disap-
peared through the AFAD-sponsored therapy program – “Healing Wounds, Mending
Scars137.”
And they shall cry no more…

So deep is the wound that healing takes time. Integral healing comes with the much-
desired social transformation which facilitates truth, justice, redress and the recon-
struction of the historical memory of those who shall never ever be forgotten. May the
families of the disappeared live to witness the day when they shall cry no more.
136 Beyond Disappearance: Chronicles of Courage. Quezon City: Families of Victims of Involuntary
Disappearance, 2006
137 Healing Wounds, Mending Scars. Quezon City: Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappear-
ances, 2005
| 115
Enforced
Disappearances
as a Legacy
of Dictatorship
or Occupation
| 117
Indonesia
118 | Enforced Disappearances as a Legacy of Dictatorship or Occupation
Disappearances, Exhumation
and Psychosocial Intervention
Caught between looking to the Future
and remembering the Past
By Ari Yurino, Bedjo Untung, Putri Kanesia and Rini Kusnadi
The history and political background of disappearances

Forced disappearances are politically motivated and perpetrated by the state138. His-
torically, it was Adolf Hitler who committed this crime for the first time by issuing the
Night and Fog Decree (Nacht und Nebel Erlass) on December, 7th, 1941. The decree
became the basis for kidnapping those “endangering the security” in German occupied
territories. People were taken in secret and vanished without a trace. After World War
II, it became the (secret) policy of governments, which was carried out systematically
in order to silent political opponents.139
In Indonesia, the practice started in 1965, when the purge against the PKI (Com-
munist Party of Indonesia) killed between 1 and 3 million. The number of people
disappeared also increased along with the number of agrarian conflicts, which provid-
ed the background for agrarian reform in 1983-1984. Subsequently, other cases that
involved disappearances include the Tanjung Priok incident in 1984, the Talangsari
shooting in Lampung in 1989, and the attack on PDI’s (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia/
the Indonesian Democratic Party) head office in 1996. The years 1997-1998 saw the
growth of the struggle against an authoritarian government and also the disappearance
of several pro-democracy activists.
In conflict areas, such as Aceh, Papua and Maluku, hundreds were forcefully dis-
appeared. After DOM (Daerah Operasi Militer/Military Operations Area) status was
declared in Aceh in 1989 until it was revoked in 1998, the record says 392 people were
disappeared. In Papua, from 1971 to 2001, 23 were disappeared by the military for
suspicion of affiliation to the Organisasi Papua Merdeka (Independent Papua Orga-
138 See the definition of enforced disappearance in the International Convention for the Protection of All
Persons from Enforced Disappearance (2006).
139 See: Mugiyanto in MM Billah in Introduction: Enforced Disappearences as a Crime Againts Humanity,
IKOHI, 2004
Indonesia | 119
nization). In early 2001 in Maluku, 2 members of the Bantuan Komunikasi Swadaya

were taken in a military sweeping.
All of the disappearances occurred because of the political condition of the time. In
addition to eliminating the communist ideology in 1965-1966, the New Order regime140
also carried out the practice after 1966 to maintain security and stability. Relevant to
this is the regime’s effort to create a favourable condition for foreign investment, as
part of the shift to economic liberalism. This system brought Indonesia poverty and
inequality and resulting protests made the New Order respond by committing human
rights violations. Every “disturbance” to the consolidation or distribution of capital
under this system was dealt with and then “disappeared” by the military.
The government then denied the acts and any responsibility thereof. The incidents
were covered up and horrific details were never found in history books even after the
fall of the New Order. If ever mentioned, the victims were portrayed as people that
deserved the inhumane treatment. As a result, the victims and their families are still
experiencing discrimination to this day, but the perpetrators are free and exempt from
punishment.
The effort to bring back the memory is hampered by the government’s “look to the
future and put the past behind” campaign. Every “settlement” is unfair and justice is
still far from the victims’ reach.
Political Background
Many disappearances took place between 1965 and 1998. Those disappeared were
victims of the political circumstance, although not all of them were activists or politi-
cally active.
The 1965-1966 Massacre

Background: the uprooting of communism.
The 1965-1966 mass violence not only resulted in millions killed, but also many peo-
ple were forcefully disappeared. The victims, who were mostly suspected members or
supporters of PKI (Partai Komunis Indonesia/the Indonesian Communist Party), were
taken by the army or army supported civilian groups in many operations, and their
whereabouts were not known afterwards. This was done to uproot the PKI and to
eradicate the communist political ideology in the transition to the New Order.
140 “New Order” was the term used by Soeharto to characterize his rule in contrast to the “Old Order”
regime of Sukarno. The term “New Order” with time has become synonymous with the Suharto years
(1965–1998).
120
Victims of the 1965/66 Humani-

tarian Tragedy having a rally on
the International Human Rights
day on Dec. 10, 2009 to demand
the government to take responsi-
bility for the case of genocide of
1965/66. ©YPKP 65
Millions of civilians were arrested and tortured. The death toll can only be estimated
and lies between 1-3 million. The reason for the wide range is that there was little re-
cord keeping at the time and no serious attempt afterwards to reconstruct what had
happened.141 Organizations like the YPKP 1965/66 (Indonesian Institute for the Study
of 1965/66 Massacre) are documenting locations of mass graves and former detention
camps, and collecting the names of victims and survivors in order to find facts and evi-
dence on what happened. Indonesians were affected during this period. Some of these
people were not in fact involved with the PKI or its affiliate organizations. Many were
arrested and then set free, without understanding why they were taken in the first place.
The 1965-1966 Massacre as a gross violation of human rights is still under the in-
vestigation of Komnas HAM 142, but because of the image that the New Order planted
into the minds of the people, it is still a sensitive subject to talk about, and investigation
have not been easy. The victims were considered deserving of the treatment that the
military and the New Order subjected them to because they were atheistic communists
and anti-Pancasila143. This image is hard to alter and is even passed down to students
in school.
141 McGregor (2009).

142 The National Commission for Human Rights: www.komnasham.go.id
143 The Five Pillars national philosophy, the official foundation of the Indonesian State: 1. Believe in the
one and only God; 2. Just and civilized humanity; 3. The unity of Indonesia; 4. Democracy guided
by the inner wisdom in the unanimity arising out of deliberations amongst representatives; 5. Social
Justice for all the people of Indonesia.
121
Every Thursday at 4-5 pm the victims of violations by the state, stand silently, wearing black clothes and
umbrella, urge the state to remember its duties. ©YPKP 655
Some of the victims have established organizations, such as YPKP 65, LPKROB, LPKP
65 and Pakorba to unite the victims and to fight against legal discrimination as it is
still forbidden to study and spread information about Marxism and Leninism. Family
members of alleged communists cannot become government officers or join the armed
forces, or even marry a member of the armed forces. They get a special code on their
identity card and are not allowed to work as teachers, doctors, shadow play artists or
members of the legislature. Former political detainees also have problems retrieving
their pensions and accessing banking facilities. And they still face the intimidation of
military officers, the police and religious organizations. Of course this has to do with
the stigmatization of the victims as mentioned above.
The Petrus Operation

Background: the necessity of stability and a good investment climate.
During 1983-1984, the operation ‘Petrus’ (Penembak Misterius/Mysterious Shooter)
was responsible for summary executions of suspected criminals and claimed more than
300 lives. Others were also disappeared. They were taken without warrant by uni-
formed military/police personnel to military district offices, and then disappeared. Dur-
ing these years the government was implementing the Trilogy of Development, which
consisted of security stability, economic development and equal distribution, with the
notion that development requires foreign investment which in turn requires security
stability. Therefore, the criminals had to be eradicated, which included killing and dis-
appearing people as a form of ‘shock therapy’. In this case, “development” provided
the justification for arbitrary killing and forced disappearances. A lot of people have
forgotten about the Petrus operation or didn’t even know about it at all. Information
about it is limited and it is never mentioned in school. This case is also being investi-
gated by Komnas HAM who has formed a study team.
The Tanjung Priok and the Talangsari Cases

Background: the single ideology policy.
On September 12, 1984 the military was involved in the shooting of civilians in Tan-
jung Priok, Jakarta, which resulted in a number of people killed and wounded, as well
as ten people disappeared. In 1989, another shooting of civilians by the military hap-
pened in Talangsari, Lampung, and 218 people were declared disappeared. In those
years, the government was strengthening the single ideology policy of Pancasila to
ensure political stability and sustainability of development. The victims were Muslims
that were accused of being right wing extremists and opponents of Pancasila.
The incident occurred after a series of meetings of Qur’anic recitation and study
that also discussed the dictatorship of then President Soeharto and the totalitarian
nature of the single ideologic policy. They saw that many policies were established for
political and financial gain, but the government claimed that Pancasila was the justifi-
cation. The Muslim clerics preached against and criticized Soeharto in meetings.
The Tanjung Priok case has been “settled” through an ad hoc human rights court,
which ended up ruling that no human rights violations had occurred and freeing all of
the alleged perpetrators.
The Talangsari case is also being investigated by Komnas HAM, but the prolonged
process is difficult to bear and in both cases the victims are left alone with no solution
to their problem.
The DOM Status in Aceh and Papua

Background: the defence against separatists.
From 1989-1998, the time that DOM (Daerah Operasi Militer/Military Operations
Area) status was declared in Aceh, there were 874 recorded cases of disappearances. In
Papua, from 1971 to 2001, 23 persons were forcefully disappeared. The victims were
allegedly taken by military or police personnel from their homes or other locations and
subsequently disappeared. They were accused of being part of the respective separatist
movement.
The movements for independence and resistance of the people of Aceh and Papua
against the central government arose due to their discontent of how natural resources
in Aceh and Papua were extracted. The movements felt that the profits from there were
Indonesia | 123
unfairly distributed. The land of Aceh and Papua are rich in resources, especially gold,
oil and gas, but ironically their people are poor. The people rose up but the New Order
suppressed them with the DOM status. Even after the DOM status was revoked, the
trauma of economic injustice and military repression remains.
The Attack on 27 July, 1996 and the case against PRD

Background: the elimination of political dissenters and the sustainability of national
leadership under Soeharto.
The population’s discontent with the dictatorship of Soeharto’s administration lead to
a mass movement demanding his resignation. On July 27th, 1996, a rally was held in
front of PDI’s (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia/Indonesian Democratic Party) head office
in Jalan Diponegoro, Jakarta. But the response was a violent attack that resulted in
five dead, 149 wounded and 23 people missing until today. The attack was part of the
state’s effort to control and dominate the political elements and the civil society under
the slogan of “national unity and oneness”.
The government considered the PRD (Partai Rakyat Demokratik/the Democratic
People’s Party) as one of the organizations most responsible for the July 27th, 1996
rally. As a consequence, the PRD activists were persecuted and forcefully disappeared.
In 1998, the year when the National Consultative Assembly held its General Session
to re-elect Soeharto, a total of 14 PRD activists were captured by the “Rose Team” of
the Army’s Special Forces. Some of them came back; others remain missing to this day.
The May 1998 Riots.

Background: the sustainability of national leadership under Soeharto.
From 13 to 15 May of 1998, riots erupted in several cities in Indonesia that resulted in
the death of 1.190 people from gunfire, 27 died of other wounds and 91 people were
wounded144. The data was obtained from Tim Relawan Kemanusiaan (The Humani-
tarian Volunteers). Some government agencies issued conflicting reports145. During the
riots, YLBHI/KontraS146 received reports of 4 missing persons.
The riots erupted after an escalation of political pressure. At the time, demands
were coming from the people, especially the students, for the resignation of Soeharto
144 The Final Report of the Joint Fact-Finding Team (Tim Gabungan Pencari Fakta) for the 13 -15 May
1998 incidents.
145 The regional police had 451 dead, with no record of those wounded; the Military Area Command
had 463 dead, including security personnel, and 69 wounded; The Jakarta Special Capital Adminis-
tration reported 288 dead, and 101 wounded.
146 http://www.kontras.org/
from his presidency. However, the riots showed a pattern of planning and organiza-
tion.147 In fact, they were incited and arranged to distract the people from voicing their
demands and to condition others to demand, on the contrary, a stronger presence from
the authorities to restore order and stability.
Interestingly, almost all of the people that were disappeared had no political back-
ground nor were they involved in any political activity. They were watching malls and
markets being burned down when they were told to board military trucks never to
return.
Exhumations of victims of disappearances
The History of Excavations of Burial Sites

