Raja Halwani, Sexual Objectification
Raja Halwani, Sexual Objectification
Raja Halwani, Sexual Objectification
Raja Halwani
8 Sexual Objectification
Two (or more) people can have sex yet not objectify each other in any of these
ways. Two (or more) people can have sex yet objectify one another in one or
more of these ways. Let’s use casual sex as a way to see how objectification is
morally problematic.
In typical casual sexual encounters—I focus on one-night stands (hetero-
sexual and homosexual) and anonymous sexual encounters occurring in espe-
cially gay sex establishments—the sexual partners do not treat each other as
violable, as owned by each other, as lacking in agency, autonomy, or subjectiv-
ity. Not only are they aware of each other’s humanity (obviously), but it is a
precondition of their desire; they desire a sexual encounter with another human
being, someone who can respond to their sexual desires and has sexual desires
244 Sex
of his own. Even when they treat their sexual partners as nothing more than
“fuck objects,” they are living, breathing, human fuck objects. So except for
instrumentality and fungibility, casual sex does not seem to fit the other ways
of objectification on Nussbaum’s list.
Fungibility is a pervasive feature of our interactions with each other. The
whole idea, for example, of shopping assumes fungibility as an underlying
principle: shoppers are entitled to go from one shop to another until they buy
what they like, thus treating different sellers and clerks as fungible. All sorts
of people are fungible in this way: car mechanics, plumbers, computer geeks,
flight attendants, teachers. But there are two types of roles in which people are
not fungible. First, parents, children, lovers, siblings, friends, and others in
similar intimate relationships are not fungible. It is at best a twisted joke and at
worst a serious moral mistake to say to a parent whose child just died, “Why
not adopt Jake? He looks just like your son, seems as talented, and is certainly
much better behaved!” Second, there are people to whom we have obligations.
If I promise the flower seller on my street to buy flowers from her, she is not
fungible with other flower sellers; unless she releases me from the promise or
an unusual circumstance arises, I am bound to her.
Because all people are fungible in some respect, as long as we treat them with
the respect expected in our usual interhuman interactions, there is nothing wrong
with treating them as fungible. So if objectification is wrong, it is not because of
fungibility. This includes sex. If I go out to a bar wanting to pick someone up for
sex, I do no wrong in regarding or treating each person as a potential sex partner,
fungible with everyone else or with everyone in a similar category. First, I have
no obligations to have sex with any specific person. Second, I have no special
relationship with anyone that obliges me to treat them as non-fungible. If I have
sex with someone, then, yes, I treat him fungibly, but this is not wrong.
What about instrumentality? It seems that partners to casual sex do objectify
each other in this way: they treat each other as instruments for their own satisfac-
tion. The only difficulty with this reasoning is that instrumentality is a pervasive
feature of our lives. We treat each other as instruments all the time, so if casual sex
is sexually objectifying because it is instrumental, then I objectify, though not sex-
ually, the cashier when I pay him money for the groceries I bought. Thus, it seems
that instrumentality is not only morally permissible but necessary for life to go on.
The problem is not instrumentality as such, but mere instrumentality: treat-
ing others only as instruments (something which Nussbaum acknowledges;
1999, 223), being heedless or disrespectful of the other’s needs, desires, and
wishes—for example, stealing from a shop or paying the seller only what I
wish to pay as opposed to the actual price. Do partners to casual sex treat each
other only as means or not only as a means?
We have seen that normally partners to casual sex are attentive to each oth-
er’s desires and often heed them, much as I heed the cashier’s desire to be paid.
If the cashier’s case is one of permissible instrumentalization, then so should
be every case of casual sex in which partners attend to each other’s sexual
desires and needs. That is, if what makes the cashier’s case permissible is that
Sexual Objectification 245
I abide by the cashier’s goals, then every case of casual sex should also be per-
missible given that the partners attend to each other’s (sexual) goals. So casual
sex does not seem to be a special problem in this respect. And if casual sex is
not, many other sexual encounters also are not.
But if in casual sex people do not objectify each other, in which other type
of sex do they do so? Isn’t casual sex the home of objectification? How can
we make sense of this thought if it turns out on the above analysis that casual
sex does not usually objectify? Here’s one plausible way to make sense of the
thought: when sexual partners do attend to each other’s desires, they do not
do so ultimately for the other’s sake, but for their own selfish desires. That is,
x gives y sexual pleasure because doing so pleases x or because x wants y to
reciprocate the favor at some point. This might not be similar to the cashier’s
case. Although I do not give him the money for his own sake, but for my own
sake (to get my groceries), his goal of earning money and my goal of getting
groceries seem morally innocent, whereas sexual desire and activity might be
morally suspect, such that satisfying someone’s sexual goals (whether mine or
another’s) might raise moral red flags. As we will see in our discussion of Kant,
this is a crucial consideration that sets sexual desire and activity apart from other
activities. It is indeed here where the discussion of sex and objectification lies.
There are clear cases of objectification. Rape is one: the victim is used
merely as a tool, as an object, for the rapist’s sexual satisfaction. Another is
the case of a man catcalling a woman; this, too, is a clear case of sexual objec-
tification. First, because she does not consent to the act, the catcaller treats
the woman as a mere instrument for his pleasure and also as merely fungible.
