ADDIS ABABA UNIVERSITY

SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES

A STUDY ON TRENDS AND COMMUNICATIVE

POTENTIALS OF “DAGU” FOR HIV/AIDS
COMMUNICATION IN THE AFAR REGION

GULILAT MENBERE

JULY 2006
ADDIS ABABA
 A STUDY ON TRENDS AND COMMUNICATIVE
POTENTIALS OF “DAGU” FOR HIV/AIDS
COMMUNICATION IN THE AFAR REGION

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES

ADDIS ABEBA UNIVERSITY

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE

OF MASTER OF ARTS IN JOURNALISM AND COMMUNICATION

BY GULILAT MENBERE

JULY 2006

ADDIS ABABA
 A STUDY ON TRENDS AND COMMUNICATIVE
POTENTIALS OF “DAGU” FOR HIV/AIDS
COMMUNICATION IN THE AFAR REGION

BY GULILAT MENBERE

Approved by the Examining Board

__________________ ____________
Chairman, Department Graduate Committee Signature

__________________ ____________
Internal Advisor Signature

__________________ ____________
External Examiner Signature

__________________ ____________
Internal Examiner Signature
 Acknowledgments
I would like to give my deepest gratitude to my advisors Dr. Gebremedhin Simon
and Professor Mark Fackler for their unreserved cooperation and commitments to
reading drafts and giving invaluable suggestions. They played a crucial role of
responsible advisors in shaping and focusing my thought.

My sincere thanks also go to Mr. Terje Skjerdal for a generous offer of a laptop
that helped me much in my field stay. His concern and encouragements have also
been inspiring. Thanks are also due to a number of individuals and organizations
in Afar region. Geremew, Tesfaye, Mukemil, Habtamu and Waisa have been so
kind and helpful in facilitating conditions for the field study. Their genuine
hospitality is always memorable. Ashenafi, Hailu, Alemayehu, Abdulnasir,
Agiiro, Mohammed and Abdu deserve acknowledgment for their roles as
interpreters and gatekeepers. Their contributions made communication with the
rural informants possible.

Thanks are due to the Afar Region Health Bureau, the Afar HAPCO, the Dubti
Wereda Health Bureau and the Awash-Fentale Health Bureau for granting me
with a research permit and for their logistic, moral and material supports. I am
thankful to the Wereda Health Bureaux for permitting me to use their motorbikes.
Without that it would have been impossible to access the remote rural.

I am also grateful to my friends Tilahun Bejitual and Nururazik Maru for reading
the draft and suggesting amendments. I would like to appreciate my brothers
Melak Admas, Alemayehu G/Hiwot, Ayele and Tsega for their understanding,
motivation and willingness to let me use resources accessible. Demeke and
Elias-ICT men with the SJC- AAU, must be acknowledged for unreserved support
and cooperation regarding ICT related stuffs.

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I would like to acknowledge Bahir Dar University for giving me a study leave.
The Addis Ababa University School of Graduate Studies must also be
acknowledged for sponsoring my research work.

Finally, my everlasting respect, love and gratitude to my fiancé Mastewal Worku

whose understanding, patience and moral support creates conducive
environment.

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 Table of Contents

Page
Acknowledgments…………………………………………………………i
Table of Contents………………………………………………………….iii
List of Pictures…………………………………………………………….vi
List of Appendices……………………………………………………….vii
List of Acronyms………………………………………………………...viii
Abstract…………………………………………………………………….ix

Chapter One: Introduction

1.1 Background……………………………………………………………………….1
1.1.1 A Brief Socio-Demographic Account of the Afar …………………………..1
1.1.2 Health-Related Indicators with the Region………………………………….2
1.2 Statement of the Problem…………………………………………………………...3
1.3 Objectives…………………………………………………………………………….6
1.3.1 General objectives……………………………………………………………….6
1.3.2 Specific Objectives……………………………………………………………….6
1.4 Research Questions………………………………………………………………….7
1.5 Application of Results………………………………………………………………7
1.6 Limitation of the Study……………………………………………………………..8
1.7 Delimitation of the Study…………………………………………………………...8
Chapter Two: Review of Related Literature
2.1 Status of HIV and AIDS in Ethiopia: A brief Overview…………………………9
2.2 HIV/AIDS Communication………………………………………………………11
2.2.1 Conceptual Framework………………………………………………………..11
2.2.2 The Need for HIV/AIDS Communication…………………………………..13

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 2.2.3 HIV/AIDS Communication Approaches……………………………………14
2.2.3.1 Behavior Change Communication (BCC)……………………………….15
2.2.3.2 A Shift in Focus of Communication: from Behavior
Change to Social Change……………………………………………………..16
2.2.3.3 Broad-Based Multi-method Approach to AIDS
communication………………………………………………………………18
2.2.3.4 Participatory Communication Approach and HIV/AIDS…………....19
2.2.3.5 Advocacy Communication Approach…………………………………..20
2.2.4 Theories and Models Adapted to HIV/AIDS Interventions
and their Implications to Communication…………………………………22
2.2.4.1 Health Belief Model (HBM)……………………………………………...23
2.2.4.2 AIDS Risk Reduction Model (ARRM)…………………………………..24
2.2.4.3 Diffusion of Innovations Theory………………………………………...25
2.2.4.4 Communication for Social Change Model (CFSC)…………………….27
2.3 HIV/AIDS and Indigenous Media and Communication……………………..29
2.3.1 Indigenous/ Folk media: Definition………………………………………...29
2.3.2 Cultural Significance and Communicative Potentials of
Traditional/Folk Media for HIV/ AIDS Communication…………………...30
2.3.3 Integrating Traditional Media and Mass Media Messages………………..33
2.4 Synthesis……………………………………………………………………………34
Chapter Three: Methodology
3.1 Tools and Methods of Data Generation………………………………………….37
3.2 Selection of Research Area and Research Participants…………………………39
3.3 Coding and Analysis………………………………………………………………39
3.4 Ethical considerations…………………………………………………………….41
Chapter Four: Data Presentation and Discussion of Findings
4.1 Essence of Dagu: Looking at it through Eyes of the People…………………..43
4.1.1 Dagu Defined: Native’s Points of Views……………………………………44
4.1.2 Dagu: Result of a Pastoral Mode of Adaptation……………………………49

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 4.1.3 Dagu as Means of Ensuring Safety and Security……………………………52
4.2 Attributes and Trends of Dagu…………………………………………………...54
4.2.1 Attributes……………………………………………………………………….55
4.2.1.1 Dagu: Wireless Network of the Afar…………………………………….55
4.2.1.2 Pace of Dagu as a Traditional Means of Communication……………..57
4.2.1.3 Social Acceptability………………………………………………………..58
4.2.1.4 Journalistic Aspects of Dagu……………………………………………....60
4.2.1.5 Dagu as Promoter of Communal Values………………………………...61
4.2.2 Trends of Dagu…………………………………………………………………63
4.2.2.1 Dagu: A Medium Biased to Men?………………………………………...63
4.2.2.2 Dagu: A Medium Promoting Rural Values……………………………...65
4.2.2.3 A Medium Frequented by Young Males; Mastered by Elder Men…...67
4.2.2.4 Openness to Synergy with Other Media………………………………...67
4.2.2.5 Uniformity in the Use of Dagu among Asahi- and Adohi-mara…………70
4.3 Communicative Potential of Dagu for HIV/AIDS Communication………….72
4.3.1 Takes Advantage of Immediate Feedback…………………………………...72
4.3.2 Eliciting Discussion…………………………………………………………….74
4.3.3 Dagu as a Unique Traditional Brand of Afar-ness………………………….75
4.4 Rethinking HIV Communication in the Afar Region: A Case Study………….80
4.4.1 Reflecting on an HIV Communication Poster……………………………….80
4.4.2 The Case of Saxxekal Magazine………………………………………………..83
4.4.3 On HIV/AIDS Communication through Radio in the Afar
Language………………………………………………………………………….85
Chapter Five: Conclusion and Implications
5.1 Conclusion………………………………………………………………………….87
5.2 Implications………………………………………………………………………...90
References…………………………………………………………………………….92
Appendices

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 List of Pictures
Page

Picture 1: People on Malboo: Alibete II Village of the Sabure Kebebe………………62

Picture 2: . Keloita carrying a radio set: Dagu synergized…………………………68
Picture 3: An old man and a lady exchanging information through Dagu:
Farman, Dubti Wereda………………………………………………………...73
Picture 4: an HIV Education poster prepared by APDA- a Local NGO………….82
Picture 5: Saxxekal—A Quarterly Bilingual Magazine Dealing with HIV/AIDS
Issues in the Region……………………………………………………………84

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 List of Appendices

Appendix I: Interview Guide

Appendix II: Interview Guide (For Health &Development workers)
Appendix III: A Summary of Profile of FGD Discussants and Interviewees
Appendix IV: Observation Guide
Appendix V: Maps of The Study sites

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 List of Acronyms

CSA- Central Statistical Agency

FMOH- Federal Ministry of Health
HIV- Human Immune Virus
AIDS- Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome
NSS- National Sentinel Surveillance
VCT- Voluntary Counseling and Testing
BCC- Behavior Change Communication
FHI -Family Health International
CFSC -Communication for Social Change
HBM -Health Belief Model
ARRM -AIDS Risk Reduction Model
FGD- Focus Group Discussion

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 Abstract
This study sets out to examine trends and communicative potentials of Dagu: a
folk communication process as well as a traditional medium of the Afar
ethnicity. The research particularly shades light on the essence and attributes of
Dagu so as to unveil its communicative potentials as a traditional HIV
communication tool in the region. To this end, ethnographic methodology has
been adopted to unearth if use of Dagu varies across gender, age group, among
clans and across various residential addresses. The study employs interview,
focus group discussion and ethnographic observations as tools for generating
data from two weredas namely: Awash-Fentale and Dubti. The paper revises a
number of HIV/AIDS theories, models and approaches that implicate on
justifying communicative potentials of Dagu. The findings of the study show that
Dagu is a traditional tool of communication that is immensely embedded in the
community’s day-to-day lived reality. The Afar community highly values and
invariably employs Dagu as a primary channel of information exchange. The
people share every important accounts of life through Dagu. Thus most people
consider it more than a mere means of information exchange. They consider it as
important social capital and traditional heritage to pay respect to. Various Afar
proverbs testify this claim. Dagu enjoys the most frequent use by young Afar men
and the most rigorous approach by elder men. Rural men make much use of Dagu
compared to town men. Females and children under 15 do not use Dagu as much
as others. Almost every Afar clan makes use of Dagu invariably. Given its
flexible, trustworthy and liked nature of this medium which is open to synergy
with other media like radio, Dagu can be effective tool for HIV/AIDS
communication in this dominantly pastoral community. A keen observation skill
and uniformity in information curiosity among the people to use Dagu imply its
potentials. Moreover, its compatibility with old social establishments and wide
acceptance across the region coupled with Dagu’s room for discussion, question,
and debate and above all, immediate feedback reasonably makes a potential
medium to ponder to.

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 Chapter One
Introduction

1.1Background

1.1.1 A Brief Socio-demographic Account of the Afar

The Afar people are one of the Islamic pastoral communities of Ethiopia and the
Horn of Africa. They speak a language that belongs to the lowland Cushitic
linguistic family along with Somali and Oromo (Getachew, 2001:35). The Afar
people reside in three sovereign countries: Ethiopia, Eritrea and Djibouti sharing
somewhat similar Islamic culture and tradition.

While the Afar comfortably call themselves as Afar People (Qafar Umata) their
non-Afar counterparts used to call them by different names. Adali, Odali, Teltal
are, for instance, names given to the Afar by their Oromo, Somali and Tigre
neighbors respectively while Argoba and Amhara people some times call them
Adal. Foreigners and Arabs also refer to Afar people as Danakil (Lewis, 1955:55;
Getachew, 2001:35).

The Ethiopian Afar live in an area located Northeast of the country. Their region
comprises of five zones and 29 districts (Weredas) covering an area of 278,000
sq.kms occupied by 22,217 urban-based households and 168, 479 rural-based
households (CSA, 1996:1-3). According to the 1994 Population and Housing
Census, as of July 22 1996; 1, 106 383 people were found to have lived in the
region (CSA, 1999: 5). The region is dominantly composed of pastoral and
semi-pastoral population out of which more than 90 percent live in rural areas
(MOH, 2004/5:5).

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There are two major clans with the Afar people—Asahimara and Adohimara, each
containing quite a number of sub-clans (Getachew, 2001). Asahimara (white Afar)
mainly reside north of Gewane while Adohimara (red Afar) dominantly inhabit
Southern part of the region though there are cases where both live in the same
localities. The researcher considers this major classification as a basic guide to
collecting data from a reasonably representative portion of the Afar ethnicity.

1.1.2 Health-related Indicators with the Region

As we are dealing with HIV/AIDS communication, it seems logical to give an
overview of health-related indicators in the Afar region. According to the
FMOH’s report on Health and Health related indicators, HIV prevalence rate for
adults in 2004/5 was estimated to be 2.5 percent (1 percent for rural and 16
percent for urban/ 1.9 percent for males and 3.3 percent for females) (FMOH,
2004/5:55). Though the regional prevalence rate is lower compared to that of the
national 4.6 percent (2.8 percent for rural and 12.5 percent for urban), the
epidemic might have inflicted a considerable burden particularly on the rural
poor who constituted the overwhelming majority of the population. Given the
lower regional literacy and level of awareness, the figure may not reflect the
actual one as less people are supposed to go for VCT service.

Out of the currently estimated regional population of 1, 358, 718 people, 91.1
percent live in rural places. Of this population, 16,934 (8,891 females) are
estimated to be HIV positive. In 2003 alone, 513 new cases from the annual
outpatient service and 106 new cases from the annual inpatient service were
proved to have been HIV positive. AIDS accounted for 17 of the annual reported
deaths in the region (ibid, pp. 53- 54).

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With regard to population size, a household size of 5.7 is the highest in the nation
next to Somali’s 6.6 (ibid.p.5). When we look at the medical service indicators,
there are two hospitals (one Zonal and one Regional), three private clinics, one
pharmacy, four drug shops and 45 rural drug vendors in the region (ibid, p.27).
Seventeen physicians, 11 Health Officers, five Pharmacists, 230 Nurses, 15
Environmental Health Workers, 26 Lab Technicians, two Radiographers, five
Pharmacy Technicians and 58 Health Assistants were in duty in 2004/5 (ibid
p.29).

1.2 Statement of the Problem

Using word of mouth as a means of face-to-face communication is a very ancient
tradition but still keeps serving particularly in traditional communities and as
alternative medium of communication by the advanced ones as well. Commonly,
information ranging from rumor and gossip to truthful and timely accounts of
events is disseminated through this medium. But the quality and reliability of
information exchanged through such a medium depends on the social value
attached to the overall process and of the individual communicator.

“Dyadic communication is not only the most common communication dimension

but also the one with which people are most comfortable” (Scott, M. & Brydon, S.
1977:15). Given that there is the advantage of immediate feedback, dyadic
communication invites greater accuracy on interpretation of verbal and nonverbal
behaviors and the need for inclusion, affection and control. On the contrary,
message interpretation of such communication depends on factors related to the
competence of the communicator.

Though face-to-face oral communication is the commonest type of

communication, its features and the overall performance vary across culture. Afar
people, for instance, heavily rely on such communication (which they call Dagu)

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as important means of information transmission. Dagu is a traditional face-to-face
communication of newsworthy information among the Afar and with some
intimate neighboring non-Afar (ketaisa). Literally it is equivalent to the English
word news.

Dagu is not considered an alternative mode of communication for Afar people as

it is the case for other urban-dominated nations. It is a major means of news
exchange, which is different from an ordinary face-to-face communication that
include rumor and gossip as ends.

Information is highly valued among Afar people; first hand information is given
even much emphasis. This fact is evident in one of their proverbs, which are part
of their established oral tradition.

Dagu dina ke dagaah dina

One who lives by information makes life better than one who does not.

It is common among Afar to stop a passerby, obviously another Afar, for Dagu.
They ask each other information regarding any current happening and it is their
cultural responsibility to share the information to others promptly. No one says,
“I am in a hurry” or disregards requests for current information. With in a
relatively little period, the information would reach to the other boarder of the
Afar depending on its importance (news value).

Afar people have traditionally developed a striking skill of observing their

environment and taking mental note of events. This coupled with a keen curiosity
for information, makes Dagu a reliable traditional news exchange mechanism.
Based on his observation on Afar, Parker, E ( 1971:231) states:

When one is asked about his movements from A to B, it is quite illuminating to see
the details which have been registered. Correct reporting is an art which must be

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 acquired by the men especially. This is obvious when one realizes that in the law
courts, without written records, a flawless memory is absolutely essential. The
council member must be able to recount exactly the spoken words of all, defendants,
accusers and witnesses alike.

