Reading 1 Iwak
Reading 1 Iwak
Reading 1 Iwak
THE SETTING
KINSHIP
The Family. The I‟wak people gives so much importance to the family, it is the
basic social, economic and ritual unit of the I‟wak “karakdan” or community. It consist of
the “ama” (father) and the “ina” (mother), their “anak” or children and the “apo” or aged
parents of both sides, if there are any.
Looking after the welfare of the family is a shared responsibility of the entire
family members. The men and women, both old and young, discharges equally
important and sometimes the same roles in the family. The wives are never regarded as
weak and least important but stand on equal footing with the husband. The old are
never deemed as futile but treasures. The children are never seen as burdens but
blessings.
To look after the infant and young members of the family is a common
responsibility of the mother and the father, the older siblings when capable and the
grandparents. The helpless infant is wrapped in a blanket and tied in the body of the
person baby seating him as he continuous with his regular activities.
The kids are often sent to school to learn, while they enjoy the freedom to play
with peers. Even at a very young age they are being exposed to the various tasks
undertaken by the parents to be able to train them and make them useful and
responsible member of the family and the community. As the husband and the wife
discharges common roles and so the children both boys and girls are trained to do
household chores and farm works.
The “ama” or the father is responsible with heavy works like making new “uma”
or garden farms, plowing and opening new rice fields, fencing, gathering fire woods and
hunting. The husband also attends to social functions primarily protecting and defending
the community and his family. The father also does household chores particularly
babysitting the children.
The “ina” or the wife is responsible for various chores both in the household and
in the farm. Generally, the women are responsible for providing and cooking food for the
family, to take care of the old and the young members of the family, to wash the clothing
and clean the house. Their part in the farming work is planting, weeding and harvesting.
The women are entrusted to do the planting because of its association with the capacity
of the women to bear child and so the plants are believed to yield plenty of fruits.
The discharge between the household chores and that of the works in the field or
“uma” is strategically allocated between the husband and the wife. While the husband is
accomplishing his part in the “uma” the wife stays at home for the household chores, but
as the wife takes her turn in the “uma” the husband is now in-charge of the house.
The old members of the family are expected to partake in all the works of the
family in their capacity. The old I‟wak men and women can effectively work even at the
“umma” at the old age of over eighty (80). As the I‟wak communities give high regard to
the elders, the elders are equally effective in keeping the social order, harmony and
peace of the community. They are the primary players in the conduct of “tatabal” or the
justice system of the I‟wak. They are equipped with the wisdom to efficiently decide and
give sound advice in conflicts and cases because of long experiences that comes with
their age.
The kinship group among the I‟waks is mainly strengthened with the mutual help
and cooperation extended to each other, either financial or more importantly labor. The
spirit of “cammal” or “amuyu” keeps the relationship of every I‟wak families intense and
tight.
SOCIAL CLASSES
The I‟waks has a very distinct definition of social status; it is not determined by
one‟s financial prowess, by the vastness and volumes of properties acquired, by the
language spoken, or by the clothing and fineries worn. These are nonetheless the
values not given importance by the I‟waks. Social status for them is always a social
relationship; it is an esteem, honor and respect extended by the community to an
individual. It is tantamount to prestige acquired by an individual by virtue of his genuine
display of generosity and care, of sharing his blessings to the family and the community.
1. When a man was deeply attracted to a lady, he will express his affection and
plans to his parents and to the elders (nangkaama) who shall in return will help
him win the woman but most importantly the consent of her parents. A specific
day will be arranged when the man accompanied by the elders will go into the
residence of the lady to inform her and the parents about the man‟s affection and
marriage proposal. The permission of the lady and the parents shall be asked.
But because marriage and family life is always a family and community affair, at
times even if the lady does not accept the proposal she cannot do anything but
abide if the parents had agreed.
Preparations. The boy and his family shall prepare a rice wine (baya) to
be consumed during the visit. The rice wine also plays a very significant role to
manifest the decision of the lady. Before the elders proceed to the girl‟s
residence they need to invoke the intervention and guidance of their god by
saying a prayer (madmad) and by asking signs. They shall offer a sacrifice by
killing a chicken and by looking into the bile of the butchered animal for good or
bad signs. Their prayer includes the asking for protection, guidance and the
positive response of the lady and her parents.
If the lady however dislikes the man or is not yet ready for marriage and wish to
reject the proposal she can express her resentment by throwing the rice wine
and by getting violently mad. However, the decision is not for her to make but her
parents. The parents may consider the response of their daughter and decline
the proposal or eventually accept it. Accordingly, most often if not always the lady
concedes and abides by the decision of the her parents to avoid being
condemned and blamed later by her parents and by the community if bad luck
comes specially in her married life. At times however of abject poverty, pains and
marital problems experienced by the family arranged through “kalon” it shall
always be the personal, social and moral obligation of the parents, the
community and the “nangkaama” in particular to help them through it.