Since the incidents mentioned in the previous chapter, many locations were identified
as mass burial sites for victims of murder and forced disappearances. For example, the
report of the KP3T148 found seven unidentified people buried at a Muslim cemetery in
Pondok Rangon and seven others in the public cemetery of Condet.149
Unfortunately, even though many sites have been identified, excavation could not
be easily carried out. This is because the exhumation of the body of a victim of human
rights abuse cannot be conducted in the same manner as the exhumation of a victim of
a common crime. However, despite the difficulties, several excavations did take place.
The first instance was in 1998-1999 at the burial site of victims of the DOM in
Aceh. The exhumation was carried out by Baharudin Lopa who was at that time the
Secretary General of Komnas HAM. The process that was carried out in five graves in
Bukit Seuntang (approximately 41 km from the city of Lhokseumawe) found, at the
depth of 3 meters, 5 intact skulls, 12 pairs of femurs, and jaws, which were assumed
to have belonged to 12 victims. Komnas HAM also excavated one of several suspected
mass burial sites in Desa Jeumeurang, Kecamatan Kembang Tanjung, Aceh.150 The
excavation found two fertilizer sacks bound by roots, which contained two complete
human skeletons. The remains were then sent to the forensic unit of the North Suma-
tera Police that accompanied Komnas HAM.
147 The Final Report of the Joint Fact-Finding Team for the 13 -15 May 1998 incidents.
148 (Komisi Penyelidikan dan Pemeriksaan Pelanggaran Hak Asasi Manusia di Tanjung Priok/The Com-
mittee for the Investigation and Examination of Human Rights Abuse in Tanjung Priok)
149 See the Complete Report of KP3T (The Committee for the Investigation and Examination of Human
Rights Abuse in Tanjung Priok), 12 June 2000
150 See Gatra, Issue 41/IV, 29 August 1998, Aceh.
Indonesia | 125
Victims of the 1965/66 humanitarian tragedy visiting the mass graves of Pati, Central Java. Here hundreds
of innocent people were killed by military apparatus without legal process in 1965/1966. ©YPKP 65
In November 2000, YPKP 65151 together with the families of victims and the Sulidaritas
Nusa Bangsa NGO, an excavation of a suspected site in Hutan Situkup, Wonosobo,
Central Java was conducted. This was done after information was obtained from the
victim’s family members and witnesses that the victim was buried on that site, as well
as from witnesses.
The people excavating the Situkup mass grave only had written permission from
the victim’s family members given to YPKP 65, a letter of recommendation from Kom-
nas HAM and verbal permission from several agencies.152 The families did not formally
involve the police in the exhumation, although they did come to the site, but only
to observe from a distance. To assist in providing security during the exhumation, a
contingent of 15 people was sent by an Islamic youth organization (Banser), as well as
15 people from a youth guard of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI-P).
The exhumation process was done by a team of forensic scientists, led by Dr.
Handoko of the Medical Faculty of the University of Indonesia in the presence of the
family members, lawyers, members of YPKP 65 and members of the local community.
The exhumation found remains of 24 people, different personal belongings such as
a comb and a wedding ring, as well as several bullets.
The exhumation was carried out solely based on the family’s wish to transfer the
remains of the victim to a better location. As part of their faith and custom, the dead
151 Yayasan Penelitian Korban Pembantaian tahun 1965-1966/the Foundation for the Research of
Victims of the 1965-1966 Massacre. http://ypkp65.blogspot.com/
152 http://www.kontras.org/tpriok/index.php?hal=berita&id=767
must be buried properly and in a proper place. The families carried out this process
themselves because the government did not show any willingness to do it.
In the end not all the bones and skeletons were taken by the relatives of the victims.
In order to show honour and respect to the dead bodies, the YPKP65/66 wanted to re-
bury them properly on a piece of land in Temanggung Regency, Central Java, that had
been contributed by a member of the organization. They also planned to use the site
for commemoration of the tragedy later on. They asked the local public and religious
authorities – Muslims, Christians and Buddhist – the police and even the military for
permission. Unfortunately some Muslim fundamentalists opposed the ceremony open-
ly and violently. The situation escalated to such extend, that the ceremony of reburial
had to be postponed. But even after the cancellation, a mob of more or less 50 people
attacked the house where the attendants gathered before the ceremony. The mob also
attacked the cars as they tried to leave with the remains after the announcement of the
suspension. The presence of the police prevented further damage and violence.
Those bitter experiences that occurred during the process of reburial in Temang-
gung, hopefully won’t happen again. In order to avoid them, suitable and elaborate
preparation of the ceremony is necessary. Here psychosocial work could play a medi-
ating role and help to manage possible conflicts between the different actors (victims,
families, relatives, guests, human rights defenders, perpetrators, government officers,
legislators, religious community, etc.)
Another exhumation was carried out in the year 2000 for the victims of the Tanjung
Priok incident. The exhumation was done by KP3T Komnas HAM on two suspected
sites: the public cemeteries of Mengkok Sukapura and Kramat Ganceng.
In the Mengkok Sukapura public cemetery, the excavation was done on selected
locations based on the tombstones and information from the victims’ families. The
grave of Kembar Abdul Kohar was found, but two others belonging to Kastori and
M. Sidik were not.153
In the Wakaf Cemetery of Kramat Ganceng, Pondok Ranggon, East Jakarta, eight
graves were found with the remains of one person in each. This was contrary to the
information given by Rohisdam and Try Soetrisno that seven victims were buried in
the cemetery.154
What Komnas HAM did in Aceh, the victims’ families did in East Java and KP3T
Tanjung Priok at the two cemeteries: Try to uncover the truth and facts about forced
disappearances. However, the results of the excavations could not be admitted to court.
153 Komnas HAM’s Report on the Tanjung Priok Incident, 11 October 2000
154 Ibid.
Indonesia | 127
This is because the excavations were not done as part of a judicial process and there-
fore any evidences found are rendered inadmissible.
Moreover, there is a law against destroying burial grounds. In some cases, carrying
out an illegal exhumation can be considered destroying evidence, which is a criminal
offence. Furthermore, the act can even be considered obstruction of justice.155
Legal Exhumation in Indonesia

Excavation of mass burial sites is uncommon in Indonesia. Legally, the provision for
such a procedure in cases of gross violation of human rights is non-existent. For these
reasons, any exhumation process is difficult.
It is different in criminal procedures where the police can ask a forensic expert to
carry out the exhumation of human remains for autopsy. The provision is found in
Article 184 (1) of the Criminal Procedure Code. The forensic expert can also be asked
to testify in court, pursuant to Article 133 of the Code.
The request for an expert to do so would be filed in writing, with an elaboration
of the type of examination or procedure requested.156 Therefore, only those that are
permitted by law can legally carry out an exhumation.
However, the provision is inapplicable in cases of human rights violation because the
pre-investigation authority for such cases is Komnas HAM and not the police. Article
18 of the Human Rights Court Law states that “The investigation of gross human rights
violations is conducted by the National Commission of Human Rights”. The investiga-
tion rests on a different legal basis than that of an ordinary criminal investigation.
Obstacles in exhumation
Based on the above-mentioned provision, every exhumation of victims of human rights
violations must be done or must involve Komnas HAM as the only state agency man-
dated to carry out investigations of gross human rights violations. This had been done
for the 1965-1966 massacre. In this case the Chairperson of Komnas HAM issued
Resolution No. 21/KOMNAS HAM/V/2008 dated 28 May 2008 on the formation of
an ad hoc gross human rights violation investigation team for the 1965-1966 massacre,
as well as subsequent extension resolution on January 5, 2010.
Unfortunately, this agency faces many obstacles. Firstly, even though many have
pushed for the truth to be exposed and the perpetrators to be brought to justice, the
government has been unresponsive. The reports sent by Komnas HAM to the Attorney
155 Oleh Usman Hamid (2003).

156 Dahlan, Sofwan, Ilmu Kedokteran Forensik (Pedoman Bagi Dokter dan Penegak Hukum), Badan
Penerbit Universitas Diponegoro, Cet.VI, 2008
General’s Office to follow up on findings in human rights abuse cases such as the 1965
massacre, the Talangsari case, the 1997-1998 forced disappearance of activists, the
May Tragedy, the Semanggi I and II incidents and the Wasior-Wamena Papua cases,
were returned repeatedly with the same note saying that there was insufficient evi-
dence. The agencies responsible in issuing permits to carry out exhumations, the court
and the Attorney General, were silent and the development of the cases became stag-
nant. The situation is a result of the strong hold that the perpetrators still have on the
government. Those involved in the 1965 massacre and Talangsari cases are presently
holding various important positions in the current administration.
In the Talangsari case, for example, the exhumation process could not be carried
out because the Attorney General’s Office would not issue the permit allowing Komnas
HAM to excavate the crime scene. The Attorney General at that time said that an ad
hoc human rights court must be set up before a permit can be issued.
Secondly, there is no political support from the government for Komnas HAM.
It appears as though Komnas HAM is the only agency concerned, as other agencies
whose involvement is required have shown no support, not to mention the lack of sup-
port from the general public due to their lack of understanding of such cases.
Additionally, in Indonesia the stigmatization of victims, especially of the 1965/66
massacres, is still very strong, due to many years of misinformation and anti-communist
propaganda by the authoritarian regime of Soeharto. That means that the public opinion
is against the victims and against exhumation processes and it is very necessary to influ-
ence the community to stand up against the wrong paradigm of stigmas against victims.
In the exhumation in Wonosobo, YPKP 1965/66 conducted information meetings
in the local community to provide a space to discuss the upcoming exhumation process
and to reflect upon the history, especially about the 1965/66 massacres and the present
situation on a local, national and international level. The focus of the meetings was to
identify common points of departure and the advantages of an exhumation for a better
future together. Understanding what has happened is also part of the public support
campaign, as well as the process of healing trauma of victims, of survivors and of their
families.
In these meetings it was necessary to communicate the importance of community
support for the families. An analysis of the public needs and opinions was carried out
in order to meet them and integrate leaders and representatives into the community.
This integration served as a manifestation of their support.
Nevertheless government support is important for a successful exhumation process.
In the political context of Indonesia, the state does not work for the victims. An alter-
native dialogue based on politic and law is needed. Psychosocial work could operate in
Indonesia | 129
this context as a bridge between the opponents. Furthermore the role of the National
Human Rights Commissioner has to be strengthened and it’s position facing the central
government, improved.
In addition to the preparation of the community and the institutions, the victims
also need preparation. Forensic experts have to meet with the victims’ families to ex-
plain about the procedure, the finding or not finding of the dead bodies and also about
the possibility of finding traces of torture and other violations. Of course, this may
have consequences for the psychological and emotional state of the family.
Also the necessity to understand the psychological condition (rational and emo-
tional) of the victims families, the mythology, dreams, the role of the spirit of the disap-
peared person, fears, hopes, etc. should go without saying. This preparation, together
with psychosocial support is crucial for the collection of Ante-Mortem-Data, and in
the process of preparing the family to remember the violation in order to continue the
legal process after the exhumation is complete.
Civil society participation

The drawbacks of carrying out exhumations are indeed a disadvantage in exposing
the truth of gross human right violations. Nevertheless, this has not discouraged the
victims’ families and CSO to search for the truth for them selves.
The lack of political will from law enforcement officials, especially the Attorney
General’s Office, as well as the limitations of Komnas HAM, has forced the CSOs to
lead an independent and non-intrusive effort to search, gather and document informa-
tion about the mass burial grounds.
In 2008, KontraS’ investigation team went out to search for the burial grounds of
the victims of the 1965-1966 Massacre in Central Java. This was done after its local
partner organization in Solo, Central Java received information from several witnesses
about the mass murder and subsequent burial.
Based on that initial information, the team visited the witnesses and documented
their testimony. The team carried out extensive documentation and measurements of
the location of the suspected mass burial of those killed 1965-1966 massacre.
Based on the findings, the KontraS investigation team then recommended that
Komnas HAM conducts a follow up investigation and exhumation of those sites.
In Talangsari, Lampung, a local community that claimed to know for sure the
location of a mass burial site in their territory, proceeded to document the location and
marked the perimeter with wooden stakes so that it would be noticeable. They also
held activities of social reconciliation and clarified the distorted information that has
spread regarding the incident.
What KontraS, the victims’ families and other CSOs have done, is part of the effort to
expose the facts and an effort to fight forgetfulness in cases of human rights abuses.
They also continually remind the government of its unfinished duties in resolving those
cases.
Psychosocial intervention for victims of human rights abuses
Background
The term “psychosocial support” became recognized in Indonesia especially after the
Aceh tsunami disaster on December 26th, 2004. At that time, many humanitarian
organizations, both domestic and international, were present in Aceh. Many organi-
zations implemented psychosocial support programs in various forms. Consequently,
“psychosocial support” had many faces, from the more psychological leaning pro-
grams, such as counselling, to more community-based development programs. Pro-
grams varied from the simplest to the most sophisticated therapies such as EMDR (Eye
Movement Desensitization Reprocessing) and EFT (Emotion Freedom Technique) and
even income generating, clean water and sanitation programs fell under the “psychoso-
cial support” heading. The diversity was very much influenced by the type of resources
available and the expertise of the aid organization.
In practice, psychosocial intervention are activities that would fulfil the psychologi-
cal and social needs of the individual and the community, including the needs of specif-
ic groups of people (women and children) that could not be met by the same way as the
needs of the larger group. The word “psychosocial” signifies a dynamic, interdepen-
dent relationship between psychological and social factors. The psychological effects
are those seen in the changes of emotion, ability to learn, perception, understanding,
reasoning and behaviour. A person’s psychological problem can affect the social aspect
of his/her life, e.g. relationship with family, friends and community.
The “psychosocial support” method that was used for victims of the tsunamis is
also increasingly used for victims of human rights abuses in Indonesia. One organiza-
tion that applies this method for victims of human rights abuses is IKOHI (Ikatan
Keluarga Orang Hilang Indonesia/Association of the Families of the Disappeared).
Psychosocial support in terms of assistance provided during the exhumation pro-
cess is not the focus of any organization in Indonesia. It has not gained sufficient atten-
tion because exhumations are very uncommon.
Indonesia | 131
Organizations Providing Psychosocial Support

for Victims of Human Rights Abuses in Indonesia
On the national level, there are several organizations that are actively involved in car-
rying out psychosocial programs for human rights victims. They include: IKOHI157,
Yayasan Pulih158, RATA159, Aliansi Demokrasi untuk Papua160, K2HAU161 and SPKP
HAM162.
Between 2005 to 2008, IKOHI has carried out community based psychosocial
interventions for victims of human rights abuses in Jakarta, including of the Tanjung
Priok incident, the 1965 massacre, the 1998 tragedy, and the families of 1997/1998
disappeared activists. The total number of beneficiaries are 308 people, 179 of them
are women.
IKOHI is now carrying out a similar program for victims of conflict in West and
North Aceh together with K2HAU and SPKP HAM. This is an 18-month program,
starting in May 2009 to October 2010. The total number of beneficiaries for the first
semester in West Aceh is 45 people, 30 of them are women, and 46 people for North
Aceh, 36 of them are women.
IKOHI considers community-based psychosocial assistance important for the follow-

ing reasons:
• It is difficult to experience a disaster collectively.
• The community is the closest to the individual and the first to provide help.
• It is the community itself that could suggest reliable resources to solve a problem
• Involving the community maintains the sustainability of restoration and empower-
ment efforts.
• The community cannot depend on external aid/intervention for an extended period
of time.
157 Ikatan Keluarga Orang Hilang Indonesia: http://www.ikohi.org or http://www.ikohi.blogspot.com

