MMS 4 (3) pp.

459–480 Intellect Limited 2018

Metal Music Studies

Volume 4 Number 3
© 2018 Intellect Ltd Article. English language. doi: 10.1386/mms.4.3.459_1

SIMON JONES
Leeds Arts University

Kerrang! magazine and the

representation of heavy
metal masculinities (1981–95)

ABSTRACT KEYWORDS
Metal magazines have been shown to play a significant role in communicating and Kerrang!
shaping heavy metal culture. And, since the masculinist nature of heavy metal is heavy metal culture
perhaps its most discussed and agreed upon feature, scholars have argued that masculinity
heavy metal magazines also reproduce masculine hegemony. Focussing on cover gender
images from Kerrang! magazine, this study utilizes a mixed methods approach to identification
examine how heavy metal masculinities are represented over an extended number celebrity
of issues (from 1981 to 1995). Utilizing existing scholarship on heavy metal maga-
zines and drawing on celebrity identification theory, I argue that many of the
prevailing studies that discuss heavy metal masculinities are essentially flawed in
their reliance upon particular traits. Instead I show the ways that media images
can come to both reproduce and resist masculine gender norms in the context
of heavy metal culture. By considering how representations are formed over an
extended period and in relation to particular heavy metal icons, I show that certain
arguments and assumptions about masculinity and male privilege in heavy metal
culture are oversimplified.

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Simon Jones

Introduction
In 1981 Kerrang! magazine emerged as an A4-format glossy magazine focus-
sing on heavy metal music. At the time, Kerrang! catered to a rising interest in
heavy metal music in Britain – the so-called New Wave of British Heavy Metal.
During this period, what I would classify as the magazine’s formative period,
Kerrang! established itself as being the key media outlet in Britain catering
towards the heavy metal subculture. From 1995, and the departure of Geoff
Barton as editor, it was necessary that the magazine was rebranded and repo-
sitioned in order to adapt to the changing shape of metal music and culture
(Ward n.d.). However, during this formative period 545 issues of Kerrang! were
published, which helped to secure the magazine’s position as a significant
influencer within this heavy metal culture. This study focuses on this period of
the magazine’s history and considers how the images presented on the cover
of the magazine come to represent what masculinity looks like within heavy
metal culture.
Masculinity, or masculinism, is perhaps the most discussed (and agreed
upon) feature of heavy metal culture besides the music. Most heavy metal
scholars find consensus in the conclusion that heavy metal culture is built
around a masculinist framework in which masculine ideals and norms
are upheld and valorized by contrast to femininity. However, many of the
researches that address heavy metal masculinities are supported through the
use of descriptive traits, which, as I will show here, are inadequate in form-
ing an accurate picture of what masculinity is and how it is enacted by heavy
metal artists and fans. Traits are not used exclusively and rarely form any of the
major arguments but instead seem to be used to allow readers to form mental
pictures of what is being argued. Other approaches hone in on specific styles,
mannerisms and behaviours communicated through music, videos, lyrics,
media, etc. as a means of identifying evidence of heavy metal’s masculinist
undercurrent.
In this study I will be using quantitative and qualitative methods and
drawing Brown’s (2007, 2010, 2016) research on heavy metal magazines and
Brown’s (Fraser and Brown 2002; Brown and Fraser cited in Singhal 2003;
Brown et al. 2003) theory of celebrity identification. I will explore to what extent
the masculine traits used most commonly in heavy metal scholarship are
depicted on the cover of Kerrang! magazine between 1981 and 1995 through
which I will argue that the use of traits in describing heavy metal masculinities
is largely inadequate. Following this, I will focus on specific heavy metal icons
and their media personas as a means of demonstrating how these personas
can both reproduce and resist heavy metal masculine norms. As such, I will
also draw conclusions about how readers may interact with media images in
understanding, negotiating and constructing their own identities.

Theoretical contexts
Weinstein (1991) and Brown (2010) show that to be rebellious and different
(or ‘alternative’) have become defining features of being in heavy metal. Both
argue, albeit in different ways, that these features are so deeply rooted in the
evolution of heavy metal culture that they have become ubiquitous. They both
show that heavy metal culture is masculinist insofar as the features of heavy
metal culture favour attitudes and characteristics that are typically coded as
masculine (such as loudness and aggression). Although rebelliousness and
self-marginalization (which is being alternative) are not used in the same

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 Kerrang! magazine and the representation …

sense as traits in the context of Weinstein and Brown’s work, they do demon-
strate that heavy metal’s overtly masculinist ideology emerges neatly from
these beginnings. Masculinism is seen as rebellious, given that blue-collar
males experienced increasing economic and social marginalization (Weinstein
1991: 114), displays of masculinity, as Walser (1993: 109) argues act as a
symbolic reclamation of patriarchal power. So, although rebellion and margin-
alization are not gender traits exactly, it seems important to consider how
distinct gender roles and traits emerge from these ideological foundations.
The masculinist nature of heavy metal music and culture has been
discussed and affirmed in many studies on the subject including Weinstein
(1991), Vasan (2011), Nordstrom and Herz (2013) and Hill (2016) to name
a few. Recent researches on heavy metal and gender (e.g. Vasan 2011;
Nordstrom and Herz 2013) tend to draw on Weinstein (1991) and Walser’s
(1993) seminal works, which had laid much groundwork for the analysis of
heavy metal masculinities. Weinstein states that it is the ‘special insecurities
of youth’ that heightens masculinity within heavy metal culture  ‘fortified in
a historically specific way by the social, cultural, and economic marginalisa-
tion of white, blue-collar males’ (Weinstein 1991: 106). Further, Weinstein
suggests that it was the  ‘rough and muscular work’ undertaken by working
classes that had defined masculinity (Weinstein 2016: 13). For Walser, young
working-class men living in western patriarchal societies are held ransom to
expectations of masculinity and power, yet have no real resources to achieve
this. Heavy metal, he says, ‘has offered a variety of compensatory experiences
and opportunities for bearing or resolving the contradictions of masculinity
as they have been constructed by societies that are aligned by patriarchy […]’
(Walser 1993: 110).
Walser’s analysis centres on a number of songs and videos and builds
on prior research on the music video by E. Ann Kaplan, whose analysis of
heavy metal music videos highlights what she calls the nihilistic mode of the
music video, which is characterized by live performance, misogyny, sado-
masochism, homoeroticism, anarchy and violence (1987: 55). Walser openly
departs from Kaplan in a number of ways. Firstly, he states that Kaplan’s use
of the term ‘nihilism’ in relation to heavy metal videos diminishes their ideo-
logical function. He argues that the sexism in particular is a  ‘major ideolog-
ical constituent of much heavy metal, but sexism is never nihilistic’ (Walser
1993: 112). Secondly, he stresses that Kaplan’s observations of heavy metal
music videos are made with no knowledge of heavy metal culture or audi-
ences and are only activated within the context of MTV, which, Walser argues,
plays only a very small role in heavy metal culture. Thirdly, and most impor-
tantly for Walser, Kaplan pays no regard to the music itself, which he sees as a
deep methodological flaw. For Walser, this dismissal of the aural texts fails to
acknowledge primary role that the music plays in ‘invoking the libidinal and
corporeal investment that intensifies belief, action, commitment and experi-
ence’ (1993: 113).
The gendering processes theorized by Walser, namely misogyny, exscrip-
tion, androgyny and romance, are arrived at through the analysis of a range of
songs and videos. Although these examples are wide-ranging, the gendering
processes that he addresses on a whole seem too generalized to be useful in a
cultural context. Cope’s (2010) book Black Sabbath and the Rise of Heavy Metal
Music revisits and actively argues against Walser’s analysis of heavy metal
masculinities. Cope’s criticisms of Walser’s gender typologies offer some coun-
ter-arguments by focussing on particular examples (especially those found