The marriage or “ngelen” / “ngilin” will immediately follow the next morning or
the soonest time possible so as not to give chance for lady to change mind.
3. If the parents of a lady spotted a hardworking man, they let their daughter marry
the man or vice versa. Industry more than physical appearance was the
paramount qualification looked upon by the I‟wak, as it assures one‟s ability to
support and raise the family.
The I‟wak term for wedding or marriage ceremony is “Ngelen” or “Ngilin” while
the I‟wak word “mengukob” means to get marry or to have a partner.
2. On the wedding day, elders spend the night advising the couple for a meaningful
life.
3. On the next morning they butcher the animals, then cook, they prepare
“apay”(runo with leaves) an instrument where they place the food to be served. The
couple will taste first the food before sharing it to the community judiciously.
4. The couple will have to undergo the final stage of the “ngilin” where the newly wed
will close themselves inside their house or even lock-up themselves inside their
room (manungew ira) for a period of three (3) days. They shall close and cover
everything that if possible not a single light would enter the house. They must not
look outside or peep in any hole. They cannot go outside except for extreme
personal necessities and if they go out they must only focus their sight towards their
direction and not elsewhere even to the sky. Further, they must be very careful not
to step into anything dirty and to anything that may brake like tree branches. This is
a test and training given to the newly wed to be acquainted and for them just to
confine and focus their life towards their own family, while they need to be very
careful so as not to spoil or break the family.
During the process, the spouses will be served with their needs. They will be
provided with the healthiest foods as it believed to facilitate the easy and healthy
delivery of children by the woman soon. The husband will be served by a man while the
wife will be served by a woman. Those who will be serving must not be barren or
widowed so that the new spouses will not endure the same fate. During this period the
spouses must be very careful when eating to avoid any piece of rice to fall as it is also
believed to bring bad luck to the marriage.
After the three days of “ngilin” the husband and wife are now free. They will begin
their life as spouses by first going to their garden (uma, uwang), the wife will harvest a
“kayabang” (kabang) full of sweet potato while the husband with his “bolo” will gather
fire woods of the same length, the length shall be regulated to assure that fire woods
would not touch and/or cling to twigs of plants along the way as it is also believed to
cause bad luck in the marriage.
Other Beliefs Relative to Marriage. In the conduct of marriage the I‟waks are also
guided by the following signs:
a. When someone died during the wedding, they continue the wedding but after the
wedding, they will not allow the couple to stay in one roof. It takes a month before
staying in one house. They believe that death symbolizes not a good start.
Divorce also happens in I‟wak families although it is very rare. Elders serve as
case settlers whenever a couple has misunderstanding. If they were unable to solve the
problem, they respect the marital decisions. If they decided to separate they give one
pig to each other, they butcher the pig for “pansikeshan tan pansingpetan” (for good and
to fix) of the partners. The properties of the family will be divided depending on the
settlement derived in the “tatabal” assisted by the “nangkaama.” As to who committed
the mistake is of paramount consideration. When the wife decided to leave her husband
she must return all the expenses of the man during their wedding. Finally, the children
of divorced spouses, except for infants who will go to the mother, will choose between
their parents as to whom to live with. The children will still be supported by both parents,
and most often the children go to the parent with the capability of providing them their
needs.
The Practice of “Erang”. The I‟waks possess a very unique tradition called
“erang / irang / eshang ” which is the process of amending the feelings of the spouses
when they hurt each other. The “nangkaama” together with the husband will go to his
wife‟s residence to court her again and if she agreed to accept her husband again they
need to marry again. In some cases, for a totally new start and new companionship the
couple is advised to have their names changed.
Most of the residents in I‟wak communities today were delivered through the
traditional home birth. Today, even with the existence of a law prohibiting the practice
due to its perceived dangers, many I‟wak mothers still opted for it. Not to deprive their
fellow mothers and in the spirit of service traditional birth attendants would willingly
assist when the need arises.
Every traditional birth attendant must possess the courage, patience and more
importantly the heart and willingness to help assist and ease the pain to be experienced
by the woman in the arduous process of delivering a baby. No amount of money could
ever replace the pride; joy and satisfaction a traditional birth attendant would develop
every time they open heartedly extend their service and time.
The Signs of a Pregnant Woman. A prevalent sign of a pregnant woman among the
I‟wak are: (1) Very sensitive to smells. Sometimes, they hate or love so much the smell
of their husband. (2) They are “maikot” or don‟t want to give something that others ask
from them but are “makshew” or always begging for something they want from others.
