Berkeley Linguistics Society. 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v28i1.

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28 Published by the Linguistic Society of America

Language Typology and Tonogenesis in Two Atlantic Creoles

YOLANDA RIVERA-CASTILLO
University of Puerto Rico-Rio Piedras

0. Introduction
Languages belong to three basic types when analyzed according to the assignment
of tonal features within phonological units (Hyman 1978, and 1992): intonational
(phonological phrases), pitch-accent (fixed position in phonological words), and
tonal languages (feet and syllables). Regarding the lexically distinctive nature of
tone in languages, Hyman (1992: 166) states that

[ .. ]a tone language is a language in which both pitch phonemes and segmental phonemes
enter into the composition of at least some morphemes. Tone assignment happens at the
lexical or postlexical levels. This distinguishes tonal languages from pitch-accent
languages and intonational languages.

Intonational languages have no lexical tone assignment. Tones in pitch-accent

languages are introduced post-lexically since they are not necessarily associated
with particular morphemes (Pulleyblank 1986:20).1
Papiamentu and Saramaccan, two Atlantic Creoles, have tonal systems. Both
have a bitonal system with the mora as the tone bearing unit (TBU), and tonal
patterns that distinguish lexical categories. These exhibit downstepping and
downdrift; features that are shared with West African languages and are absent,
for example, in East Asian tonal languages (Yip 1995). Papiamentu and
Saramaccan have partially restricted tonal systems, such as those of some Bantu
languages (Voorhoeve 1968).
This paper provides evidence of strong typological similarities between the
tonal systems of Papiamentu and Saramaccan with the systems of West African
languages. These typological similarities constitute the basis for a proposal that
there is a genetic affiliation between Papiamentu and Saramaccan with the Kwa
and Bantu language families; an affiliation that reaches beyond the accidental

I In fact, the distinction between tone languages and pitch-accent languages has been interpreted
in many studies as a difference between a restricted and an unrestricted distribution of tone
(Hyman 1978, 1992; McCawley, 1978). However, tone languages have different degrees of
restrictions regarding tone distribution.

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lexical borrowing. Since Saramaccan has been classified as an English-based

Creole, and Papiamentu as a Romance-based Creole, their similarities indicate
that their substrata have a greater significance in Creole genesis than previously
recognized.
Given that there is a strong correlation between typological and genetic
relations (Greenberg 1974), Inda-European languages had no influence in
Atlantic Creole tonogenesis. Changes in suprasegmental systems typically
involve changes from tone--> pitch-accent --> stress-accent (Salmons 1992:272).
There are shifts from tonal to stress systems, but no shift from stress to tonal
systems (Salmons 1992). Therefore, both Saramaccan and Papiamentu's systems
could not have emerged from the systems of their non-tonal lexifiers.
Papiamentu and Saramaccan's tonal systems emerged from their substrata:
West African languages at a particular stage of development during the slave
trade. Tonal features cannot be borrowed but integrated into the complex,
coherent, and self-contained systems of these Creoles. Therefore, this paper
explores only general typological features. Similarities regarding specifics of
tonal behavior require further study; one that considers the effect of language
change in the tonal systems of these Creoles. Also, I assume that tonal features
which distinguish West African languages from other language families constitute
reliable evidence of genetic affiliation vis a vis features identified as language
universals that these Creoles could share with any tonal language.
In the following section (1 ), this paper presents evidence of similarities
between Papiamentu, Saramaccan and West African languages. The parameters
discussed include tone levels, tone bearing units, tone patterns associated with
grammatical categories, tone spreading, and downstepping. It discusses
phenomena that specifically distinguish restricted from non-restricted tone
languages such as the type of tone bearing units (syllable or word/foot); fixed
tonal patterns versus free tone assignment to grammatical categories; and tone
spreading versus tone polarization or anticipation. Finally, Section 2 discusses the
similarities and differences between these Creoles.Voorhoeve (1959 and 1961),
Rountree (1972), Byrne (1987), and Ham (1999) provided some of our examples
and descriptions of Saramaccan. Most of the Papiamentu examples were
originally provided by Raul Romer ( 1983 and 1991 ), Harris (1951 ), Bendix
(1983), Rivera (1998), and Pickering and Rivera (2001). Other observations are
based on data provided by these authors and on independent research.