Parker’s reflection does not only imply how effective Afar people are in noting
things and effectively utilizing them in oral communication but also how
culturally valued Dagu is as a significant life skill.

Similar to mainstream news media, Dagu may cover important aspects of daily
life such as accidents, weddings, deaths, conflicts and their outcomes, news about
well-being of herds, visitors and newcomers. Afar people may perform Dagu
when they meet someone casually on a journey including those who travel in
opposite directions. It is also possible to ask a passerby for a detailed account of
his journey. Furthermore, if any newcomer happens to be in any settlement out of
his home, he can be asked for news (Dagu) no matter how stranger he may be.
Dagu is performed in a ritualistic process with a unique introduction and
conclusion, traditional and cultural values attached. (ibid, p.232)

Most social institutions have been eroded over time and have gradually altered in
some way. What was valued a few years back may not be of much relevance
today. And hence, people who formerly depended on oral sources now use other
means to get their information. What about Dagu? Is it so persistent among the
Afar community regardless of the improving contact they have established with
other communities which might help them to share different communication
experience? Has it been given the same value among towns and rural, and across
the various Afar zones? Does it have any potential to HIV/AIDS prevention
campaign that has been carried out in the Afar region in particular?

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To the researcher’s knowledge, no investigation has been made to answer the
above questions. Furthermore, there are only few journalistic articles on Dagu.
That Dagu is little studied inspired the researcher to explore the trends of this
generations-old experience. Hence, it is the researcher’s plan to explore the
communicative potential of Dagu regarding HIV/AIDS prevention initiative in
the Afar region. Thus, the research tries to explore whether use of Dagu differs
among clans, across genders, or age groups.

1.3 OBJECTIVES
1.3.1 General objectives:
The study aims at exploring existing trends in the use of Dagu among different
socio-demographic groups of the Afar people. It also tries to assess some
attributes and potential of Dagu as a communication tool with regard to
HIV/AIDS interventions in the region.

1.3.2 Specific Objectives

The research tries to:
• unveil the essence of Dagu in the Afar culture and traditions.
• analyze certain attributes of Dagu as a traditional means/ channel of
communication.
• examine whether use of Dagu varies across age and gender, urban and
rural places as well as between Asahimara and Adohimara Afar.
• explore the potential of Dagu as a tool for HIV/AIDS communication in
the Afar Community.

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1.4 Research Questions
This research is expected to answer the following questions so as to meet the
aforementioned objectives:
• What social and/or cultural value has been given to Dagu by various
sections of the Afar people?
• Is there any considerable variation in the community’s use of Dagu
across various variables like residence places, clan groups, across
gender and age?
• What potential does Dagu have as a tool for HIV/AIDS communication
in the Afar region?

1.5 Application of Results

The study is expected to have the following significances:
• It would point out to health communicators in the region about
potentials of Dagu in facilitating HIV/AIDS prevention endeavors.
• It tries to highlight the importance of considering Dagu as a relevant
tool in a culture-sensitive health communication in a context of
predominantly mobile pastoral community.
• It gives theoretical insight regarding the importance of taking up
alternative approach to HIV communication in traditional settings
such as the Afar region.
• It shades light on the social custom of the Afar people particularly
regarding means of information exchange. And hence it benefits
people who are likely to have contact with the host community in an
intercultural context thereby helping guests to handle effective
communication.
• The research may also provoke similar attempts of further
investigation on the area thereby building additional body of
knowledge.

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1.6 Limitation of the Study
This study has been limited by time and money. Time has particularly been the
major limiting factor in this research which required extensive field work and
various methods.

Moreover, the researcher’s lack of enough linguistic and cultural background of

the Afar ethnicity is supposed to have a bit of impact as interviews (both
individual and group) were conducted and interpreted with the help of bilingual
data collectors/interpreter who can speak Afar and Amharic languages.

1.7 Delimitation of the Study

This research tries to explore trends of using Dagu so as to evaluate its potentials
for HIV/AIDS communication in the Afar region. It does not look into ways of
implementing Dagu as a tool for HIV/AIDS communication. This project focused
on two weredas (districts) of the Afar region namely: Awash-Fentale district of
zone three where Adohimara Afar reside and Semera of zone one which is inhibited
by Asahimara Afar. These two Weredas can fairly represent the region.

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 Chapter Two
Review of Related Literature
This study pays attention to trends and communicative potentials of Dagu as a
traditional tool for HIV/AIDS communication in the Afar region. It investigates
how Dagu is being used among the different socio-demographic groups of the
Afar communities. Particular emphasis has been given to various aspects of
Dagu: its social position, its degree of involving different parts of the community,
the traditional roles and social values attached to it. Most importantly, Dagu’s
potential as a tool for HIV/AIDS communication has been the focus of this study.

This chapter presents a review of various HIV/AIDS communication approaches,

theories and models. The approaches, theories and models are categorized and a
critical reflection on their suitability to the context of the study is discussed. Based
on the existing trends of Dagu use and its relevance to the existing social setup in
the Afar community, concepts that can justify communicative potentials of Dagu,
will be noted from the approaches, theories and models of communication
revised.

2.1 Status of HIV and AIDS in Ethiopia: A brief Overview

According to the fifth report of “AIDS in Ethiopia” series that analyses the 2003
National Sentinel Surveillance (NSS) data, 1.5 million people (3.8 percent male
and 5 percent female; 12.6 percent urban and 2.6 rural) were living with
HIV/AIDS. Out of this population 96,000 are children under 15 years. In 2003
alone, 98,000 new adult HIV cases and 25,000 new child HIV cases were estimated
to have existed. In the same year, some 90,000 adults and 25,000 children had died
of AIDS (MOH, June 2004: V).

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According to the report mentioned above, “the urban epidemic has leveled off at
a high prevalence rate in the past few years, while the rural epidemic shows a
gradual increase with reduced rate of progression”. The national trend has also
showed a gradual increase following a rise in the rural trend (ibid. p. 21). With
lack of uniform access to Voluntary Counseling and Testing (VCT) Services in
countryside, the rural prevalence rate might be underestimated. Even so, life
expectancy for both persons living with and without HIV/AIDS through
1998-2008 is estimated to decrease by 4.6 years (ibid. p. 17).

While the national HIV/AIDS prevalence rate is among the highest in the world,
more rural people are currently being infected. This creates a major concern.
UNAIDS and WHO, in a jointly organized report, said,”in a society where 85
percent of the population lives in rural areas, rising adult prevalence in rural
areas (up from 1.9 in 2000 to 2.6 in 2003) gives cause for concern” (UNAIDS and
WHO, December 2005:28).

The adult HIV prevalence rate in the Afar region was estimated to have been 2.5
percent (1 percent to rural and 16.4 percent accounting to town) in 2004/5. Out of
this figure, 1.9 percent accounts to males while 3.3 percent was contained by
females (MOH, 2004/5:55). Ninety percent of the population in the region are
composed of rural pastoralists whose lifestyle is characterized by frequent
mobility and occasional separation from family in search of pasture. This mobility
probably aggravates risk behavior. The Afar people exhibit lifestyle and social
dynamic different from their counterparts in the central highlands. This may
necessitate a different approach to HIV communication which aligns with social
realities pertinent to the region.

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2.2 HIV/AIDS Communication
HIV/AIDS communication “refers to programs or activities where the primary
output is communication rather than the provision of services, treatments or
commodities such as condoms” (Eldis, n.d.). HIV/AIDS communication does not
refer to the communication aspect of all programs, but rather to a number of
specific approaches, methods and a rapidly evolving body of knowledge applied
to major steps and processes taken in containing the epidemic (ibid.).

2.2.1 Conceptual Framework

Communication was originally conceptualized as a simple one-way transmission
of messages from a source to receiver with the intention of producing some effect
(Rogers, 1973 as quoted in Piotrow, P. et al, 1997:17). The intended effect was
usually limited to making the receiver aware of some point of view, an innovation
or course of action. Neither the social process of communication nor its effect on
behavior received enough attention. Rather message transmitted were considered
to have been received, thereby leading communicators to produce a large volume
of materials without careful attention to the various social, cultural and structural
variables that affect the receiver’s ways of interpretation.

Recently, however, a framework of communication cognizant of those factors has

evolved and expanded dramatically in response to various theories drawn by
scholars of social science and humanities among others (ibid. p. 17). With such
evolution, both the definition of communication and the place and role of
audiences in the communication process have been more clearly explained.
Communication is no longer understood as a simple one-way process of message
transmission nor as a bi-directional exchange of information but as a complex
many-to-many process where attention must be paid to sender, receiver and
structural factors in the process if effective outcome is expected.

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Currently communication is understood as a process that tends to employ several
complex variables especially in the context of health communication in general
and HIV/AIDS communication in particular. The reason is that health
communication especially aims at more demanding outputs such as behavior
change and modification of some social and political factors that influence
behaviors in some way (Hubley, J., 1993:47). At times this process may require a
major change in an individual’s or a community’s socio-cultural norms that have
been valued for generations. Such attempt of challenging deep-rooted social or
cultural behaviors is not a simple task for communicators and cannot be achieved
overnight even if its effect is constructive to a given society.

If we take HIV/AIDS communication, for instance, awareness creation or

information transmission alone could not guarantee success to tackling the
epidemic. The fight against HIV/AIDS is as complex as its causes and hence
requires a range of communicative approaches that must take specific account of
various social, economic, cultural and political backgrounds of the given
community. Change in behavior is at the heart of HIV/AIDS communication.
And such a change requires both individual and social commitment. There is not
any prescribed universal model of communication, which can be employed to
effectively reduce risk of HIV and AIDS. Hence any communication approach
that best fits to various socio-cultural aspects of a given society could be
individually or jointly employed.

Accordingly, the major target of this ethnographic research is to study trends of

Dagu as it has been used in the Afar community and to analyze its
communicative potential as a tool for HIV/AIDS communication in the region,
paying particular attention to the Afar people. In doing so, various HIV/AIDS
communication approaches, models and theories that either justify or contrast to
Dagu as communication tool for pastoral and semi-pastoral communities in Afar

12
have been noted and reviewed.

In this study, the researcher is guided by the assumption that HIV

communication in the Afar region is less contextualized in terms of employing
approaches and media or messages that best fit to the overall needs and
preferences of the community. HIV communication in the Afar region is
characterized by lack of region-based HIV communication strategy and undue
concentration on town-based communication interventions, which hardly
address the rural majority.

It is in this light that the research tries to study communicative potential of Dagu
for HIV/AIDS communication in the Afar region giving special emphasis to the
Afar community that constitutes the major portion of the population in the
region.

2.2.2 The Need for HIV/AIDS Communication

According to UNAIDS, AIDS is an exceptional disease with a unique capacity to
reverse decades of development progress in high HIV prevalence countries. Its
potential area of influence on the most economically productive portion of the
society exerts a great deal of stress for crippling economies (UNAIDS, 2005: 180).

Being one of the global threats, HIV/ AIDS requires integrated strategic
responses to trimming it. The responses to curbing dangers of AIDS are as
complex as the causes are. Neither extensive distribution of condoms nor
antiretroviral therapy is a universal remedy. Contextualized and
community-specific interventions drawn from continuous local and international
lessons learned and community mobilization for integrated endeavors are among
the commonly practiced steps that have been taken currently (ibid.).
Communication is the foremost preventive strategy.

13
Moreover, absence of medicine or vaccination and lack of abundant resource that
constrains medical interventions necessitates cost effective preventive
interventions. Thus HIV/AIDS communication, though not a “magic formula”, is
assumed to play a crucial role in efforts to fight the epidemic (ibid.). Prevention
interventions, in general and communication in particular are among
cost-effective interventions to tackling HIV and AIDS. Emphasizing the major
role communication plays in this regard, Panos (2003) states:

While major breakthroughs, both in types and costs of treatment, are

transforming the response to AIDS, and giving new hope to
HIV-positive people, communication continues to hold the key to
containing HIV transmission and coping with the effects of the
pandemic.

Basic information such as factors contributing to HIV risk behavior, means of

transmission, the necessity of voluntary counseling and testing or knowledge of
life skills needed to avoid risk factors can be acquired and exchanged through
communication. Hence communication is the foremost strategy to lead
preventive interventions.

2.2.3 HIV/AIDS Communication Approaches

For a few decades now, HIV/AIDS Communication has evolved to come up with
a variety of approaches some of which focus on change in behavior at the
individual level while others pay much attention to social change. Below is a
critical review of some of the dominant approaches of HIV/AIDS communication
that are thought to be relevant to the study. Some of the approaches carry
overlapping concepts and hence are not mutually exclusive.

14
However, UNFPA (2002) classifies the approaches into three major categories as
approaches focusing on individual behavior change, those which focus on social
change and those which focus on advocacy. Each approach has a certain specific
socio-cultural and environmental setup where it can serve better than others.
While it is common among various multilateral organizations to favor
communication targeting social change, this approach also seem to be highly
relevant to countries like Ethiopia where there is a relatively stronger communal
social strand.

Thus, a focus on the social change communication approach and advocacy

communication approach seem more likely to evoke on-going response to an
ever-growing threat like HIV/AIDS. Those approaches aiming at empowering
societies to come together, discuss their problems and causes of HIV transmission
to find out agreed upon and relevant solutions that basically rely on local
resources than foreign donations bring better result. Factors like poverty, gender
imbalance, marginalization and ignorance, which are considered to aggravate
transmission of HIV, are better simultaneously addressed through advocacy and
social change approaches which aim at motivating collective action.

2.2.3.1 Behavior Change Communication (BCC)

According to a definition given by Media Center of Family Health International
(FHI), “Behavior Change Communication (BCC) is a multi-level tool for
promoting and sustaining risk-reducing behavior change in individuals and
communities by distributing tailored health messages in a variety of
communication channels” (FHI, 2005).

15
This approach assumes that people should be given basic facts about HIV and
AIDS, should be taught a set of protective skills and given access to appropriate
services and products so as to help them perceive their environment to be
supportive of changing or maintaining safe behaviors. It believes that people
should understand the urgency of the epidemic before they can reduce their risk
or vulnerability to HIV (ibid.). BCC strategies in HIV/AIDS aim to create a
demand for information and services relevant to preventing HIV transmission,
and to facilitate and promote access to care and support services.

The strength of BCC is that it employs a network of communication tools instead

of using a single communication channel so as to effectively address as large a
portion of a society as possible. Communication here is perceived as integrated
and ongoing process, which can initiate change in behavior at an individual and
thereby at a community level.
This approach assumes designing messages that aim at individual behavioral
change could bring about cumulative change at a macro level. What it does not
consider is that the required change in individual behavior is likely to be affected
by social, environmental and structural factors.

2.2.3.2 A Shift in Focus of Communication: from Behavior Change to Social

Change
In recent years, there has been a growing shift in the emphasis of AIDS
communication interventions from which is reflected in an explicit focus on the
‘social’ or ‘community’, rather than the ‘individual’ (UNAIDS, 1999; Panos, 2002;
Panos, 2003 as cited in DFID, 2005:8). This shape arose out of an argument that
behavior change communication (BCC) focuses on a better understanding of
individual sexual risk taking behavior and fails to locate individuals within
communities and environments that may constrain individual action and change
(UNAIDS, 1999 as cited in ibid.)

16
In line with this, UNAIDS argues:
seeking to influence behavior alone is inefficient if the underlying
social factors that shape the behavior remain unchallenged. Many
health communication programs proceed on the assumption that
behavior, alone, needs to be changed, when in reality, such a
change is unlikely to be sustainable without incurring some
minimum of social change. This necessitates attention to social and
environmental contexts (1999: 21).

As it has been reflected in the above literature, BCC is often a

western-focused approach that exclusively aims at individuals. Such
approaches might have worked in the case of individual-oriented western
societies, which bear a different social philosophy. But the reality for most
communities living in poor countries like Ethiopia remains one of the great
senses of collectivity, unity and coercion. This entails to recheck or
reshuffle BCC in a way that its methods be more structure sensitive so as
to give better recognition to community ownership of the intervention and
to address structural impediments like illiteracy and gender inequality.
Communication for social change aims at filling in this gap.

Unlike a sender-receiver, information-based premise, communication for social

change stresses the importance of horizontal communication, the role of people as
agents of change, and the need for negotiating skills and partnership. In a process
of public and private dialogue, politically and economically marginalized people
define who they are, what they want and need, and how to attain what they need
to better their lives. Change is defined as the people themselves define it (UNFPA,
2002: 44).