158 Pulih Foundation: http://pulih.or.id/english.php?lang=2
159 Rehabilitation Action for Torture Victims in Aceh:
http://www.irct.org/news-and-media/irct-news/show-news.aspx?PID=13767&NewsID=2259
160 ALDP/Democratic Alliance for Papua:
http://www.irct.org/news-and-media/irct-news/show-news.aspx?PID=13767&NewsID=2260
161 Komunitas Korban HAM Aceh Utara/Communities with victims of human rights violations in the
North of Aceh: http://k2hau.wordpress.com/
162 Solidaritas Persaudaraan Korban Pelanggaran HAM/Solidarity for Victims of Human Rights Abuse
Below is a description of the type of psychosocial support that is implemented:

Indonesia | 133
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Victims’ Children), Jakarta: Sentralisme Production.
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Saat Konflik Aceh (Those Who Were Forgotten: Story About Losing the Loved Ones during Conflict
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di Indonesia (Those who lost and those left behind: Portrait of Enfrorced Disapperances in Indonesia),
Jakarta: IKOHI.
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purposes and building peace. In: Cristina Jayme Montiel, Noraini M. Noor (Eds.), Peace Psychology
in Asia, New York: Springer, 2009.
Complete Report of KP3T (The Committee for the Investigation and Examination of Human Rights
Abuse in Tanjung Priok), 12 June 2000.
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and East Timor (1975-1980), In: Violence in Indonesia ed. Ingrid Wessel and Georgia Wimhöfer.
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No. 54, June 2008. At: http://www.crise.ox.ac.uk/pubs/workingpaper54.pdf
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| 135
East Timor
Working with Families of the Missing

A Case Study from East Timor
By Soren Blau163, Luis Fondebrider and Gregorio Saldanha
Introduction
There is much written on the importance of psychological support for survivors of mass
disasters, those impacted by crime, and victims of torture (e.g., Young et al. 1995). Since
the 1970s increasing attention has been paid to the psychological effects of complex
humanitarian emergencies on communities and individuals (Flynn 1999). Studies have
demonstrated strong associations between traumatic experience of conflict survivor
groups and physical illness, functional limitations and psychiatric symptoms including
post-traumatic stress disorders (PTSD) depression, acute stress disorders and anxiety
(Mollica 1999).
Increasingly, the need for psychological support in the exhumations process as-
sociated with the investigation of cases of political violence has been identified. Over
the past 25 years forensic archaeology and anthropology have been effective forensic
science tools (Blau and Ubelaker 2009). These disciplines have provided evidence
for the location of clandestine graves and information pertinent to the identifica-
tion of deceased individuals in cases of political violence in more than 40 countries
worldwide. In countries such as Guatemala programs of psychological support in
the exhumations process has been successfully implemented (Anon. ND). While the
importance of psychological support for relatives (and sometimes forensic specialists,
e.g., ICRC 2003) cannot be overstated, another vital aspect of working with families
of victims is the trust and confidence that has to be established between the forensic
specialists and relatives of the victims.
While the offer of psychological support is important, in order to meet family ex-
pectations an effective communicative relationship between forensic practitioners and
families of the missing is vital. Working with families who have relatives missing as
a consequence of political violence (that often occurred several decades prior to any
investigations commencing) is not an easy task and in many aspects quite different to
163 Corresponding author. Email: sorenb@vifm.org

East Timor | 137
working with daily cases of criminal violence. Establishing credibility and developing
trust is crucial as in many cases people with missing relatives have been waiting years
for an answer. It is essential to address any doubts and questions families of victims
may have both before and during the investigation process.
Since 1984, when different scientific disciplines began to be applied to investigate
cases of political violence, the role played by relatives of the victims and human rights
organizations has been increasing and transforming to become a central element of
the investigation and identification and therefore the recovery processes. Experience
has shown that the excavation and exhumation of remains is a very important stage
of the investigative process for the families, as very often it is the first time after the
disappearance that they see the possibility of finding the remains of their loved ones. In
that sense, the relationship between forensic practitioners and families at the exhuma-
tion site is relatively new for many forensic experts. While the changing role of, for
example, the forensic anthropologists has been noted (Skinner et al. 2003: 82), those
practitioners based in a city forensic institute rarely have direct contact with families
as typically a separate family counseling service exists. Increasingly, however, the psy-
chosocial benefits for families of being included in the exhumation process are being
acknowledged (Blaauw and Lahteenmaki 2002: 777; Fondebrider 2002: 887; McEvoy
and Conway 2004: 560; Hunter and Cox 2005: 221; Tidball-Binz 2006: 402-405).
There are two vital aspects required to ensure effective outcomes when working on
projects involving sensitive, typically emotive issues: firstly, the trust and confidence
that has to be built between the forensic specialists and relatives of the victims; and
secondly, the importance of the psychological support for relatives and forensic special-
ists. In this paper, we will focus on the first point, which in the case of Asia, specifically
East Timor, has received little attention in the literature in the context of the missing. The
aim of this paper is to present a case study detailing the process of working with families
in an investigation of a human rights violation involving exhumations in East Timor.
Background
It is estimated that some 200,000 people were killed during the 24 years of Indonesian
occupation, whether as a result of starvation, following displacement, interpersonal
fighting in the mountains, following arrest by Indonesian forces or as a result of mass
violence such as massacres (e.g., Kleemeyer 1997; Chega Report 2005). Since obtain-
ing independence in May 2002, there have been various attempts to understand the
circumstances of these deaths. These include work undertaken by the Serious Crimes
Unit established in 2000 which was replaced by the Serious Crimes Investigation Team
(SCIT) in 2006 established by the United Nations (UN). This unit which includes a
forensic team is tasked to deal only with deaths that occurred in 1999 (Anon. 2002).
There was also a widespread exhumation programme conducted by the Timor Leste
Defence Force (F-FDTL) to retrieve the bodies of those who died fighting during the
Indonesian occupation. For example, in August 2009, the remains of 443 individuals
(referred to as “martyrs”) were buried at the Cemetery of National Heroes at Met-
inaro, east of Dili (Anon. 2009). Based on information from families about the location
of their relatives, exhumations were carried out without any scientific methodology
or formal identification, and were essentially a transfer of bodies from graves to the
cemetery with little thorough documentation. Further, the Metinaro cemetery is often
used as a form of propaganda, for example, as part of the East Timor, 10th anniversary
since the referendum, a symbolic funeral was held at the cemetery.
More recently, a series of exhumations have been undertaken by the International
Forensic Team (IFT164) as part of an AusAID funded capacity building program165 for
police and hospital mortuary staff in aspects of human identification. The relationship
with the relatives of the victims as well with a local human rights organization has been
a focus of the IFT’s work.
Case Study: The 12th November 1991 Santa Cruz Massacre

In 2005 the IFT signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the Government
of Timor-Leste to facilitate the investigation of a massacre of unarmed East Timorese
youths that occurred on the 12th November 1991 at the Santa Cruz cemetery, Dili.
Several unverified lists of victims exist and estimations of numbers of people killed
or who went missing following the massacre vary from 19 up to over 400 (Blau and
Skinner 2005). Information about the possible location of victims of the massacre
referred to two sites: Tibar and Hera.
The IFT undertook detailed investigations involving excavation and exhumations
at Tibar in July-August 2008 and at Hera in March 2009. While no evidence of human
remains and/or graves was found at Tibar, the remains of 16 individuals were recov-
ered from Hera. To date, 11 of these individuals have been positively identified based
on the matching of post-mortem and ante-mortem DNA and anthropological results
and associated clothing and property (Blau and Fondebrider Forthcoming).
164 The International Forensic Team (IFT) is formed through collaboration between the Victorian In-
stitute of Forensic Medicine (VIFM), a statutory body created by the Coroners Act (1985) in the
State of Victoria in Australia, and the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team, Equipo Argentino
de Anthropologia Forense (EAAF), a non-governmental organization existing under the laws of the
Republic of Argentina.
165 The views in this article do not reflect those of AusAID or the Australian Government.
139
Meeting with some of the families of victims of the 12th November 1991, Santa Cruz massacre at the
STP-CAVR
Working with Families in East Timor

The training/investigation project was undertaken for humanitarian purposes with the
aim of locating and identifying human remains. While the Timorese authorities ex-
pressed no intention to pursue criminal charges based on the findings, the exhumation
process included the complete recovery and preservation of all evidence, following
international forensic standards, in addition to taking into account the needs of the
families as expressed to the IFT during several meetings (Fig. 1).
The strategy defined by the IFT was first to meet with the relatives of those miss-
ing during the events, and to listen to their wishes and expectations. As foreigners, it
was essential to find a local organization to establish that link, and that was achieved
through collaboration with 12th November Committee, a Timor-Leste NGO formed
on 12th November 2008 by survivors of the Santa Cruz Massacre. Directed by Grego-
rio Saldanha (one of the young men responsible for organising the peaceful demonstra-
tion who was subsequently arrested, tortured and sentenced to life imprisonment in
June 1992166), the main aims of the Committee are to register and verify victims and
survivors of the Massacre; locate, exhume, identify and re-bury victims of the 12th
November Massacre in collaboration with families and the IFT, and assist survivors
with social services in the areas of health, study and employment. The Committee also
advises the government on the formation of a memorial and collection of historical
information (Ramos Horta 2009).
166 On the 10th December 2009, Gregorio Saldanha and the Committee received the Sergio Vieira Mello
Award for Civil and Political Rights (Ramos Horta 2009).
Staff from the IFT were very aware of the “interview fatigue” experienced by families
of the missing in Timor-Leste: many have provided information about their experi-
ences and missing relatives to different authorities on countless occasions but have,
until recently, failed to obtain any results. Consequently, the meetings held by the IFT
provided the opportunity for the forensic staff to brief the families on the progress
of the investigation with the intention of not raising expectations. The fact that the
meetings were held regularly (that is each time the IFT returned to Dili) provided the
opportunity for the families to ask questions and provide additional information as
well as giving the IFT staff information about the important cultural-religious aspects
of the process. An important aspect for the IFT, it was to respect local cultural tradi-
tions about the dead (Robins 2010) and in that sense, families were invited to come
out to the exhumation sites, perform rituals, see the work and be regularly briefed on
the progress of the work.
While the IFT had shown there was no evidence of a grave in the areas of interest
at Tibar, the families needed to follow their own line of enquiry. This involved using a
medium to facilitate the finding process by calling the spirits of the dead to guide them
to potential locations of graves. With information about possible grave locations the
families obtained mechanical excavators and paid for the fuel to dig (even at night)
numerous enormous holes without positive results. Despite the efforts of a generation
of forensic anthropologists and archaeologists to promote careful excavation of large-
scale crime scenes, the need for families to obtain answers resulting in vain attempts to
locate family members is not without precedence (e.g., Farrell 2003). While respect for
the needs of the families is necessary, the above scenario highlights the requirement for
the forensic specialists to have an open mind, and to make an effort to explain to the
relatives as clearly as possible why, for example, an excavation stops at the point when
sterile soil is found, resulting in no need to excavate any deeper.
In contexts where the rule of law and the State are still in construction, and reli-
gion/traditional beliefs continue to permeate all aspects of people’s lives there may
be challenges mounted against the methods implemented by forensic science and the
subsequent results yielded via scientific techniques. The use of science, often per-
ceived as being rigorous, independent, and objective, is seen as an important part of
“being modern”. However, in contexts where traditional faiths remain prominent,
the concept of scientific knowledge and proof may collide with traditional spiritual
beliefs (cf. Fuller 2007). In order to meet family expectations an effective communi-
cative relationship between forensic practitioners and families of the missing is vital.
Such relationships potentially provide important psychosocial support for families of
victims.
East Timor | 141
Just as Western medicine was seen to have a role in the pursuit of colonialism providing
“credibility” to Europe’s claim to moral superiority and to the perceived legitimacy of
colonial rule in the name of the civilizing mission (Ernst 2004), it is vital that forensic
science does not perpetuate and/or reinforce a colonial legacy in the name of justice
and democracy. The relationship between science and religion in the contexts of iden-
tification of deceased individuals must be one based on respect and open frequent
communication. The ability to transfer knowledge within specific cultural contexts is
paramount.
Another example of the collision between science and belief are the dreams that
very often families mention in the interviews undertaken to collect ante-mortem
information. In one example from the IFT’s work in East Timor, a family reported two
brothers missing. While one skeleton recovered by the IFT produced a DNA profile,
the lack of discrimination power of DNA and the limited anthropological data meant
it was not possible to determine which of the family’s sons had been recovered. A final
conclusion was made by the father, who indicated his eldest son had come to him in a
dream indicating his remains would be found.
Conclusion
The need to build a relation of trust and confidence with relatives of the missing before
and during missing persons investigations is a relatively new and challenging process
for forensic practitioners. In referring to psycho-social support for “families” it is in-
evitable that there will be different concerns and needs for individuals depending on
specific circumstances, for example, the amount of information a particular family
has about the circumstances when the person went missing and the subsequent fate
of their relative; if a body has been returned to a family thus confirming death and
whether or not retrieving the physical body is actually important, and/or the extent
to which religion plays a part in the person’s life in contemplating the loss of a family
member. While exhuming remains may provide closure for some, others are less than
content with the knowledge that, in addition to disturbing the dead, the analysis of
remains may result in confronting the reality that a relative is actually dead and no
longer “missing” (see for example, Blaauw and Lahteenmaki 2002: 776; Williams and
Crews 2003: 256). Thus, it is vital when working with families that forensic experts
are mindful not to provide unrealistic expectations for example, on predicted success
for identification (Williams and Crews 2003: 225). While it can be argued that at one
level the ability to talk to someone and/or be present during an exhumation is in itself
cathartic, in the case of East Timor there has been no formal discussion about how
effective such processes have or continue to be.
The close working relationship with some of the families with missing relatives estab-
lished by the IFT has set a solid foundation for future good practice and has resulted in
increased recognition by the Government of East Timor of the importance of support
for families of victims. This is illustrated by the recent approval by the Government of
East Timor to provide funds to the 12th November Committee for their future work
with families in the attempted positive identification of individuals recently recovered
from mass graves at Tacitolu by the IFT and Policia Nacional de Timor-Leste (PNTL)
(Goulart 2010).
It is important that investigations into the missing in East Timor are given ongoing
financial and political support. However, it is equally important that attention is also
given to appropriate mechanisms to provide psycho-social support to allow families
to process, what is in many cases, extremely difficult information to digest with signi
ficant long term impacts on their lives (Robins 2010).
East Timor | 143
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Cambodia
Engaging Communities – Easing the Pain