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in the context of Black Sabbath) that he argues do not reflect Walser’s ideas.
However, although it is interesting to note how certain examples do not fit
into these categories, Cope’s arguments are not fully realized and do not offer
anything new in exchange. Further, Cope’s approach rests upon the genre
dichotomy of hard rock as being different to heavy metal in which he argues
that many of Walser’s masculinist arguments can be positioned as pertaining
to hard rock rather than heavy metal. However, this approach is inevitably
flawed because his arguments fail to see the diversities and complexities by
which bands are adopted and/or rejected within heavy metal culture.
Exscription, in Walser’s analysis, is situated as one of the key means by
which masculine power is ensured in heavy metal culture. Exscription, being
the  ‘total denial of gender anxieties through the articulation of fantastic
worlds without women’ (1993: 110), is not pervasive though, there is certainly
a female presence in heavy metal; however, Walser also addresses the means
by which male power is assured in the presence of the female other – namely
misogyny, sexualization and objectification. Besides those authors who have
used Walser’s theories directly, others have also discussed the marginalization
and exclusion of women (Weinstein 1991; Hill 2016; Brown 2010; Nordstrom
and Herz 2013; Vasan 2011) in heavy metal music and culture. Each of the
authors concludes, in their own ways, that in order to establish their member-
ship in heavy metal culture women must also negotiate their femininity.
Weinstein asserts that heavy metal’s marginalization of women is less to do
with misogyny directly rather than  ‘a rejection of the cultural values associ-
ated with femininity’ (1991: 67), a point echoed by Hill (2016), who suggests
that the social constructions of femininity imposed on women set them at an
immediate disadvantage in regard to heavy metal membership. Hill (2016),
Nordstrom and Herz (2013) and Vasan (2011) each discusses the numerous
strategies by which female participants in heavy metal culture negotiate their
sense of gender around the prevailing masculinist ideologies of heavy metal
culture. Two major modes of negotiated heavy metal femininity emerge from
these discussions – those that maintain their femininity at the cost of tolerat-
ing misogyny and sexism and those that adopt and conform to more mascu-
linized gender codes. However, Hill (2016: 152) maintains that although she
affirms sexism and misogyny in heavy metal culture, her research has found
that women’s experience of sexism in heavy metal culture is less than that
experienced in other contexts. Although the authors above do much to shed
light on the ways that women perform gender in heavy metal contexts, the
role of men in heavy metal is often situated as being stable in comparison
(e.g. Nordstrom and Herz 2013: 465; Hill 2016: 106, 129). Although gender
as a social construct is emphasized, the experience of male heavy metal fans,
as being in receipt of masculinity, seems relatively trouble-free and given as
stable. Of course, and especially for empirical work (Hill 2016; Vasan 2011;
Nordstrom and Herz 2013), the experiences of male heavy metal fans are not
their primary concern; however, the positioning of male heavy metal fans (as
contrasting to female fans) often assumes a privileged position.
Other authors have also problematized theoretical positions that argue
overt masculine authority in heavy metal by drawing attention to: method-
ological issues (Clifford-Napoleone 2015; Hill 2016), reliance upon a priori
assumptions of gender roles and codes (Riches et al. 2014; Riches 2015), and,
in the case of Cope (2010) highlighting the inaccuracies of Walser’s typologies.
Although confirming the predominantly masculinized nature of heavy metal
music and culture, Riches (2015) and Riches et al.’s (2014) work emphasizes

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 Kerrang! magazine and the representation …

how in the context of the heavy metal concert (and particularly mosh pit activ-
ities) predefined gender roles are transgressed when women engage in the
mosh pit. She departs from many of the preceding work on heavy metal and
gender arguing that by making  ‘physical exertion, power, aggression, anger,
pain and heavy metal identities only intelligible on the male body it inevita-
bly marginalises women’ (Riches et al. 2014: 265). Hill (2016: 129–30) echoes
Riches’ point confirming that particular qualities of heavy metal that are
presumed to be masculine-coded are not exclusively available to men. Hill
and Riches reaffirm that such qualities are socially coded and not natural and
they both suggest that disruptions to these codes can and do happen within
the context of heavy metal.
Sam De Boise’s (2015) book Men, Masculinity, Music and Emotions,
although not directly concerned with heavy metal music, draws attention to
the faulty foundations by which many agreed notions of gender differences
are conceived upon. De Boise’s book uses music as a case study to highlight
the insufficiencies of existing research on the role of emotions in gender. His
overarching discussion is not concerned with heavy metal or even music
directly rather methodologically he addresses the issues surrounding precon-
ceived associations of gender and emotions through studying how people
listen to music. De Boise adopts a critical framework that casts doubt on the
assuredness of existing ideas about gender roles and relationships. He argues
that we should not think of gender relations in binary terms, ‘but as indeter-
minate, structuring relations between bodies which, though durable, are capa-
ble of innumerable new potential means of becoming’ (De Boise 2015: 187).
Clifford-Napoleone’s (2015) Queerness in Heavy Metal Music is perhaps the
most divergent work on heavy metal and gender. She openly departs from
both Walser and Weinstein who she sees as having reduced the potential
of heavy metal scholarship by emphasizing only a limited scope of gender
(Clifford-Napoleone 2015: 3) and presume a heterosexual fan base (Clifford-
Napoleone 2015: 11). Her adoption of gender performativity is much more
explicit and determined than many of the other writers on heavy metal who
continue to struggle to detach biology, gender and (hetero)sexuality. As she
says, heavy metal masculinity is  ‘nothing more than a drag show’ (Clifford-
Napoleone 2015: 11). She also delivers an alternative history of heavy metal
culture, which is explained through an exploration of heavy metal’s hall-
mark style codes focussing particularly on leather. She argues that leather
styles in heavy metal were borrowed more from leather/BDSM culture than
bikers (as proposed by Weinstein [1991]). Clifford-Napoleone employs a theo-
retical framework based around queerscape theory arguing that approaches
that use either scene or subcultural theory are inadequate in describing the
queering of heavy metal. Her use of this term breaks apart any conclusion of
heavy metal as having a cohesive or singular structure. Instead, she speaks
of heavy metal as having layers of scenes and subcultures within which ‘lies
a field of possibilities that allow queer fans to reterritorialise heavy metal’
(Clifford-Napoleone 2015: 19). Clifford-Napoleone emphasizes how queer
subjects navigate, recycle, negotiate and construct their identities within heavy
metal queerscapes; however, this process is not seen as a negative process
but one in which territories are claimed by queer fans but are not visible to
others (Clifford-Napoleone 2015: 20). She says,  ‘heavy metal was always a
place of queer connections, rendered unintelligible to the heteronormative
world’ (Clifford-Napoleone 2015: 38). Her book casts significant doubt on the
power and pervasiveness that is frequently associated with masculinity and

