Land Revenue System
Land Revenue System
Land Revenue System
system
Abstract
Agriculture has been the most important source of income in India. Tax from land was a major
source of revenue for the kings and emperors from ancient time. So administration needs a
proper care to handle land revenue system. During the eighteenth century, the process of decline
the Mughal Empire continued and the British colonial power have risen in India. After securing
the Diwani rights of Bengal in 1765, the British East India Company worked to enlarge the
company’s revenue which was reflected in their land policies and settlements. The British
company invented and experimented different land revenue settlements in colonized India.
Land revenue was one of the major sources of income for Britishers in India.
Introduction
The British East India Company introduced new revenue policy which has completely destroyed Indian
agriculture system. All rural classes’ especially poor peasants had been disturbed by the British land
revenue policy and administration. The new revenue policy also worked against the interest of small
land owners, raiyats and share- croppers who constituted the poor peasantry. Growing indebtedness
among the poor cultivating classes and consequent transfer of lands to money-lenders had considerably
worsened agrarian relations and the resultant unrest threatened the political stability of British rule.
First of all Lord Cornwallis introduced Zamindari system in 1793 through Permanent settlement Act.
Zamindars were recognized as owner of the lands and were given the rights to collect the rent from the
peasants. They were declared full owner with absolute proprietary rights in land, without realizing that
they were only tax collecting intermediaries during the preceding regime. Infact the Britishers wanted to
introduce property rights in land and thus redefine the relationship between the cultivators and the
state. The Zamindars were the key link between the central authority and the vast numbers of peasants
who occupied and cultivated land. But it was a great injustice to the peasants (raiyats) as the Zamindari
settlement totally ignored their occupancy rights and reduced them to the position of mere tenants at-
will on their own fields.4 the Britishers thought that the Zamindar were like the landlords of Britain that
is a superior type of cultivator and they believed in that the Indian Zamindars also brought a commercial
revolution in Indian agriculture as enterprising English landlords had done in England. Some historians
attribute that the permanent settlement was devised to create a class of loyal collaborators for building
the empire.
After sometime the government of the East India Company fixed the rent charged by the Zamindars to
their tenants. Bitter complaints about Zamindari exploitation of cultivators continued, however a series
of tenancy act recognized and strengthened the occupancy rights of tenants on a land for many
generations. Tenancy regulation encouraged a rental market. Superior right-holders could hope to make
money by leasing out land to inferior right-holders. A large numbers of these leases were unregulated .it
is clear that the land market is to push in to lease market. Ratnalekha Ray argued that taking advantage
of the Zamindars own distance from land and unstable economic conditions, wealthy peasants with
superior tenancy rights extended their landholdings, so much so that they put limits on the Zamindars
ability to take closer hold of actual cultivation. After 1857 revolt the British Crown took the colonial
administration authority from East India Company and established a new law and order in India. A
commercial revolution increased the production of cash crops. Now food crops were shifted in to
commercial crops which required credit facilities. Credit system was not properly organized in
nineteenth century India. So poor peasant naturally turned to the money lender, who exploited him by
charging exorbitant interest rates on loans. Peasant unable to repay loans with interest had to surrender
their land to their creditors. This strengthened the position of the money lenders and rich landlords in
rural India.
If the permanent settlement in Bengal was an experiment in transplanting the enterprise and dynamism
of the English landlords on to Indian soil, then the experiment unquestionably failed as it did not end
parasitic landlordism.
Perhaps learning from the failure and also under the impact of nineteenth century- utilitarianism the
British tried to introduce a new form of revenue settlement in Madras, Bombay and Berar regions. The
Ryotwari system is associated with the name of Sir Thomas Munro who was appointed governor of
Madras in May 1820. Subsequently this system was extended to Bombay area under the supervision of
Thomas Reid. Under Ryotwari settlement, a direct contact between the Ryot (the cultivator) and the
state. It meant a tax contract that remained valid for a period of time, usually thirty years and was
renegotiated thereafter.