Outreach and Psychosocial Interventions
in the Context of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal
Judith Strasser, Julian Poluda, Mychelle Balthazard, Om Chariya, Yim Sotheary, Im Sophea,
Eng Kok-Thay, Christoph Sperfeldt
The search for the Enforced Disappeared after the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia
Cambodians experienced appalling atrocities committed by the Khmer Rouge regime
from 1975 to 1979 when nearly 2 million Cambodians, a full one quarter of the pop-
ulation, died, from execution, starvation, forced labor, malnutrition and torture167.
Many Cambodians refer to the period of Democratic Kampuchea as “the regime of
three years, eight months and twenty days”, as if every single moment of that period
has been permanently seared into their memories.
The Khmer Rouge (KR) leaders turned Cambodia into a killing field. Throughout
the regime, they purged their own ranks and carried out brutal executions against
perceived “enemies” – politicians or soldiers of the former government, “intellectuals”
such as teachers, doctors or artists, and any other Cambodian perceived to be danger-
ous to the regime – depleting Cambodia of its social capital.
They also implemented radical social transformations destroying the way people
made sense of their own existence through their relationships to others and to the
spiritual world168. The family, Cambodians’ social unit that offers emotional support,
was destroyed and supplanted by ‘collectives’; husbands and wives were separated
and children were put into children units. Numerous survivors report that adults were
forced to marry in mass ceremonies.169 In order to spread fear and terror people were
systematically taken away from their homes (“Yok Tou”), sent to education camps
(“Ab Rum”) or evacuated to new locations (“Bdaur Phum”). For most, this usually
meant death.
167 David P. Chandler (1998). The Burden of Cambodia’s Past. In Frederick Z. Brown & David G. Tim-
berman (Eds.). Cambodia and the International Community: The Quest for Peace, Development,
and Democracy (pp. 33-47). New York: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.
168 Alexander Laban Hinton (2005). Why did they kill? Cambodia in the Shadow of Genocide. Univer-
sity of California Press, Berkeley (pp. 285).
169 There is anecdotal evidence substantiating that rape and other sexual abuse including forced mar-
riage happened frequently during the KR regime; most of the victims were executed. See: Nakagawa
Kasumi (2007). Gender-Based Violence During the Khmer Rouge Regime. Stories of Survivors from
the Democratic Kampuchea (1975-1979). Phnom Penh
Cambodia | 147
Exhumation in the 1980s – Photo by courtesy of the DC-Cam
On January 7 1979, the KR regime collapsed overthrown by the Vietnamese. The KR

leaders and some 30 to 50 thousand supporters, fled to remote areas in north and west
Cambodia170 Throughout and after the KR regime more than 300,000 Cambodian fled
to Thailand or Vietnam. Countless Cambodians live in the US or are scattered around
the world.
Today, examples of the torture methods used under the KR can be seen at “S-21”,
a former school, which was turned into a national torture centre operated by “Com-
rade Kaing Guek Eav”, (alias Duch) during the KR regime. It is estimated that at least
12,000 people passed through this centre. They were then taken to a site outside of
Phnom Penh, called “Choeung Ek” also known as the “Killing Fields”, executed and
buried in mass graves.
In 1980, the pro-Vietnamese government of Cambodia turned S-21 into a museum.
The same year, “Choeung Ek” was excavated with the help of Vietnamese forensic
specialists. As of today, at least 8,985 bodies have been exhumed.171 Scientific exhuma-
tions in most other killing sites received less attention and were generally not conducted
for lack of expertise.
In October 1983, the People’s Republic of Kampuchea’s Ministry of Culture directed
municipal and local authorities to “inspect local genocide sites, prepare statistical data
on the sites, create a file of evidence on genocidal crimes committed in their locality and
to report this information to the ministry.”172 Over the years, local authorities continued
170 David P. Chandler (1983). A History of Cambodia. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press (pp.192).
171 Louis Bickford (2009). Transforming a Legacy of Genocide: Pedagogy and Tourism at the Killing
Fields of Choeung Ek. International Centre for Transitional Justice (p.4).
172 Rachel Hughes (2005). Memory and sovereignty in post-1979 Cambodia: Choeung Ek and local
genocide memorials. In S. Cook (Ed.). Genocide in Cambodia and Rwanda: New Perspectives.
Transaction, New Jersey (pp. 257-280).
to identify and excavate mass graves in Cambodia; survivors stumbled over mass
graves gathering remains, but unfortunately a large number have also been opened by
local grave robbers.173 Based on the Documentation Center of Cambodia’s experi-
ence,174 many survivors participated in the exhumation process seeking for clarity
about the destiny of their relatives and helping to build stupas in local pagodas to
preserve the human remains. Throughout that period very limited mental health
services were available to help survivors alleviate the trauma of the KR era.
Experiences from the field:

the Documentation Center of Cambodia’s (DC-Cam) Mass Grave Mapping Project
From 1995 to 2005, DC-Cam conducted two major research studies on the Khmer Rouge prison
system and the mass graves. This ten-year project involved seeking out and mapping mass graves,
former Khmer Rouge prisons, and genocide memorials throughout the country, (See map on the
left by courtesy of the DC-Cam). The initial information on the locations of these sites was gener-
ally obtained through interviews with villagers. The sites uncovered during the project included 390
killing sites with 28,833 mass graves, 196 former Khmer Rouge prisons, many of them schools
and pagodas, and 81 genocide memorials constructed by survivors of the Khmer Rouge regime.
The Center also marked each location with a global positioning system device. Almost all Khmer
Rouge prisons and killing sites were found in the central plain area of Cambodia, in particular
around the Tonle Sap lake, along the Mekong river system and the coastline. DC-Cam produced
a 297-page field report on this project with 180 photographs.175
In March 2010, the newly formed Association of Victims of Democratic Kampuchea

(Ksaem Ksan) headed by S-21 survivor Chum Mey, declared that all bones of KR victims
should be preserved and not cremated. The association hopes that advanced DNA
techniques could allow future identification of the remains at S21 and Choeung Ek.
One of the most prominent opponents of this idea is Cambodia’s King Norodom Siha-
nouk. On April 17, 2004, he called for the cremation of all remains from the KR era:
“We are Buddhists whose belief and customs since ancient times have always been to
cremate the corpses and then bring the remains to be placed in stupas at pagodas.”176
However, Cambodians have always treated the remains of their deceased in many
different ways. For instance, many families bury their dead relatives near a pagoda or
173 Craig Etcheson (2005). After the Killing Fields. Lessons from the Cambodian Genocide. Westport,
Connecticut: Praeger (p. 125).
174 The Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-CAM) is a non-profit organization aiming at docu-
menting the crimes committed during the KR era. See DC-CAM, History and description of DC-
CAM, available at http://www.dccam.org/Abouts/History/Histories.htm
175 Documentation Centre of Cambodia: Mapping Project, available at http://www.dccam.org/Projects/
Maps/Mapping.htm
176 The Cambodia Daily, April 19, 2004.
East Timor | 149
even in the backyard of their homes and many Sino-Cambodians believe that inhumation
burials are vital to ensure the happiness and prosperity of the family. Today, it is common
practice to enshrine excavated bones in stupas at pagodas and memorials. This has been
supported by the government as well as by the majority of Buddhist monks.177
Victim participation at the ECCC

After a decade of negotiations leading to the adoption of its internal rules in June
2007, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) is the first
serious international effort to prosecute the senior leaders of the Khmer Rouge and
those most responsible for crimes committed between April 17 1975 and January 6
1979.178 In 2007, the ECCC arrested 5 people. The trial of “Comrade Duch” began
177 Wynne Cougill (2006). Buddhist Cremation Traditions for the Dead and the Need to Preserve Foren-
sic Evidence in Cambodia. In Jack Lohman and Katherine Goodnow (Eds.). Human Remains and
Museum Practice. Paris: UNESCO
178 Article 1, Law on the Establishment of the Extraordinary Chambers, with Inclusion of Amendments
as Promulgated on 27 October 2004 U A, Public Law NS/RKM/1004/006, http://www.eccc.gov.kh/
english/law.list.aspx (accessed January 23 2010).
in February and ended in November 2009 (Case 001). The verdict is expected in the
summer 2010. The investigation against the four additional suspects, Ieng Sary, Khieu
Samphan, Nuon Chea and Ieng Thirith179 (Case 002) closed in January 2010. The trial
is expected to commence in the first quarter of 2011.
In contrast to other international tribunals, to the exception of the International
Criminal Court, the ECCC offers a unique and unprecedented mechanism for victims
to participate in the trial. In addition to be called as witnesses, victims can apply as
complainant or as a civil party. Complainants provide information to support the pros-
ecution whereas civil parties are an independent party to the judicial proceeding like
the prosecution or the defence. In Case 001, 90 Khmer Rouge victims applied as civil
parties. As of March 12, 2010, 8202 victims had applied either as complainant or civil
party. Out of that number, 4003180 are civil party applicants indicating an enormous
interest by Khmer Rouge victims to participate into the trial process.
It is only with the adoption of the Internal Rules in 2007 that victim participation
was introduced into ECCC’s proceedings. Thus, the original ECCC’s budget did not
include any provision to inform of or support victims’ participation. To fill in the gap,
several local non-governmental organizations, such as the Cambodian Human Rights
and Development Association (ADHOC), Khmer Institute of Democracy (KID),
Centre for Social Development (CSD), Cambodian Defenders Project (CDP), Legal
Aid of Cambodia (LAC) and DC-Cam, established programs to facilitate the applica-
tion and secure the legal representation of civil parties, as well as to advocate – through
their lawyers and the human rights umbrella network Cambodian Human Rights
Action Committee (CHRAC) – for victims’ rights during the proceedings. For example,
ADHOC facilitate half of all civil party applications in Case 001 and 002.
179 During the DK regime, Ieng Sary was Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister; Khieu Samphan
was DK Head of State; Nuon Chea, also known as “Brother No 2”, was former Deputy Chairman
of the Communist Party of Kampuchea, second in command; Ieng Thirith was Minister of Social
Affairs.
180 See “Victim Information Forms Received Per Intermediary Organizations”, Victims Support Sec-
tion, Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia
Cambodia | 151
Mental health challenges and psychosocial interventions in the context of the ECCC
In a nationwide survey conducted in 2007, results have demonstrated that 11.2%
of the overall Cambodian adult population presented probable Post Traumatic Stress
Disorder (PTSD).181 An additional study, conducted in 2008, non-random sample of
direct Khmer Rouge victims, indicated similar prevalence of PTSD, as well as approxi-
mately 30% of depression and 37% of anxiety among respondents. Civil parties, in
particular, experienced more traumatic events than other KR victims and had higher
rates of posttraumatic stress symptoms.182
There are claims that active participation in a criminal court for perpetrators of
mass atrocities or any other transitional justice mechanism could have a highly em-
powering impact on victims of mass atrocity.183 Some authors argue that transitional
justice mechanisms dealing with legacies of violence – such as tribunals – may also
reduce mental health symptoms and associated impairment.184 In addition, facing the
past and seeking for truth and justice are seen as crucial processes to recover from trau-
matization as they provide recognition of the victims’ suffering.185 Moreover, by con-
tributing to the ECCC’s historical record, victims can help improving the understand-
ing of the Khmer Rouge period and create a valuable resource for future generations.
However, the participatory engagement of Khmer Rouge victims is not without
dangers. Trauma clinicians point out that painful memories may resurface during the
course of a tribunal.186 Additional dangers for the mental well-being of civil parties and
witnesses in the ECCC include potential frustration as the trial may not allow to fully
recount traumatic experiences, the need to provide criminal evidences to the defense,
the confrontation with complex legal procedures and the unfamiliar surroundings of
the courtroom, a lack of logistical support such as inadequate subsistence allowances,
181 Jeffrey Sonis et al. (2009). Probable Posttraumatic Stress Disorder and Disability in Cambodia Asso-
ciations With Perceived Justice, Desire for Revenge, and Attitudes Toward the Khmer Rouge Trials.
JAMA 302/5 (p. 527-36).
182 Nadine Stammel et al. (2009). Readiness to reconcile and mental health in the context of the Khmer
Rouge trials in Cambodia. Conference on Mental Health Phnom Penh, Cambodia, December 3
2009. Files with authors.
183 For discussion on that point, see Laurel E. Fletcher and Harvey M. Weinstein (2002). Violence and
Social Repair: Rethinking the Contribution of Justice to Reconciliation. Human Rights Quarterly
24/3 (pp 593).
184 For a review of the literature on that topic, See David Mendeloff (2009), “Trauma and Vengeance:
Assessing the Psychological and Emotional Effects of Post-Conflict Justice” Human Rights Quar-
terly, 31 (pp 592-623).
185 See for example, Judith Herman (1997). Trauma and Recovery. Basic Books, New York (Part II)
186 B. A. van der Kolk (1996). The body keeps the score: Approaches to the psychobiology of post-
traumatic stress disorder. In: B.A. van der Kolk, A. McFarlane and L. Weisaeth (Eds.). Traumatic
Stress – The Effects of Overwhelming Experience on Mind, Body and Society. New York/London:
The Guilford Press (pp. 214-241).
and no full coverage of transport costs and accommodation, the encounter with and
denial by the accused and, last but not least, the possibility that the accused will be
acquitted.
Thus, civil parties and witnesses are under special threat of secondary traumatiza-
tion, retraumatization and revictimisation.187 As stated by Eric Stover, “war crimes
trials, like most criminal trials, have the potential for producing the unexpected at any
stage of the proceedings. […] This constant state of uncertainty places witnesses in an
intimidating position and throws into doubt the very idea that bearing witness can be
therapeutic.”188