17
The focus of Communication for Social Change (CFSC) is not on products,
messages, content, information dissemination or even the desired behavior
change, but on the process of dialogue through which people can remove
obstacles and build structures and methods to help them achieve the goals they
set for themselves. CFSC seeks to understand the whole person, the lives they
lead and circumstances in which they live, not just in order to “overcome” their
life experiences but to build upon them (ibid.).

2.2.3.3 Broad-Based Multi-method Approach to AIDS

communication
Broad based multi method approach is an AIDS communication “approach which
doesn’t rely on a single communication methodology or channel which takes into
account people’s real lives and what influences them and which is linked to and
support the delivery of health services and essential commodities” (DFID, 2005:4).

This approach involves methods of communication ranging from mass media

efforts to promote condoms to targeting risk-taking behavior using edutainment
programs. It may also include numerous participatory and interpersonal
interventions that contribute to the creation of information-rich environment
whereby HIV prevention, AIDS treatment and care efforts are enabled or
strengthened and stigma be reduced. This approach recognizes the role of mass
media and civil society in trimming dangers of AIDS and in shaping policies to be
favorable to the fight against HIV/AIDS through creating open debate and
dialogue to address issues of stigma and inequality and challenging harmful
social norms contributing to the risk. (Ibid.).

18
2.2.3.4 Participatory Communication Approach and HIV/AIDS
Participatory Communication is an approach evolved from the earlier
transmission model of communication, where information was assumed to pass
from senders to receivers. It is an approach emanated from the widely growing
democratic principles and criticism of the earlier top-down and expert-dictated
communication approaches. As one development communication practitioner
puts it, ‘development communication has largely remained a strategy of
unidirectional marketing and monologue’ (Rajasunderam, n.d.).

During the last decade or so, there has been a gradual shift from this hierarchical,
top-down view of communication to a deeper understanding of communication
as a two-way process that is interactive and participatory. This change in
perception about the nature of the communication process is working in favor of
a more participatory decision-making at the local level and of communication as a
part of the process. Some development communication practitioners have
promoted the concept of community participation as an educational process in
which communities, with the assistance of animators or facilitators, identify their
problems and needs, and become agents of their own development (ibid.).

There is now increasing recognition among development practitioners and

planners working with HIV/AIDS and other development interventions that
participatory communication is the "most promising approach for decreasing
dependency, building self-confidence and self-reliance of the people"
(Rajasunderam, nd.).

Participatory communication approach believes in putting the community at the

center of the communication process by encouraging community participation in
major points of the planned intervention. However, critics forward two major
doubts as to what is in a stake as far as participatory communication is concerned.

19
The major criticism is that this approach tends to promote false or superficial
participation at the expense of involving advanced, real and legitimate
participation which allows the community to involve in decision making on every
stage of the intervention if not on implementation, evaluation and benefit alone.
These critics also feel that prematurely mobilizing people to make their own
decisions and chart their own development can put the people at risk of conflict
with powerful interests and jeopardize their safety. (Yoon, n.d.).

Regarding importance of this approach, however, Yoon says:

Most people agree that participation in decision-making is the most important form to
promote. It gives people control over their lives and environment. At the same time, the
people acquire problem-solving skills and acquire full ownership of projects — two
important elements which will contribute towards securing the sustained development
of their community (ibid.).

The emphasis on interpersonal approaches at first suggested a small-scale,

community-based approach to participatory communication. Speech, traditional
and folk media, and group activities were considered the most appropriate
instruments for supporting the approach. Recently, however, media practitioners
have begun creative evolvement in the process. And hence there are possibilities
of implementing mass media to help promote the participation process (Rogers,
1983). Communication in this sense is seen as an instrument to empower the
people rather than as a mere vehicle for moving information.

2.2.3.5 Advocacy Communication Approach

McKee et al. (2004), provide a detailed and explicit definition for advocacy as:
a continuous and adaptive process of gathering, organizing and
formulating information into argument to be communicated through
various interpersonal and media channels with a view to raising resources
or gaining political and social leadership acceptance and commitment for

20
 a development program, thereby preparing a society for its
acceptance(McKee et al, quoted in McKee et al., 2004:56).

UNFPA defines advocacy in a conceptually similar manner as:

attempts to influence the political climate, policy and program decisions,
public perceptions of social norms, funding determinations and
community support and empowerment towards specific issues through
a set of well planned and organized actions undertaken by a group of
committed individuals and/or organizations working in
concert(2002:56).

As it can be noted from the above two definitions, advocacy is a well-thought,

integrated and planned process which aims at positively influencing various
socio-cultural aspects such as gender relations, spirituality and bad cultural
practices; institutional aspects; resource units and solidarity networks in a way
they can be positively adjusted to help efforts to curb HIV and AIDS. It is a
“process-driven” if not an “event-oriented” approach to HIV/AIDS
communication.

Advocacy may include proactive lobbying for parliament debates on issues

related to government commitment and effort to make AIDS a national agenda or
society’s need to rethink cultural practices which contribute to the development
or sustainability of HIV risk behavior. It is also important to advocate for open
dialogue and use role models to bring-out HIV/AIDS in a positive manner.
Actions and physical demonstrations such as caring for the sick, acceptance,
showing affection and care to those infected and affected, including orphans, and
breaking the “us and them” barrier can be a powerful means of communication
advocacy. Advocacy has been considered as a “vehicle to achieve social change”
(UNFPA, 2002).

21
While advocacy is an important approach to HIV/AIDS communication, it, alone,
cannot lead to empowerment. There is a need for an integrated approach bringing
together all strands of communication, stressing on the centrality of behavior and
addressing the different needs and concerns of organizations as well as
individuals (ibid. p. 59). Advocates use means of communication ranging from
mass media to informal interpersonal network with people whom they feel are
influential in some way to motivate people to act according to what the planned
interventions demands.

Advocacy, which is considered as the final stage in BCC, differs from advocacy
communication in the sense that the former operates at the individual level, while
the latter is the collective dimension. It is that collective dimension which fills the
gap between BCC and CFSC (ibid. p. 53). Cohen, as cited in UNFPA, argues that
the primary goal of advocacy is creating an enabling and supportive environment
even if the environment is not always something to act upon for it includes
unfavorable social and political contexts (ibid, p.54). Similar to CFSC, Advocacy
communication is a long-term intervention, which requires a rigorous evaluation
of impacts.

2.2.4 Theories and Models Adapted to HIV/AIDS Interventions and

their Implications to Communication
Since the 1980s where HIV/AIDS was identified as one of the major health
challenges with no vaccination or cure, various theories and models have been
adapted from psychology, development and other disciplines so as to help
interventions meant to trim the aggressive transmission of the virus, especially in
the first two decades of the history of the epidemic. These theories and models
differ in their emphasis. Many of them focus on bringing behavioral change at the
individual level while a few of them target a comprehensive and sustainable
change in the social and political setup so as to make preventive and other

22
HIV/AIDS related efforts do well.
A couple of models and theories from both the individual-oriented category and
from those aiming at bringing social change at a macro level have been reviewed
in this part. The purpose of this review is neither to defend one theory or model
over the other nor to test the relative advantage of one over the other. However,
the review is assumed to implicate theoretical elements, which can be used to
justify communicative potential of Dagu as an HIV communication tool in a
context of predominantly pastoral or semi-pastoral community. Hence
communication aspects of Dagu will be examined in light of the approaches,
theories and models that have been reviewed in this chapter so as to make an
informed analysis.

2.2.4.1 Health Belief Model (HBM)

The Health Belief Model (HBM) is a psychological model that attempts to
explicate and predict health behaviors by focusing on the attitudes and beliefs of
individuals. The HBM was developed in the 1950s as part of an effort by social
psychologists in the United States Public Health Service to explain the lack of
public participation in health screening and prevention programs (e.g., a free and
conveniently located tuberculosis screening project using x-ray). Since then, the
HBM has been adapted to explore a variety of long- and short-term health
behaviors, including sexual risk behaviors and the transmission of HIV/AIDS
(The Communication Initiative, 2003 and FHI, 2004).

According to this model, change in behavior is a factor of variables such as

perceived threat, perceived benefits of the change, perceived barriers, cues to
action and self-efficacy. This model considers people as rational beings who can
observe their environment and develop the right behavior, which is likely to
avoid health threats.

23
Communication is, therefore, considered as a tool which is meant to make people
aware of things like the degree of susceptibility to health risks, how severe the
risk is likely to be if not tackled, how much benefit they may receive if they adopt
a certain behavior, the potential negative consequences that may result from
taking a particular health related action and the degree of confidence an
individual develops in executing a certain behavior required to produce desired
outcome.

Neglecting issues like environmental or economic factors that may influence

health behaviors and failure to incorporate the influence of social norms and peer
on people's decisions regarding their health behaviors have been mentioned as
drawback of this model that are worth considering especially when working with
adolescents on HIV/AIDS issues (FHI, 2003).

2.2.4.2 AIDS Risk Reduction Model (ARRM)

Introduced in 1990, the AIDS Risk Reduction Model (ARRM) provides a
framework for explaining and predicting the behavior change efforts of
individuals specifically in relationship to the sexual transmission of HIV/AIDS. It
is a three-stage model, which incorporates several variables from other behavior
change theories, including the Health Belief Model, "efficacy" theory, emotional
influences, and interpersonal processes (FHI, 2004).

AIDS Risk Reduction Model (ARRM) identified three major stages an individual
faces in the course of change in behavior (ibid.). These are:
Stage 1: Recognition and labeling of one's behavior as high risk;
Stage 2: Making a commitment to reduce high-risk sexual contacts
and to increase low-risk activities; and Stage 3: Taking action. This model
assumes that people will measure the pros and cons of developing a certain
behavior based on the information, knowledge and skills they have had about

24
risks of HIV and AIDS. People are assumed to rationally analyze the cost and
benefit of sustaining or reducing risky sexual activities based on various factors
(mainly psychological and to some extent socio-cultural and environmental).

Like what is the case in the Health Belief Model (HBM), communication in ARRM
is viewed as transmission of information and experiences either from health
professionals or peers to individuals so as to help them take calculated actions
regarding whether to change their behavior in a way that health risk could be
reduced. Unlike the Communication for Social Change Model (CFSC), ARRM
focuses on output of communication but not much on the process.

A general limitation of the ARRM is its focus on individual (ibid.) while focusing
on individual may bring about the required change in behavior, it is not a full
proof for change in behavior is likely to be affected by the different socio-cultural
and environmental factors, which are ignored by this model.

2.2.4.3 Diffusion of Innovations Theory

Diffusion, according to Rogers - the father of diffusion theory, is “a particular
type of communication in which the information that is exchanged is concerned
with new ideas. The essence of the diffusion process is the information exchange
by which one individual communicates a new idea to one or several others”
(Rogers, 1983:17). The communication process in this model involves at least four
important elements: an innovation, an individual or other unit of adoption that
has knowledge of or experience with using the innovation, another individual or
unit that does not have knowledge of the innovation and a communication
channel connecting the two units (ibid.).

While various channels of communication ranging from interpersonal to mass

media can be used for diffusing the innovation, the choice differs with the nature

25
of innovation and the nature of information exchange between the
communicators. However, interpersonal communication seems effective in
facilitating the innovation whereas; mass media can help rapidly disseminating
the innovation to many. In favor of this Nwosu says, “[diffusion] focuses on
interpersonal interaction among adopters of an innovation with in a specific
social system, and the role communication plays in this process. The end result of
the process is either structural or functional changes in the system itself” (Nwosu
et al., 1995:23).

By innovation, in this context, Rogers mean that certain degree of uncertainty is

involved in the diffusion process, not necessarily because the innovation is
completely alien but may be due to the fact that people did not try it before.
(Rogers, 1983:6)

Though the communication process in this model assumes a change agent to play
basic role in creating curiosity and in convincing them to adopt the innovations,
there should not be heterophilous relationship between the change agent and the
potential adopters so that effective communication be maintained (pp. 18-19). The
more similar attributes communicators do have the more likely that the change
agent influences the adopter.

Diffusion is, therefore, a special process by which an innovation (obviously new

idea, material or any creativity) is communicated through certain channels
overtime among the members of a social system so as to convince people adopt it.
Communication, in this sense, is a social process by which participants create and
share information with one another so as to reach on mutual understanding. It is
not at all a one way process of information transmit ion (ibid.pp.5-6). Generally,
communication is taken as a tool that facilitates a range of steps in the diffusion
process such as providing knowledge, persuading adopters, helping decision

26
making of adopters so as to implement the innovation and confirm its benefits to
others. Communication is not considered a panacea. Diffusion, as well, is not an
activity to be accomplished overnight.

2.2.4.4 Communication for Social Change Model (CFSC)

Communication for Social Change (CFSC) has been defined as “a process of
public and private dialogue through which people define who they are, what they
want and how they can get it” (Gray-Felder and Dean, 1999; cited in Figueroa, et
al., 2002:II). It is a participatory process that allows communities to articulate their
values, reconcile disparate interests and act upon shared concerns (Reardon, C.
2003:1). Hence, it just puts people at the center of an intervention. It has been
difficult to make distinction between CFSC as an approach and as a model as both
are defined similarly in some of the existing literatures.

Based on the philosophies of Paulo Friere, the Brazilian educator who contends
that everyone must be agent for ones own change, CFSC argues that
sustainability of social change is more likely if the individuals and communities
most affected own the process and content of communication. “…when
communities articulate their own agendas, they are more likely to achieve
positive changes in attitudes, behaviors and access to opportunities. What is
more, because they are highly invested in the process, they are more apt to sustain
these gains” (ibid. p. 2).

While a certain outcome such as adopting a healthy sexual behavior or social

norm is emphasized in case of CFSC, the process of participation, dialogue and
debate is equally focused. Communication, in this case, is not considered as a
product to measure its extent; it is rather considered as a means to an end. Here,
the aim is to bring all individuals or “rights holders” into the process of
decision-making about HIV and AIDS. Communicators, as well, are not

27
considered as persuaders, as mere information senders or as outsider technical
experts who give “valuable” information to the community in a “top-down”
manner. They are rather considered as active and interactive agents who catalyze
and guide the debate, dialogue and negotiation of the community so as to see
them reach at consensus.

The “emphasis on outcomes should go beyond individual behavior to social

norm, policies, culture and supporting environment”, unlike what has been the
case in individual-oriented models such as health belief model, social learning
theory and AIDS risk reduction model (Figueroa, et al., 2002:II).

Since communication for social change involves both horizontal and top-down
interaction among participants, it is more likely to give voice to previously
unheard members of the community. In this sense it considers the role of
empowering participants who are otherwise incapacitated.

Communication, in case of CFSC, is not a “magic bullet” for social change. It only
constitutes part of the real solution. It can help enable people to shape their own
agenda, articulate their own priorities and aspirations of how to address the
epidemic, and ensure that concerned stakeholders such as donors are responding
to public and policy debates as well as shaping such debates (Rockefeller
Foundation 2001, cited in Capobianco, nd.).

Because it engages people in dialogue about difficult issues, it can be slow and
unpredictable. It can also be difficult to evaluate. Communicators use the
communication for social change methods to spark public and private dialogue,
set an agenda, frame public debates and create an environment that is conducive
to change (Reardon, 2003:1).

28
2.3 HIV/AIDS and Indigenous Media and Communication
2.3.1 Indigenous/ Folk media: Definition
It has been difficult to give a lucid definition of indigenous media based on
existing literature as different scholars mystified the concept by treating it
differently. Some people such as Awa (1995:237-52) prefer using the terms
traditional media, folk media and indigenous media interchangeably accepting
the subtle conceptual distinction they have while others treat them differently.
Hence it seems safe to put the term in context using various explanations so as to
understand its essence.

For the purpose of this study, we better use the terms traditional media, folk
media or indigenous media interchangeably, as Awa did, under the framework of
the following definition given by Theuri.

Folk Media is the creative dissemination of information through cultural

and performance arts. In traditional societies, folk media: drama, skits,
poems, stories, riddles, songs and dance have been popularly and
successfully used to disseminate messages and even to pass on wisdom
of older generations to the youth (2004).

Awa, referring to works of various African scholars, states that cultural entities
such as oral songs meant to express praise, condemnation, disappointment,
romance, jealousy and satisfaction can be considered as aspects of traditional
media (1995:238). Traditional media in this specific context refer to means of
communication used by traditional people who are dominantly oral-aural. These
media are highly rooted in that specific culture they are in and are often paid due
attention by the local people as they are the major means of transmitting and
negotiating indigenous knowledge and information to the people.

29
2.3.2 Cultural Significance and Communicative Potentials of
Traditional/Folk Media for HIV/ AIDS Communication
While models and theories in the earlier paradigms of communication such as
“stimulus-response model” and “modernization” theory neglected the meanings
and values of traditional knowledge, the current paradigms have given them
credit. Practically, however, “potential [of traditional media] for effecting social
change has never been realized”(Johnny and Richards, 1980 as cited in ibid. p.
242).

