An Alternative Vision For India's Growth

An Alternative Vision for India’s Growth1
The recent Budget was pragmatic. It laudably continued to push

in areas like transportation infrastructure, and tap water and
broad band connectivity for all. However, with little help for
those recovering from the pandemic, especially the poor and
their children, the growing jobs crisis, the continuing tariff
increases, and the lack of serious structural reforms, we must ask
whether the government’s proposals hang together.
Perhaps the timidity on reforms stems from the government’s

experience with the recent farm laws that were muscled through
Parliament, only to be rolled back. The problem here, though, is
not with the healthy Indian tradition of public protest but with
the absence of democratic dialogue in passing the laws.
Recall India’s most important economic reforms were carried

out by a minority government in the early 1990s. Benefiting
from a generation of leaders that were willing to work through
coalitional politics, we built on these reforms till the early
2000s. The economic pie grew substantially. Conversely, we
have examples of decisions taken by charismatic leaders without
much public (or even intra-government) debate or protest. These
include the 1969 bank nationalizations, the 1975 Emergency,
and the 2016 demonetization. Few would argue these turned out
well for India.
What has worked for India is a clear economic vision, followed

by a rollout of well-thought-through frameworks that harness the
energy of our people to achieve it. The vision since the early
1
By Rohit Lamba and Raghuram Rajan
1990s was to steadily separate the government from the
economy by allowing more private entry, competition and
innovation, including opening up to the world through trade and
investment.
The government would focus its limited capabilities on

providing regulatory frameworks, infrastructure, and safety nets,
while private operators entered sectors ranging from telecom to
air transport. Civil society’s role in governance was enhanced
through measures like the Right to Information Act.
Technological frameworks such as the Aadhaar stack played an
enabling role, allowing the state, private sector, and citizens to
do more.
The easy gains from the initial liberalization have, unfortunately,

played out. After a decade of lost dynamism, India desperately
needs to update its vision, to raise the grossly inadequate pace of
current growth.
The vision that can be gleaned from this Budget is of India

becoming a manufacturing export powerhouse that will replicate
China’s success. This is no small vision. But is the China path
even feasible for India?
Rapid Chinese growth was initially achieved by suppressing

wages and consumption, and keeping borrowing costs in check
by lowering interest paid to households. Over time, China also
created a more educated workforce and decent infrastructure,
and reduced tariffs. Our starting point is different. It is
impossible, as also undesirable, for a democracy like India to
directly suppress worker wages and household saving rates. So
the government has been trying to promote manufacturing,
partly through better logistics as promised in this Budget too,
but primarily through higher tariffs and production subsidies.
India tried this before and failed, for straightforward reasons. A

tariff on inputs is a tax on exports. Indeed, a recent study of
mobile phone manufacturing in India suggests the production
cost increase from tariffs on inputs completely offsets any
subsidies, reducing the effectiveness of the PLI scheme in
encouraging exports.
Furthermore, constant rejigging of tariffs, as in this Budget,

discourages investment. Global manufacturers will fear any
export-oriented investment could be disrupted by some domestic
lobby wrangling a tariff on an input. Also, which industries get
subsidies is non-transparent, leading to the possibility that
taxpayer money goes to subsidize the well-connected rather than
sectors where India may have natural advantages. Finally, any
manufacturing-exports-led growth strategy today faces
protectionism from developed countries, reluctant to accept
another China storming its way into their domestic markets and
decimating the small-town manufacturers that still survive.
There is an alternative path, building on the old vision of

increasing openness and liberalization. It draws on India’s
people, their minds, and their creativity. To follow this path, we
should certainly continue to build out infrastructure and
encourage our manufacturers to seek out new global markets.
But we should particularly increase our presence in global
services by strengthening our human capital.
Two recent developments give India an opening. First, the
pandemic has made it easy to provide high value added services
at a distance. If a consultant can work from home in Chicago to
service clients in Austin, can’t she do the same from
Hyderabad? The markets for services like consulting, legal and
financial advisory, education, and telemedicine are ripe for
globalization. And services delivered online, unlike goods, do
not cross a physical border where they can be stopped.
Second, a key element in providing these services is shared

values and trust, especially around the data harvested. This
automatically puts a number of authoritarian countries, like
China and Russia, at a disadvantage. No customer cares where
they are buying a vacuum cleaner from, so long as it works well.
But if they are asked to share their medical or financial data, or
their firm’s strategy, they care very much. Will the provider
protect their data? It helps if the provider comes from a
transparent and tolerant democracy that is driven by the rule of
law.
To pursue such services-led growth, India requires a different

emphasis. The push on physical infrastructure will offer meager
returns if we do not recognize and remedy the damage done to
our children’s schooling, which has suffered so much in the
pandemic. Similarly, our democracy should not be seen as a
constraint to be sidestepped but as something to build on– for
instance, by protecting the privacy of data, and limiting the
government’s ability to intrude on it. India’s image of being
respectful toward its own minorities should be restored so that
the world wants to trade with, and invest in, us, without
hesitation; and people everywhere want to visit, study, or work,
here. Put simply, rather than attempting to mimic the Chinese
path, India needs a truly Indian vision.

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An Alternative Vision for India’s Growth1

The recent Budget was pragmatic. It laudably continued to push

Perhaps the timidity on reforms stems from the government’s

Recall India’s most important economic reforms were carried

What has worked for India is a clear economic vision, followed

The government would focus its limited capabilities on

The easy gains from the initial liberalization have, unfortunately,

The vision that can be gleaned from this Budget is of India

Rapid Chinese growth was initially achieved by suppressing

India tried this before and failed, for straightforward reasons. A

Furthermore, constant rejigging of tariffs, as in this Budget,

There is an alternative path, building on the old vision of

Second, a key element in providing these services is shared

To pursue such services-led growth, India requires a different

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