Beliefs Associated to Pregnancy. While an I‟wak woman is pregnant the following are
again being observed:
a. Do not laugh or ridicule at animals and persons with disabilities for the disabilities
will be acquired by the baby.
b. When you “mandamon” or cut grasses, you have to “pah-nos” or arrange them and
place them properly at a designated place. If the husband chops woods for fire
woods he must do the same. This has something to do with the position of the
baby inside the womb, so that the baby will be delivered easily.
c. Pregnant woman must avoid eating meat of young animals like cow or carabao
because the baby will get or feel colds easily.
d. “Sabat”- For the first pregnancy, the husband and wife should not cut their hairs
during the pregnancy period for easy delivery of the baby.
e. The husband should avoid doing fencing or any kinds of carpentry and the wife
should avoid sewing garments or anything related to stitching. If you do, the wife
will suffer difficulty during childbirth.
f. When husband and wife goes out of the door, do it quickly. Avoid standing or
blocking the door for too long or else, during childbirth the baby will not come out
easily.
g. Avoid eating dead young animals that are „‟naygueling‟ or “nayguweling”.
„‟Nayqueling‟‟ means hanging and so is associated with the baby who might be
hanging during delivery. Pregnant women must not eat the meat of a baby animal
or that of the mother animal that died during the delivery so that they will not
experience the same fate. But, generally I‟wak women even not pregnant are
prohibited in eating this kind of meats.
h. A pregnant I‟wak woman must not eat “changdis” or the meat served in funerals.
The baby inside the womb is life and therefore it must not be nourished with
something that is for the dead.
Abortion & Miscarriage. Bearing a child for the I‟wak parents is both a gift and a
blessing from God to which they are very thankful. They take extra care to avoid
miscarriage by not thinking so much and be bothered with problems, they also avoid
carrying heavy objects and work. Abortion is not being practiced by the I‟wak people.
They only knew of very few methods and plants which they accidentally discovered.
Some of which includes: (1) By taking little amount of “dabtang” or “makabuhay”
concoction. (2) Drinking gin.
Most of them were unwilling to name the abortive methods as these are against
their culture and finds it unnecessary.
Generally, pregnant I‟wak women are encouraged to proceed with their normal
life, the food they eat and their daily routine do not change much. They eat their
common daily consumption of “gabi” and “camote”, they are encouraged to eat much of
fresh fruits and vegetables. They are even encouraged to walk a lot, to go to their “uma”
or garden and to accomplish household chores.
Pregnant women were advised to avoid bitter fruits and juices like suha and
santol, as well as fishes and eggplant. Moreover, pregnant woman must avoid
unhealthy instant and canned goods as well as softdrinks. Vices like drinking liquor and
smoking must also be avoided.
Though pregnant women are encourage to work they are refrained from working
during very hot or rainy days. They must not also carry very heavy loads as it may bring
miscarriage.
Determining the Sex of the Child
a. By observing the number of lines in the thigh of the elder sibling preceding the
next child. If the child has 2 lines in the thigh it means the next child would be
female, but if it has only 1 line, the next baby will be male.
b. By the changes in the physical features of a pregnant woman. If the face, neck
and armpit of the pregnant woman darken, the baby is male but if the pregnant
woman did not change much, the baby is female.
c. If the stomach of the pregnant woman is big and pointed, it is a male. If it is flat
and wide, it is a female.
d. By observing the pregnant woman, when she walks and she makes use of her
right foot first, the baby is a male but when she walks and steps with her left foot
first the baby is a female.
The I‟waks believe in “sokdol” which means that other people should not witness
the delivery of a mother as it cause her more pain and delay. During childbirth, the
doors are closed to avoid “sokdol”. Before and during labor they put “sapsap” outside
the door as a “purong” or sign for the neighbors to know that the mother is about to give
birth. As a sign of respect, they will not enter or peep inside and even for passerby to
take another route when possible.
The “sokdol” lasts for three days. Strictly no visitors are allowed within that period
to visit both the mother and the baby. After three days, the mother may now take a bath
at the river, then after which, limited visitors are now allowed. As the mother goes to the
river to take a bath they shall place again “sapsap” along the way as “purong” or sign for
people to avoid and not to proceed.
During the childbirth, the house should be closed and there should be silence so
that the bad spirits, specially the spirits of the mothers who died because of giving birth,
will not intervene. A delivering mother is believed to be “naaspingan” or “atipuyan” when
bad spirits blocked the passé way of the baby thus causing the mother hard time in
bringing the baby out. The sign of “atipuyan” is the darkening of the vagina and so the
mother needs to rush to the hospital.
The I‟wak makes use of Dabedab” or sliced/sharpened “runo” stick to cut the
umbilical cord of the baby. The umbilical cord is usually to be buried by the husband
under the house or nearby with no ritual associated to it.