Emphasizing on the significance of traditional media Awa says, “several scholars

and researchers have highlighted the usefulness and centrality of traditional
media in information transfer, message design, and planning and development in
traditional social context (1995:238)”. According to his view, traditional media
incorporate indigenous elements that have traditional legitimacy for participants
in development programs and hence serve multiple functions like involving,
entertaining, instructing and informing the society (ibid.).

Indigenous knowledge and skills have been stored in human memory and have
been transmitted from generation to generation through traditional media
particularly in the context of developing African societies. Knowledgeable elder
people play major role in sustaining transmission of these social wealth. Due to
this fact, the death of a knowledgeable old person has commonly been equated
with “disappearance of a well-organized library” (ibid. p.239). Thus both the way
traditional wisdom is transmitted through folk media accompanied by various
ceremonies and rituals pertinent to a given culture and the communicators in
charge of that duty have been given a respected social position in traditional
societies.

30
Changing a certain negative aspect of traditional people such as HIV risk
behavior requires understanding of traditional strategies. In this regard, Ibrahim
Ame on his study conducted on traditional Borana pastoralists, argues: “The
many multifaceted social vices Ethiopia is indulged in can hardly be managed
without the better understanding of the socio-cultural basis of different
traditional practices still intact among traditional communities” (2005:4). These
traditional practices are better absorbed and presented in traditional media by
which the people share their views and experiences in a day-to-day basis.
According to Awa, the oral tradition, which is part and parcel of traditional
media, does more than inform, persuade and entertain villagers (1995:240). Thus
local communities better recognize message transmitted through these traditional
media, which are both familiar and trustworthy. In favor of this, Rogers (1983)
contends that innovations (messages) presented by homophilic sources (those
who are like the receivers) are better accepted and shared as they are more likely
to reflect the communities experiences and problems as seen through their own
cultural lens. Traditional media such as tales, proverbs, drama, storytelling and
the like best fits the purpose of involving a homophilic communicator and letting
the message be better trusted.

Part of the effectiveness of traditional media, in such contexts, lies in the nature of
the social network. Feliciano (1974), as cited in Awa, mentions the importance of
rural communication networks operated by village elders, councils and other
informal groups in legitimizing and transmitting new ideas and practices. “These
networks perform well because of the presence of effective interpersonal
channels” (1995:239).

Folk media are the integral part of indigenous culture. The way communication
progresses, the language and the style employed, the rituals and the non-verbal
behaviors used are all functions of that specific culture. Therefore, “adapting

31
development information to the forms that villagers have used for generations,
using culture as a foundation for rather than a barrier to change” is acceptable
(Colletta, 1980, as cited in Awa, 1995:242).

Awa mentioned various successful cases in Africa whereby different traditional

media such as dance, music, chant, storytelling, puppetry and theatrical
performance have been used either individually or in an integrated manner to
disseminate development ideas and messages (1995:240- 1).

Regardless of awareness of their advantages, folk media have been

underexploited for development activities (Johnny and Richards, 1980 cited in
ibid. p 242). While folk media have been readily available for use with a slight
creative adaptation, modern media have surpassed them. The reason for this may
be the fact that most communication theories have been formulated in the context
of western countries, which bear a different socio-cultural, economic and
structural fabric from African countries thereby following communication
approaches which are biased towards mass media.

Awa recommends designers of development programs in developing countries to

conceptualize interventions from a “holistic” point of view using the community
rather than the individual as the prime unit of intervention. He further suggests
that “understanding of traditional values, indigenous roles and leadership
patterns, local organizations and other informal associations and the flow of
influence and information between these elements as well as the linkage between
these systems and other social systems” must be taken into consideration when
planning a certain development communication intervention (ibid. p. 242).

According to Esman and Uphoff (1984), traditional institutions, when fully

understood, may play a very useful role in rural development (ibid. 243). In

32
many developing countries a group of people like psychic healers, herbalists,
traditional birth attendants, recounters and traditional diviners serve as
indigenous media channels to disseminate potential information which can lead
to new understanding, new knowledge or collective action to solve a certain
social problem (ibid. p. 243). Hence folk media can play potential role in the fight
against HIV and AIDS by engaging majority of the population to address the
multifaceted causes leading to such a risk.

In connection with this, Riley (1990) points to the untapped potentials of

indigenous resources in developing countries for promoting a primary health
care among the people in rural communities. However, she also regrets about the
lack of attention given to indigenous social structure and communication systems
due to excessive dependence of various African governments on outside agencies
and the undue attention given to those agencies (Cited in Awa, 1995:243- 4).

2.3.3 Integrating Traditional Media and Mass Media Messages

“Traditional media can be combined to mass media not only to expand outreach
to audiences but also to preserve these media and enrich their repertoire”
Valbuena (1991) cited in Awa (1995: 246). According to Valbuena, while folk
media can be meaningful and functional channel of communication in the context
of developing societies, integrating them with mass media strengthens their
communicative potential. Communication is likely to benefit from Integration of
the two media as the integration brings together advantages from the
wide-reaching and technologically enhanced nature of mass media and sense of
belongingness and trustworthiness that come out of the cultural values given to
folk media.

33
For instance, unlike TV and newspapers which are limited to an urban, literate
population, radio especially when combined with oral drama, offers the
possibility of a wider audience. A family planning project in Rwanda took
advantage of that potential (Awa, 1995:247).

According to Velbuena (1991), however, such integration is not an easy task and
hence must be handled cautiously. Among the considerations he suggested
during integrating traditional or folk media with mass media is a careful selection
of the form of folk media to be employed, true integration between folk artists
and mass media producers when designing and developing the messages plus
well thought advantage of the integration (Cited in Awa, 1995:246).

2.4 Synthesis
HIV communication has evolved so much since the virus was identified in the
early 1980s. In every development of aspects of HIV communication, some minor
or major changes in approach were registered. The approaches are categorized
into two major classifications as those focusing on change in individual’s
behavior and those focusing on change in behavior or attitude at a macro level.

Evolution of the approaches was based on and justified with different

communication theories and models as it was discussed in the preceding part.
The two common views reflected in all HIV communication approaches, models
and theories, which have been considered dichotomous, vary in the way they see
the communication process, roles of communicators and some factors affecting
the process.

Communication approaches, models and theories that aim at change in

individual behavior heavily rely on individual’s psychological makeup more
importantly than on social factors in the process of bringing behavioral change.

34
Hence they reduced the role of communication to providing people with
information regarding the presence or absence of conditions that facilitate or
hinder change in behavior and consequences of developing risky sexual behavior.
The assumption is that people can make rational choices as to whether to develop
a certain behavior if they have enough information that enable them see their
environment as supportive of the change to be taken up.

However, the macro-level approaches, models and theories focus on changing

social norms as well as environmental and political factors as important
facilitators of change in behavior. Behavior change, as has been implied in the
latter school of thought, is a factor of intricate variables far beyond individual
efforts to address. Therefore, communication should be assigned a role far more
than informing individuals. It should play a decisive role in instigating discussion
and debate so as to help communities reach on consensus as to what their
problems are and how to address them.

All the revised HIV communication approaches, theories and models reasonably
assigned important roles for communication. They seriously emphasized the
need for communication interventions to fit into the socio-cultural dynamics of
the people to be addressed. Yet, not much has been said concerning the roles and
potential of folk communication in helping to tackle the epidemic. Only
mainstream media have been mentioned and recited whenever communication
appeared as an issue. Such a tendency of relegating folk media in favor of
mainstream media is sure to have a huge repercussion on HIV interventions in
traditional contexts such as in the Afar community. Thus, this paper tries to bring
the role of traditional media to the fore by sighting attributes, trends and
communicative potential of Dagu for HIV communication in the Afar region.

35
 Chapter Three
Methodology
In this part of the paper, various aspects of the methodology used are presented,
giving particular emphasis to describing the methods, tools and approaches of
data collection as well as method of coding and analysis employed in the study.

As the title reflects, ethnography has been the leading methodology. Ethnography
pays “strong emphasis on exploring the nature of a particular social
phenomenon, rather than setting out to test hypotheses about them” (Atkinson
and Hammersley (1998), cited in Flick, 2002:147). This makes ethnography a
convenient methodology to studying trends and potential of Dagu as a traditional
communication tool for HIV /AIDS communication. Ethnography is taken up as
it serves the need of researchers who are “interested in relationship between
people and the physical, socio-political, personal, cultural and historical aspects
of their life…”(Berg, 1995; cited in Sarantakos, 2005:207).

Ethnography places researchers “in the midst of whatever it is they study” (ibid).
Hence it has been considered as a compulsory methodology to analyzing Dagu
from the Afar point of view through a series of interviews and observation
employed in the field.

Study areas were identified during the first field visit that held from 15 March to 1
April. It was by this time the researcher made arrangements to the field study and
preconditions for accessing the study sites. By the end of April, the researcher
began the actual field study in accordance with the research permit granted from
the regional Health Bureau which is deemed to have the most interest in the
study. The researcher spent 45 days living with native people in different pastoral
villages and nearby towns. This helped him to closely observe the daily routines

36
of Afar people as they have interacted in towns and pastoral sites. Data were
collected through various methods from people of various socio-demographic
backgrounds: young herds, elder people, young females, clan leaders, officials
living in towns, house wives and students.

All the interviews and FGDs held with rural people have been conducted through
Afar language with the help of bilingual translators. This is believed to give
respondents a better chance to freely express their views and thoughts. Moreover,
these interviews and FGDs held in natural working places and habitats of the
native people so as to enable respondents and participants speak out their hearts
confidently and freely.

In the aftermath of the field study some selected informants were phoned for
further information and clarifications on some issues related to the study. Afar
students who have been enrolled in boarding schools and higher institutions as
well as parliamentarians who reside here in the capital Addis were also contacted
to make the analysis more complete and informed.

3.1 Tools and Methods of Data Generation

Qualitative methodology, particularly ethnography, has put into use for this
study. “Ethnography, [as a methodology], transforms into a strategy of research
which includes as many options of collecting data as can be managed and are
justifiable…”(Hitzler and Honer, 1995, as cited in Flick, 2005:146).

Accordingly, participant observation, semi-structured interview and focus group

discussion (FGD) were used as major tools of data generation as far as this
research is concerned. For this ethnographic study, participant observation is
chosen as a data collection tool since it enables the researcher to map-out details
regarding overall socio-economic setup and everyday routines of the Afar

37
community so as to make relevant meaning out of it. In line with this, Mason
(1996) cited in Deacon et al (1999) advocates for observation since “only natural
and ‘real life’ settings can reveal social reality, and that it has to be experienced
and shared by the researcher for research accounts to have any validity or
adequacy” (1999:249). Along with observation, key informant interview and focus
group discussion (FGD) were employed so as to gather thick and illuminating
details which tell a lot about the Afar culture and Dagu as well as their
interrelation with HIV/AIDS.

While interview is a compulsory tool to generate data out of a predominantly

illiterate pastoral community such as the Afar people, the application of FGD is
believed to have given informants the opportunity to contribute much to
reflecting on the missing points based on ideas raised by fellow participants.
Through the interactions during FGDs, a lot of lesson has been learnt concerning
how social realities are formed in the Afar community.

Interview guides and a framework for observation were prepared so as to focus

the data collection (Appendices I, II and IV). Both the interview guides and
observation framework were prepared using various themes focusing at eliciting
as much data relevant to the topic as possible. During interviews and FGDs, a
number of probing questions were forwarded based on informants’ responses to
questions posed using the interview guide to get a detailed account of cultural
experiences.

Among the major objective of the study was to know the existing trends in Dagu
use and the communicative potential of Dagu for HIV/AIDS communication in
the region. Hence, a total of 86 people from the two weredas [Awash-Fentale and
Dubti] participated in either an interview or FGDs [32 on FGD and 54 on
interviews; please refer to appendix III for more information]. In every field

38
occasion, brief observation-based field notes were taken so as to augment
information gathered through interviews and FGDs.

3.2 Selection of Research Area and Research Participants

Study areas were traced in March 2006 when the researcher sat foot in the field for
the first time to conduct a pilot survey and to facilitate conditions for the major
data collection session which was about to come. In an attempt to gain a
representative picture of the region regarding trend of Dagu use, the two weredas
(districts), namely: Awash-Fentale and Dubti were selected out of the overall five
weredas in the region. This is done to address informants from both the
Adohimara Afar group who dominantly reside south of Gewane and Asahimara
Afar groups who dominantly live north of Gewane.

Key informants and FGD participants were purposively selected from both clans
based on information gathered about the participant’s knowledge of the Afar
culture and active involvement in various affairs of the community. Moreover, as
much as possible, the participant’s age, sex and place of residence were taken into
account in the selection process even if involvement of females was minimal due
to cultural factors.

3.3 Coding and Analysis

Audio outputs of the interview and FGD were transcribed into English language
and responses in the verbatim were coded in a matrix that contains various
thematic categories. Then tabulated responses were thematically ranked from the
most frequently mentioned to the least frequent ones.
As the social distribution of perspectives and processes of Dagu in the Afar
community is one the major research questions to be treated, thematic coding
which allows coding of data that reveals differing views or social worlds is taken
up. Data collection was correspondingly conducted until point of saturation (a

39
point where no more new information appeared). Thematic categories were
drawn partly from the major points raised in the research questions and partly
from points frequently said by interviewees. Both data collection and coding were
pursued until exhaustive list of information is coded under each thematic
category.

Observation-based field notes and tabulated responses from the interview and
the FGD were carefully analyzed in a way that sensible meaning emerges out of
the organized data. At this point, those concepts from literature related to the
issue under discussion were cited either to support arguments or to build points
of criticism. Conceptually provocative and illusive extracts and texts from the
field note and from verbatim of interview and FGD, which bore recurring themes,
were used in the analyses. Potentially descriptive and illuminating field photos
have also been used both as inputs for analyses and as materials that augment
discussions and points made in the analyses.

Denzin (1984)’s triangulation system has been put into use to ensure validity of
the analysis. Denzin pointed out four triangulation protocols: source
triangulation, investigator triangulation, theory triangulation and methodological
triangulation (cited in Stake (1995: 112-115). Source triangulation tries to see if the
phenomenon remains through time, in different spaces or with people interacting
differently. Study areas and informants were selected taking this issue into
consideration. Then the response of each participant is triangulated with each
other with the aim of ‘looking for additional interpretation and more than the
conformation of a single meaning’ (Flick, 1992 in Stake, 1995: 115).

As to investigator triangulation, different bi-lingual interpreters with varying

backgrounds have been employed to minimize interpreter’s effect on the
research. As it is evident in the literature review, a number of approaches, models

40
and theories of HIV communication have been revised to apply theory
triangulation. What is more, observation, interview and FGD are employed to get
rich and well informed data pertaining to methodological triangulation.

3.4 Ethical considerations

The following four widely pronounced ethical concerns where qualitative
research may go wrong with approaches insensitive to them are mentioned by
Deacon et al. (1999) and Best and Kahn (1993). These ethical considerations are
issues of harm, informed consent, deception, privacy and confidentiality of the
data as have been summarized as follows:

• Anonymity: refers to preventing sources of confidential information

from being identified in any public stages such as lecture, writings or
public media by disguising the real identity of sources (Deacon et al,
1999:379). Pertaining to this ethical angle, all the quotations and chunks
of testimonies taken from interviewees and FGD participants have been
attributed to pseudonyms with the exception of few officials working in
government offices in different capacities. Real identities of these people
have been disclosed as they expressed official stands of their
organizations concerning the issues raised. While all the information on
pseudonyms are accurately quoted, only the speaker’s real identities are
kept confidential so as to avoid negative consequences that may arise if
the information are attributed to the real sources.

• Confidentiality: refers to using confidential data for the particular

purpose the research initially stands for and not transferring it in
anyway for a third party be it a researcher or whatever (ibid.p.380).

41
 • Informed Consent: refers to making sure that research participants or
the-to-be researched learned the purpose of the research and their
agreements be secured through negotiation and not by any external
imposition what so ever. After briefing the purpose of the research,
participants were consulted if they are willing to be tape recorded and
his/her photos be used for the research purpose. Only those who were
willing were recorded and photographed while those who declined
were not (ibid.p.375).

• Privacy: according to Ruebhausen and Brim (1966) in Best and Kahn

(1993) is the freedom of a research participant to choosing as to how
his/ her attitudes, opinions, beliefs or behaviors reflected in the data
gathered are to be shared and the conditions under which they are
withheld from others. Choices of participants are adhered to in the
research process.