1. Typological Features of Papiamentu and Saramaccan's Tone Systems

Papiamentu has lexically predetermined tones but also postlexical tone
assignment. As a mixed system-a tone + stress language-Papiamentu combines
features of tonal languages with those of stress languages (Rivera 1998). At the
lexical level, it constitutes a bitonal system like that of many West African
languages. Asian languages usually have a greater number of tones (up to five in
some languages).
The Tone Bearing Unit (TBU) is the mora. Tonal systems of West African
languages require that every unit carry a tone. For example, Papiamentu has

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contour tones only in long bimoraic stressed syllables ( · - High tone; ' - Stress;
and Low tone unmarked) (Birmingham 1971 :5):

(1) 'dulina 'to give'

In Asian languages, contour tones can attach to syllables regardless of the number
of morae. Contour tones are more numerous in Asian languages and level tones
have a more important role in lexical distinctions for African languages (Chen
1992:61). For all practical purposes, morpheme and syllable are co-extensive in
Asian languages (Chen 1992:60); and contour tones constitute an inseparable unit
linked to a syllable.
On the other hand, Papiamentu has lexically predetermined tone patterns that
respond to categorial distinctions (Kouwenberg and Murray 1994). For example,
verbs carry tone patterns that distinguish these from nouns:

(2) 'bi~h.!! 'trip' versus 'bi_!!h~ 'to travel'

H-L L-H

Tone in African languages plays an important role in distinguishing grammatical

categories (Schuh 1978:251-254). Kwa languages such as Yoruba make extensive
use of tone for lexical distinctions (Pulleyblank 1992:263). In Common Bantu
there was mostly free tone assignment (Phillipson 1998:316). However, modem
Bantu languages like Kimatuumbi and Kikuria exhibit different tonal patterns in
the verb stem that respond to differences in tense-mood, and aspect in the verb
(Odden 1989 and 1995:449). Although similar patterns are part of the tonal
systems of some Asian languages, such as Tokyo Japanese (Mccawley
1978:528), most do not rely on these for lexical distinctions, and have lexical free
tone assignment.
Postlexically, Papiamentu assigns tonal alternations (polarization) to syllabic
sequences within phrasal domains. Alternations result from the application of the
Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) in this tone-to-stress language. Salmons
(1992:274) suggests that the application of the OCP operates differently in stress
and in tonal languages. In tonal languages, it requires spreading while in stress
languages it requires destressing or the creation of non-identical adjacent levels of
stress. Indeed, alternating HLHL sequences are characteristic of tone-to stress
languages, tonal languages shifting to a stress system. Some African languages,
such as Ganda and Hausa, have systems similar to Papiamentu's (Hyman and
Katamba 1993, Newman 1995). Nevertheless, tonal alternations are not the only
tone shifting mechanism operating in Papiamentu, spreading is also a significant
component in its system:

(3) Polarization: [un saky blanku]NP ~ e saky blanku

a bag white

(4) Spreading: e saky [a sker]yp ~ e saky asker

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 Yolanda Rivera-Castillo

the bag PAST tear

Spreading applies only before phrase edges (4); and polarization applies freely in
all other contexts.
Chen ( 1992: 54) identifies three parameters that distinguish African from
Asian tone languages: tone spreading or movement, metathesis or the melodic
inversion of contour tones, and downstep and downdrift. Bao (1992:3) indicates
that contour (Asian) as well as level tone (African) languages have tone
spreading; however, spreading applies in a restricted fashion in Asian languages
since, with few exceptions, every morpheme carries a lexically prespecified tone
(Chen 1992:60). Spreading is not restricted in African languages and these even
have long distance spreading (Cassimjee and Kisseberth 1992:26). As indicated,
there are other postlexical phenomena in Saramaccan and Papiamentu such as
downstepping and downdrift, which are characteristic of African languages but
are practically absent from Asian languages.
Downstepping and downdrift constitute a gradual lowering of tones adjacent
to a L tone. Pickering and Rivera (2001) have found evidence of downdrift in
Papiamentu:

225hz 193.42 200.45

(5) mi ta du'na- b6 a- r!6z
I PRES give you rice

In (5), the pitch readings indicate the effect of a L tone in the following H tone (!
- lowering). Harris (1951), Romer (1991), and Bendix (1983) have also described
downdrift effects in Papiamentu. These features show a clear typological
connection between Papiamentu and Kwa and Bantu languages.
Saramaccan shares many of these features with Papiamentu. Saramaccan has a
bitonal system and its TBU is the mora. Rountree (1972) indicates the presence of
mid tones in this language (a tritonal system), but it is unclear at this point
whether these are lexically distinctive. However, Ewe, the most likely substratum
for Saramaccan (Ham 1999), also has a tritonal system. This is still short of four
or five level tones typically found in Asian languages.
Saramaccan also has tone patterns associated with lexical categories,
including patterns that distinguish verbs from other categories (Voorhoeve 1959,
Byrne 1987:261 ):