After giving birth the foods encourage for the woman to eat are chicken meat
cooked with papaya and plenty of ginger, camote tops, “amplaya” tops and horse radish
leaves. These are foods intended for the increase of the mother‟s breast milk. While
foods to be avoided are jackfruit, sour foods, eggplant, gabi, beans and fishes and
banana specifically “dommen” and “lakatan”. These foods may cause “begnat” and
because the baby will eat through the mother‟s breast this food are said to cause
allergies or illness to the infant.
The I‟wak observes a very simple “mengo”, “ mango” or “tanggad” or care after
birth, which is the period for the mother to gain back her strength and to heal. Period of
“tanggad” constitutes only three days of total rest and no taking a bath. After three days
the woman may now start working even going to the “uma” or garden. However, the
woman must not carry heavy objects, and avoid taking a bath with cold water and stay
long with water like washing the cloths.
The I‟wak people believed that death is not the end of everything in man as
man‟s existence continuous in the so called “the world of the spirits.” For that reason,
the I‟wak exudes a highly civilized varied ways of burying their dead to prepare them for
the next life.
During the early times, the I‟waks immediately bury the body of their dead‟s after
three to five hours, just enough for the preparation of the body of the dead being cared,
bathed and dressed, while its “bakka” or tomb is being dug for the making of its
“unguong” or “indungog” which is a tunneled rectangular cave-like space for the body of
the dead to rest in peace. In that short period, the family members are immediately
called to give their last respect, the burying of the dead‟s body will proceed with or
without the complete presence of his love ones. The men are dressed with their
traditional g-string the “kubal” while the women are dressed up with blouse and “aten”.
The I‟waks has a burial blanket called “kulabaw which is generally used to wrap the
dead. If the dead person is a highly esteemed old man, a “mabonong” or a “Bunejan”
they make use of a burial blanket called “Sapey” to wrap the dead‟s body. Men are
buried facing the sunrise while women are buried facing the sunset.
Now a days, the I‟waks observe a longer period of mourning depending on the
age of the dead person as with age signifies more memories and stories to be reminisce
and recounted. If the dead person is 80 years old above it will take two nights to be
mourned before burying him, but if below 80 years old it will stay for one night. If the
dead is a child it will only be for one day.
The mourning period with the physical presence of the dead person may be short
but I‟waks actually holds long and elaborate customs and beliefs about death and their
dead. The I‟waks observes a fix number of days, which is eleven (11) consecutive days,
to complete their interment.
During the first day of the dead, which in the olden times is true to all, was also
the burial day. However, changes of burial day now occur as mentioned above. It may
vary depending on the I‟wak community, the age of the dead and the cause of death.
During this time the body is given the utmost care he deserves. The body is physically
prepared for the community to see and give their last respect. During the first day,
generally, there will be no animals to be butchered, for some however they kill dog as
they believe that it will be the companion of the dead in next life, while others also kill
just a pair of chicken as a simple sacrifice.
The “katdo” or the third day of the interment is very important for the I‟waks. It is
mandatory that animals will be butchered depending on the ability of the family and
relatives of the dead. The third day in I‟wak culture is believed to be the day for the dead
person to eventually know that he is dead, for that reason the dead person must see
that people are around and animals are being offered.
The butchering of animals especially pigs continue on the”kadima” fifth day, “ka-
nim” sixth day, “ka-gwalo” eight day, “kasiyam” ninth day and during the “sawal” or
eleventh (sawal na sa‟ke) day where there is a fire to be set. These are the days
intended to give honor to the spirit of the dead and the ancestors, a time for the living to
say their prayers.
While the second, fourth, seventh and tenth days are days intended for fasting,
thus, there will be no butchering of animals but the family of the dead will take a bath as
if asking for the dead and the spirits to take their illnesses and to make them well.
These days of inactivity are the days intended for the living to manifest their intense
sorrow.
The first year death anniversary is the conduct of the “peshit / “pesit”. It will be
celebrated with the “tayaw” their traditional ethnic dance accompanied with the biting of
the “galsa” or the gongs. The highlight of the ritual will be the dance of the dead. It is a
special moment given to the soul of the dead to dance the “tayaw” (panajaw).
Sometimes it is a solo dance for the dead but sometimes it is also paired by a woman.
While the soul of the dead is dancing, there will be a “madmad” whereby the
“mabunung” will talk to the spirit of the dead and to their gods.
During the second year anniversary they will conduct again the “peshit” or “pesit”
but this time they will only hold the “bunong”. The “mabunong” will lead with the elders
“pangamaen”(male) or "Panginaen".
When the dead person is a woman, they will conduct their burial traditions until
sixth day (kanim) only. But the family/relatives of the dead will decide if they will conduct
the traditions from the first until to the last.
If the cause of death is by accident or suicide, including the death of a newly born
baby the body shall be buried immediately. The I‟waks believes that the spirit of the
person will cause harm to the living as they are not welcome by the spirits of the dead
or by the forefathers. The conduct of ritual to appease the spirit of the dead is necessary
so as for him not to disturb them in their dreams or by giving them illnesses.