Psychological services of the Transcultural Psychosocial Organization (TPO) at the ECCC
Working in close cooperation with the Witness and Expert Support Unit (WESU) as well as the
Victims Support Services (VSS) of the ECCC, the Transcultural Psychosocial Organization (TPO)
provides a variety of psychological services through its Cambodian mental health experts. Those
services range from preparatory psychological interventions to on-site psychological support
during the ECCC proceedings to intense psychological and psychiatric follow-up care.
On-site psychological support services include reducing anticipatory anxiety through psychologi-
cal briefing prior to the proceedings, monitoring participants’ mental health condition and offer-
ing emotional support during the trial and debriefing after the proceedings.
Psychological services outside the courtroom include the assessment and, treatment of psycho-
logical/psychiatric disorders if necessary, supportive psychotherapy by trained psychiatrists and
psychologists and follow-up counseling services after the proceedings.
Additional services consist of sharing information, education and training on trauma and its after-
effects to staff for the ECCC Victims Support Services, civil party lawyers and NGO staff.
In response, the Transcultural Psychosocial Organization (TPO) provides direct psy-

chological support to civil parties and witnesses at the tribunal.
In their communities, civil parties and witnesses face additional potential threats
to their mental well-being. These include the confrontation by community members
after appearance in the court, concerns about safety and security, limited awareness of
trauma symptoms by outreach staff, limited access to legal and psychosocial counsel-
187 Zoran Ilic (2004). Psychological preparation of torture victims as witnesses toward the prevention
of retraumatisation. In: Zeljko Spiric, Goran Knezevic, Vladimir Jovic, Goran Opacic (Eds.). Torture
in war: consequences and rehabilitation of victims: Yugoslav experience. Belgrade : IAN Center for
Rehabilitation of Torture Victims (pp. 377-387).
188 Eric Stover (2005). The Witnesses. War Crimes and the Promise of Justice in The Hague. University
of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia (pp. 82).
153
Buddhist ceremony, part of the Testimonial Therapy, photo by courtesy of TPO
ing in preparation and after the trial, or a lack of follow-up information on ECCC
proceedings.
Some of the potential mental health dangers originate from shortcomings dur-
ing outreach work and may generate disappointment with the ECCC and potentially
cause psychological distress among victims. Mental health practitioners emphasize that
greater efforts are needed to identify severely traumatized KR survivors and provide
them time and support so they can join in the ECCC’s proceedings.
In response, TPO and other non-governmental organizations implemented a series
of psychosocial activities during and after outreach activities conducted by the ECCC
Victims Support Section and other partner organizations. Examples include the show-
ing of a participatory film on trauma coping strategies, phone counseling for civil par-
ties, the introduction of new psychological treatment schemes culturally adapted to
the Cambodian context, the construction of local memorials and reconciliation events
such as public ceremonies.

TPO – a cultural adapted trauma treatment approach
The Transcultural Psychosocial Organization (TPO) has developed and implemented an innova-
tive trauma treatment approach derived from the “Testimonial Therapy” that takes into account
the cultural and human rights dimensions of mental health in Cambodia. KR survivors are invited
to talk about their traumatic experiences. In cooperation with a counselor they can restore their
painful memories and convert them into a written document: a testimony. The testimony is read
aloud and delivered to the survivors during a Buddhist ceremony in presence of other survivors
and/or community members. This practice allows victims to express and process traumatic experi-
ences, to honor the spirits of the dead and document human rights violations.

KID – a participatory film project
The film “WE WANT (U) TO KNOW”, produced by the Khmer Institute of Democracy in col-
laboration with TPO, reveals through artistic engagement, how Cambodians are struggling with
painful memories and cope with them at the time of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal189. It is a partici-
patory film: villagers from around Cambodia took the camera in their own hands to document
what they have gone through during and after the Khmer Rouge era. Through sharing their stories
with the young generation, survivors are breaking 30 years of silence. Film screenings in villages
across the country offer a public space for dialogue about the past and challenges of the present.

Youth for Peace – From Mass Killing Places to Peace Building Places
Youth for Peace (YfP) works with Khmer Rouge survivors and the youth on how to transform
mass killing places into vivid historical sites and places of remembrance. YfP invites both older
and young generations to local mass killing sites and facilitates intergenerational dialogue. In
some of the sites, “Memory Culture Committees” and “Peace libraries” have been set up in coop-
eration with local communities. Through a participatory and artistic approach, participants create
wall paintings and maps indicating former killing places and install information signs and boards
at the sites. Moreover, stories of survivors are collected and published by local youth in coopera-
tion with young Cambodian journalists. Those stories reveal insights into the unknown history of
former mass killing places in Cambodia.190

Two psychologists describe the trauma related aspects in their work
During three years, the Center for Social Development (CSD) organized public forums in several
provinces in Cambodia. At least 150 participants attended each forum including a wide variety of
participants. The “Emotional Support Team” supported forum participants and develop strategies
so that the Public Forums can help individual coping and healing.
During the preparation phase, the “Emotional Support Team” explained the concept of trauma
and its after-effects and supported participants who wished to speak about their experiences un-
der the Khmer Rouge regime. For many, it was the first time in 30 years that they talked about
their experiences, opening their “unhealed wounds”. As a second step, the team brought some
participants to visit S-21 museum and the killing fields, providing people an opportunity to find
out about the destiny of their deceased relatives. In three years, at least 15 participants found
the picture of a killed relative in the photo gallery of S-21. One lady who discovered the photo
of her disappeared nephew recalled: “At First, it was really bad for me to find out that my ‘son’
died, but later I realized that it helped me to overcome the uncertainty of not knowing whether
he has survived or not.”At the public forum, the “Emotional Support Team” provided the sup-
port of psychosocial counselors and of a counseling room so that participants who wanted to
recount how they were treated and how they suffered during the Khmer Rouge regime could do
so. Unsurprisingly, many were anxious to tell their story and felt more comfortable in a secure and
respectful environment with professional psychological support.
189 See: http://www.we-want-u-to-know.com/

190 Stories from the Ground – Memorial Sites in Cambodia, 2010. Available at Youth for Peace
Cambodia | 155
Outreach and its impact on dialogue processes about the Khmer Rouge era
The first mandate of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC)
is to trial Khmer Rouge senior leaders and those most responsible for the crimes
committed during the KR regime. However, activists and observers also hope that the
court could contribute to the rule of law and the healing and reconciliation processes
of the communities. One of the challenges is to ensure that the tribunal and its judicial
process are meaningful to Cambodians. In that respect, outreach is crucial.
Outreach has many layers. It could be associated to a public information program
aiming at informing the population about and increasing its understanding of the work
of the court. But it could also be viewed as an opportunity to strengthen the national
justice system, and involve the population and civil society into a reflection on the
justice system, the law and its civil rights.191 For that to be achieved, “[I]t necessitates a
consistent and interactive dialogue, or real conversation, between the court and a wide
network of target audiences.”192
Similar to most international tribunals, the ECCC Public Affairs Section (PAS) and
Victims Support Section (VSS), respectively responsible of reaching out to the general
public and the victims193, have adopted a public information strategy aiming primary at
informing the population about court’s activities and increasing its understanding of the
court’s processes. This outreach program had a difficult start, hampered by lack of funding
and resources. Consequently, in 2008, despite awareness of the existence of the court194,
many Cambodians in rural areas had limited knowledge of the ECCC proceedings195
and the opportunity to act as civil parties, complainants or witnesses for the tribunal.
PAS has distributed information material and conducted field trips in all provinces
in Cambodia, participated in public forums organized by NGOs, and received more
191 Wanda Hall. Presentation of various perspectives of outreach and the need to understand each and
choose priorities and goals. ICTJ Workshop on Outreach, Phnom Penh, Cambodia, March 4 2010.
On file with authors.
192 Ibid.
193 Based on civil law system, the Internal Rules of the ECCC allow victims to participate in its proceed-
ings as complainants or as civil party. See Internal Rules, (Rev. 5), February 9, 2010, Rules 49, 23;
In the ECCC internal rules, “victims” refers to a natural person or legal entity that has suffered
harm as a result of the commission of any crime within the jurisdiction of the ECCC, and “civil
party” refers to a victim whose application to become a civil party and participate in the proceedings
against an accused has been declared admissible by the court. See Glossary to Internal Rules, Rev. 5,
February 9, 2010.
194 Survey of Cambodian Public Opinion. Phnom Penh, Cambodia: International Republican Institute,
January 27 – February 26, 2008 (pp. 42-44).
195 Phuong Pham, Patrick Vinck, Mychelle Balthazard, Sokhom Hean, Eric Stover. So We Will Never
Forget: A Population-Based Survey on Attitudes about Social Reconstruction and the Extraordinary
Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia. Human Rights Center, University of California, Berkeley,
January 2009, (p. 36).
than 65,000 people visiting the court. The VSS focuses its outreach on victims, and
through its regional forums has assisted a countless number of people to participate in
the legal proceedings.196
NGOs have long been at the forefront of outreach related to the ECCC. They
work independently but in collaboration with the ECCC. They usually have a mixed
approach but each organization has its specific focus. Several NGOs concentrate on
activities such as distribution of newsletters and other publications, radio call in shows,
films and village-based information sessions. These activities clearly aim at inform-
ing and updating Cambodians about the Court’s events and provide some opportu-
nities to facilitate victims’ participatory engagement into the tribunal process. For
example, ADHOC provided information to 103,000 women and men from 171 dis-
tricts who participated in their outreach training sessions. Other organizations such
as DC-CAM, International Center for Conciliation, Youth for Peace and the Centre
for Justice and Reconciliation, focus more on national and community-based truth
finding processes, such as public forums, leading to progress in the field of dialogue
and engagement.

Outreach activities by the Centre for Justice and Reconciliation (CJR)
The Center for Justice and Reconciliation’s (CJR) Khmer Rouge Victims’ Participation Program
aims to engage survivors of the Democratic Kampuchea Regime (1975-1979) in active and mean-
ingfully participation in the criminal proceeding of the court. Activities by CJR include: organizing
public forums on the functioning and meaning of the tribunal, organizing workshops on what it
means to be and how to apply as a civil party, providing psychosocial/emotional support before,
during and after the public forum, collecting stories of Khmer Rouge victims and strengthening
the independent Association of Khmer Rouge Victims in Cambodia (AKRVC). CJR further facili-
tates victims’ participation in the ECCC by advocating for and communicating victims’ demands
to the court.
CJR has a sustained presence and impact on each community where it holds a public forum.
CJR conducts an initial fact-finding mission, two ground preparation meetings and a follow-up
mission. It further disseminates information in the community through the regular broadcast of
a radio show. During the forum, participants receive updates on the ECCC proceedings through
guest speakers and can ask questions and engage in discussions. They also learn about opportuni-
ties to participate in the proceedings, the work of the AKRVC and mental health issues. Moreover,
psychosocial staff offers counseling for participants. Before and after each forum, CJR monitors
the level of knowledge on the ECCC. All forums are recorded and broadcasted bi-weekly through
the radio in order to reach a wider audience.
196 VU/VSS Outreach. Brief Report for ICTJ Workshop, presented at ICTJ Workshop on Outreach,
ECCC, Phnom Penh Cambodia, March 3 2010
157
CJR outreach activity to promote understanding and participation in the Khmer Rouge trials, and beyond.
Photo by courtesy of the CJR.
After more than three years into the judicial process, it could be argued that Cambo-
dians know of the existence of the tribunal. Results of the International Republican
Institute’s survey conducted in 2009 indicate that 82% of the respondents were aware
of the Khmer Rouge tribunal, an increase from 71% in 2008.197 Facilitated by PAS,
more than 27,700 Cambodians attended the public hearings in Case 001.198
However, has outreach to the ECCC engaged in a real dialogue with victims and
the Cambodian society? The response could be “some”. Clearly, important initia-
tives by many NGOs and the Court have led to progress in this area. However, in
large parts of rural Cambodia, long-term, community-based dialogue processes still
remain the exception. Some observers have therefore questioned the extent to which
the ECCC can contribute to national reconciliation and suggest more emphasis on
de-centralized dialogue and truth finding processes. They hope that by creating op-
portunities to see the past in terms of shared suffering and collective responsibility,
community-based dialogue processes may contribute more effectively to healing and
societal reconciliation.
A holistic approach to outreach