At every subsequent resettlement or revision, assessment invariably went up by between 25- 60 percent
on average, depending upon factors such as soil quality, yield ,improvements made in land plots,
surplus/profit earned by cultivators and so on. Raiyats were turned in to rent tenants and share-
croppers came in to existence. In the raiyatwari areas various categories of tenants- such as ‘protected’,
‘occupancy’, ‘ordinary’ and ‘sharecropper’ tenants, besides different types of attached labour emerged.
The third variety of land is known as the Mahalwari or Malguzari system. It was adopted in the united
provinces (excluding Oudh) Punjab and the central provinces and also excluding the Berar region.
Cultivation of land was done on a co- sharing basis and co-sharer of good social standing was generally
selected to undertake the responsibility of paying the assessment fixed for the entire village.12
Conquered ethnic groups- lineages, tribes or castes were made to work on the lands of the Co- sharing
landholders. Unfortunately the system did not work successfully because the settlement officers, who
were the carrier of the settlement, turned corrupt and the revenue was at their own discretion. As a
result the system proved miserable to the agricultural classes. This created widespread discontent and
finally the Mahalwari system failed to create any extensive effect.
It was decided therefore, that the land-tax would now be permanently fixed: the government would
promise never to increase it in future. Several effects were expected from this measure. It would reduce
the scope for corruption that existed when officials could alter the assessment at will. Furthermore, now
that the state would not demand anything extra if the production increased it was hoped that
landholders would invest money in improving the land as the whole of the benefit would come to them.
Production and trade would increase, and the government would also get its taxes regularly. Finally,
Cornwallis believed that even if the Ian4 tax was fixed, government could always levy taxes on trade and
commerce in order to raise more money if it was needed. In any case, the land revenue was now fixed at
a very high level - an absolute maximum -of Rs. 2 crore and 65 lakhs
There were broadly three types of land revenue policies in existence during the British rule in India
namely zamindari, ryotwari and mahalwari system.
Zamindari system
As we have seen it is an unchallengeable fact that there were Zamindars before the British came but
here again we are in a danger of being fooled by a mere word. There has been considerable trouble
about understanding the position of the Zamindars of the pre-British period und most of the trouble has
been due to the confusion caused by the word itself. The word "Zamindar" had no definite and uniform
meaning all over India. According to Shore, the origin of Zamindars was uncertain and according to
Baden-Powell no Moghal ruler ever created an official collector of rents or invented the word
"Zamindar:' Anyone who had some real estate was spoken of as "Zamindar:' Those who held a
dependency, i.e. land which was not an independent estate, were called "taluqdars." Originally many of
the Hindu chiefs were called "landholders" or Zamindars. It was largely during the period of political
weakness after 1707 that all the intermediaries-the Rajas or chiefs. the revenue-assignees and the
revenue-farmers carne to be called Zamindars. Even court favourites. bankers. and other officials carne
to be called Zamindars.
There always was a tendency for Zamindars to usurp power and become tyrants and nothing suited
their purpose better than the end of law and order after 1707 A.D. It is easy to see how a powerful
Zamindar could gradually usurp more and more power. No wonder in course of time the Zamindars even
claimed hereditary rights. Their favorite method of consolidating their position was 10 begin cultivating.
If Zamindars have shown a tendency to usurp power and take advantage of political weakness of the
country, no Zamindar ever did this on a larger scale than the British. It was in 1698 that the British, in the
name of the East India Ccmpany, first became Zamindars of three villages, Calcutta. Smanti. and
Govindpyr. Later they acquired the 24-Parganas and in 1765 got the control of Bengal, Biha,· and Orissa.
The cultivators of this area thus came in the grip of a commercial joint-stock company of British
merchants who were as puzzled as our own Tata Company Ltd. or Birla Bros. Ltd. would be if asked to
govern Japan or Brazil. The East India Company had come to buy Indian goods and now found itself
buying up the freedom of Bengal from its simple-minded Nawabs and its treacherous army generals. It
had come to sell British goods and now found itself selling the protection of British arms, and
armaments. To a people who no longer could protect themselves in the absence of a strong Central
Government.