Libawan and Tuyungan of Kayapa Proper West observe the same burial customs
with that of Alang Salacsac. However some of the forebears of these places practiced
sangkilay (sangkil / sanggil) the cadaver will sit on a chair on the entrance of the house
usually at the entrance stair of the house. They tie the cadavers head and knees to sit
up right. They do this because of the belief that the dead wants to view everything, from
the butchering of numerous and different animals to the coming of people to the
occasion. “Sangkilay” practice is a passed on tradition within the family. “kauno-unod
she tatang, nanang to, para so ni wara mabedin to, emenshakel sha nan batbat uno
peshet” as how the interment of the father and the mother are and so are the children.
Amelong Labeng burial customs is the same with that of Alang Salacsac and
Kayapa Proper West specifically at Tuyungan and Libawan but on symbolism they
differ, they use ogwey or bark of rattan to pull at the surface. They do this after setting a
fire on the surface which means the light to raise the soul of the dead. The pulling of
“ogwey” is a symbolism for the dead to know that he‟s dead.
The Practice of Ma-ja. The Maja is a poetic way of telling the dead “that he is
already dead” and that he now belongs to the other world. The “maja” is the same as
the delivery of the eulogy of the dead as his life stories are being recounted. The
“maja” is delivered through a song or chant performed by the elders usually the
Manbunong.
The offering of „Oppo” / “Upo”. The concept of communism among the I‟wak
extends up to the observance of their burial traditions. It is manifested by their prevalent
practice of “oppo” or offering which comes in the form of money, animals, foods and
even services. Because the I‟wak believes with the co-existence of the living and the
dead, upon their giving of “oppo” an elder or they themselves offer “madmad” or prayer
asking for guidance and protection.
The I‟wak observes the practice that is called “ukat”. It is a form of “upo”
whereby an animal contributed by a person needs to be replaced also during their time
of death. It is a form of reciprocated social obligation.
Ancient I‟wak communities are small and simple, but these communities are
exemplified with the existence of “uljon” which is a prevailing I‟wak philosophy defined in
their political context as giving importance to social order, acceptance and peace more
than justice. It was an ideal society that displays manifestations of admirable ancient
civilization. The communities are governed with simple but proficient government while
the I‟wak people exist in constant adherence to their set of principles and wisdoms.
The I‟wak “ULJON Philosophy”
The I‟wak ancient political structure was an ideal one with the “Bonejan” that
mediates between the world of the living and the world of the gods and the spirits, the
“mabunung” for ceremonial and ritual functions, the “Bagnus” for the executive functions
and the “Nangkaama” for social and judicial duties.
BONEJAN
(Bunayan / Bonedyan)
The BONEJAN
His Gifts. The I‟waks call him “napaltiingan” or the gifted. His gifts include:
a. To give sound advice for all problems communal or individual, especially for the
healing of the sick.
b. To see the past, like what actually his people did and therefore his words are very
important for the resolutions of disputes and cases.
c. To see the present, like the presence of wild animals nearby for food or even
attacking enemies.
d. To see the future, like calamities and dangers, thus the people are warned ahead.
e. To mediate for his people and to their gods and the spirits. He can ask for rain at
times of drought, for sun at times of excessive raining, and could pray to spare his
people at times of upcoming calamities like earthquakes and typhoons.
Way of Life. The “Bonejans” are known for their exemplary life. A life which to
the people could either was innate, mandated or personally restrained. They are said to
be pure in thoughts, true in words and always kind in actions. A kind of life they
maintained to keep their “paltiing” and their sound relationship with god and the spirits,
and also to keep the respect and recognition of the people.
The “Bonejan” also keeps his body clean and healthy. Towards that end he is at
all times extra careful with the food he eats. He can only eat the meat of baby or newly
born animals, they do not eat matured pigs that had already eaten camote, a “Bunejan”
do not eat camote only “taro” and “squash”, they do not eat dogs, fishy and slimy
creatures. He drinks only water that is taken directly from the “sebseb” or from the main
source. Aside from these foods are not palatable to their appetite it has been said that it
was directed to them by the ones who gave them their “paltiing”.
The “Bonejan” maintains a very simple life and keeps away from any affluence,
they cannot have a wife, and that is for them to fully devote their life to their calling and
to refrain themselves from earthly pleasures. Because the “Bonejans” cannot have their
own family it is noted therefore that being “Bonejan” does not run in the family or in the
blood. Anybody in the community can be chosen and arise as the “Bonejan”. The
immediate sign of being one can be evident even at a young age because his words are
becoming true, his “pattu”, “madmad” or prayers are always being anwered.
In early I‟wak communities the “Bonejan” is identified with his coiling bracelet
(garing) made up of bronze. The bracelet is composed of around ten rotations and is
significantly heavy. While some other accounts provide that other “Bonejan” also wears
foot bracelet.