These ethical issues are carefully considered through out the course of the
research so as not to compromise the confidence participants vested in the
researcher.

42
 Chapter Four
Data Presentation and Discussion of Findings
This chapter presents the major findings of the thesis. Three overarching themes
have been identified based on the research questions and the data gathered from
the field. All of the themes include a number of sub themes, communication
crosscutting their territory. The first theme deals with the essence of Dagu in line
with cultural or social constructs relevant to it in the Afar community. The second
theme stresses on various attributes of Dagu which are meant to unearth the
current trend of Dagu use. And the last part hammers on communicative
potential of Dagu for HIV/AIDS communication in the region. The themes are
consecutively arranged in a manner that the preceding theme develops the
following.

4.1 Essence of Dagu: Looking at it through Eyes of the People

For non-Afar people who are obsessed with mass media as a means of getting
current or up-to-date information, Dagu may seem an ordinary conversation or
chatter that goes on between two individuals or among many people who have a
certain sort of acquaintance or causality with one another. For Afar folk, however,
it is a communication experience that deals with burning issues: issues that
seriously affect the community in one-way or another.

The definitions different members of the Afar community forward are neither
alike nor distinct with some of the elements being repeatedly pointed out. Some
of the definitions deal with the communicative purpose of Dagu where as others
concentrate more on rituals and cultural values attached to it. Still the remaining
few forward notions that equate Dagu with traditional greeting where a fairly
similar phrases are used in various places of the Afar land (Qafar Baro)
accompanied by uniform rituals.

43
Some of the definitions by various native informants are presented below. While
all the definitions fall in one of the above categories, some of the features
emphasized by one informant have been repeatedly mentioned by another. For
the sake of brevity, few of the definitions forwarded by people from various
socio-demographic backgrounds are presented below in a way that
comprehensive insight might be grasped regarding the people’s own definitions
of Dagu.

4.1.1 Dagu Defined: Native’s Points of Views

For Mussa Mohammed, Head of the Department of Culture with the regional
office of Culture and Tourism, Dagu is:

a traditional mode of communication which is meant to address basic

questions regarding situations such as availability or shortage of rain,
that of peace or anything affecting the lives of the Afar people. It is a well
organized traditional channel of communication where two or more
people exchange current information in a much disciplined manner.
Unlike in other interpersonal communication experiences, Dagu requires
participant’s adherence to traditional norms of communication like
giving priority to a certain portion of the community such as elder folks
and guests. Dagu entails quite a great deal of discipline in aspects of
taking turn and being attentive listener during the communication
process (*FN1, p.1).
* NB: FN, through out this text, means Field Note

In his definition, Mussa emphasized on three major aspects of Dagu: that it is

traditional, that it answers basic questions of the community members and that it
is bounded with traditional rules and regulations. But, unlike others whose views
are considered below, he did not have much to say on details of the process,
rituals performed and manner of conversation taking place in the process.

44
Awel Wogris Mohammed was one of my key informants who shared me his
views concerning various aspects of Dagu. Awel is one of the few educated
natives who are currently serving the region. He is leading the Regional Health
Bureau. Awel has the following definition to forward to Dagu.

Dagu is a major tool of communication for the Afar people. It is an

“Internet of the Afar.” Information is transmitted in the form of relay
where an Afar must quickly share anything new to another Afar on his
way to daily practice. It is as dynamic as an interesting e-mail message
which someone forwards knowing that the recipient will surely
forwards it to others soon. Anything that happens here [Semera] would
be heard as far as Massawa or Djibouti [ports in Eritrea and Djibouti
respectively] in two or three day’s time. Sending false information is an
absolute social taboo as far as Dagu is concerned (FN1, p.5).

Awel’s version of taking Dagu for an “internet of the Afar” is a symbolic

representation of its pace and reliability as means of information exchange in a
cruel desert which gives less choice to inhabitants.

The value of Dagu and its essence is lucidly presented in Virginia Morell’s feature
article entitled “Africa’s Danakil Desert: Cruelest Place on Earth”. Morell
depicted Dagu as:

[…] a weighty subject, something to be pondered and assessed. It is

more than a bush telegraph or village gossip, more than the latest
headlines. Instead, in a ceremony of handshakes and hand kisses, the
Afar pass along recitations of all they have seen and heard, a poetic
litany that can be almost Homeric in its detail and precision (Morell,
2005:41).

45
Morell’s version of Dagu matches with what most Afar people defined that it is.
In deed, Dagu is more than a bush telegraph whose service depends on the
presence of artificial components such as battery power. It is more than
transmission of untested facts like rumor and gossip. It is, rather an act of sharing
a well cross-checked, attributed and trusted facts among the Afar community.

Amina Seid, an elder lady informant from Beyahile, on her part, states Dagu as:
a means through which we [the Afar people] remain informed
concerning the where-about of our herding teams, whether animals have
given birth, whether there is enough pasture and water in a place where
our livestock have been reared, whether war is going on in a place,
whether someone is sick or is dead. It is a process with which people
have exchanged important and influential information among
themselves through traditional means particularly from anyone who
passes by, using the two common phrases “Iytii maha tobie?” and “Intii
maha tubilie?”, [which means “what have your ears heard?” and “what
have your eyes witnessed?” respectively] (FN1, p.22).

While Amina restated what has already been said by others, she raised one
interesting aspect of the Qfar Dagu, as the natives call it. The two important
clauses which constitute the beginning of information exchange discourse are
worth paying attention here.

Actually it is common among casual interpersonal communicators to reveal a

certain sense of curiosity to learn about an unusual happening which is likely to
be kept confidential or is difficult to gain instant access to. But it is not common to
ask someone questions like what the Afar people ask each other. Implied in those
phrases is the people’s natural curiosity for information, new happenings and the
corresponding motive that drives everyone to be as informed as other Afar
counterparts. This is one of the features which make Dagu and the Afar

46
people unique as its causes are discussed in the oncoming part.

Jemal Abdulkadir is Head of the Afar Language Research and Development

Center located in Semera town. Based on rich experience relevant to the local
culture in which he was grown up, Jemal defines Dagu as follows:

Dagu is the process of exchanging factual information. For instance, if I

and you [the researcher] departed a year before beside an oasis where
our cattle drunk water, our Dagu must include all details regarding
happenings and news we have come across since we set apart a year
before. It is a reciprocal information exchange where both participants
could be listeners and speakers turn by turn. No interruption is culturally
possible while Dagu is progressing. What is possible for the listener to do
is to utter an attention signal like hayee…, ihii…, ihii…, hamm…,
hamm…etc. The information exchange includes every details concerning
what the speaker observed, heard or saw. It may include war, death, new
happenings, life requirements, disease, natural disaster etc (FN1, p.39).

Jemal’s definition of Dagu includes many important aspects. From his example,
one can infer that Dagu has much to do with the rural community than town
people. The mode of interaction reflected in his definition is typical of rural
conversation where people less sensitive to time are likely to get involved in.
Moreover, the attention signals that are mentioned are absent in conversations
and oral interaction that are commonly held with town men. The reciprocal role
of participants in Dagu, as reflected in the above definition, implies that Dagu is
an engaging and participatory medium whereby information exchange is by no
means unidirectional. It reveals that Dagu is mode of communication which
enjoys feedback and active participation of all parties in the process.

47
Amina Abdo, a young resident of Awash town, forwards another definition of
Dagu that basically stresses on one of its attributes, process and purpose.

Dagu is basically a process of information exchange among the Afar people.

It is a traditional face-to-face interaction where people reveal a genuine
information curiosity to learn about new or unheard things particularly so
as to prevent the community from possible dangers (FN1, p.39).

Interestingly enough, Amina’s inclusion of information curiosity as one of the

pertinent attributes of Dagu as reflected in the above definition, will be point of
discussion in the next part of the analysis.

Amadu’s definition of Dagu as “our telephone” is one of the commonly heard

characterization of it by his fellow rural Afar folks. Amadu, an elder person living
in Duddub kebele of the Awash-Fentale district contends,

Dagu is telephone of the Afar. […] If I saw someone sick, for instance, I
must share that information to others up to Werer. We, the Afar people,
do not have telephone lines to say Hallo. We have, therefore, been using
Dagu since time immemorial to share anything bad or good happened in
our land among fellow Afar living as far as Aysaita (approximately 400
kms north of Duddub) (FN1, p. 37).

Other forceful claims such as “Dagu is life” and “Dagu is a means to maintain
wealth” which are reflected in the traditional eloquent proverbs of Afar shows the
value the rural Afar community bestowed on Dagu. Some of these proverbs will
be touched upon in contexts where they develop the oncoming topics.

48
4.1.2 Dagu: Result of a Pastoral Mode of Adaptation
Pastoralists are people who basically depend on livestock and livestock products
to make their living. As their lives are highly intertwined with rearing livestock,
they hardly make a permanent and settled residence unlike their sedentary
counterparts. Thus pastoralists lead a simple and less technologically affected life.
As a result, they are often affected by instead of affecting nature (Siseraw, 1996).

Pastoralism is a wide concept which touches upon every lived reality of pastoral
communities and hence trying to fully deal with it is as complex as dealing with
their culture, economy, social structure and political ethos. And doing so is out of
the scope and concern of this research. Thus the discussion here will be delimited
to aspects of pastoralism that have a certain implication for communication,
particularly for Dagu.

Among the pastoralists of Ethiopia, the Afar people reveal a certain feature of life
which is typical to the community and many other notions shared by pastoralists
in other parts of the country. Dagu is one of those cultural elements which are
typical of the Afar ethnicity. While there is a somewhat similar oral-aural and
face-to-face communication in other communities such as the Kereyou Oromo and
Issa Somali ethnos, theirs do not reveal the rigor, discipline and social value the
Afar Dagu enjoys. Providing reasons for these exhibited differences may be an
arduous assignment which sociologists, historians and ethnographers must
grapple with. In this research, however, we will deal with some cultural
dynamics of pastoralism which might have implications for Afar’s necessitating
Dagu.

Most Afar are pastoral people whose lives are characterized by frequent mobility
with stocks in search of adequate pasture and water. The extent of mobility
depends on various factors such as availability or absence of seasonal rain,

49
proximity of the rangelands from rival ethnic groups and the size of stocks of
other Afar clans relocated to an area among others. Moreover, the nature of
livestock composition at the community’s disposal determines how far the
herding team should travel away from the Bura (main settlement of the family)
(Getachew, 2001; Siseraw, 1996).

In those occasions, the family is divided up into three herding groups as: the most
able-bodied following after camels at very long distance; other youths and elder
men following after cattle; and females and younger boys/girls rearing sheep and
goats. This division coupled with a usual tendency of the people to “go to the
unknown”, as one of my key informants says, necessitates the need for factual
and reliable information used as a base for making important decisions in regard
to whether there is possibility of facing clashes with neighboring clans if one
moves cattle in a certain direction; whether there is water or perilous wild animal
in places planned for shifting to; and more importantly, to check if water and
pasture are abundantly available in places to which relocation is planned. In here,
it is not difficult to imagine how disastrous the consequences may be if decisions
are made upon disinformation or misinformation (FN1, p.29). It is through Dagu
that people acquire all the necessary information. In line with this, Mussa
Mohammed, one of my informants, contends:

Dagu is not a question of choice for the Afar people. It is not something
people take it by choice and leave it when they do not feel like using it. It is
a question of survival for these people, for the people who often go to the
unknown in search of pasture and water for their livestock along
unfriendly desert, which could turn everything to deterioration if careful
decision is not made (FN1, P.1).

50
However, ecology is not the only factor that shapes pastoral social structure even
if much of the virtues and losses happened to pastoralist’s lives as a result of
ecological fluctuation (Getachew, 2001). For example, decisions to move or to stay
in place are guided by communal arrangements with members of extended
family or closer clan people as much as accessibility of pasture and water (FN2,
p.3). Such arrangements are basic to herding requirements for cooperation and
reciprocity since threats like raid attempts are reversed or tackled through
cooperation. These arrangements require deliberation of reliable information,
which is secured through Dagu, among key players of the community (FN1, p.4).

The Afar people customarily developed a communal identity where individual

members of the community stand by the side of a clan member when something
wrong has happened to him. This sense of communality is reflected in various
aspects of the Afar life. A case in point is nonexistence of beggars from the Afar
ethnic group. Not a single Afar comes to sight begging while I had stayed in the
field in various places.

The other most important case in which this communal approach is observed is
rarity of Afar men carrying food with them when they travel. The Afar are the
people who travel. They travel with their stocks. They travel in search of lost
cattle or camels. Some of them travel as a member of Caravan (Arahoo, in their own
terms). In all these contexts, people do not carry food with them but water. What
people are required to do is to visit any settlement (Buraa) located by the roadside.
The guest is sure to be welcomed, Dagu being a compulsory offer to share to the
host.

When considered in light of the preceding discussion, Dagu identifies itself as a

pastoral mode of adaptation established by the people to make life in an arid land
amidst of inter- and intra-ethnic conflicts most of which are resource based while

51
others are politically instigated (Getachew, 2001).

4.1.3 Dagu as Means of Ensuring Safety and Security

As it has been repeatedly stated in the preceding definitions of different native
personalities, every kind of information regarding current happenings that has to
do with various aspects of pastoralist’s life makes its way to the Afar Dagu.
Morell puts a detailed list of accounts pastoral Afar treat in their Dagu as follows:

It is through Dagu that they [the Afar people] learn of any new comers to
their desert realm, of the condition of water holes and grazing lands, of
missing camels and caravans. They learn of weddings and funerals, of
new alliances and betrayals, of the latest battles fought, and the condition
of the trail ahead. They learn about what has changed in a changeable
land, and in the world at large, and from all this, they peak a course of
action. Those who pay closest attention to the news, they say, may go on to
survive, Inshallah—God willing (2005: 37).

While all the details Morell pointed out have been mentioned by native key
informants and FGD attendants, what is of much relevance to this sub-topic is the
way the Afar people employ Dagu as a means to ensure safety and security of the
clan. To this end, it is interesting to notice the way the people inquire any
newcomer concerning his identity, the clan he belongs to, the place he came from,
the purpose of his journey etc.

According to most of my key informants and FGD participants in various rural

kebeles and villages in the two weredas, such an extensive inquiry on detailed
accounts of the guest’s identity, journey plan and destination is meant for two
important purposes: to acquire reliable information on recent accounts to which
the guest is exposed and to protect the host clan and community from becoming
victim of theft and bad reputation as a result of letting criminals pass through

52
their realm. On this point, Issie, an informant from Degadegie, has the following
to say:

One important point to remember here is that life is not just a peaceful
journey for Afar people. Inter- and intra-ethnic clashes as well as raids and
counter raids happen in different places. As a result, everyone passing
through our village (Buraa) is thoroughly inquired and investigated using
extended Dagu. We do so since any possible damage done by a person to
our clan or to any other people should be prevented. If we welcome a
passenger who is a wrong-doer without detailed inquiry on his
background, we would be out of context to tell who he was, where he was
from, which clan he belongs etc for anyone who is following the person
based on feet-marks that locate where the person headed. In such
instances, either the blame would fall on our shoulders for letting
wrong-doer pass freely or we might be suspected for the wrong deed.
Detailed Dagu is held to avoid such risks (FN1, p.12).

As can be noted from the above testimony, Dagu is not limited to information
transmission alone but is considered as a traditional means of ensuring security
and integrity of the clan. It is meant to discharge collective responsibility in the
community.

Awel Wutika forwards a certain example that emphasizes on such role of Dagu.
For instance, if someone treks with a stolen camel, he cannot avoid being part of
the Dagu. Any Afar who welcomes this person as a guest must investigate to find
out the fact about the guest’s mission. If he feels unsatisfied with the logic of the
guest, the guest will be sent to elder men or clan elders (Makabaan) for further
investigation. If the host carelessly or unknowingly let the guest leave without so
doing, he will be liable to a punishment of up to 12 goats as compensation for
those who are searching the lost camel as he failed to discharge the social

53
responsibility the clan bestowed on him as a member. The punishment is based
on Afar’s customary law (Mada’a) (FN1, p. 51).

Another instance where Dagu may be used as a means to ensure safety and
security is when it goes on between two passengers heading to opposite
directions. When two people go to different directions, they exchange
information with each other. One would inform the other about all casualties on
his journey so as to alert him regarding what he is likely to face on the way. In
case the way is not safe for someone to go on foot, the passenger may be advised
to cancel his journey. The information they have exchanged would move very fast
and may reach to lots of people in a day’s time (FN1, P. 50).

The role of Dagu in aspects of maintaining safety and security is also evident in
one of the Afar proverbs as:

“Daguh diniih da’araah dinii”, which can literally be translated as:

Either you listen what is going on around and feel safe or you sleep over it and
accept what may come.