(6) maak~ 'to notice' versus maak!J, 'portent'

L-L-H L-H-L

In these cases, each mora (vowel) bears a different tone since the mora is the
TBU.
On the other hand, postlexically, Saramaccan has tone spreading and no
polarization. Tone spreading in Saramaccan results from postlexical rules (Ham

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1999). For example, a High (H) tone in a word can spread over to following
words (E - lax mid front vowel):

(7) di hanso myjEE di hans6 mlliEE

the beautiful woman

In Saramaccan, the H tone of the determiner di spreads to the first syllable of the
word mitjEE. It has unbounded spreading, including any number of syllables
between two H tones with no intervening phrasal edges. Other postlexical
phenomena includes downstepping.
Rountree (1972: 312) has described cases of downstep in Saramaccan
triggered by a following L tone:

(8) ala njan 'j !~n dE

there food is-V

The H tone injan lowers because the following verb carries L tone.
There are five important parameters in the typological classification of these
Creole systems: the number of tone levels, the TBU, the assignment of patterns to
lexical categories, tone spreading, and downstepping. These establish
fundamental distinctions between West African and Asian tonal languages. TBUs,
the assignment of patterns to lexical categories, and tone spreading also
distinguish restricted from non-restricted tone languages that identify stages in the
shift from tone to stress systems, being the non-restricted type the one closer to a
pure tonal system. Indeed, Papiamentu exhibits more features of restricted
systems than Saramaccan. The following section describes the main differences
between Papiamentu and Saramaccan in more detail.

2. Systems with one Lexically Prespecified Tone:

Non-restricted tone languages must have constituted Papiamentu's substrata; and
Saramaccan's substrata must have been stable non-restricted tone languages.
Indeed, most slaves in Curas;ao and those from which the Saramacca descended
were Ewe (Kwa) speakers, currently a stable non-restricted tone language
(Singler 1996, Ham 1999). Papiamentu exhibits some features of restricted tone
languages, while Saramaccan is essentially a non-restricted tone language.
However, as tone languages, both share more parametric similarities than
differences.
Saramaccan and Papiamentu share the following features:

(A) Tone is distinctive at the lexical level. There are two level tones: Hand L.
(B) The mora is the TBU. Contour tones occur only in bimoraic sequences.
(C) Tonal patterns distinguish lexical categories.
(D) Phonological Words must have, at least, a syllable with H tone. However,
these can have more than one H per word, resulting either from postlexical
rules or lexical prespecification.

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(C) Spreading and Polarization are strictly local (no gaps).

Spreading to morae unspecified for tone immediately following H
tone.
Polarization: Morae unspecified for tone receives a polarizing tone
with respect to following tone.
(D) There are floating tones, tone conservation, and downstepping/downdrift.

What makes Papiamentu closer to a restricted tone language and different from
Saramaccan includes the following:

(A) A different set of lexical categories carry tone patterns in each language,
being Saramaccan a language with freer tone assignment and a smaller
number of categories subject to tone patterns.
(B) Polarization, a feature of tone-to-stress systems, applies in Papiamentu,
not Saramaccan.
(C) Accent has an important role in Papiamentu, with stress at the lexical level
while Saramaccan has only phrase level stress assignment.
(D) Saramaccan has lexically assigned falling and rising contour tones, while
Papiamentu has falling contour tones but rising contour tones resulting
from postlexical rules only. Papiamentu has a smaller set of lexically
assigned contour and level tones.

Both are tone languages even if Papiamentu exhibits more changes. Tone
spreading, free tone assignment, and other typically tonal phenomena indicate the
operation of a tonal, not a stress system (Hyman 1978). Differences found in
Papiamentu indicate a shift towards an accentual system: (a) stress and tonal
systems in which stress and H tone are attracted to accented monosyllables; (b)
polarization; and (c) fixed tonal patterns with a single H tone dominate as lexical
properties.

3. Conclusions
Typologically, Saramaccan and Papiamentu are not only tonal languages, but
tonal languages related to each other by their typological affiliation to West
African languages. This proposition is strong evidence for a genetic affiliation
between these languages which lexifiers belong to different branches of the Indo-
European family. Both are descendants of the same parents, probably a Kwa
language like Ewe, or closely related languages in West Africa.

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P.O. Box 22742

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