In the early past, the remains of the “Bonejans” from the different I‟wak
communities are still kept, maintained and secured by their descendants. Once in a
while they open the wooden coffins of the “Bonejan” for cleaning, especially when they
ask for it through dreams. Every time the coffins are opened it shall always require the
butchering of a pair of pig.
Many of the elders in I‟wak communities could vividly remember how astounded
they are witnessing the remains of the “Bonejans”. Accordingly, at those times their
flesh and bones are still complete and intact. They call them the I‟wak mummies, which
they accounted to the purity of life, their food and the sacredness of their body as the
factor why they do not decay.
Today, due to several factors like the flourishing of multitude of religions and
sects in the I‟wak communities, offering an easier and inexpensive way to salvation and
even to some extent condemning them of being aberrant and evil because of their
rituals and traditions. The difficulty of life in the mountain, the deterioration of the
environment and the redefining of life which gives priority to individualism, materialism
and education. The descendants of these “Bonejan” are now deliberately abandoning
them. The houses of the “Bonejans” are now collapsed to the earth covered with
creeping vines and grasses, the remains are now with the ground, while others are just
dumped in a corner.
THE MABONONG
The “Mabonong” also strictly observe the food they intake as there are foods that
do not suit their taste and foods that are forbidden in their capacity as “Mabonong”.
They do not eat rotten, fishy and slimy foods. Forbidden foods include dog, horse and
animals that when chopped into pieces will not constitute around a hundred parts as
they believe that their prayers will not also be granted one hundred percent. The
“changdis” or “sanglis” or meats served and distributed at funeral is a food totally
forbidden to a “Mabonong”, a “Mabonong” could easily determine when a meat is a
“changdis” by its smell.
THE BAGNUS
Akin to a group of capable dogs brought to a hunting pursuit, the bravest, skillful
and most experienced of them arises as the “Bagnus”. The I‟wak term “Bagnus” means
the leader, and before it was used to refer to the dog it was actually a common
language used to refer to a person who leads or who guides.
The “Bagnus” arises not only at times of war, they are also needed during travels
as guide and they are chosen for the accomplishment of projects like building of
structures.
“Bagnus” Today. The term “Bagnus” is not formally recognized as part of their
traditional government structure and the people seemingly limit its use to refer to the
“guide dog”. However, upon elucidation on its existence, functions and importance the
council of elders are now putting the topic in consideration.
The elders are always highly regarded in every ancient Filipino society. In I‟wak
communities the “Nangka‟ama” plays unique and significant role in keeping the social
order and peace. Most often the elders only serve as juries in settling disputes among
their people but among the I‟waks they also serve as the judge.
“Tatabal” is the I‟wak word for dialogue or conversation. The “Tatabal” system is
the justice system observed by the I‟wak for the settlement of conflicts and crimes.
However, more than the process, what is most important for the I‟wak is to ensure that
peace, order and social acceptance is being restored. To achieve this end the
community must arrive at a communal decision and consent in relation to the conflict or
the crime. The “Uljon Philosophy” of the I‟wak always serves as a constant guide and
inspiration in the conduct of the “tatabal”.
What are the crimes that can be resolved through the “Tatabal” system? All
most all kinds of crime, from petty crimes to heinous crimes.
Who may call / ask for “tatabal”? Usually the victim. But the relatives of the
offender, or any concern member of the community who wishes to keep the social order
and peace of the community, may also request for a “tatabal” to be convene.
Who will provide for the food to be partaken by the community? The
partaking of the community after the process is an indispensable part. To call for
“tatabal” is also to feed the community. The person who requested for the a “tatabal” is
also the immediate person responsible for the food. However at the end, the person
who is the subject of the “tatabal” and he who is proven guilty shall repay all expenses.
It is called retribution. However, if the guilty person is not capable in repaying the
expenses incurred the family and relatives must provide and are at all times ready for
the rescue, that is how strong the spirit of familism among the I‟wak – the fault of one is
the fault of all, the fault of all is the fault of one. Sometimes a member of the community
may sponsor the provisions, but in return the offender is expected to repay him in the
form of service or labor.
Why is there a need for the community to eat? It is not eating for the end of
just eating, it is more than that! The partaking of the community in that activity means so
much for the offender and the community as it symbolizes the whole community
embracing the offender as part of the community again, it is a total absolution. Again it
shows the importance of social order and peace more than justice.
How long will it take for a case to be resolved and decided through the
“Tatabal” system? Usually a case is decided immediately in a seating. If the case is
not decided due to lack of sufficient evidence and witnesses it can take several
sessions but it would only be for few days or weeks. It is very rare for a case to last for
month/s or years.