4.2 Attributes and Trends of Dagu

In this part, characteristics of Dagu and trends of Dagu use come into play. Some
of the important attributes of Dagu, which characterize it both as a process and a
channel are brought into attention. For the purpose of illuminating the theme
treated in this part, empirical data collected from the field and various concepts
from a number of communication approaches, models and theories as well as
from literature on pastoralism have been used. Sub sections under this core theme
have been organized in a way that they develop communicative potential: the
major theme that will be discussed in the last themathic section.

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4.2.1 Attributes
4.2.1.1 Dagu: Wireless Network of the Afar
As it has been pointed out in the preceding section, some people like Awel
described Dagu as “Internet of the Afar”. Though this claim seems ridiculous,
there is an element of truth in the analogy as far as my view as a participant
observer is concerned.

Afar people, particularly the dominant pastoral majority lead lifestyle

characterized by communal social structure where an individual exhibits a
considerable sense of communality intertwined with autonomy and self-esteem
whose co-existent seem contrasting (see Siseraw, 1996). Individual’s autonomy
and self-esteem are characterized by possession of ample of livestock and
person’s exercising of power through public oratory which is much valued
among this pastoral community (Siseraw, 1996:109).

The communality is characterized by various socio-economic involvements of the

individual inline with respecting the established traditional norms and values.
However, communal behaviors outweigh individual motives like competition for
scarce resource, and wealth accumulation in approaches contrasting to traditional
and communal stock management strategies like milk stock transfer (Hantilla)
(FN2, p. 3).

Hantilla is the traditional process of temporarily handing over milk stocks such as
camel, cattle and goats or sheep in rare occasions either as an offer in response to
demands from borrowers (closer relations or sub-families) so as they can benefit
from the milk and from all male offspring that will be born under their
supervision or by the givers own initiative taken to overcome shortage of herding
labor (Getachew, 2001:41).

55
This and other communal social arrangements added to isolation of the Afar
people from the coercive central nations in the past might have helped the people
to develop a strong social web which is considered as typical social capital as far
as the Afar people are concerned (Getachew, 2001). Dagu is among these social
dynamics which testify the existence of the social network.

As a culturally trusted medium, Dagu might be considered as “journalism by the

people and for the people” to use the old political cliché. It is a very culturally
valued means of information exchange, commonly among each other and at times
with the world different from their well-defined territory.

People guided by vital need for information in such an arid land to survive in
daily life, developed a unique curiosity for information not so soft for amusement
but so hard for making important decisions based on it. This curiosity,
characterized by the very commonly used conversational routines, “Aytii mahaa
tobie?”/ and “Intii mahatubilie?”, which literally means “ What have your ears
heard?” and “what have your eyes observed?”, respectively shows info-curious
and interdependent nature of the Afar people.

It is out of this interdependence that every Afar folk come out to be seeker and
transmitter of new happenings or news to fellow community members through
Dagu. For Afars, Dagu is their journalism where every Afar acts the roles of a
journalist while elder men particularly play the role of an editor applying their
canny skills and strategies of information seeking and testing as they have
learned from rich life experiences. Such ethnic member’s tendency of strive to
hunt new information, basically in response to discharging communal
responsibilities and the dynamic nature of information exchange in terms of pace
and reliability makes Dagu a “wireless network” readily available to pass
anything factual and tested through.

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4.2.1.2 Pace of Dagu as a Traditional Means of Communication
Taking its traditional nature into consideration, Dagu can be taken as a fast means
of exchanging information and meanings through interpersonal contact. Its speed
is characterized by the context in which it serves. Dagu is a medium meant to
serve traditional people to help them make important decisions in “a changeable
environment” (Morell, 2005:37). Thus it must reasonably be fast. And what makes
it fast is the people’s value owed to it as a medium which practically help making
informed decisions.

It is possible to take a single example pertinent to social life of traditional Afar

people. If someone from any of the Afar clans fail to be present in the burial of one
of his clan members, the Mada’a (customary law of the Afar) makes him liable to
suffer a serious physical punishment from an organized youth group called
Fe’ima (traditional association that acts as law enforcing body). The burial
arrangement is not normally announced aloud. It is through Dagu that everyone
is expected to take the information in time. This and other social requirements
make Dagu to be a fast means of information transfer.

Many stories have been told by my sources concerning the pace of Dagu in the
traditional communication process. Most expressive of all is Awel’s oral story
concerning the briskly nature of Dagu. Awel tells the story:

Long ago, French people planned to establish telephone line connecting

Djibouti to Asaita and sent envoys to the Awsa Sultanate. The news,
however, reached the sultan before the envoys sat foot in Awsa as they
had to travel for a few days on foot all the way from Djibouti. And before
the envoys break the news of their government’s plan, people asked them
about the recent developments with their plan on telephone line
installation. Surprised of the people’s tendency to receive the information

57
 in such a speedy manner, it has been told that the French abandoned
their plan (FN1, p. 6).

The above anecdote characterizes Dagu as one of the fast media, at least, in the
lens of Afar people. Awel is not alone with such a claim concerning pace of Dagu.
As-Mohammed shares Awel’s position. Arguing for the swift nature of Dagu, he
brought a certain analogy based on his pastoral experience of oratory.

If you excrete while you are under the surface of water, the waste
floats out before you have reached back to the surface of the water
body and you can not hide your deed. Similarly, every deed in the
Afar land quickly gets its way to people through Dagu before the
doer realizes it.

As-Mohammed’s analogy of Dagu with the pace faece floats out of a water body
perfectly makes sense to many Afar folks whom I shared the analogy to. Rural
people, in particular feel comfortable with the pace information is reached them
through Dagu.

4.2.1.3 Social Acceptability

According to testimonies generated using interviews and FGDs, it has become
clear that Dagu enjoys an enormous degree of social acceptability. Much of the
acceptance arises out of the journalistic nature of Dagu: a reasonable degree of
accuracy, truthfulness and social responsibility vested on information
transmitting people by member of the community. While other details concerning
journalistic aspects of Dagu will be treated in the sub-sections to come, the
accuracy notion is treated in here.

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As it has been noticed from the data collected in the field, Afar people are so
serious on accuracy of information transmitted through Dagu. But the accuracy
notion they have referred to, in their discussions, is one of avoiding deliberate
fabrication of facts, not a degree of precision journalists strive to attain.
Disseminating false or fabricated information is a mortal sin which can not be
afforded by Afar people. Hence anyone who runs unchecked information is
punished according to the Mada’a. Moreover, people put such liars into social
exile and no one takes views coming from the person as genuine and truthful if
s/he once commits such a mistake.

For most Afar folks, who wish self-esteem and good reputation in the eyes of their
people as good brands, disseminating false information is an act which is
considered insane. According to Mohammed Ahamdin, an expert in the
Department of Culture with the region:

Information through Dagu is thoroughly checked and attributed to make

it as genuine and trustworthy as possible. As it is passed using words of
mouth, however, it is likely that there may be a certain degree of
information distortion like exaggeration (FN1, p.25).

Almost all of the informants share view of Ali Yayu of Degadegie village. Ali
states that “False claims defame the clan not only an individual member. So
people take care of sifting the right information” (FN1, p. 41). Some of the features
Dagu shares with journalism are further analyzed in the next sub-section.

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4.2.1.4 Journalistic Aspects of Dagu
Dagu has some important features to share with journalism. Among
those features is accuracy, urgency, timeliness, trustworthiness, bad
news taking pace and stepping away from opinions.

Accuracy and trustworthiness in Dagu are secured through an information

exchange process and canny approach by most Afars, particularly by elder
men, who employ a rigor that good journalism reveals. One of the
approaches basically used in Dagu is cross-checking of information from
multiple sources. The following Afars’ traditional proverb testifies this fact.

Numma sidihaawai yabienii

Truth is heard trice (three times) (FN1, p.58).

The Afar people, particularly elders, do not rush into sharing certain
information before crosschecking its versions from other sources. Specially,
if the information might have disastrous consequences, it would be double
or triple checked. Using multiple sources of the same information is among
the strategies employed to ensure credibility of news (Dagu). The fact that
crosschecking is eminent in Dagu has been stated in one of the Afar
proverbs.

Kok iyiiyie kok iyie numuk iyiiyie?

Who told you; who told the person who told you? (FN1, p. 51).

Information through Dagu is checked for its reliability and the people tend
to pass critical information on to their fellow tribesmen right after it is
checked. No time is spared to do this.

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Reliance on eye-witnesses account and first hand information from sources
is another consideration evident in the process of using Dagu. Common use
of the inquiring clauses such as “Ayitii mahaa tobbie? and Intii mahaatubilie?”,
which literally means, “What have your ears listened? What have your eyes
looked for?”, by traditional people involved in Dagu testifies that
information reliability is underlined in the Afar Dagu (FN1, p.43). Moreover,
these two recurring quests in Afars’ Dagu imply the level of info-curiosity of
the people. Another journalistic aspect of Dagu is its attention to the “‘5 Ws’
and an ‘H’”, as Mussa claims (FN, p.2).

4.2.1.5 Dagu as Promoter of Communal Values

The concept that Dagu promotes communal values has been implicitly or
explicitly marked out in the preceding discussion. This specific section,
however, is devoted to looking into the interrelationship between Dagu and
Malboo (customary justice service) so as to contextualize how Dagu is used to
promote communal values.

The Afar are traditional people who have almost been self-ruling
community partly because of severe and inaccessible nature of the ecology
and partly because of the attention they lacked from the central governments
as well as “the fearsome reputation the community have had in the past”
(Getachew, 2001; Siseraw, 1996). Consequently, they could maintain their
original social establishments such as malboo and their customary law called
mada’a. Still now, regardless of the coming into effect of a statutory law at a
federal level, the people prefer their own legal and social institutions. They
have developed an immense sense of belongingness to these traditional
establishments.

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Strengthening this view, Awel Wutika—the former parliamentarian with
House of Representatives, has the following to say:

The rural society still uses the customary law called Mada’a. The
people like it. Sometimes there is a clash between traditional law and
modern law. For instance, if someone who had killed a person served
his term of prison, the society would not leave him free even if doing
so is illegal in light of the statutory law. They plan revenge to the
person if the crisis is not addressed according to the traditional law
called Mada’a (LN1, p.53).

Picture 1. People on Malboo: Alibete II Village of the Sabure Kebebe

This traditional law functions based on information collected from both the
accuser and the accused side through Dagu. As such, the justice process is
enhanced with collecting reliable information. Thus, the role Dagu plays in
regard to ensuring traditional justice and enabling the system function can
not be underemphasized.

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Seeking for information is a social responsibility for any Afar, especially for
matured men. “If a man fails to Dagu any guest, he is not considered as a
man. It is shameful, not to inquire information from guests. It is shameful,
too, not to welcome a guest for an obvious refreshment after Dagu when he
joins ones home along his journey”, Issie states (FN1, p. 56).

4.2.2 Trends of Dagu

4.2.2.1 Dagu: A Medium Biased to Men?
All of my research participants invariably agree that Dagu is more
frequently used by Afar men that their female complements. “This partly
shows the lower social status owed to women in our community”, Awel
Wutika argues. Considering various cultural hindrances challenging the
Afar women, Awel’s argument is not far from reality. However, it could not
effectively justify the reason behind lesser participation of women in the
information business: Dagu.

Dagu is something every Afar is curiously looking for; without it survival in

the desert realm is questionable. In such a situation, lesser participation of
females in the traditional arena of information exchange, while they could
have contributed to bringing more information to the fore, seems less
justifiable.

Awel’s second point of argument gives a better reason. According to this

informant, women are relatively lesser in rate of mobility compared to men.
“What Females provide as information is what they heard; not what they
saw since their mobility is restricted than men counterparts” (FN1,
p.53).Thus, they are less likely to have the same access to Dagu which has
much to do with facing new people and asking for information or observing
new happenings. Unlike females, males particularly the younger and the

63
able-bodied practice repeated journeys on foot in search of lost cattle or
camel, along with their stocks relocated in far away places or to towns for
selling their animals. All these activities assigned to men offer them extra
advantage of involvement in Dagu. This second view of my key informant
has been widely shared by other discussants.

Another reason hindering females from wider participation in Dagu is

uttered by female participants in different rural kebeles of the Awash-Fenatle
Wereda. Fatuma, an old lady from Wasero village, boldly argues that it is
because of males’ suspicions and prejudices that female happened to less
participate in Dagu. She contends that “our husbands” feel that “we would
be easily sexually abused” if confronted by someone different from a closer
family member. “Afraid of the misunderstanding that arises if we welcome a
guest in our house, we refrain from hunting Dagu as men often do.
However, we share information with close relations and fellow females”
(FN1, pp. 52-53).

Men are paid a respected social position in Afar. They are considered as
socially responsible bodies in the pastoral environment. This might, as well,
have its own bearings on their dominancy in using Dagu. Asking about how
the Afar people feel about a man, who does not frequent Dagu, Hagaisie, an
interviewee from Doho says, “It is unmanly to avoid Dagu for any Afar man.
He would never be considered as a responsible member of the pastoral
community if he avoids Dagu” (FN1, p. 55).

The fact that Afar women do not participate in Dagu, as actively as men,
does not necessarily mean they are uninformed or they do not share it from
others. They get important information different from a formal Dagu in
casual conversations with parents, husbands and anyone close to them (FN1,
p.55).

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4.2.2.2 Dagu: A Medium Promoting Rural Values
The fact that Dagu is liked by Afar people is a widely shared feedback taken
due the course of this research. Every Afar folk: be it an elder or younger, a
male or female, rural or town inhabitant, invariably show a considerable
sense of belongingness and passion for Dagu as one of their traditional
heritages. For rural Afar people, the question of Dagu is a question of
survival as it has been discussed earlier since important decisions are made
based on information gained through it. It is rather important to see how
non-rural Afar folks, particularly those who work in offices feel about Dagu
to learn how widely favored it is.

A few native government officials in different capacities have been

interviewed concerning various aspects of Dagu and all of them showed
positive attitude towards it while the majority confirmed that they still use it
as a medium especially when their rural clan people come to visit them.
Among them is Awel Wogris, who has the following to say:

I still make use of Dagu as a town person. However, I prefer

Dagu out of office with relatives and guests who appear as
casual visitors to making it in office. By its very nature, Dagu
entails speaking out all specific details concerning your
encounters in the daily routines. I see that it is unmanageable for
office person like myself to share detailed information about
number of AIDS patients, TB cases, number of people died etc. to
receive views concerning details of happenings of the guest in
return. I would like Dagu to be a bit precise and to-the-point. It is
too leisurely for a busy town life (FN1, pp.5-6).

From the above text, it can be noted that Awel does not dislike Dagu even if
it fails to be compatible with his office duties. Even if he could not totally

65
avoid use of Dagu when he is in office duty, he would try to wind it up as
quickly as possible, only guiding the discourse to important selections. This
concern of Awel regarding time consuming and less selective nature of Dagu
is shared by most Afar people who have established in towns.

Such an approach does not enjoy appreciation from pastoral Afars who have
a much more leisure time compared to town Afars. Rural people do not like
to pace up Dagu. They feel that information quality could be compromised if
the communicators are denied of enough time to speak all their hearts. In
regard to this, Tahiro Ali, reflected the following view concerning brisk
Dagu (yardie Dagu/suksuk Dagu, as the rural people contemptuously call it) in
a FGD secession held in Duddub kebele.

yardiee Dagu kee defia Daguu inkii gidee hinaa

Settled Dagu and brisk Dagu do not bring similar return (FN1, p.45).

Rural people consider the Dagu held among town Afar as mad’s Dagu:
something unsettled and swift to understand each other’s hearts. Gurret
Amino, another informant from Wasero (a village near Saburie town), claims
that “currently, Dagu is getting narrower and narrower in its depth as most
people, particularly the young and the town men lost patience and the gut to
tell a detailed account of events when making Dagu” (FN1, p.35). Due to
that, Gurret adds, “we tend to understand each other’s motives, plans and
behaviors unlike our fathers. This is quite un-Afar” (FN1, p. 35).

Dagu enjoys better treatment and depth in rural places than in towns where
other means of information exchange are available to fit well into busy urban
lifestyle.

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4.2.2.3 A Medium Frequented by Young Males; Mastered by Elder Men
According to empirical data generated through series of ethnographic
interviews and FGDs corroborated with observation, young people taking
care of livestock face the most chance of being involved with Dagu. As it has
been discussed in the preceding part, Dagu is basically dictated by mobility.
Male youths and younger adult men with full strength are the most mobile
part of the community and hence enjoy the most access to Dagu.