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heteronormativity in heavy metal culture. She does not deny that heavy metal
music and culture in practice is manifestly patriarchal and heteronormative
(as are most parts of western societies) but by breaking apart the structures of
heavy metal culture using queerscape theory she leaves open opportunities for
reinterpreting gender in heavy metal.
Glam-metal has proven to be a popular discussion point in heavy metal
scholarship. This is no doubt owing to the androgynous (Walser 1993) approach
to gender enacted by its performers –  ‘feminised’ looks often offset against
misogyny (Sollee 2011). The looks of glam-metal are all seen to be borrowed
from feminine aesthetic practices (Weinstein 2016; Walser 1993; Coates 1997).
Walser understands glam-metal’s androgyny as ‘yet another tactic for dealing
with the anxieties of masculinity’ (Walser 1993: 128). Walser and Coates (1997:
56) both argue that the use of androgyny is a tactic of appropriation whereby
feminine signifiers are adopted into masculinity in order to diminish the femi-
nine threat. Yet, for Weinstein (2016: 13–14), androgyny in heavy metal is a
form of deconstruction insofar as it breaks down the binaries of masculinity
and femininity. Sollee’s (2011) analysis mirrors Weinstein’s deconstructionist
interpretation in the sense that she emphasizes a blurring of gender binaries.
However, Sollee describes this using a Freudo-Lacanian framework focussing
particularly on hysteria. Hysteria, characterized fundamentally as being an
unconscious antagonism of masculine and feminine motivations, is brought
into conscious life in Sollee’s analysis through the gender-bending behaviour
in glam-metal. So, glam-metal styles and performances can be interpreted as
either sustaining gender inequalities through the appropriation of feminine
signifiers (Walser 1993; Coates 2007) or as challenging gender norms through
experimentation and gender play (Weinstein 2016; Sollee 2011). Positively,
Walser does suggest that glam-metal demonstrates ‘the mutability of gender,
by revealing the potential instability of the semiotic or symbolic realms that
support current gender configurations’ (1993: 131). So, although Walser is
steadfast in arguing how glam-metal, like all heavy metal,  ‘replicates the
dominant sexism of contemporary society’ (1993: 131), he does concede that
heavy metal can also provide opportunities to experiment and disrupt tradi-
tional modes of gender.
The role of magazines within heavy metal culture has been explored by
Weinstein (1991), Brown (2007, 2010, 2016) and Hill (2016). Each highlights
how magazines come to constitute and reinforce the values of heavy metal
culture. This is done through their textual strategies (Brown 2007), their
modes of address (Brown 2010), abundant use of photography (Weinstein
1991) and the reification of prevailing heavy metal cultural myths (Hill 2016).
Brown shows that the design, editorial and overarching structural strategies of
heavy metal magazines act to embody and reinforce some of the most highly
guarded values of heavy metal culture. The authors all point to the recipro-
cal and deliberative mode of address preferred by heavy metal magazines
highlighted particularly through reader contributions. Brown (2010) and Hill
(2016) especially argue that these strategies form a powerful bond between
readers and the magazines in which the magazines become a forum for the
discussion and negotiation of the particularities of heavy metal culture. Brown
argues this by highlighting the position that heavy metal magazines operate,
which rests in between music journalism and lifestyle media, but Hill (2016:
53–63) elaborates further by suggesting that this connection is enforced by the
reified status of equality coded throughout the magazines’ modes of address. In
examining Kerrang! specifically, Hill argues that a number of dominant myths

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 Kerrang! magazine and the representation …

about heavy metal culture are continuously enforced and sustained through-
out its pages: equality, authenticity, the male warrior and the female groupie.
Hill’s theoretical framework, being that of the imaginary community, highlights
the ways that community bonds are ensured through imagined social connec-
tions. This enables Hill to show how the perceived reciprocity and egalitarian-
ism encoded in magazines such as Kerrang! are so powerful that they are held
to be self-evident to the extent that to question them ‘means challenging the
whole culture of the hard rock and metal genre’ (2016: 75).
Hill’s analysis of, what she calls, the dominant myth of the male ‘warrior’
rests on her analysis of a depiction of Machine Head’s Robb Flynn as being
an exemplar of this myth pictorially coded. However, this analysis is quite
limited in that a quite wide range of visual signifiers are defined as being
warrior-like without much reasoning and explanation. The difficulty here is
that, especially with such a range of signifying elements, many more poten-
tial readings are also possible. Hill actually admits that this approach is prob-
lematic if we consider audiences to be active participants in meaning-making
(2016: 76) (which would prevent any single reading being possible), which
in a sense nullifies her previous analysis. Although she stresses that myths
such as this are the dominant representations and certainly not the only ones
(2016: 76), her arguments do rest on these myths having a powerful effect on
the readership. Both Brown and Hill employ strategies that focus predomi-
nantly on reader content and those aspects that explore images draw atten-
tion to dominant readings and do not address other ways that readers may
interpret images. Also, they do not consider the relative potency and impact
that images can have depending on the popularity of the individual depicted,
where it is situated in the magazine and the diverse ways that readers use
image content in relation to their own experiences.
Hill’s analysis of the prevalent myths found in Kerrang! magazine is
balanced with a consideration of how female fans and readers may position
themselves in relation to these. However, what is missing to any significant
degree is how male readers interpret and respond to the same myths. It can
also be troubling for men to be burdened by stifling and restrictive expecta-
tions of their gender and although efforts are taken to separate biology and
gender, themes related to masculinity are often automatically positioned as
naturally male. For instance, Hill argues that  ‘opportunities of performing
masculinity are so evidently more open to men – trained to do it throughout
their lives’ (2016: 67) and ‘women’s readings would require more negotiation
as they are asked to identify against themselves’ (2016: 77). This conclusion is
troubling because it suggests that no negotiating is done by male fans in order
to align with the gender codes of heavy metal culture and that, perceivably,
male fans can just be their natural selves without being subject to scrutiny.
Furthermore, heavy metal culture, according to Weinstein (2016), has been a
place where alternative gender modes have been freely adopted and experi-
mented with and it seems appropriate to assume that an amount of reflex-
ive gender negotiating has been involved in these sorts of gender play. In
heavy metal scholarship, masculine identities are often depicted as being static
and ideologically enforced through the frequent reliance upon traits (such
as machismo, toughness, aggression) and typologies (e.g. Hill’s warrior and
Walser’s exscription and androgyny) that inherently do not accommodate for
more flexible interpretations of gender identities. Although Hill (2016) and
Walser (1993) both emphasize the complexities involved in analysing heavy
metal–gender relations, they both rely heavily on traits, which are inherently