Where will the “Tatabal” transpire? The “tatabal” usually happens in a place
agreed by the parties. Most often it transpires in an open area at the Barangay.
Who may witness and participate in the process? The whole community may
witness and participate in the process. Anybody can speak his mind and inform the
community of what he/she knows. All information that is useful for the resolution of the
case may be extended. The children however are not allowed to be around so that their
innocence will not be corrupted and to keep the reputation of the offender and the victim
in their eyes. It is a way of safeguarding their values and to keep them respectful to
adults and the elders. As the I‟wak people believes that what you eat is what you are
and so the children are further prohibited from partaking in the food served as a
settlement for heinous crimes.
How effective is the “Tatabal” system? It is very effective! a) It ends all ill
feelings between the offender and the victim and their respective families. They will
assure and pledge that they no longer keep any pain with them with the whole
community standing as their witness. If they betray their promise they betray the whole
community, and for the I‟wak the community is very important; b) The “Tatabal” system
stops the community from talking about the case and people from spreading “hearsays”.
As everything has been discussed, the truth having been extracted, the community by
themselves would reprimand people who keeps talking and saying their opinion about
the case; c) It stops recidivism. The I‟wak justice system is a healing process more than
a punishing one. An offender therefore goes back to live life in the community totally
healed from his illness. Most likely a person subject to a “tatabal” would not commit a
crime again because he/she will already be ashamed for having been wholeheartedly
accepted back by the community and absolved from his sin. He will forever be in
gratitude for the love and support extended to him by his family and the people.
The “Tatabal” System Today. Even with the prevalence of Philippine courts
and government justice system, even with the prestige and promise of career in law, the
I‟waks still strongly adheres and is strongly confident in their justice system. The
“Tatabal” system is still the primary way among the people to settle their disputes and
differences, a system well respected and recognized by the Philippine government. The
I‟wak people continue to exist with social order, peace and acceptance consistent to
their “Uljon Philosophy”.
2. Damaw – In a pot of boiling water, was a coin or a stone. The accused will
take turn at getting a piece. He who refuses or whose hand burned the most is
guilty. If a person is not guilty his hand will not get burn as the boiling water
calms down. But if the guilty one attempts the water will the more boil and even
spills out of the pot.
3. Kilat – a nail of regulated size wrapped by cloth to control the size of its
protruding part will be tapped into the heads of the accused. The accused whose
head wounded and/or whose wound bleeds the most is the guilty. If the person is
guilty even if the wound is small it bleeds excessively while the innocent won‟t
bleed a single drop. Before this trial by ordeal is executed the community shall
prepare the burial blanket as it is always believed that the guilty individual will
surely die with unstoppable bleeding.
From a change of sound from “s” to “t” the I‟wak term “tayaw” is the same with
the tagalog word “sayaw” which means exactly the same as “dance.” However, unlike
other culture that showcases different dances for different purposes and occasions, the
“tayaw” is a versatile dance that can be performed at an specific occasion particularly
when necessary.
The term “tayaw” is also related to the iloko term “dayaw” which means prestige.
Indeed, “tayaw” is performed to give honor and to gain prestige just like the conduct of
“peshit” or “pesit”. But “tayaw” is not only for the living but also perfomed for the honor
and prestige of the dead like the conduct of “pesit”. It could also be an expression of
gratitude and an invitation for more blessings.
Further, the I‟wak word “tayaw” is related to the same but Isinay word “tayáw”
(stress on the second syllable) and from the iloco word “tayab”, in which these words
means “wings” or “to fly”. The “tayaw” when performed is like emulating the act of flying
which is an expression of freedom. Among the I‟wak it is performed as a manifestation
of freedom from illnesses, freedom from dangers, freedom from poverty, and freedom
from one‟s offense when given forgiveness and absolution by the community and it also
means freedom from earthly life for the spirits.
The three stages in the life cycle of the “chuchúti” perfectly exemplify how the
I‟waks also perceives the periods in the existence of man. Just like the “chuchúti” man
begins his existence with conception or the egg period. Then continues as he enters the
earthly life from birth to death which is referred as the larval stage. Man‟s existence
however continues after his emancipation from earthly life to a totally different
substance and world as a spirit, this is also referred as the final stage in the life cycle of
the dragonfly.
MATERIAL CULTURE
Alang. One of the barangays of the Municipality of Kayapa was given the
name “Alang Salacsac”. “Alang” is a temporary structure built by I‟wak farmers as a
resting place at times of long exhausting work in the “pajew” (rice field) or “uma”
(garden). It is also used as a shed
while guarding the “payew” from the
“sparrows that eats with the “pagey”
or grains of the “palay”.
Today, some of the “alang”
are already permanent standing
structures at the middle of the
“pajew” and it is used to keep the
farming tools and a house for their
chickens.
Today, there are already mini milling machines available in the communities
that provide more convenience for the people in the preparation of their rice grains.