However, this does not necessarily mean that they are the most effective
users of Dagu according to informants. Dagu bears a real sense of rigor and
originality in the hands of elder people, particularly men. Rabia, an
informant from Degadegie, observes that “elder men have much respect to
Dagu and hence employ utmost patience, rigor and time in the process. They
often close Dagu with du’aa/a closing prayer. (For comparison, See Parker,
1971:219-287).

The elder men do not underemphasize the ritual and agreed upon
pleasantries pertinent to the process. Young men, however, pay attention to
Dagu and not necessarily to the way it goes on, as informants discuss.

4.2.2.4 Openness to Synergy with Other Media

In this research, I was also interested to learn if information disseminated
through other media such as radio, TV or print materials make their ways to
Dagu. Thus, I asked those few people whom I saw them using the radio
regarding the ways they consume messages from the mass media. Their
responses contrast with some Afar folks who are not attending to radio or
any media different from their Dagu. This contrast, which has been analyzed
below, is of much interest and relevance to this point of discussion.

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I met Keloita Tahiro in Alibete II, his village located at some eight kms East of
Saburie. He was tuning to a certain Arabic program with his Philips radio set.
I approached him with the help of my interpreter, Issie and exchanged few
views with each other. Keloita says to have used radio so rarely. Part of the
reason is lack of power batteries his radio consumes. However, he
sometimes tunes to Afari transmission from Ethiopian Radio and Radio
Fana as well as from some Arab channels which he could not perfectly listen
except for minimal comprehension skills he acquired from Islam school.

Keloita is of the opinion that information transmitted through radio in his

language is interesting to tune to but could not see its relevance in affecting
the Afar life. “I tune just to entertain myself and my friends when we rear
animals together”, he commented (FN2, p.1).

Regarding the way he use the information he listened from radio, he said
that he sometimes include some “surprising and fascinating” issues when
exchanging Dagu with fellow Afars.

Picture 2. Keloita carrying a radio set: Dagu synergized

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Keloita’s tendency of channeling out some information he gathered from
electronic media implies that Dagu is a tool which could be synergized with
other media. Actually, the assumption that information transmitted in the
mainstream media using local language would undoubtedly make its way in
Dagu is widely shared by officers working in the regional HAPCO and
APDA (Afar Pastoralist Development Agency), a local NGO working on
integrated rural development.

Asked if HAPCO employed Dagu as HIV/AIDS communication tool,

Mohammed Udda, Public Relation (PR) officer with the organization says
that they have not uniquely approached Dagu as a tool even if they are
“more than sure that the people exchange information they broadcast
through radio and publish in the form of posters”. Mohammed takes Dagu
into analogy with a canal in which water readily flows through. “[…] what
we are doing is letting pure water to pass through the canal”, he argues.
HIV/AIDS message his organization prepares is taken into analogy with the
pure water which the rural people are assumed to readily consume. What
has not yet been justified here is the fact that it is the people- not the
HAPCO- which reinforces to or hinders the water from making its way
through the canal (Dagu). The same view has been reflected by Wondwosen,
an expert in the department of HIV and Reproductive Health with APDA
based in Logiya town. Ismael-- director of APDA—too, believes that Dagu
takes everything relevant and timely from other media like posters (FN1, p.
18).

In contrast with the above claim, Nura Mohammed, an elder pastoralist

from Dohoo sees that he should not at all tune to radio.

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 Actually, I don’t have a radio set. But I would never use it either
even if I have had one. People are currently paying undue
attention to Khat/chat (stimulant leave), radio and town life which
erode pastoral values and identity. As a result, they are missing a
potentially relevant Dagu which is one of our intimate and reliable
sources of information. If I tune to radio, I am afraid that I miss
some important Dagu (FN2, p.4).

Even if there are individuals like Nura who does not wish to trade Dagu for
any other modern media, Dagu’s unavoidable nature enables any unique
information to be communicated across.

4.2.2.5 Uniformity in the Use of Dagu among Asahi- and Adohi-mara

One of the targets of this study was to unveil if Dagu use varies among the
Asahimara (Red Afar) and Adohimara (White Afar) groups. Many of the
educated Afar people think that such a distinction as red and white Afar is
not natural but is an artificial creativity which aimed at maintaining the
power with the Awsa sultanate that ruled the northern part of the region for
a number of years. This notion, actually confirm Siseraw (1996)’s claim that
Afar people are not as such different as has been claimed.

When we see Dagu use as our frame of reference, there is not as such any
considerable distinction between the two main groups of the Afar people.
Regarding this, Ahmmed Hagay, an informant in Semera town forwards an
argument corroborating views of most of his fellow Afars.

As your men [researcher’s] are using telephone to share

information with their relations, we too, invariably have
used Dagu for the same purpose. We [Asahimara] hear
about casual deaths, war news, epidemic, illnesses,

70
 marriage arrangements, funerals or call for meeting
(gathering) etc through Dagu as they [Adohimara] have
done the same with it. It is how our system has worked
and continues to work in the future as well. There has

never been such a distinction in Dagu use between

Adohimara and Asahimara Afar except for minor
discrepancies in use of dialects (FN1, p.59).

Surprisingly enough, there is some minor element in the way Dagu is

exchanged between the Dabnie and We’ima sub-clans of the Adohimara Afar
group who have lived proximate to each other in Awash-Fentale Wereda.

Debnie sub-clans say, “Nagaaydintie Edeltuu?” which means, “how are you
doing, old man?” unlike their We’ima counterparts and all Afar people I
talked to around Dubti. For majority of the Afars, it is disrespectful to ask
elder folks such a question. What is proper for them is to say “negaynaan”,
which means “we are fine”. Doing so denies elder men from taking up the
obvious expected role of a canning inquirer which is a traditional sign of
maturity of old age. The latter group of people argue that it is elder men
who should inquire for Dagu and hence the “how are you” approach
snatches them of this traditional rights of elders to take the role of an
inquirer of information. Doing so is disrespectful.

Debnie groups argue that it is someone who is coming from somewhere else
who should say “how are you?” instead of the one who stayed at a place.
They even criticize such practices of greeting guests as a sign of being thrifty.
“If you don’t greet a guest and ask him how he is, you are unwelcoming him
to your home”. Dagu precedes refreshments—something to eat and drink or
either (FN, pp. 41-42).

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4.3 Communicative Potential of Dagu for HIV/AIDS Communication
Most ideas regarding Dagu’s potential as a traditional tool of
communication in the arid realm of the Afar have been discussed in the
previous part. However, this section tries to put those implications into a
context of HIV/AIDS communication. This would be done by means of
relating Dagu with HIV communication theories. Theoretical implication of
some attributes of Dagu will be stressed so as to answer one of the major
questions the research posed at its onset.

4.3.1 Takes Advantage of Immediate Feedback

Dagu fulfills all the merits any face-to-face communication provides. Among
the merits of such a means of communication are presence of instantaneous
feedback and added-value of non-verbal cues both of which could play role
in the process of constructing and sharing information and meanings. These
features are available in Dagu unlike in mass media such as radio and
newspaper where the audience may only grasp part of the message.

In the communication tradition of Afar, it is not allowed to intervene while

Dagu progresses. Patience and attentive follow up are, rather, compulsory
requirements. Even in the burning sun of May, where outdoor temperature
rises up to 48 degree celicius, Dagu has been observed to have progressed
between Afar man and woman as can be seen in the following picture.

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 Picture 3. An old man and a lady exchanging information through Dagu:Farman,
Dubti Wereda

All what participants of Dagu do is to sit or stand in front of a person

inquired for information. Information giver and receiver would often sit
face-to-face in a way that the receiver could attend not only information but
also emotion in which the story is being told. Afar people generally “are
experts at observation and taking mental note of events” and details of an
occurrence as well as a nice skill of reporting events vividly (Parker,
1971:232). This skill might have been reinforced by instantaneous feedback
Dagu ever enjoys.

In most of the recent HIV communication theories, interpersonal

communication which pays attention to face-to-face interaction between or
among communicators is given credit. As such, Dagu involves emotional
responses and active interaction of communicators who always make use of
feedback (Refer to theories in the literature part).

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4.3.2 Eliciting Discussion
Afar people use Dagu for a purpose a bit more than information
transmission. As it has been discussed in the previous theme, it supports
traditional justice process of the Afar, called Mada’a in aspects of motivating
discussion and debate which are part and parcel of the process. Information
which was collected through Dagu would be forwarded by an eloquent clan
leader or representative (Kedo aba) who argues in favor of his clan man who
is accused or who accuses someone else for wrongdoing. Then arguments
would be forwarded from both sides until consensus is reached between the
two parties as to the kind of fines or sanctions to be laid on a wrongdoer’s
clan. In Afar individual is considered more as a member of the clan than as
an individual being. The clan, therefore, commonly shares the fine laid on its
member’s shoulder particularly if the case is murder related or any other
serious encounter (FN2, P.3).

Motivating discussion, question, debate and argument has been mentioned

as advantages face-to-face communication has over mass media (Hubley,
1993:60). As an organized kind of face-to-face communication, Dagu has also
such merits over the mainstream media. Hubley adds, “when you are
face-to-face with individuals or groups, it is easy to present both sides and
make sure that the audience understands the issues. This is much more
difficult in mass media such as radio, television and newspaper…” (ibid,
p.54)

Reinforcement of argument, discussion and debate among the members of

the community may be extended through Dagu to the extent that the people
discuss and find out “who they are; what they want, and how they can get
it” as what the communication for social change (CFSC) model requires
(Figueroa et al, 2002: II). Such an intervention may enhance people’s

74
tendency to looking themselves as agents of their own change in terms of
adopting social behaviors (practices) that help curb transmission of HIV in a
sustainable manner raising their self reliance. Most importantly, the
community’s attitude of believing in public discussion, debate and
arguments to take a communal stand could be enhanced by using Dagu as a
medium.

Afar people use the following proverb to show Dagu’s tendency to enabling
people share traditional knowledge or ideas from their fellows.

Numuktienak Daguu abanah numuktenak ogiel defianah

Inquiring information from someone makes you his contemporary (FN,
pp.46-47)

4.3.3 Dagu as a Unique Traditional Brand of Afar-ness

Dagu is not a means of information exchange alone as most Afar people
agree. It has a far more cultural implication for the community which feels
pride in its communal culture and tradition.

According to oral testimonies generated through interviews and FGDs,

traditional people witnessed their uncompromised sense of belongingness
and passion to Dagu as something their cultural identity is reflected in. In
most parts of the region, Dagu has been considered as a cultural heritage
which is used to show sense of respect owed to elder men, guests and people
who secured a socially dignified position. Clan leaders (Makaban), religious
leaders (such as Immams and Muftis), customary law enforcers (Eranaa aba),
traditional healers and birth attendants are among such group of individuals
who enjoy respect, according to views of different informants. The
implication is that it is possible to innovatively approach Dagu so that

75
innovations regarding HIV/AIDS prevention could be adopted by the
community with an active involvement of the aforementioned homophilous
members of the community as has been pointed out in the Diffusion of
Innovation Model.

However, it does not mean that these are the only people who are paid
respect to each other in the course of Dagu. If two Afar men of relatively
similar age group faced by another Afar who demands Dagu, the two would
bargain with each other to give each other priority for passing Dagu, as
Dagu giving is a traditionally respected role that should prioritize someone
respected. In the bargain, the one who feels that he must not take the priority
utters the following discourse:

Yalii nek yaysie atuu yok taysie, which means:

God is best but you are better than me [You must pass the Dagu] (FN1, p.52)

In the above praising sentence, it has been reflected how an Afar spells out
the degree of respect he owes to fellow Afar by putting the name of God into
the comparison. Such a ritualistic deliberation of respect being reflected in
participants who involve in Dagu partly implies the social position Dagu
enjoys in the Afar community. A planned and thought about HIV
communication intervention is more likely to benefit from this widely
accepted folk media as discussed in Awa (1995).

As has been noted from the qualitative data generated from various rural
and town Afars, HIV risk factors are motivated by the socio-cultural,
economic and demographic factors as well as recent social changes such as
traditionally rebellious stands evident in some Afar men who are
increasingly attracted by sedentary or town life. According to some

76
informants, this latter factor is increasingly compromising traditional
establishments such as absuma (prescriptive cross-cousin marriage
arrangement widely practiced by the Afar ethnicity), cooperative livestock
management and even the Malboo--the traditional process of ensuring
justice. Dagu is not an exception as various people who are absorbed by
town lives must step away if not completely abandon it. In relation to this,
the ever increasing familiarity of chewing khat (chat) is said to have
compromised both Dagu and Malboo. It is worth mentioning Mussa’s
experience concerning this phenomenon:

Yesteryear, people killed each other and Malboo was held by

traditional leaders. However, the crisis which must have been
settled soon was not addressed for few months. I heard that a
thousand birr was spent for khat (chat) and accompanying
ceremonies. While providing khat (chat) was unusual among Afar
people, it is now becoming familiar to the extent it erodes the
well-being of the community and its prestigious traditional
establishments. Chat can also be mentioned as one of HIV risk
enhancing factors as people are increasingly buy sex after getting
intoxicated with this stimulant. A certain sort of cultural revival
seems a must (FN1, pp.3-4).

Given that it is widely liked among the Afar community, especially among
the pastoral Afar, adapting Dagu as an HIV communication tool may have a
double advantage of reinforcing the revival of tradition and traditional
institutions as well as helping the effort to contain the alarmingly growing
trend of the epidemic. Using interpersonal channels [such as Dagu] for HIV
communication means ‘starting where [the] people are at ’ (Hubley,
1993:60), instead of imposing forms of communication which are either
unfamiliar or inaccessible for the community.

77
The remaining HIV risk factors are those which are rooted within the culture
and demography of the Afar people. Quite most of them are related to
deep-rooted cultural practices like polygamy and early marriage, wife
inheritance, marriage out of ones clan, sharing of sharp material for genital
cutting (Andoyita) and female’s piercing of skin as a sign of beauty marker
(Hadaay). Other factors such as lack of access to and knowledge of voluntary
counseling and testing (VCT) as well as infibulations [sewing girl’s vaginal
opening to maintain purity of females until marriage] are also mentioned
(FN1, p.43).

Such a traditionally established and long standing cultural practices are less
likely to be addressed by top-down, mass media-oriented and expert
dictated interventions which do not give enough space to traditional
authorities and familiar communicative tools like Dagu. The cultural
impediments could more likely be addressed through cultural ways using
the local people as experts of their own problem and that of their
environments as mentioned in the social-focused approaches, theories and
models of HIV communication (See CFSC, participatory communication and
advocacy). Dagu is in a better position to address HIV related issues in a
context where majority of the population includes traditional and
pre-illiterate people with a communal social ethos.

Regardless of this, HIV communication with the region remains a

mass-media focused one which dominantly employs radio, posters,
magazines and flyers among others. While there are attempts to use
interpersonal communication channels and networks such as drama, public
talks and by inviting traditional leaders to workshops on HIV and AIDS,
they are somewhat restricted to towns and nearby rural sights. Quite a wider
and hellacious portion of the region remains difficult to reach due to

78
unsuitability of the weather and remoteness of the places as well as the
natural difficulty of accessing mobile pastoralists coupled with the current
town-focused interventions. This implies that pastoral-focused HIV
communication intervention is a necessity to reach those areas which are
almost “no man’s reach”. To this effect, Dagu is a traditionally fitting media
which is liked by the rural majority more than anything else.

The community’s nature of valuing oratory as a symbol of power, as stated

by Siseraw (1996:109), and the engaging and inclusive nature of Dagu,
implies the presumably potential role of Dagu as a tool for HIV
communication dealing with prevention, care and support as well as
minimizing stigma and discrimination. Being cheap and locally available,
Dagu is believed to involve the community as self-reliant actors in the
HIV/AIDS interventions.

Almost all HIV/AIDS communication approaches, theories and models, not

least the individual-oriented BCC, acknowledge the importance of
interpersonal communication approaches and social networks as it has been
implied in the review part of this thesis. With the recently dominating
HIV/AIDS communication interventions which target culture, social norms
and policy environments, the role of a socially well-established folk
communication system such as Dagu could not be under emphasized.

79
4.4 Rethinking HIV Communication in the Afar Region: A Case Study
The preceding three sections of the analysis chapter have dealt with the
essence, trends and communicative potentials of Dagu, particularly for
HIV/AIDS communication in the region. To this end, current concepts of
HIV/ AIDS communication have been used to justify the communicative
potentials of Dagu. The findings give the impression that Dagu can be
innovatively approached as one of the culturally appropriate, contextualized
and readily available mode of communication which is familiar to the
various socio-cultural contexts of the Afar community.