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Simon Jones

1. For consistency static and dependent upon pre-existing gender codes. Weinstein (2016) and
images were sourced
exclusively from
Clifford-Napoleone (2015) on the other hand demonstrate that negotiation,
crazyaboutmagazines. play and reflexivity are much more vital in considering gender positioning in
com. heavy metal.
2. A random sample
of 138 images were
analysed from a total Lines of inquiry
of 231 containing The literature review above has hopefully revealed some concerns surround-
sole-male images. The
sample represented ing (a) how masculinities are theorized in heavy metal scholarship and (b)
99 per cent confidence how media images interact with the masculinist ideologies of heavy metal
level and 7 per cent
margin of error.
culture. This study will address some of these concerns through the follow-
ing aims:
3. A pilot test subsample
of twenty images was
used to assess inter- 1. How frequently and accurately are masculine traits (suggested in existing
coder reliability. Using heavy metal scholarship) represented in heavy metal magazines over an
Krippendorf’s Alpha
reliability coefficient extended number of issues?
returned fifteen of 2. Do media representations of heavy metal masculinities present potential
seventeen original opportunities to re-negotiate, experiment with or question existing gender
features as being
reliable. Of the two categories within heavy metal culture?
that returned <0.65 for
reliability 1 feature was
removed (corporeal
energy) as it was seen Methods
to be too complex to
be easily coded and This study utilizes cover images from back issues1 of Kerrang! magazine as
the other (elaborate being a pervasive authority on heavy metal music and culture (Weinstein
hair) required
further discussion 1991; Brown 2007; Hill 2016). I have isolated a specific period in the maga-
in terms of what zine’s history (1981–1995) for this analysis. This period represents the form-
constituted ‘elaborate’. ative stage in Kerrang! magazine’s long history and the period overseen by
Geoff Barton as editor. In this sense, many of the magazine’s textual strategies
were established and developed throughout this period. This period in heavy
metal’s history is also important since it saw the first academic interests in
heavy metal (noted here Weinstein 1991; Walser 1993) and heavy metal grow-
ing into an immensely popular and global genre. Most importantly, focussing
on this particular period of heavy metal history allows me to accurately unpick
and analyse particular masculine traits at a time when they were more distinct
and less fragmented.
I will be employing a mix of quantitative and qualitative approaches in this
study using content and textual analyses. The content analysis method is used
here as a means of assessing the frequency and accuracy by which the identi-
fied masculine traits are represented and reproduced on the cover of Kerrang!
magazine.2 A total of fifteen features were identified and coded3 in the content
analysis. These were divided into eight stylistic features taken from the litera-
ture, one additional stylistic feature added by the author and four performa-
tive features taken from the literature (see Table 1).
The subsequent qualitative analysis focuses on a considered selection
cover images features three prominent heavy metal icons (Ozzy Osbourne,
Jon Bon Jovi and Scott Ian). This part of the study uses textual analysis and
draws on celebrity identification theory proposed by Brown and colleagues
(Brown and Fraser 2002; Singhal et al. 2003; Brown et al. 2003). In this discus-
sion the artists mentioned above are considered as celebrities and positioned
in relation to the identification model set out by Brown et al. Celebrity status is
achieved through their extensive media exposure and artist status within heavy
metal culture. According to Dyer (1998) celebrity is discursively constructed

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 Kerrang! magazine and the representation …

Traits Source
Stylistic traits
Leather (Weinstein 1991; Cohen 1997; Walser 1993; Clifford-Napoleone 2015)
Denim (Cohen 1997)
Elaborate hair (Weinstein 1991; Coates 1997; Walser 1993; Nordstrom and Herz 2013;
Sollee 2011)
Long hair (Weinstein 1991; Walser 1993)
Tight clothes (Weinstein 1991; Coates 1997; Schippers 2002),
Make-up (Weinstein 1991; Walser 1993; Schippers 2002; Nordstrom and Herz 2013)
Elaborate clothing (Weinstein 1991; Walser 1993)
Tattoos (Weinstein 1991; Hill 2016)
Exposed flesh Identified by the author
Behavioural traits
Macho (Weinstein 1991; Cohen 1997; Beyton 1997; Walser 1993; Riches 2015;
Nordstrom and Herz 2013; Hill 2016)
Corporeal energy* (Beyton 1997; Walser 1993)
Hyper-masculinity (Walser 1993; Weinstein 1991; Sollee 2011)
Androgyny (Walser 1993; Weinstein 1991; Sollee 2011)
Madness (Walser 1993; Weinstein 1991)
Horror (Walser 1993; Weinstein 1991)
*This feature was dropped from the analysis after drawing insufficient inter-coder reliability.