The Trial Chamber is about to pronounce its verdict on the first trial and the second
trial, even more complex and complicated, is expected in 2011. Those events are likely
to raise questions, comments, and concerns from the Cambodians. In a nationwide
survey conducted in the fall 2008, among respondents who had some knowledge of
the tribunal, 26% and 20% believed respectively, that the ECCC would bring justice
197 International Republican Institute (2009). Survey of Cambodian Public Opinion. Phnom Penh,
Cambodia.
198 ECCC Public Affairs Section. Outreach Work, presented at ICTJ Workshop on Outreach, ECCC,
Phnom Penh Cambodia, March 3 2010
or punish those who committed atrocities during the KR regime.199 Making sure that
the Cambodian population understands and has access to the tribunal will continue
to be a priority for future outreach programs set up by the ECCC and civil society
organizations. However, it is also necessary to go beyond the judicial process. As such,
the ECCC’s Victims Support Section (VSS) extra funding and enlarged mandate to
engage in the implementation of “restorative measures” for victims of KR are timely.200
Additionally, the experiences of outreach work during Case 001 highlight the
advantages of a more participatory approach to outreach in which the population
actively engages in long-term dialogue and truth-telling processes at the communi-
ty level. The value of outreach activities by the ECCC and non-governmental actors
could be further enhanced by additional supportive psychosocial interventions. Other
important transitional justice measures could include the construction of local and
national memorials and reconciliation events such as religious or other memorial cer-
emonies. They appear to be important elements in reconciliation and healing by pro-
viding frameworks wherein victims can begin to understand, create and integrate new
meaning. Ultimately, this will lead to more participation and an increased sense of
ownership of the ECCC’s work.
Conclusion
In order to transform Cambodian society, a more holistic vision of social reconstruction
is required; one that includes restorative, socioeconomic, political and psychosocial
aspects among others.201 At the individual level, the psychological aspect is especially
important as many Cambodians are still struggling with personal and social history of
human rights abuses.
The Court could contribute to achieve that vision. NGOs, with their local perspective
and technical experience, are also well-suited to take on a major role. However, taken
separately, the ECCC and NGOs are still underfunded and lack expertise in aspects
such as psychological support. Thus they are limited in their ability to fully satisfy the
needs of justice for the Cambodian people. Moreover, beyond the ECCC, the govern-
ment has a role to play in ensuring that the population has access to, for example public
psychological services to heal the wounds of the past. Therefore, for transformation to
199 Phuong Pham, Patrick Vinck, Mychelle Balthazard, Sokhom Hean, Eric Stover (2009). So We Will
Never Forget: A Population-Based Survey on Attitudes about Social Reconstruction and the Extraor-
dinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia. Human Rights Center, University of California, Berkeley.
200 Internal Rules, (rev. 5), Rule 12 bis, Cambodia: Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia,
February 9, 2010.
201 Laurel E. Fletcher and Harvey M. Weinstein (2002). Violence and Social Repair: Rethinking the
Contribution of Justice to Reconciliation. Human Rights Quarterly, 24/3 (p. 586).
Cambodia | 159
be fully attained, all actors including the ECCC, the NGOs, and the government need
to work in concert multiplying activities in order to implement an integrated program.
That also means that a broader vision of outreach needs to be implemented ensuring
that the Cambodian population as a whole is not only aware of, but also participates
in the judicial process and is involved into a more community-based process of truth-
telling and education outside the courtroom.
Ultimately, the voices of the victims need to be heard. As a first step, two victims’
associations are now active and have taken initiative to present their interests more
effectively. Their work is essential to ensure victims’ participation in the court pro-
ceedings and to contribute to non-judicial measures. But more importantly, their in-
volvement could contribute to a culture of peace, memory, healing and reconciliation
beyond the mandate of the court.
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Press (pp. 214-241)
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2010, available at http://www.eccc.gov.kh/english/cabinet/fileUpload/121/IRv5-EN.pdf;
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Available at http://www.iri.org/news-events-press-center/news/iri-releases-latest-survey-cambodian-
public-opinion
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gated on 27 October 2004 U A, Article 1. Public Law NS/RKM/1004/006,
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of Choeung Ek. International Centre for Transitional Justice (p.4). Available at
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Rouge trials in Cambodia. Conference on Mental Health Phnom Penh, Cambodia, December 3
2009. Files with authors.
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On file with authors.
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| 163
Regional
Perspectives
164 | Regional Perspectives
From ‘Healing Wounds / Mending Scars’

to ‘From Survivors to Healers’
Ms. Josephine Z. Callejo, M.A., Psychologist
Fr. Juvenal A. Moraleda, M.A., Marital/Family Counselor Philippines
It was AFAD that first introduced in the region a more organized, structured and
sustained psycho-social program for the families of victims of the disappeared to
its member countries. Before then, there had only been a very limited and case-to-
case response to this urgent need, and only in some member-countries of AFAD, e.g.
Philippines and Indonesia. It was in 2004 that AFAD decided to do something about
the situation.
“Healing Wounds, Mending Scars”

This was both the theme and the title of the workshop that launched the AFAD psy-
cho-social rehabilitation program in the region in 2004. This workshop was held in
Jakarta, Indonesia, from December 6-10, 2004. The participants were selected family
members of disappeared victims from AFAD member-countries (Thailand, Philippines,
Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Kashmir-India, and host country, Indonesia). At that time, Nepal
was not yet an AFAD member-country. The AFAD regional leadership was present,
and invited guests from Latin America, Africa, Guatemala and the Netherlands (whose
organization was one of the funders of the workshop) also participated. All in all there
were more or less 50 participants in this pilot-workshop.
Two facilitators from the Philippines had been commissioned by AFAD regional
leadership to design and implement the program: Ms. Josephine Callejo, a counsel-
ing psychologist, and Fr. Juvenal Moraleda, a family and marital counselor. They also
facilitated this pilot-workshop in Indonesia. Combining our varied but complemen-
tary expertise in our individual fields, we came up with a psycho-social rehabilitation
program based on Dr. Judith Lewis Herman M.D.’s framework on Stages of Trauma
Recovery. We utilized group dynamics theories and practices that take serious consid-
eration the various and varied cultural and religious beliefs, traditions and practices of
the multi-nationalist participants. To off-set the foreseen problem of the participants’
different languages, we made use of artistic and creative expressions like drawing/
| 165
painting, clay sculpture, rituals, role-playing, power-point presentations, etc. But we

also were ready with instant translators during the small group sharing and the plenary
sessions.
A few words on the workshop itself – its rationale and methodology:

Our basic premise was that all the participants had been deeply traumatized by the
sudden and oftentimes violent disappearance of their loved ones; and that they were
still suffering from the traumatic event. But for most of them, the traumatic event had
happened many years before, even decades ago for some. And most if not all of them
had either ‘forgotten’ the event, or had denied or trivialized its effects on them, whereas
for some they wanted to believe they have been ‘healed’ of their trauma. And the most
common reason for these varied reactions is because these victim-families were still
living in the same oppressive political, economic, social conditions which caused the
disappearances of their loved ones. So, consciously or unconsciously they were not
willing nor able to get the ‘space and opportunity’ to look back at what had happened,
to be in touch with the physical, mental, emotional and spiritual effects of what hap-
pened, to process and find new meanings to their traumatic experiences, to (re)discover
both the inner and external resources they have to deal with what happened, and
finally, to move on with their life from the tragedy they have experienced. Most of them
remained a “victim” or took on a “victim mentality”.
It is this ‘space and opportunity’ that the participants have been denied or have
denied themselves that the psycho-social workshop aimed to offer them. We deemed it
appropriate to use Dr. Judith Herman’s, Three Stages of Trauma Recovery: 1) Estab-
lishment of Safety 2) Remembering and Mourning, 3) Reconnection with reality.
1) Establishment of Safety:
Loss of trust, that is, a deep sense of not being safe, from anyone, including oneself, is
surely one of the gravest wounds inflicted on the family of the disappeared. Therefore
the process of ‘recovery’ must start there, in helping the ‘victim’ to regain trust, and to
start believing again that one is protected and is safe. In the workshop we promoted
this first of all by taking the participants away from the places/situations where they
had experienced danger and threat. Through appropriate activities like breathing and
relaxation exercises, teaching them basic body movements utilizing Oriental concepts
that foster harmony of body and mind. (e.g. Shibashi, meditation, body prayer) we
led the participants to become aware of and to trust again their physical, mental and
spiritual capabilities, that were momentarily ‘paralyzed’ by the tragedy they had ex-
perienced; as well as the need to continually nourish and strengthen these capabilities
as resources for their ‘safety’. Through group dynamics activity like “getting to know
each other”, “trust walk’, ‘trust fall’, nights of cultural exchange, socialization, parlor
games, we aimed to gradually make the participants regain the need and possibility of
trusting some other than oneself. It was a joy to notice the participants who’d come
in fearful and untrusting of themselves and others slowly opening up and joining the
group in the activities.
2) Remembering and Mourning

This was the most poignant and liberating portion of the whole workshop.
The lyrics of the song “Tears were flowing like a river’ was played out at this stage. But
it did not happen like magic.
It was almost hard to believe that after all these years, this was the very first time
since they lost their loved ones that most of the participants had the chance to really
look back and truly grieve for all that was lost. They had valid enough reasons for
this: too busy with ’more urgent’ matters, they had to be strong for the ‘weaker’ mem-
bers of the family, grieving would have only made them give up, etc. But ultimately, it
boiled down to one sad truth: they had felt there was no one who’d really listen and
understand their ‘story’ and ‘accompany’ them in their grief! And so, their story had
remained untold, and their tears had dried up unshared inside themselves! And they
were none too enthusiastic at first to dig up what had lain dormant for so long and
share it with near-total strangers!
But evidently among them, trust had slowly started to come back, and they had
started gradually to feel safe with and among each other. This process was helped im-
mensely by activities that allowed them to remember, to tell their stories and grieve
their ‘losses’ not so much with words as with the use of art – drawing, painting, clay
sculpture, song-making, poem writing, sharing pictures of their loved ones – as well as
role playing, singing, and small group sharing. Where there was need to use words, we
employed direct translations to facilitate understanding between the varied languages
of the participants. They were allowed a space to express their sorrow in tears and
sighs and anger in the presence of warm and accepting companions.
3) Reconnection with Reality

We also call this stage ‘reframing the experience’, in the way that a picture takes on a
different perspective when put into a different frame.
Having found the trust one needed to feel safe again, the participants were able to
tell their total story, to recognize and own all the emotions and effects caused by the
tragic event, and to feel understood, accepted, supported and empowered to move on.
| 167
But not in a vacuum, in fantasy or self-delusion. But rooted in reality – their reality
and the reality that surrounds them. It was here that the participants were challenged
to identify and claim the resources they have at their command. If they had indeed lost
their loved ones (even temporarily), what have they not lost or still possessed inspite
of what had happened.
Again, through sharing with one another, in words but also in activities that ex-
pressed their hopes and their dreams (e.g. kite/lantern-making, prayer/song/poem com-
position, role playing, etc), inner and external resources slowly began to surface, to
be claimed and celebrated in cultural and religious rituals. Interesting to note, that
although the participants were of varied nationalities, the common Asian values and
heritage characterized the most basic strength and resources that the participants iden-
tified as their own: strong family ties, true neighbor/friend comradeship, and above all,
a deep-seated trust in a higher Being, whether one called him/her God, Allah, Buddha,
Jesus, or no name.
The 2004 pilot workshop “Healing Wounds, Mending Scars’ in Indonesia was
deemed a success by AFAD and the participants. And there was a united clamor to echo
the workshop back to their own countries. So, during the following months, we held the
Healing Wounds, Mending Scars workshops in Thailand, Sri Lanka, Indonesia, Kashmir-
India, Pakistan and Philippines, Indonesia, and Nepal (which became an AFAD member-
organization in 2007). The two of us, Ms. Callejo and Fr Moraleda, facilitated most of
these echo-workshops, except for one workshop in Southern Thailand, and another in
Pakistan which were facilitated by two other facilitators from the Philippines, and one
each in Indonesia and Kashmir-India which made their own arrangement with their own
facilitators.
From Survivors to Healers

During the ‘Healing Wounds, Mending Scars’ Workshops, we had three very important
realizations, among others: one, that there were countless other families of victims
in the member-countries of AFAD who needed this kind of psycho-social trauma
rehabilitation assistance; two, that AFAD Regional office could not cater to all of these
families from the ‘center’; and three, that AFAD should/could perhaps help the mem-
ber-countries to train local and develop local facilitators to do their own psycho-social
rehabilitation program.
Thus was born the trainors’ training program which we rather ambitiously called
“From Survivors to Healers” Workshop. Its objective was precisely to help train
local psycho-social facilitators to minister to victims’ families in their own locality. And
we had a very successful launching of the “From Survivor to Healers” Workshop in
Colombo, Sri Lanka, from November 27-29, 2006. This first trainors’ training work-
shop was participated in primarily by selected Sri Lankan family members of victims
who had already attended the “Healing Wounds, Mending Scars” echo-workshop
which was held earlier in Sri Lanka. Two local psychologists and a psychiatrist were
also invited to participate and help us to facilitate the workshop. It proved quite suc-
cessful, from all reports.
The long-term plan was to conduct the “From Survivor to Healers” workshop in
all the other AFAD member-countries and jump-start their own program. Unfortu-
nately, due to shortage of funds, this plan had to be shelved for the meantime. AFAD is
still in the process of looking for possible funders to sponsor this worthwhile project.
Meanwhile hundreds of families of the involuntary disappeared are waiting to tell their
story, to share their grief, to recognize and claim their inner and external resources, and
finally, to move on from being Victims and Survivors to becoming Wounded Healers.
We hope and pray they do not wait forever.