The traditional attire of the I‟waks are very modest and unsophisticated, it is
composed of “kubal” or loin cloth for men and “etten” or skirt for the women.
The “kubal” is plainly indigo in color and long enough to be wrapped several
times into the waist and the private part of the men. There are two kinds of “uobal”, the
“pa-lasan” which is purely indigo is the “kubal” for the adults, while the “pinlak” which
differs only with its single lengthwise white stripe is the “cobal” for the young I‟wak men.
The I‟waks also has an especial “cobal” that is made from the “tebak” or bark of Alinaw
tree (pakak) or sometimes made from the bark of “balete” trees. The “tebak” is slowly
pounded to soften like textile and it is also used as walling for the I‟wak houses. The
wearing of g-string is very useful for the I‟wak men particularly when they go for hunting
for easy mobility. This small piece of covering,
the g-string, will expose the masculinity and the robust body of the men, thus, radiating
an image of being strong and brave. While the women on the other hand wear “eten” or
saya around their waist. It is dominantly white in color with black stripe.
The “Kulabaw”. As a way for the I‟waks to give the comfort deserves by their
dead they wrap them with a particular blanket called the “kulabaw” which is a burial
blanket with indigo and white color stripes.
CONCEPT OF HEALTH, ILLNESS AND HEALING
Health is regarded by the I‟wak as one of God's greatest gift, a property they
treasure and sustain to keep life. Life is health and health is life.
Health, illness and healing are prime influences that had shaped and is
continuously directing the worldview of the I‟wak people. These shaped their history and
their everyday thoughts, words and actions.
The Personal Factor. Again, the I‟wak regarded health as property and that
health is life, as such, caring for one‟s body and health is a personal responsibility.
Among the I‟wak, one of the reasons why the person gets sick is the lack of personal
discipline or deliberate abuse of one‟s body. Illnesses can be caused by vices to which
the I‟wak particularly identified drinking liquor as prevalent among them. Illnesses are
further caused by excessive intake of unhealthy foods and foods to which was
prohibited to someone.
As illnesses are caused by the “kaapuwan” and the God, healing therefore for the
I‟waks is something that must be humbly implored from God and the Spirits for only
them can also provide for it.
On the other hand, if the sickness is caused by one‟s sins and misconducts, they
need to appease the God and the “kaapuwan”. The following are the requisites for
healing to be granted:
a. The person needs to recognize the sovereignty of God and the “kaapuwan”.
b. The person needs to recognize and be truly sorry for his sins and
misconducts.
c. The person needs to manifest repentance by offering a sacrifice.
These elaborate concepts of health, illness and healing by the I‟wak people keep the
stability and peace in the community. The I‟waks tries to maintain a good life, a good
relationship with their fellow, with their “kaapuwan” and to God. They avoid stealing,
lying, cheating and anything that may cause harm not only because of the illness that
may inflict them as a result of these acts, but also because of the healing rituals that
involves sacrifices to God and the “kaapuwan” and the submission of one‟s self to the
community. Illness is not only a physical impediment, it is also reflects social defects.
Healing is not only physical restoration it is also social amend.
A person is "madi-teng" or healthy if the person is free from illnesses and pains, if
he could perform and is capable of accomplishing any tasks and most importantly a
person who owns a long life.
Healing is the act of emancipating a person from pain and diseases. Today, the
I'wak people seek for immediate healing by resolving to “hilot” often paired with
medicines abundantly available to the environment - the herbal medicines. Herbal
medicines are primarily used for first-aid purposes especially for simple ailments like
wounds, fractures, fever, cough and other body pains. Among the I‟wak “tangan or
tagumbaw” is a very popular herb which is common in every house.
I‟waks also seeks healing now a day by going to the doctors and taking
prescribed medicines. Most I‟wak communities are provided by the government with
health centers that gives vaccines, dental care and manufactured medicines for free.
Data primarily extracted from the research project entitled: DOCUMENTATION OF PHILIPPINE
TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES ON HEALTH AND DEVELOPMENT OF TRADITIONAL
KNOWLEDGE DIGITAL LIBRARY ON HEALTH: THE I‟WAK AND KALANGUYA-IKALAHAN OF NUEVA VIZCAYA
1 2 3
Yolina T. Castañeto , Alvin B. Felix , Noel C. Cardona, Jr.
4 5
Lorna V. Dumale , and Wilfredo A. Dumale
1
Project Leader - Department of Forestry and Agroforestry., College of Forestry, Nueva Vizcaya State University
2
Study Leader - Department of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, Nueva Vizcaya State University
3
Study Leader - Department of Natural Science, College of Arts and Sciences, Nueva Vizcaya State University
4
Research Assistant – Research Extension and Business for Development, Nueva Vizcaya State University
5
Vice-President, REBD, NVSU