Table 1: List of masculine traits and sources

through the intersections of a variety of media depictions. Although I remain 4. I have chosen to use
cover images since
restricted to a single magazine, I have selected five separate cover images of the magazine cover
each person as being representative of the discursive construction of their is a feature of the
celebrity image over time. Thus, drawing on celebrity identification theory I magazine that is
perhaps overlooked
will analyse several cover images4 featuring each of the three artists in consid- in heavy metal
ering how their mediated images may reproduce or resist traditional gender scholarship. Although
roles and how these may influence audience values and behaviours. Brown (2016) does look
at covers briefly, this is
The selection of artists identified here are representatives of the variety of secondary to analysing
heavy metal styles active at the time both musically and in relation to subgenre reader content.
social codes. Each has also garnered a significant notoriety and status within 5. Although his analysis
heavy metal in general and in relation to their specific subgenres. Ozzy is quite weak, overall
Elfein (cited in Heesch
Osbourne in particular is possibly the most well-known celebrity figure  of and Scott 2016)
the heavy metal world having played a role in the genesis of the heavy metal contrasts Osbourne’s
genre. Although Tony Iommi and Geezer Butler have played more important masculinity to others
stating that his
roles in the musical and thematic development of Black Sabbath, Osbourne analysis ‘contains
has certainly received the lion’s share of media attention and notoriety within weaker and softer
the scene. Osbourne’s continuing appeal has been forged through the devel- elements’ (p. 71).

opment of a public persona that, in many ways, denies the prevalent modes
of heavy metal masculinities.5 Osbourne played on his smaller stature and the
dark themes associated with Black Sabbath in developing a public persona
based around madness and themes of horror. In contrast to Osbourne, Jon
Bon Jovi was the central proponent of the band Bon Jovi and well-equipped

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Simon Jones

6. And we should not musically and in performance. Jon Bon Jovi is used in this context as being
forget that while
female fans may
representative of the  ‘lite-metal’ subgenre. Bon Jovi achieved huge success
negotiate their gender with their eclectic sound that, according to Walser, ‘managed to combine the
positions to identify power and freedom offered by metal with the constructed  “authenticity” of
with masculinities,
male fans may rock, and, most important, the romantic sincerity of a long tradition of pop’
also actively seek (1993: 120). Walser uses Bon Jovi in formulating his  ‘romance’ gender typol-
to negotiate their ogy in which he suggests that ‘Jon Bon Jovi […] projected a kind of sincerity
identities away from
masculine norms. and romantic vulnerability that had enormous appeal for female fans’ and Bon
Jovi’s music ‘helped to transform what had long been a mostly male subcul-
tural genre into a much more popular style with a gender-balanced audience’
(1993: 120). Notwithstanding his supposed appeal to female fans, Jon Bon Jovi
also provided opportunities for male fans to reflect on their own gender iden-
tities in light of his popularity and feminine appeal. Whilst this sort of ‘roman-
tic vulnerability’ may certainly be appealing to some male fans,6 it may also
present opportunities in courtship. Scott Ian stands out in this trio insofar as
he and his band Anthrax had not been known to heavy metal media for quite
the same duration. That being said, Scott Ian presents an interesting dimen-
sion to a study of heavy metal masculinities in several ways. Firstly, Ian is the
most featured member of Anthrax on the cover of Kerrang! magazine and
although this is no doubt due to his position as the founding member of the
band and the fact that Anthrax had gone through several vocalists in the early
stages of the bands genesis, it is not common for a non-frontman member of a
band to retain media focus. Secondly, throughout the early stages of Anthrax’s
success, Ian had apparently experienced male pattern baldness. Although not
uncommon and certainly not a serious concern, Ian’s adoption of a shaved
head appearance presented a very different look in contrast to the long hair
most associated with heavy metal. Thirdly, Scott Ian’s role as a guitarist rather
than non-instrumental performer meant that, in concert, Ian’s performance
was centred around his instrumentation primarily and less so his body. This
translates to a sort of awkwardness in photo shoots that is not seen as much
in frontmen. Thus, these artists were selected for this part of the study because
they each, in their own distinct ways, have achieved notable renown within
heavy metal and simultaneously offer opportunities of exploring the diversi-
ties of heavy metal masculinities that are all-to-often withheld from heavy
metal scholarship.

Content analysis results

Of the total usable images (373) 62% were made up of single male photo-
graphed subjects, only 2% contained images of women (either singly or in
groups), and 36% contained either images of multiple males or images of non-
photographic content. The almost complete exclusion of women from Kerrang!

Category Quantity Percent

Sole-male subjects 231 62
Female subject (single or in groups) 7 2
Other (groups of males, non-photographic, 135 36
non-visible)
Total n 373
Table 2: Frequency and percentage of male/female subjects in the total usable cover
images

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 Kerrang! magazine and the representation …

Elaborate Long Tight Elaborate

Category Leather Denim hair hair clothes Make-up clothing Tattoos
Present 26 (19)* 15 (11)* 29 (21) 107 (78) 27 (20) 16 (12) 53 (38) 22 (16)
Absent 112 (81) 123 (89) 109 (79) 31 (22) 111 (80) 122 (88) 85 (62) 116 (84)
*Together, either leather or denim or both were present in 30 per cent of the sample.

Table 3: Frequency (and percentage) of stylistic features present in sample (n=138)

7. More than 30 per
Category Exposed flesh cent was identified
as demonstrating a
Chest 15 (11)* significant frequency.

Arms 27 (20)* 8. Of course, this study is

limited only to those
Full upper body 13 (9)* present on the cover of
Kerrang! magazine and
Other 10 (7)* therefore is not fully
representative of the
None 73 (53) ways that certain traits
could be adopted by
*Together, any part of exposed flesh other than fans and represented in
hands, face, neck, etc. was present in 47 per cent other magazines.
of the sample.

Table 4: Frequency (and percentage) of stylistic features identified by author present in

sample (n=138)

magazine’s cover images during this period as well as the reluctance to show
any sort of gender cohesion (other than via illustrated content) supports
Walser’s (1993: 114–17) idea of the ‘exscription’ of the feminine within heavy
metal culture.
Of the stylistic traits identified only long hair and elaborate clothing
presented with statistically significant results.7 The presence of long hair
stands out here as being the most pervasive stylistic feature of the heavy
metal look (see Table 3). Furthermore, the feature identified by the author
as ‘exposed flesh’ also showed significant results (47 per cent in any amount
of exposed flesh beyond normal expectations – see Table 4). Exposing flesh,
especially upper body and upper arms, can be read as a presentation of tradi-
tional masculinity in that muscularity or body hair may be emphasized both of
which are clear signifiers of masculinity. Although the other traits appeared in
at least some of the sample images, they did not show significant frequency.
This would seem to suggest that significance attributed to these traits by
authors is not in their sustained presence. This is not particularly unusual
since it is accepted that frequency of appearance is not the only one way that a
particular trait could become known as a significant feature. However, it does
perhaps highlight an issue of concern regarding how particular features are
deemed to be significant by scholars if they are not significant in frequency.8
Although traits appear in heavy metal scholarship among more discussion
and detail surrounding gender issues, these discussions are often enriched by
the identification of traits. The use of traits in heavy metal research provides
visual signs for the reader of how gender is performed in the context of heavy
metal; however, the results here present a much clearer picture of how often
and clearly these traits appear in specific contexts.
Other than in the contexts of glam-metal androgyny, machismo is used
most (Weinstein 1991; Walser 1993; Brown cited in Scott and Von Helden

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Simon Jones

Gender
Category Machismo Madness Horror spectacle
Present 52 (38) 36 (26) 7 (5) Hyper-masculine 30 (22)
Absent 86 (62) 102 (74) 131 (95) Androgyny 25 (18)
Neither / Neither 83 (60)
unidentifiable
*Any exposed flesh was recorded in 47 per cent of the sample.