| 169
Authors
Ari Yurino was born in 1977. Active in CS Organizations since student days, he was
a member of the Student and Youth Committee against Violence (KOMPAK), the
Student Movement of the University of UPI YAI, the Student Executive Body of the
Psychology Faculty of UPI YAI and the Jakarta People Association against Corruption
(Berantas). He supervised several tabloids and was and is writing for online media.
After working for KontraS Aceh in 2009 he is now engaged again with IKOHI, where
he worked already for 3 years. Since 2004, he is a very active member of the Work-
ing People Association (PRP) and continues to publish articles about Human Rights
Issues.
Bedjo Untung was born in Sarwodadi, District of Comal, Central Java. When the
Humanitarian Tragedy of the 1965/1966 Massacre happened, he was 17 years old
and a student of Teacher High School. His father, a basic school teacher, was detained,
his uncle disappeared and killed. He himself ran away but was captured too in 1970.
For nine years, till 1979 he was detained without legal process, interrogated, tortured
and subjected to forced labour without getting good food in the Salemba Concentra-
tion Camp and the Tangerang Prison. Only because of international pressure on the
military regime he was released and since 1999, for the sake of truth and justice,
he is dedicating himself to the victims’ organisation YPKP 1965/66, whose chair he
currently is.
Dr. Benito Molino, M. D., is a forensic expert and a medical consultant from the
Philippines working with non-government health and human rights organizations for
25 years. In his country, he exhumed the most number of victims of desaparecidos
and examined and documented the most number of victims of torture since the mid
1980s. His work in documenting the case of torture against the Manalo brothers was
cited by the Philippine Supreme Court in their landmark Writ of Amparo decision for
170 | Authors
the brothers. He serves as forensic and medical consultant to various human rights
organizations and provides lecture on forensic investigations. He organizes the Asian
network of forensics. He co-authored the first published book on forensic review in
the Philippines on the assassination of the late Senator Benigno Aquino Jr. “Death on
the Tarmac…”.
Fr Juvenal (a.k.a Fr Ben) Moraleda, is a Catholic missionary priest who has worked
consistently with various Human Rights Organizations from both the church and civil
society sectors, like the Task Force Detainees of the Philippines (TFDP), the Ecumenical
Forum for Church Response (EFCR), the Freedom from Debt Coalition (FDC), among
many others. He is currently based in the Center for Family Ministries (CEFAM) where
he is one of the senior marital and family counsellors and faculty member. He has also
has involved in the work for the families of the victims of involuntary disappearances
in both the regional (Asian Federation of Families Against Involuntary Disappearanc-
es, AFAD) and the national (Families Against Involuntary Disappearances, FIND) bod-
ies working for this cause. With a Filipino psychologist, Ms. Josephine Callejo, Fr Ben
was instrumental in drawing up and implementing a Psycho-Social Programme for the
families of victims of Involuntary Disappearances in the Asia-Pacific Region, and later
on in the training of other rehabilitation workers in the Region.
Christoph Sperfeldt, MA Political Science. Since 2007 Advisor at the Cambodian Human
Rights Action Committee (CHRAC), Phnom Penh, Cambodia.
Daya Somasundaram was a Senior Professor of Psychiatry at the Faculty of Medi-

cine, University of Jaffna and Consultant Psychiatrist working in Northern Sri Lanka
for over a decade. He has also worked in Cambodia for two years in a community
mental health programme with the Transcultural Psychosocial Organization. Apart
from teaching and training a variety of health staff and community level workers,
his research and publications have mainly concentrated on the psychological effects
and treatment of disasters. He headed the psychosocial rehabilitation effort after the
Tsunami in Northern Sri Lanka. He is currently on sabbatical in Australia working on
a book, scarred communities.
DESAPARECIDOS or Families of Desaparecidos for Justice is an association of the

families and close friends of victims of enforced or involuntary disappearance in the
Philippines. They came together in March 1995 to form their own organization.
Together and drawing strength from one another, they search for their loved ones never
Authors | 171
giving up hope for justice. They campaign against abduction and enforced disappear-
ance which they believe are being perpetrated in line with the government’s political
suppression of its critics. Through advancing human rights, Desaparecidos strives to
effect positive changes in Philippines society.
Dianne Reyes
ENG Kok-Thay is a Deputy Director of the Documentation Center in Cambodia (DC-

Cam). He is currently responsible for museum exhibition, research, digitalization and
documentation activities. ENG Kok-Thay is a PhD candidate at Rutgers Universi-
ty, researching and writing his dissertation on Cambodian Muslim identity after the
Khmer Rouge.
Gregorio Saldanha was one of the young men responsible for organising the peaceful
demonstration that led to the Santa Cruz Massacre on 12th November 1991 in Dili,
East Timor. He was subsequently arrested, tortured and sentenced to life imprisonment
in June 1992. Now he is the coordinator of the 12th November Committee.
Harihar Wasti, Dr., M.D., M.Sc.F.M., B.L.; Medico-Legal Expert for the Nepali Gov-
ernment. Presently working as Associate Professor in Forensic Medicine at the Forensic
Medicine Department of the Medicine Campus Maharajgunj and the Institute of Medi-
cine Tribhuval University Kathmandu Nepal. Mailing Address: wasti@enet.com.np;
drhwasti@yahoo.com; Working experience: 18 years working in the forensic Medicine
field.
IM Sophea is the National Co-Director of the Center for Justice and Conciliation
(CJR). Im Sophea holds a B.A. in education in English from the Royal University of
Phnom Penh’s Institute of Foreign Languages and a Master in Public Administration
from the University of Cambodia. For the past three years before helping to found
CJR, he served as Deputy Director at the Center for Social Development.
Induwara Goonerathne, Dr.: Head of Department of Forensic Medicine, University

of Peradeniya- Sri Lanka; Incharge: Forensic Anthropology and Human Identification
Laboratory; Visiting Lecturer and Examiner in Human Rights, Human Rights Centre,
University of Peradeniya; Visiting Lecurer in Law, Department of Law, University of
Peradeniya; Interests: Forensic Anthropology, Odontology, Identification, DNA and
Human Rights Law; email: induwarag@yahoo.com
172 | Authors
International People’s Tribunal on Human Rights and Justice in Indian-administered

Kashmir (IPTK) is a civil society coalition, that aims to raise conscience about human
rights violations in the Kashmir region.
Ms. Josephine Callejo is a Filipino Counseling Psychologist who received her Masters
Degree from the Ateneo de Manila University, Philippines, and Bachelors of Arts in
Psychology at the University of the Philippines. She is currently involved in providing
psycho-spiritual counselling and training of religious priests, sisters of different con-
gregations in the Philippines and abroad as well as lay missionaries and staff develop-
ment of the different Non-governmental organizations whose work involved provid-
ing psycho-social support to the different institutions and organizations like BALAY,
TFDP (Task Force Detainees of the Philippines), Philippine Misereor, Inc (PMPI) . She
is also a consultant of Asian Federation of Families Against Involuntary Disappear-
ances (AFAD) and has conducted Psycho-social trauma rehabilitation work with the
families of the member countries of AFAD in the Asia-Pacific Region.
Judith Strasser is a clinical psychologist and presently associated with the Transcultural
Psychosocial Organization Cambodia (TPO Cambodia). She develops and supervises
psychological interventions to address post-conflict related trauma and to support
witnesses and civil parties of the Khmer Rouge tribunal.
Julian Poluda holds a Diploma in Tropical Medicine & Public Health and a Master
Degree in International Health from Humboldt University, Berlin. He works as a free-
lance consultant in Cambodia focusing on evaluations and programme development in
the fields of psychosocial interventions, justice and reconciliation.
Kok-Thay ENG is a Deputy Director of the Documentation Center in Cambodia. He

is currently responsible for museum exhibition, research, digitalization and documen
tation activities at DC-Cam. Mr. ENG is also PhD candidate at Rutgers University,
researching and writing his dissertation on Cambodian Muslim identity after the Khmer
Rouge. Mr. Eng was a Fulbright fellow in 2005.
Lorena P. Santos – Deputy Secretary General of Families of the Disappeared for Justice
(DESAPARECIDOS). “Aya” is the daughter of Leo Velasco who is a victim of enforced
disappearance under the Arroyo Regime in the Philippines. Her mother, Elizabeth Prin-
cipe is also a victim of abduction eight months after Leo’s abduction but was surfaced
by the Philippine Military and Police after three days of being incommunicado. Aya is
Authors | 173
currently working for Desaparecidos to continue the search for her father and other
victims of enforced disappearances.
Luis Fondebrider is a forensic anthropologist, founding member of the The Argentine

Forensic Anthropology Team (Equipo Argentino de Antropología Forense, EAAF) and
currently its president.
M.C.M. Iqbal is a retired senior civil service officer from Sri Lanka. He had been a
secretary to four commissions of inquiry appointed by the government of Sri Lanka,
two of which had been on disappearances of persons. After retirement he had been a
consultant to the National Human Rights Commission and later one of the advisers
to an International Independent Group of Eminent Persons who had been invited to
oversea the work of a Commission of Inquiry into serious human rights violations. He
now lives in The Netherlands.
Ma. Esmeralda de la Paz-Macaspac holds a Bachelor of Arts Major in Psychology gradu-

ate from the University of the Philippines and had units in Master of Arts in Anthropol-
ogy from the same University. She started working with the CRC in 1985 as a volunteer
and subsequently became one of the child psychologists. In 2000 she left to join women’s
organizations to help in their advocacy. She eventually went back to children’s work as
staff of the Association for the Rights of Children in Southeast Asia in 2005 and in 2007,
she returned to the Children’s Rehabilitation Center as its Executive Director.
Mary Aileen Bacalso graduated with the degree of Bachelor of Arts Major in Mass
Communication in St. Theresa’s Collage, Cebu City, Philippines. She is finishing her
Master’s Degree on Philippine Studies Major in Foreign Relations in the University of
the Philippines, Quezon City. She is currently the Secretary General of the Asian Feder-
ation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD). She has worked on the issue of en-
forced disappearances since 1992, first as Secretary-General and later, Co-Chairperson
of the Families of Victims of Involuntary Disappearance (FIND). Her most outstanding
contribution to the fight against impunity was her active participation in the three-
year drafting and negotiation process of the UN Convention for the Protection of All
Persons from Enforced Disappearance in Geneva, Switzerland.
Mychelle Balthazard is a PhD candidate in International Development at the Payson

Center of Tulane University. She is also the in-country coordinator in Cambodia for the
Human Rights Center at the University of California, Berkley.
174 | Authors
OM Chariya studied psychology and obtained a B.A. at the Royal University of Phnom
Penh. She has been interested in trauma transmission since she conducted her Bach-
elor thesis on second generation of Khmer Rouge survivors. She developed and imple-
mented outreaching activities in the context of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal working
with the psychosocial support section of the Center for Social Development (CSD) and
the Center for Justice and Conciliation (CJR). Currently she is working as a Clinical
Assistant at the Transcultural Psychosocial Organization Cambodia (TPO Cambodia).
Pashupati Mahat, Ph.D is a Clinical Psychologist. whose experience range from ten
years working experience in the field of mental health and psychosocial support
work, teaching for graduates and post graduates in psychology and psychiatry at the
Tribhuvan University and research work on mental health to psychological support
activities. He is currently working at the Centre for Mental Health and Counselling
Nepal, Thapathali Kathmandu, that has a psychosocial support program focusing on
war affected families including families of disappearance in highly war affected parts
of the country.
Pratubjit Neelapaijit: B.A. (Political Science), Chulalongkorn University, Thailand since

2004. The second daughter of Mr. Somchai Neelapaijit is now working as the project
manager of The Justice for Peace Foundation, focusing on the project on enforced and
involuntary disappearance in Thailand. She is the focal person of the AFAD.
Putri Kanesia was born in Bandung, West Java, in 1984 and holds an undergraduate
degree from the Faculty of Law at the Atma Jaya Catholic University Jakarta. She
served as assistant to the Public Attorney at the Jakarta Legal Aid Institute before she
graduated and became an advocate in 2008. Currently she works at the Division for
Political, Legal and Human Rights of KontraS, providing legal assistance and human
rights education to victims and families of victim of human rights abuses and, among
other activities, was part of an investigation team of KontraS and YAPHI Solo that
documented dozens of mass graves of victims of massacres in 1965-1966 in Central
Java and Yogyakarta. She is also active in the Indonesian Torture Network and the
Security Sector Reform Working Group.
Ravindra Kumar Karn is a Human Rights Officer for the Advocacy Forum in Nepal-
gunj. Educated as a teacher, having worked for various international organizations as
translator (he speaks six languages) and having conducted HR-trainings all over the
country, he knows the situation in which people in Nepal and specially in the Midwest-
Authors | 175
ern region live very well. He is also an active member of the Peace Alliance, was the
Convention Director of the National Convention of Human Rights Organizations in
Nepalgunj in 2005 and worked as coordinator for Human Rights in the regional office
of the Nepal Jaycees. ravindra_hrd@yahoo.com
Rini Kusnadi was born in Jakarta in 1985. She joined IKOHI (the Indonesian Asso-
ciation of Families of the Disappeared) in 2006 and was in charge for the Psychosocial
Services Program for victims of human rights abuses in Jakarta and Aceh (particularly
in West and North Aceh districts). She is currently pursuing her undergraduate degree at
the Psychology Faculty of the State Islamic University of Syarif Hidayatullah, Indonesia.
Simon Robins is a humanitarian practitioner and researcher with an interest in

transitional justice, humanitarian protection and human rights, having worked with
the International Committee of the Red Cross since 2003. He is finishing a PhD at
the Post-war Reconstruction and Development Unit at the University of York in
the UK, studying the issue of persons missing in conflict in Nepal and Timor-Leste.
www.simonrobins.com
Soren Blau is a forensic anthropologist at the Victorian Institute of Forensic Medicine.