This sub-section, however, tries to argue on the need for adopting Dagu from
a different angle. Thus, some points where the existing dominantly
top-down and expert dictated Behavior Change communication is likely to
fail will be discussed. To this end, an HIV/AIDS education poster prepared
by Afar Pastoralist Development Agency (APDA), a magazine published by
the regional HAPCO and some reactions of native audiences on the weekly
30 minutes radio message on HIV from Ethiopian Radio Afar Language-
Addis Ababa have been critically approached. While the selected pieces are
too few to show the whole picture of HIV communication in the region, they
have been purposely selected in a way that they show some major deviations
from what is expected in a normal HIV/AIDS communication intervention.

4.4.1 Reflecting on an HIV Communication Poster

Poster has been one of the tools used for HIV awareness creation in the Afar
region. Quite a number of posters bearing Afar customs and traditions in
terms of wearing styles and material properties as well as cultural symbols
such as sword (gillie—a knife Afar men over 15 years of age held in their
waist) are made available in various public places.

80
All the posters the researcher observed have used captions in two languages:
Afar and Amharic. The former uses Latin letters while the latter uses Ge’ez
alphabets. In some cases bylines are spelt out in English alphabets.

The good side of these posters, as presented below, is that they reflect the
people’s own cultural and traditional values. They are drawn in a way that
they grab people’s attention thereby inviting viewers to discuss on concepts
and messages implied or reflected in them. The very presence of pictorial
clues is more likely to help people make the required meanings out of the
posters. However, it is difficult to think that everyone can make the same
meaning out of a single poster as different people use different background
knowledge to unlock meanings out of a given visual material. This may go
to the extent that opposite meanings may be derived out of the same poster.

What is more, the captions and verbal illustrations written in the two
languages are less likely to be understood by pastoralists who are hardly
literate. This implies that the posters are prepared to fit in to various realities
of the town minority than the rural majority who could neither write nor
read.

The other drawback of the HIV messages in general and posters in particular
is that they depict HIV/AIDS as a death sentence. The following poster can
be taken as a case in point. The poster tries to depict how a man left for a bar
to have sex with a commercial sex worker contracted HIV and gradually
collapsed to death. While the A2 sized poster presents the person’s
unfortunate encounter in five different phases in a way that the negative
consequence of HIV risk behavior be clearly understood, it depicts HIV as a
death sentence than as a disease which can be prevented and cautiously
handled. This way of labeling AIDS an extraordinarily special disease ends

81
up in stigmatizing patients and discouraging the essence of positive living
thereby hindering prevention and care efforts from the part of the
community.

Picture 4: an HIV Education poster prepared by APDA- a Local NGO

82
The above poster has another implication as well. The first scene bears
un-friendly conversation between the husband who has already begun
leaving for town and his wife who remains home with her baby boy. The
wife asks him where he was going. The husband responds, “None of your
business!”. This partly shows the lower status of women in the Afar
community. While we can see the lady’s concern to her husband from the
very question “Anke gexxaah?/ where are you going?”, the husband’s
discouraging response shows the patriarchal orientation of the community
which is evident in the everyday lived reality of the community.

The same poster leads us to the man’s dealings with the commercial sex
worker who welcomes him in a very seductive manner. Then we see the
person distressed and quarreled with his own conscience. Then we see the
same man suffering from AIDS and finally died of it. Actually, this poster is
meant to teach the disastrous consequence of risky sexual activities. And it
served this purpose as some informants believe. However, the poster could
not help people who did the same with bar ladies with their frustration
against Voluntary Counseling and Testing (VCT). Moreover, it adds to the
fearsome reputation of AIDS as a merciless killer as has been reflected in the
title of a quarterly bilingual magazine (Saxxekal) prepared by the Regional
HAPCO.

4.4.2 The Case of Saxxekal Magazine

Saxxekal is another print publication meant to raise awareness on HIV /AIDS
related issues. It has been prepared by the regional HAPCO. Saxxekal is a
magazine prepared in two languages: Amharic and Afar as can be observed
in the following scanned cover page of the magazine’s publication in August
2004. Views of various people who live with HIV/ AIDS and that of
celebrities among the native people are commonly entertained. Moreover,

83
common people are not denied of the chance to take part in the magazine as
far as they have something to contribute to the various columns devoted to
HIV/AIDS matters according to Mohammed Udda, Public relation officer
with Afar HAPCO and chief of the editorial board. The term Saxxekal is
literally translated as “saving generation from being destroyed”.

Picture 5: Saxxekal—A Quarterly Bilingual Magazine Dealing with HIV/AIDS Issues in

the Region

84
The very name of this magazine implies AIDS as something which destroys
generation. HIV/AIDS has been sensationalized. AIDS, in particular, has
been given a status which is unparalleled in its tendency to destroy
generation. This may have a negative implication in aspects of fighting
stigma and reducing undue frustration. This seems to contradict with the
argument that AIDS must be considered as other diseases like malaria and
TB and hence patients must be handled carefully but in a positive and
non-discriminating manner.

4.4.3 On HIV/AIDS Communication through Radio in the Afar

Language
Radio has been considered as one of the major HIV/AIDS communication
tools in the Afar region. Thus, Afar HAPCO has bought a weekly 30 minutes
air time from Ethiopian Radio. Care Awash (a regional branch of
Care—International NGO), too, buys airtime from radio Fana Afar
Language program to broadcast HIV-focused dramas and edutainment.
While both Afar HAPCO and Care Awash transmit HIV related issues from
the capital Addis through Afar language, whether most people are tuning is
not an easy question to answer. Some natives who reside in Awash town say
that it is not convenient for them tuning to the radio broadcasts since the
transmission time is not an ideal one for them to do so. Regarding this,
Ardahisu, an informant in Awash town argue that it is difficult to tune to
radio at about 4:00 or 5:00 PM as they are working ours for many people.
Ashenafi, too, shares this assertion.

Moreover, most Afar people living in rural pastoral sites do not have radio
sets. For few exceptional people who have one, buying batteries is
considered as a luxury for youths such as Agiro of the Doho kebele. After all,
tuning to radio messages is not such a burning issue for pastoral Afar who

85
dominantly relies on Dagu as a major means of exchanging information.

Overall, the HIV/AIDS communication intervention in the Afar region has

not been duly contextualized to the various socio-cultural customs of the
community. Rather the communication approaches which are practiced in
the central highlands of the country which is inhibited by sedentary
populations have been adopted. This shows that the region has done little in
designing particular Health communication strategy which fits to the
various socio-cultural variables of the region unlike what is stated in the
national Health communication strategy (MOH, October 2004).

Given the aforementioned limitations of this top-down HIV related

messages, one can reasonably argue for rethinking the HIV/AIDS
communication interventions in the region.

86
 Chapter Five
Conclusion and Implications
This study has tried to ethnographically explore the essence, traditions of
Dagu use (trends) and communicative potential of Dagu- Afars’ folk
medium- as a traditional communication tool for HIV communication
intervention in the region. To this end, cultural, economical and social
practices and establishments that have implications, in one or another way,
to Dagu have been carefully examined taking the native’s point of view.
Daily routines of the Afar folks ranging from proverbs and greetings to
gatherings for customary practices such as Malboo, which is meant to ensure
justice in their territory, have been attended, observed and recorded so as to
analyze their implications to and connections with Dagu.

Quite a lot of people ranging from young and old pastoralists to culturally
experienced town people working in various offices in the region have been
either interviewed or invited as discussants in FGDs held in the people’s
natural environments. Socio-cultural and demographic factors were
considered in selecting participants of the study as equally important as
knowledge of and experience in the Afar culture and traditions. Finally, the
following conclusions have been made based on findings of the study.

5.1 Conclusion
Dagu is considered by the people both as a process and a result, as they say
“ma Dagu?” which means “any news?” considering it as a product (news).
On the other hand when they say, “I am on Dagu”, people are referring to it
as a process of information dissemination. The findings of the research
showed that Dagu is among the most valued cultural heritages of Afar
people invariably, even if trends of its use vary due to various factors such as

87
traditional gender-based and ecologically -driven task differentiation
between females and males or between strong youths and retired elders,
among others.

Accordingly, women and children under 15 are found to have least involved
in Dagu though information may reach them through informal occasions
during leisure time and in social occasions. While the able-bodied and the
highly mobile youths employ Dagu the most so as to fit into information
requirement of pastoral life, which is characterized by raiding and warring,
elder men are known to have made the most out of Dagu. Elder Afar men
are valued as canny information exploiters in Dagu and hence are often
prioritized in circumstances where they are accompanied by young people
when Dagu is exchanged. Thus engaging elder men as communicators of
messages regarding HIV/AIDS seems likely to bring positive returns.

Where as Dagu is valued in almost every part of the study area, Afar
community members residing in towns either make less use of it or try to
adapt it into a context of busier urban life. The growing rate of cultural
deterioration which is often reinforced by the young rural Afars’ attraction
to sedentary life has contributed to less use of “the proper Dagu”.

Regarding trends in Dagu use between the two major Afar groups, no
considerable variation has been observed. The usual curiosity for
information which is traditionally appropriate and reinforcing continues to
exist in both groups, particularly in pastoral communities. The discourse,
pleasantries, the sense of respect and the need to provide guests with
refreshing food and drink accompanying with Dagu remains uniform in the
observed sights.

88
Dagu, both as a face-to-face communication channel and as a traditionally
valued medium is believed to be a significant tool for HIV communication in
the Afar region where about 90 percent of the people are rural inhabitants
who have less access to mainstream media. The fact that information
gathering through Dagu is considered a social responsibility bestowed on a
member of a clan reinforces clan men to consider Dagu as an
uncompromised duty. Moreover, Dagu’s tendency to channel out relevant
messages acquired through radio or any other media and its requirement for
journalistic rigor and careful scrutiny of information make it a reliable
means of communication where fabrication is unthinkable.

Given that it is a major means of communication for rural people, that it can
be a foundation for dialogue, discussion, debate or question, Dagu can be
nicely adapted to any HIV/AIDS communication approach, model or theory
so as to plan an intervention which could involve the people as agents of
their own change. Its flexibility, all inclusiveness and familiarity makes
Dagu a relatively cheap tool of HIV communication whereby more socially
valued community members could become communicators after receiving
short term training on HIV/AIDS and its communication arena.

The mainstream communication tools such as posters, magazines and radio,

on the other hand, are less contextualized to the various socio-economic
dynamics of the community as has been discussed in the case study. This
implies the need to rethink health communication in general and HIV
communication that are currently functioning in the region in particular.

89
5.2 Implications
Even if the research has not set out to explore the current HIV/AIDS
communication initiatives in the Afar region, some major organizations
actively working on the area have been contacted. The feedback taken from
the interviews held with these organizations is that, most of them rely on
mass media, particularly radio and printed materials such as posters for
communicating HIV/AIDS in the region.

Ironically enough, most of the rural people either do not have radio sets,
they may be preliterate, or they may not like tuning to as one of my
informant has argued. In such a context where the people have their own
liked traditional medium like Dagu and other traditional institutions such as
Malboo, using radio and poster as a major means of communicating HIV
seems like installing the wrong software.

However, a well thought of HIV communication strategy which emphasizes

on bringing change in behavior should start from what the target
community have it already. Dagu is among the most valuable and valued
cultural heritage for these dominantly communal pastoral community. Thus,
Dagu can be innovatively approached, may be adapting it into edutainment
context from its hard news kind nature.

Moreover, the current mass media focused, centrally prepared top-down

messages could hardly address the root cause of the epidemic. While clear
signs of gender inequality, wife inheritance, polygamy and lack of informed
VCT service and illiteracy collaborate to the increasing prevalence rate of the
epidemic, it using mass media which hardly involve the wider rural
community seems superficial. The community better be mobilized to make

90
use of important cultural establishments and traditional power holders in
attempts to curb the epidemic. It is still noon to pursue such an attempt.

Lastly, the gradually increasing rural HIV prevalence trend implicates that
an urgent and genuine cooperation between government, donors, civil
societies and not least the academia is an immediate necessity before the HIV
declares a complete escape out of hand. To this end, it seems reasonable to
look into ways in which Dagu can be successfully implemented for
HIV/AIDS communication.

91
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Yoon, C. S.(n.d.). Participatory Communication. Available on
http://www.idrc.ca/es/ev-30910-201-1-DO_TOPIC.html [Date Accessed
10 May 2006].

96
 Appendix-I
Interview Guide

A. Essence of Dagu
1. How do you describe dagu in relation to the various socio-cultural aspects
of the Afar people?
2. What specific agenda do you discuss through dagu?
3. How does dagu progress among your clan people?

B. Traditions of Dagu Use

1. How often do you make dagu?
2. Who do you often make it with?
3. Why is that so?
4. How interested are you in exchanging information through dagu? Why?
5. How do your clan people react to you if you ignore them when they wish
to make dagu with you?

C. Demographics of Dagu
1. Who among the Afar people do you think values dagu the most as a means
of sharing information?
2. Do females and children under 15 make dagu with whoever they feel like
among their clan people?
3. Are there any special occasions or circumstances where someone is denied
of being involved in dagu?
4. Do you think curiosity for dagu differs among different parts of the Afar
people?
5. Is there any variation among the different Afar clans you know regarding
style of using dagu?
D. Efficacy of Dagu as a Communication Tool
1. How trustworthy do you think information from dagu is?
2. What are the factors contributing to trustworthiness of information shared
through dagu?
3. How fast is information through dagu in reaching the target audience?

E. Rituals of Dagu
1. What procedures/rituals does dagu incorporate?
2. How do others react while someone in their group is involved in dagu?
3. Would you please tell me any specific example or story that shows the
position of dagu in your culture?
4. How is dagu presented in the Afar proverbs? Any example you remember?

F. Knowledge of HIV and AIDS

1. Have you heard of HIV/AIDS so far?
2. Who have you heard about it from, for the first time?
3. What specific aspects of it have you heard?

G. HIV in the Afar Dagu

1. Have you heard of any HIV related information through dagu?
2. How informed do you think are your Afar neighbors about HIV/AIDS?
3. Do you discuss issues relating to AIDS and sexuality with your family
members?
4. When/ In which circumstances?
H. HIV/AIDS and the Community
1. Which specific aspects of the Afar culture do you think aggravates
transmission of HIV/AIDS?
2. Have you ever heard of anyone among the community members died from
AIDS?
3. What was your reaction when you had learned about his/her death?
4. From where do you receive most information concerning HIV/AIDS?

H. Social Order among the People

1. Whose orders and words among your clan people/ family members do
you pay much respect?
2. Why?
3. What kind of people, do you think, receives the least respect among your
community members?
4. Why?
 Appendix-II
Interview Guide (For Health &Development workers)
1. Does you organization have any HIV/AIDS communication strategy?
2. What specific aspect of HIV/AIDS intervention your organization actively
engages in currently?
3. How do you address the rural community?
4. How do you evaluate/assess the success of your HIV/AIDS communication
programs?
5. What similarities or differences does the HIV/AIDS communication in your
region have compared to that of other regions?
 Appendix-III
A Summary of Profile of FGD Discussants and Interviewees

1. FGD Discussants

Group A:
Discussion held in Ayrolafie and Gebelaitu kebele (Key Afer), Dubti wereda.
A total of 8 people: 2 elder females and 6 men (2 of them young pastoralists
aged below 30).
Two of the participants (1 man and 1 woman) reside in the camp.
FGD held in Afar: local language with the help of interpreter.

Group B:
Discussion held in Dubti town.
A group of 8 people: an adult female, 3 youths and 4 elder men involved in
the discussion.
One of the participants does not have much exposure to pastoral life.

Group C:
A group of one elder lady, 5 elder men and a young man held the
discussion in Dohoo kebele.
One of the adult males was Makaban (clan leader).

Group D:
A group of 8 men, 3 of them youths participated on a discussion.
One of them was a fe’imat aba (leader of youth group serving as traditional
peace keepers).
2. Interviewees

Awash-Fentale Wereda:
10 ladies (all married) interviewed.
24 men, 5 of them youths, are interviewed.
1 young female and 5 men were from towns.

Dubti Wereda:
5 females, one of them young involved in interviews.
15 men, 7 youths, participated in interviews.
7 of them were public officials in different organizations.
 Appendix-IV
Observation Framework

Some of the Points to ponder:

Cultural entities implicating to Dagu
Traditional performance in Dagu
Inclusions and exclusions in Dagu
Assessment of thematic focus of Dagu
Instances of HIV/AIDS risk behaviors
Implications of daily pastoral routines to HIV risk behaviors
Attention into cultural elements motivating HIV risk
Interrelation of traditional institutions with Dagu
Different places different approach to Dagu use?
 Appendix-V

Location of the study area

Log ia Se me ra
#### #
Detb ah ri
N
Dub ti

Doh o
## # Aw a sh # Tow ns
Sa bure
Road
Afar region

200000 0 200000 400000 Kilometers

II