Table 5: Frequency (and percentage) of performative features present in sample

(n=138)

2010; Riches 2015; Hill 2016) in describing heavy metal masculine perfor-
mance. Discussions concerning masculine pride and the embellishment
or emphasis of typically masculine characteristics are encapsulated into the
term ‘machismo’ (as well as exact uses of this word); however, other aspects,
such as exscription, sexism, misogyny, violence, aggression, etc., may also be
defined in the same way since they all seek to emphasize masculine power
first and foremost. Displays of machismo were indeed present in the images
to a fairly significant degree (38 per cent); however, considering the frequency
that it did not appear (62 per cent) may be more enlightening in this context.
Considering the sustained emphasis of machismo in heavy metal scholarship
one would expect to see more consistent signs of this feature represented on
the cover of Kerrang! magazine (perhaps even more so in this period of heavy
metal history). Of course, what this content analysis does not show is what is
being presented in place of machismo. In this sense, there could be a number
of other ways in which masculine power is sustained in this context.
Hyper-masculinity, in the context of this content analysis, is defined in a
very similar way to machismo but is reserved for the most extreme or over-
displays of masculinity. In this way, it is likely that all instances of hyper-
masculinity would also be recorded as macho but not all instances of macho
would be recorded as hyper-masculine. For instance, issue 291 featuring James
Hetfield of Metallica (Figure 1) would be coded as macho on accounts of
his stoic posture and expression whilst issue 182 featuring Joe Elliott of Def
Leppard (Figure 2) would be coded as hyper-masculine due to the aggres-
sive energy of his posture and facial expression. In contrast to hypermascu-
linity, instances of androgyny were recorded when male performers adopted
the feminine appearances typically associated with glam-metal. The results for
androgyny found here are reflective of glam-metal’s status within the heavy
metal scene. Of course, in between machismo, androgyny and hypermascu-
linity, there are still many instances that could not be easily coded. In these
circumstances the subject of the image presented no clear signs of femi-
nine appearances, macho postures or facial expressions, or any aggressive
posturing.
What I hope is highlighted through these results is that although certain
masculine traits may find particular focus in heavy metal scholarship, this
does not necessarily translate in the frequencies that they appear in heavy
metal magazines. That is not to say that their arguments are incorrect rather,
if an author were to employ the use of traits in their analysis, then there
should be demonstrated an awareness of how, if not through repeated expo-
sure, these traits come to represent what masculinity means in the context of
heavy metal. Authors such as Clifford-Napoleone (2015), Riches (2016) and

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 Kerrang! magazine and the representation …

9. Approaches to image
analysis in heavy
metal scholarship
would tend to look at
a small number, if not
single, images out of
the context of overall
media saturation.

Figure 1: Kerrang! magazine, Issue 291 featuring James Hetfield. © Wasted

Talent Publishing.

De Boise (2015) have in many ways shown the potential for approaches to
gender analysis that are less static and allow interpretations that can secede
from rigid gender formulas. I hope this content analysis shows some support
for this position insofar as it has highlighted how frequently (or infrequently)
particular traits are manifested in media texts and questions by what means
certain traits are established. I will now look more closely at a small sample of
individual cover images focussing on three well-established heavy metal icons
in order to demonstrate how particular individuals can become influential to
how the gender codes of heavy metal are reproduced or resisted.

Heavy metal masculinities and celebrity identification

I have suggested here that the specificity of traits as a means of describing
gender identities is insufficient when looking at how representations are
presented over an extended period.9 Whilst the content analysis showed that
the traits discussed were represented, the frequencies recorded were perhaps
not as significant as the critical research would predict. So, by what means
then, do these images come to represent and construct the ideologies of heavy
metal culture? To address this I turn to the theory of celebrity identification
discussed by Brown and colleagues. Brown et al. consider celebrity iden-
tification to be the  ‘process by which audience members seek to adopt the
values, beliefs, or behaviour of well-known public figures’ (Brown and Fraser

www.intellectbooks.com 471
Simon Jones

Figure 2: Kerrang! magazine, Issue 182 featuring Joe Elliott. © Wasted Talent
Publishing.

2003: 105). The authors argue that celebrity identification is different to, yet
preceded by parasocial interactions with celebrity figures. Parasocial interac-
tions (such as using the celebrity’s first name and taking an interest in their
personality, style, etc.) differ from identification since ‘developing a relation-
ship with a person and wanting to be like that other person are two differ-
ent matters’ (2003: 103–04). Yet these interactions are the necessary beginnings
of identification. Brown and Fraser (2003: 107–08) stress that media exposure
is a necessary precursor to parasocial interaction and identification, which,
in a sense, highlights the role that frequency plays in constructing powerful
media images. The authors also argue that identification is dependent upon
the longevity of the celebrity’s public life as well as whether the celebrity is
perceived to be a positive or negative role model. The authors stress however,
that what constitutes positive or negative is culturally dependent and subject
to changes (2003: 106). This is particularly apparent in the case of heavy metal
since, in its early stages, heavy metal was the target of much public shaming
particularly in the United States. However, to heavy metal fans, positive attrib-
utes such as musical talent, confidence, freedom and power would no doubt
make heavy metal stars appealing. What is also quite illuminating in celebrity
identification theory is the emphasis of reciprocity in the process of identi-
fication. Although the process defines the ways that values and behaviours
can be influenced by media representations, they argue that identification is

472 Metal Music Studies

 Kerrang! magazine and the representation …

10. The lack of seriousness

in Osbourne’s
appearance as he grips
hold of a globe on this
issue is ironically offset
against the sombre
mood of the associated
copy ‘I had the whole
world in my hands:
Ozzy speaks from
rehab’.

Figure 3: Kerrang! magazine, Issue 24 featuring Ozzy Osbourne. © Wasted

Talent Publishing.

dependent on the audience member seeing something in the celebrity figure.