She is also an honorary Senior Lecturer in the Department of Forensic Medicine at
Monash University. Soren has been working with families of the missing in Timor-
Leste since 2005.
The Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD) is a federation of

human rights organizations working directly on the issue of involuntary disappear-
ances in Asia. Envisioning a world without desaparecidos, the Federation was founded
on June 4, 1998 in Manila, Philippines. It has nine members in seven different Asian
countries.http://www.afad-online.org/
The Families of Victims of Involuntary Disappearance (FIND) is a family associa-

tion or organization founded on November 23, 1985 through the effort of eight (8)
families who had family members who were victims of involuntary disappearance. At
present, FIND has 833 individual members coming from 451 families. There has been
1,717 reported cases of involuntary disappearances, of which 1,531 has been documented
by FIND. Also, FIND was able to exhume 55 remains of desaparecidos.
http://www.find.org.ph/index.php
Visaka Dharmadasa is the founder and Chair of Association of War Affected Women
and Parents of Servicemen Missing in Action. Struggling to end the civil war, she was
able to bring women together across the conflict lines, to train them and to educate
soldiers and community leaders about international standards of conduct of war and
the content of UN resolution 1325 on women, peace and security. She was awarded
for several prizes and is part of several global networks of Women for Peace, one of
them, the “1000 Peace women across the globe” was nominated for the Nobel Peace
Prize in 2005, as well as the National Peace Council of Sri Lanka. She and holds
relevant degrees from the US Institute for Peace, Washington, and Harvard University,
Cambridge, USA.
W.P.Tanuja Rangani, Dr. MBBS (Sri Lanka), MSc Community Medicine, was born in
1976. She was trained at the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Sri Jayewarde-
nepura, and finished her Master’s degree at the Post Graduate Institute of Medicine,
University of Colombo in 2008. Her interests lay in community health projects, espe-
cially in epidemiology related issues. Currently she is working for the Department of
Community Medicine at the Faculty Of Medicine of the University Of Sri Jayewarde-
napura. She is married.
YIM Sotheary obtained a Bachelor of Education at Build Bright University of Phnom

Penh and a Master of Clinical Psychology and Counseling at the Royal University of
Phnom Penh. She worked with victims of sexual and domestic violence before m
anaging
the psychosocial support section of the Center for Social Development (CSD). At the
Center for Justice and Conciliation (CJR) she developed and implemented psychosocial
services for Khmer Rouge survivors in the context of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal.
| 177
ANNEX
178 | Annex
Country facts
Cambodia
History and dates Legal framework Graves and Disappearances
Exhumations
1953: Independence from France Ratified Rome statute Government Nearly 2 million
1953-1975: Intensifying civil war (government ECCC: Extraordinary Cambers in the authorities have died from starva
against communist guerrilla, later Khmer Rouge) Court of Cambodia; Trials to judge authority to tion, forced labour,
1973: US-bombings former Khmer Rouge officials, res- exhume; malnutrition and
1975: victory of the Khmer Rouge ponsible for severe crimes against Many graves torture between
1975-1979: Democratic Kampuchea, cities were humanity. opened by grave 1975 and 1979
evacuated, forced labour, famines – war had Victims of the former Khmer Rouge robbers;
destroyed rice plantations and animal stock, starving Regime have the opportunity to file Mass grave survey
was a disciplinarian measure systematically applied complaints or participate as Civil of DCCam: 28,833
1978: Vietnamese invaded Cambodia Parties (CPs). In this capacity, they mass graves
1989: Peace agreement are recognized as parties to the detected
till 1999: Khmer Rouge was active in some areas proceedings and are allowed to claim
in the North West of the country “moral and collective” reparations.
1993: Restoration of a constitutional monarchy Policy of amnesty for most former
with a multi-party system Khmer Rouge high cadre in exchange
to lay down their weapons
Indian Administered Kashmir

Exhumations
1947/48, 1965 and 1999 Indian-Pakistani wars Signed: Convention for the Protection Documented: 2700 Documented: 1671
about the control of the region of All Persons from Enforced Dis unidentified graves (till 2008; APDP);
Since 1989: Armed insurgency against Indian rule appearance containing up to Total estimated:
8.10.2005: Earthquake leaves 1,400 dead, 6,000 Compensations: sporadically given 2943 bodies, 8.000-10.000
injured to families with the precondition of Some exhumations (APDP) since 1990;
Since 2006: Numbers of people killed by the no further legal steps have been done by
insurgency are declining Place 14 on the CPJ Impunity Index local authorities
2009
Country facts | 179
Indonesia
Exhumations
1945: Declaration of Independence from the Nether- Ad-Hoc-Human Rights Court for Wonosobo Talangsari: at least
lands under president Sukarno (The Netherlands cases of human rights violations (2000; YPKP) 94 (pro-yusticia
recognized independence only in 1949) that occurred before 1998 Tanjung Priok Inquiry Team, 2007)
1965: Abortive coup against military establishment – In 2004 a proposal for a Truth and (2000, NHRC) Tanjung Priok:
two inflicting versions: internal army affair vs. Rehabilitation Commission was government: 40,
Communist conspiracy; as a consequence: rejected by the Constitutional Court activist groups:
anti-communist purge 1965/66, between 1-3 million KomnasHam: mandate to investigate several hundred
killed human rights violations (up to 700)
1966: General Suharto took the power and launched 1965/66: 500.000-
“New Order” 3,000,000
From 1971 onwards: elections were conducted, Documented:
but far from democratic, opposition and political 943 (KontraS, IKOHI,
participation was restricted and silenced 2008)
1984 and 1989: Tanjung Priok and Talangsari
massacre on Muslim demonstrators
1998: Student killings, May riots, Suharto resigns
1999: East Timorese referendum of Independence
26. 12.2004: Tsunami disaster, approx. 226.000
Indonesians were killed or went missing
2005: Signing of peace agreement between govern-
ment of Indonesia and Free Aceh Movement after
nearly 30 years of violence
Nepal
Exhumations
1989: Large protests – “Jan Andolan” (People’s Comprehensive Peace Accord: 29 exhumations, Documented:
Movement) – called for constitutional reforms and a Commitment to create mechanisms done by national 529 (Advocacy
multi-party system; then King Birendra had to concede of transitional justice as a Truth and and international Forum, 2008)
1990: First free elections Reconciliation Commission and a experts 933 (INSEC, 2008)
1996: Maoists launched their insurgency Disappearance Commission 998 (NHRC, 2008)
2001: Massacre in the palace killing ten members Place 8 on the CPJ Impunity Index 1300 (ICRC, 2009)
of the family, including king and queen. Alleged 2009
perpetrator: the crown prince who commits suicide;
Gyanendra inherits crown. Intensifying civil war in
the following years
2006: comprehensive peace accord and interim
constitution
2008: newly constituent assembly abolishes monarchy
180 | Annex
Philippines
Exhumations
1946: Independence from USA Signed: Rome Statute Exhumations done Documented:
1965: Ferdinand Marcos is elected president Writ of Habeas Corpus, Writ of Amparo, by CHR, FIND, PATH, 1845 (FIND: 1971-
From 1960’s: Muslim insurgency in Mindanao Writ of Habeas Data; Karapatan; 2003)
1969: with the foundation of the New Peoples Army Commission on Human Rights (CHR): 204 (Karapatan:
(NPA) the communist insurgency started only investigation mandate; 21.1.2001. –
1972-1981: Marcos declares Martial Law Presidential Human Rights 31.10.2009)
1983: Benigno Aquino is assassinated Commission (PHRC)
1986: People Power Revolution, Corazon Aquino is Place 6 on the CPJ Impunity Index
installed as president 2009
2001: President Joseph Estrada has to resign, his
Vice-president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo is sworn in
as new president
From 2002: Oplan Banta Laya (OBL) 1 and 2
Sri Lanka
Exhumations
1971: Insurgency of the JVP in the South 3 Presidential commissions for Krishanthi Documented:
1983 Riots: Tamil militants marginal until 1983 the 3 geographic parts and one all Kumaraswamy 498 (HRW, 2008)
ambush killed thirteen soldiers in northern town island commission; (1996), over 15,000: Inquiry
of Jaffna, provoking Sinhala nationalists to unleash Human Rights Commission Chemmani mass Commission: 1994,
pogroms in Colombo and other Sinhala majority Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) grave (1999) 1998)
areas. Over 1,000 Tamils killed and tens of thousands and the Emergency Regulations Duraiappa stadium 12,424 (ICRC, 2008)
fled homes; state failed to stop violence. (ERs), main factors contributing to mass grave (1999) 300 (Civil Monito-
from 1980‘s onwards, Disappearances used as a the steady level of disappearances Murusuvil mass ring Commission,
strategy in civil war from both sides, Tamil and Compensations: Between 1995 and grave (2000) 2008)
Sinhala militant organisations 1999, with the issuance of more Sooriyakanda
late 80‘s: Indian Peace Keeping Force in the North than 15,000 death certificates, more (Embilipitiya) mass
were responsible for violence against civilians than 12,000 families received com- grave (1994)
in the South: second JVP insurgency pensation
Place 4 on the CPJ Impunity Index
2009
Country facts | 181
Thailand
Exhumations
May 1992: peaceful protests against military Signed: Rome Statute Institutions: Central Documented:
junta, military was shooting at the crowd (22 dead, Amnesty for May 1992 perpetrators Institute of Forensic 93 (Relatives
293 disappeared) and military involved in Tak Bai; Science (CIFS), Committee, WGJP,
2001-2006: Mandate of Thaksin Shinawatra as National Human Rights Commission NHRCT, Department 2008);
president; Thailand (NHRCT) of Special Investi- 23 (National
Since 2001: violence and independence insurgency National Reconciliation Commission gation (DSI), Foren- Reconciliation Com-
in Southern provinces on situation in the South conceded sic Department of mission)
2003: start of the “war on drugs” compensation to 17 families; the Police;
2004: escalation of violence in the South Around 500 uniden-
12.3.2004: Lawyer Somchai Neelaphaijit disappears tified graves in the
28.4.2004: Krue Se massacre (105 militants and South
1 civilian died)
25.10.2004: Tak Bai protest (6 persons killed outside
police station, 78 died during transport to army base)
19.6.2005: PM Shinawatra enacted Emergency
Decree in the three Southern Provinces
2005: National Reconciliation Commission is formed
19.9.2006: PM Shinawatra ousted trough coup d’état
2004-2008: death toll in the South approx. 3.000
East Timor
Exhumations
28.11.1975: Independence from Portugal Ratified: Rome Statute SCIT (UN Serious Approx. 18,600
7.12.1975: Invasion of Indonesia Commission for Reception, Truth Crimes Investigation unlawful killings
17.9.1983: Kraras Massacre (nearly 300 killed in and Reconciliation (CAVR) Team) and enforced
army attack on village) IFT (International disappearances
12.11.1991: Santa Cruz Massacre (between 250-400 Forensic Team, of East Timorese
killed in cemetery in Dili) formed by VIFM and non-combatants
1999: Independence referendum EAAF) (1974-1999) CAVR:
1999-2002: UN-mission (UNTAET) Chega report 2005
2002: Independence as a sovereign state
2006: outbreak of violence
182 | Annex
Map
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Asie.svg
As a worker, it is necessary to understand the cosmology of the groups the families of the disappeared
belong to. Especially the way they think about life, death and being disappeared, the way they
respond to the situation, and the way they express their feelings.
pratubjit Neelapaijit
Those most targeted by the state during the conflict were the poor and the marginalized, and since
92% of those missing are men the loss of breadwinners has left families struggling with livelihoods,
particularly those now headed by women or the elderly whose ability to work is limited.
Simon Robins
Disappearances are often denied rather than acknowledged. At present there is resistance in accepting
the realities of disappeared persons and their families’ dilemma on a wider level and at the political
level. They have become the ‘lost reality’ of the society.
D. Somasundaram, i. gooneratne, T. pathirane, v. Dharmadasa, Anonymus Author
The need to build a relation of trust and conﬁdence with relatives of the missing before and during
missing persons investigations is a relatively new and challenging process for forensic practitioners.
(L. fondebrider, S. blau, g. Saldanha)

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Enforced Disappearances in Asia

Compilation and redaction: Katharina Lauritsch

Graphic Design: Peter Chalupnik, www.chalupnik.at

All rights reserved, reproduced in part or in whole by any means,

Why a book like this?

Disappearances in the scope of internal armed conflicts.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

Still waiting for justice in Sri Lanka

Enforced Disappearances in Democratic Countries.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51

INDIAN ADMINISTERED KASHMIR.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69

And They Shall Cry No More… Enforced Disappearances in the Philippines

Enforced Disappearances as a Legacy of Dictatorship or Occupation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115

EAST TIMOR.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135

Regional Perspectives.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163

From ‘Healing Wounds / Mending Scars’ to ‘From Survivors to Healers’

Country facts.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178

Why a book like this?

In this conference nearly forty Asian experts, representatives of family organizations,

Katharina Lauritsch (Compilation and redaction)

First and foremost, allow me to express my heartfelt congratulations to this book´s

This publication is an integral part of the results of that conference participated in

An integral part of our work is the psycho-social rehabilitation in recognition of the

It is a consolation to know that in the Philippines, human rights organizations such

Due perhaps to the inadequacy of experience and much-needed resources in many of

Nevertheless, experiences from different Asian countries in the field of psycho-social

Individual, Familial and Social

2 See: Human Rights Watch (2008).

11 University teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna), Sri Lanka (2009).

Effects on the families

16 Report of the All Island Inquiry Commission, Cap. XI

20 See: United States Institute of Peace (2009).

Exhumation in Sri Lanka

22 Prevention of Terrorism Act (1979).

Case studies of exhumations

27 Equipo de Estudios Comunitarios y Acción Psicosocial (2009).

29 United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances. See http://www.ediec.

References and further information (revised May 31, 2010)

Sources from the internet:

Still waiting for justice in Sri Lanka 33

The Mandates of these Commissions

33 This article was published originally at: http://www.groundviews.org/2010/03/23/still-waiting-for-

Procedure of recording evidence

investigations by the Disappearances Investigation Unit of the Criminal Investigation

No disciplinary action against errant police officers

35 Inspector General of Police, the head of the Sri Lanka Police

Victims Families‘ Needs

Missing teenage girl from the

Victims and Perpetrators of Enforced Disappearances and Abductions

46 Conflict Victims’ Committee, Bardiya (2007).

A Brief description of active organizations:

The National Human Rights Commission of Nepal (NHRC-Nepal) is a statutory body

Challenges in the search for the disappeared

49 Wilson, Erik (2009).

Challenges faced in every day work

The Interim Constitution, adopted in January 2007, recognizes “enforced disappear-

Psychosocial work in the search for the forcibly disappeared

Exhumations in Nepal – Traditions and practices

Case studies of exhumation of enforced disappeared persons:

PANCHKHAL KAVRE (2007)

Psychological work in exhumation processes

If there are no exhumations: Alternatives in the Asian Context

“To forget, they say, would be

articulation of events that precipitate these deaths are forbidden. Internalization of