That is, ‘an individual may be attracted to a particular celebrity because of a
sense of sharing values with that person’ (Fraser and Brown 2002: 189). In this
sense, the process of identification entails the audience’s involvement that is
more than a simple compliance. In this sense, a heavy metal icon must present
themselves as embodying certain values of heavy metal culture in order to
attract appeal from fans whilst fans will likely seek credentials in the artist’s
ability to uphold heavy metal values.
So, through celebrity identification theory, I suggest that there are ways in
which certain aspects of heavy metal masculine practices can be reproduced
and constructed via media images without the need for excess saturation. This
is achieved through the popularity of individual heavy metal stars and their
ability to garner connections with fans that evolve beyond spectacle or enter-
tainment to parasocial relationships and identification. By exploring images
of heavy metal stars that have gained significant celebrity status within heavy
metal in general and within subgenre contexts, I will explore how depictions
of these individuals can come to both reproduce and resist heavy metal mascu-
line norms whilst not breaking from other heavy metal codes and values.
Representations of Ozzy Osbourne (for example see Figure 3) on the
cover of Kerrang! magazine tend to embellish themes of horror and madness.
Particularly on issues 24 and 54 Osbourne is featured with make-up pros-
thetics and fangs, and his snarling features and exaggerated postures further

www.intellectbooks.com 473
Simon Jones

emphasize these themes. Other depictions of Osbourne such as those

on issues 221, 261 and 334 are much less extravagant in terms of costume
although his horror-esque snarl is repeated on issue 221. On issue 224 he is
presented with a more comical facial expression10 as he grips hold of a globe.
His appearance on issue 334, a wide-angle photograph of Osbourne wear-
ing what appears like a Fedora-style black hat and his trademark purple,
round-frame shades, is what would likely be read as being likened to a hysteri-
cal madman trope. Horror, madness and goofiness are all themes that reso-
nate with heavy metal values of rebelliousness in the sense that they are, in
each their own ways, defined by marginalization from social respectability. In
the fictional world of horror, creatures and mutations such as vampires and
werewolves (both of which are referenced by Osbourne in these images) are
most frequently depicted as aberrations in horror contexts: feared by ‘normal’
people. They exist mostly at night in the cover of dark and, in the case of
werewolves, symbolize an eruption of what is unwanted and repressed by
the subject. Similarly, yet more grounded in reality, the trope of the madman
also carries themes of marginalization since historically, those deemed to be
mad or hysterical were expelled from society and confined to imprisonment
(of some form or another). The clown/goof-ball trope on the other hand is
someone who entertains, who is laughed at and who does not accept the seri-
ousness of life. In this sense, goofiness depicted in the context of heavy metal
instils the values of rebelliousness by rejecting the seriousness of respecta-
ble social life. Osbourne’s masculinity in these depictions cannot be defined
in terms of toughness, stoicism, machismo or other such typical masculine
signifiers. Instead he resists these characteristics by emphasizing playfulness,
rebelliousness and theatricality. Although he is depicted topless in some of
these examples, he lacks any significant muscular definition that would signify
hypermasculinity and the use of theatricality further distracts from the poten-
tial of this reading. Overall, although Osbourne’s media persona certainly
embodies the heavy metal values of rebelliousness, marginalization, horror,
etc., any effort to regard Osbourne image as being typically masculinist will
no doubt be superseded by the emphasis of his playfulness and theatricality.
Jon Bon Jovi is perhaps featured more frequently than any other artist
throughout this period of Kerrang! magazine’s history (for example see Figure
4). Depictions of Jon Bon Jovi on the cover of Kerrang! magazine reflect quite
well Walser’s (1993) conclusions that Jon Bon Jovi successfully embodied the
heavy metal values of power and freedom (associated with masculinity) and a
romantic vulnerability appealing to female fans. Images of Jon Bon Jovi, espe-
cially those in the 1980s and very early 1990s, are thematically and aestheti-
cally eclectic. In a similar way that Bon Jovi’s music is said to straddle between
rock, pop and heavy metal, depictions of Jon Bon Jovi also defy strict catego-
rization as typically masculine (on issue 92), feminine (on issue 204 and less
so on issue 153), erotic and sexualized (on issue 128 and less so on issue 92)
and quietly stoic (on issue 412). Regardless of this gender eclecticism, as illus-
trated in these examples, gender and/or sexuality almost always play a central
thematic role. For instance, on issue 92 Jon Bon Jovi is depicted leaning over a
pool table with a suggestive pout and clenched fists whilst a guitar is conveni-
ently placed amongst pool balls. This image as a certain erotic and homoerotic
energy suggested through his posture and clenched fists, while the use of the
guitar is a reminder of masculine phallic power. Jon Bon Jovi’s vulnerability
and sensitivity is aptly represented on issue 153 in which he is positioned in
a slightly awkward and subdued pose amongst a pink fabric backdrop. His

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 Kerrang! magazine and the representation …

Figure 4: Kerrang! magazine, Issue 153 featuring Jon Bon Jovi. © Wasted Talent
Publishing.

facial expression, stern yet contemplative, is not feminized, but it also resists
masculine toughness. The visibility of the Superman logo tattoo seems to be
an amusing reminder of his masculinity. Issue 412 depicts Jon Bon Jovi as
being somewhat sombre yet stoic. Having dropped the long hair and elabo-
rate clothing this image seems to avail any of heavy metal’s distinctness, yet
Jon Bon Jovi’s masculinity is ensured through the exposure of his ample chest
hair and stoicism. Representations of Jon Bon Jovi on the cover of Kerrang!
magazine seem to reflect accurately Walser’s analysis; however, Walser’s
conclusions about Jon Bon Jovi and his band centre on their accessibility and
appeal to female fans. However, Jon Bon Jovi’s chameleon-like ability to adapt
and transform through various gender categories reflects Clifford-Napoleone’s
(2015) position on heavy metal masculinities, which reduced gender to pure
performativity. Jon Bon Jovi’s abilities to transform his identity so fluidly are
surely to have appeal to many male fans that do not identify so strongly with
strict masculine norms.
As the founding member of Anthrax, Scott Ian is representative here of
the thrash metal subgenre. As the heavier element of heavy metal (of this
period) the thrash sound and attitude has become synonymous with mascu-
linity and particularly masculinity as a symbolic weapon against homosexual-
ity (Walser 1993: 130). In this sense, thrash metal is upheld by some as being a
defence against the gender blurring associated with lighter heavy metal styles.

www.intellectbooks.com 475
Simon Jones

11. Visual codes and

aesthetics associated
with specific heavy
metal subgenres
have always played
a role in situating
bands and artists
within the spectrum
of heavy metal styles
and as such there
would necessarily be
expectations of how
certain individuals
would look and act
depending on their
subgenre classification.

Figure 5: Kerrang! magazine, Issue 229 featuring Scott Ian. © Wasted Talent
Publishing.

My focus here is whether this sort of exclusive masculine heteronormativity is

apparent when looking at how Scott Ian is represented in media images. Like
Osbourne, Ian is not muscular or tall and for the majority of Ian’s career he
has, through either choice or genetics, brandished a bald head rather than the
long hair that was so typical of the heavy metal look. This certainly sets Ian
apart from most of his contemporaries and in particular makes his look more
visible in the context of media exposure. Weinstein discussed how diversions
from the heavy metal style code often found teasing remarks in the press and
stated, perhaps somewhat comically, that ‘the bald or even those who simply
lack luxurious manes of hair are a disadvantage in heavy metal’ (1991: 65). Ian
certainly stands out in the context of Kerrang! magazine covers of this period
(with perhaps only Pantera’s Phil Anselmo being the only other significant
depiction of baldness) and his stature has also earned him some flavourful
remarks from the magazine (e.g. on issue 229, Figure 5). Male hair loss has
always been a concerning reality for some men (connections between hair
loss and psychological distress are discussed in Wells et al. 1995; Conrad 2007)
and this is perhaps more acutely experienced in the context of heavy metal in
which long hair is recognized as the most primary visual signifier of metal-
ness. In this sense, media exposure of bald heavy metal icons such as Ian no
doubt helps to alleviate the potential of this distress. Although Brown et al. talk
about how identification is formed through similarities of values this, I would

476 Metal Music Studies

 Kerrang! magazine and the representation …

suggest, can also be extended to similarities in respect to the body. These

empathetic connections may indeed be much more potent in identification
for those who see that certain celebrities have been through the same sorts
of natural and irreversible changes. Aside from Ian’s stature and baldness, he
is most frequently depicted on Kerrang! magazine as a not-to-be-taken-seri-
ously metal-head goofball. In fact, images of Scott Ian in this context could
almost be stills lifted directly from movies such as Wayne’s World and Airheads,
being comical portrayals of heavy metal culture in the late 1980s and early
1990s. Humour and light-heartedness can also be seen in many of Anthrax’s
early music videos (e.g. Madhouse) and live performances, which are attitudes
perhaps inherited from other styles such as glam-metal. This approach was
not shared by the other big thrash bands such as Metallica, Megadeth and
Slayer, who all adopted much darker themes in their visual oeuvres. This
visual mode of appearance exemplified by Ian contrasts the music style that is
complex and aggressive and this spectacle of appearance helped to construct
Ian’s goofball media persona. Although this contrast can be difficult to inter-
pret by readers insofar as the images may not meet what they expect to see in
a thrash metal icon,11 in a sense, and similarly to Ian’s bald look, what these
images say is ‘it’s OK to be into serious music and not take life too seriously’.
Ian’s distinct form of masculinity does not challenge heavy metal masculine
norms in any striking way and it would be hard to imagine that a female metal
icon could enact the same goofball persona in the media without suffering
dismissal and criticism. However, depictions of Scott Ian with his bald look
defies one of the key visual criteria of heavy metal masculinity at this time and
combined with his notoriety and renown these images have helped to open
up possibilities of new style codes.
In exploring here how masculinity is depicted in the media personas of
three notable heavy metal icons I have shown that, in the context of magazine
cover images, typically masculine gender codes such as machismo, hyper-
masculinity and aggression can be both reproduced and resisted. Analysing
how heavy metal celebrity personas are constructed over a period of time
has highlighted the potential to renegotiate and challenge some commonly
held values of heavy metal culture whilst maintaining an overall heavy metal
image. In this way, I argue that although heavy metal may well be masculinist
in general (and this study finds substantial support for exscription especially),
the sustained use of certain traits in heavy metal scholarship has done little
to explain exactly what masculinity looks and feels like within heavy metal
culture. Here, I show that looking at the distinct media personas of heavy
metal icons so cherished within the scene can tell us about the possible ways
that fans can use media images in making sense of their own gender and iden-
tity. Of course, the obvious limitation here is that this research rests entirely
on media analysis and would benefit from interviews with heavy metal fans.

Conclusion
Here I have shown how characteristics of heavy metal masculinities have
been depicted on the cover of Kerrang! magazine not in individually selected
examples but over an extended period. And through this I have drawn some
conclusions. My first conclusion, as addressed through the content analysis,
is that the use of certain masculine traits in heavy metal scholarship is inad-
equate in defining what masculinity is in the context of heavy metal. This was
shown by firstly establishing that heavy metal magazines such as Kerrang! in

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Simon Jones

12. Of course, how much many ways uphold the values and codes of heavy metal culture (Weinstein
conscious image
reading is done is
1991; Brown 2007; Hill 2016) and subsequently demonstrating through
also dependent on content analysis that the frequency by which these traits are depicted on the
the reader’s level of cover of Kerrang! magazine does not adequately reflect the prominence that
engagement in the
content as a whole. they appear in heavy metal scholarship. Subsequently, in acknowledging that
media saturation is not the only way that traits can come to define masculinity
I used a qualitative visual analysis approach, drawing on celebrity identifica-
tion theory, to explore how the mediated personas of three prominent heavy
metal icons show how heavy metal masculine norms can be resisted without
defying heavy metal values in general. Through this, I conclude that media
images depicting celebrity personas can be used by audiences in negotiating
and making sense of their own gender and identities. Whilst other authors
(Brown 2007; Brown cited in Scott and Von Helden 2010; Hill 2016) have
focussed mostly on reader contributions and editorial content to form their
conclusions, I have focussed entirely on visual content on the magazine cover.
Whilst it could always be questioned if readers (especially passive readers)
actually actively engage with the magazines’ written content, it would be safe
to assume that all readers see12 the images on offer and as such these images
act over time to form an over-arching picture of what heavy metal culture
looks like. Overall, I hope to have shown that, whilst uses of masculine traits
in heavy metal scholarship can help to visualize for the reader what masculin-
ity looks like in heavy metal culture, they are perhaps too strict and static to be
particularly helpful. Furthermore, whilst there has been much valuable work
done on the experiences of women and other marginalized groups in heavy
metal scholarships, there is perhaps still room for more discussion about male
fans and their experiences of masculinity. And, until this research has been
established, it would appear that male experiences will continue to be situated
by scholars as being ‘normal’.

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SUGGESTED CITATION
Jones, S. (2018), ‘Kerrang! magazine and the representation of heavy metal
masculinities (1981–95)’, Metal Music Studies, 4:3, pp. 459–480, doi:
10.1386/mms.4.3.459_1

CONTRIBUTOR DETAILS
Simon Jones is a senior lecturer of graphic design at Leeds Arts University
and has been in education for more than ten years specializing in contextual
and critical studies for art and design subjects. His current role at Leeds Arts
University involves the delivery of teaching on the contextual and theoretical
aspects of graphic design practice and professional research in the areas of
media, gender and identity. He is currently a Ph.D. candidate at Leeds Beckett
University’s school of cultural studies and humanities with a research focus of
media representations of masculinities.
Contact: Graphic Design, Leeds Arts University, Blenheim Walk, Leeds LS2
9AQ, UK.
E-mail: Simon.jones@leeds-art.ac.uk

Simon Jones has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents
Act, 1988, to be identified as the author of this work in the format that was
submitted to Intellect Ltd.

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