Unlike the usual cases of casual sex, in which the participants at least consent
to the act, the woman in this case does not. The man merely uses her. The
catcaller also seems indifferent to her autonomy, agency, and subjectivity; he
says what he wants regardless of what she thinks, wants, or feels. He also treats
her as violable, not physically, but psychologically: he invades her space, her
ability to walk freely without unwanted attention. He might even be treating
her as owned, as something he can do with as he likes. This, however, is more
controversial because the catcaller need not believe that he owns her, which
might be necessary to treat someone (or something) as owned. Thus, catcalling
someone exhibits more forms of objectification than casual sex does.
Now that we have a flavor of what the problem with sexual objectification
is, let us dive into its details. I will explain and defend Kant’s account of it and
then look at some attempts to get around the problem of objectification.
Because sexuality is not an inclination which one human being has for
another as such, but is an inclination for the sex of another, it is a principle
of the degradation of human nature. . . . The desire which a man has for
a woman is not directed toward her because she is a human being, but
because she’s a woman; that she is a human being is of no concern to the
man; only her sex is the object of his desires. Human nature is thus sub-
ordinated. . . . Human nature is thereby sacrificed to sex. . . . Sexuality,
therefore, exposes mankind to the danger of equality with the beasts.
(Kant 1963, 164)
To Kant, only the sexual impulse among our inclinations is directed at human
beings as such, not “their work and services.” He adds, “Man can, of course,
use another human being as an instrument for his services; he can use his
hands, his feet, and even all his powers; he can use him for his own purposes
with the other’s consent. But there is no way in which a human being can
be made an Object of indulgence for another except through sexual impulse”
(1963, 163). It is morally permissible to use each other for all sorts of purposes
as long as those purposes are morally permissible and consensual. By hiring a
plumber, I use his hands and some of his abilities to fix my plumbing. As long
as the plumber consents, and given that getting my plumbing fixed is morally
permissible, the interaction is morally permissible.
Sexual interactions are different. If two people consent to a casual sexual
encounter, consent is not enough, because the very activity is morally wrong,
since sexual desire makes another an object. Kant says:
Objectification in Pornography
I started the previous section with two cases involving Rodrigo and Rita. We
could not find genuine sexual degradation in them additional to the Kantian
type of degradation. This interestingly supports our conclusion that the fem-
inist claim that pornography degrades women does not succeed, because if
there is no degradation in the sexual act off-screen, why should there all of a
sudden be degradation on-screen? If the sex between Rita and the two guys is
not degrading, I see no reason that it becomes so if it is on-screen.16 Degrada-
tion and non-degradation in private should not change if the act is made public,
though being made to feel ashamed of it does (is this why Hill insists on per-
ception as a necessary condition for something to be degrading?).
Moreover, if there is no non-Kantian degradation in such actions, on- or
off-screen, there is also no non-Kantian objectification. Thus, and to connect
Sexual Objectification 273
our conclusion to the issue of Kantian objectification and sexual desire raised
earlier in the chapter: (1) If one believes in Kantian or human dignity, and
one accepts the Kantian view of sexual desire, one should then believe that
pornography involves sexual objectification because it involves bypassing our
dignity in favor of our mere animality. But one should not believe that pornog-
raphy objectifies women (or men) in additional ways, unless one buys into the
idea that sex is shameful, unless particular scenes are objectifying, or unless
the objectification comes from nonsexual sources (e.g., crawling to get to a
room with horny men). (2) If one does not believe in Kantian or human dignity
but does accept the Kantian view of sexual desire, then one has reason not to
believe that pornography generally sexually objectifies people. Finally, (3) if
one does believe in Kantian or human dignity but does not accept the Kantian
view of sexual desire (this is the position that most feminist writers on pornog-
raphy occupy), then one also has reason not to believe that pornography gener-
ally objectifies its participants (we have seen that the reason given by feminist
writers fail to convince).
Because I occupy position (1), I should say briefly how objectification
occurs in pornography—specifically, who objectifies whom. Insofar as the
actors or participants desire each other, they objectify each other and allow
themselves to be objectified by others, specifically, by their co-participants in
the scene and by the viewers. Interestingly, whether male participants allow
themselves to be objectified by straight viewers depends on how the viewer’s
sexual desires and imagination work to derive sexual pleasure from consum-
ing pornography, a complicated subject into which I will not enter. But we can
claim that insofar as the viewer desires the actors or participants, the viewer
objectifies them also. He clearly does not allow himself to be objectified by
them because this is impossible. So pornography is rife with objectification.
Given this conclusion, is there any truth about pornography and the degrada-
tion of women? Yes: Women participants in pornography are sexually objecti-
fied by the straight male viewer (probably) much more than male participants
are sexually objectified by straight women viewers, and they are rarely sex-
ually objectified by gay female viewers than male participants are sexually
objectified by gay male viewers. In short, the way the world is set up—due to
culture, biology, or both—men exhibit much more sexual interest in viewing
pornography than women do. This might be the cause of the feminist worry
that women are especially sexually objectified in pornography—a true claim
but for reasons different from the ones offered by the above writers.
The above discussion was specifically about degradation in pornographic
depictions of sexual activity. It was not about how pornography actors or the
people in the sex scenes treat each other, are treated by others, and how they
get to work in the pornography industry. Nothing in the above discussion pre-
cludes the claim that many women are coerced into the industry or that they
are treated badly while on the set. And nothing in the above discussion says
anything about whether women are coerced into making “home-made” por-
nography. In short, nothing is about how pornography is made. I have reason to
274 Sex
suspect that such claims are exaggerated and that they run together the two dif-
ferent claims of consenting to be in pornography and desiring the enacted sex-
ual acts.17 That is, women performers might not desire a particular activity but
this does not mean that they did not consent to it. After all, many jobs are hard
to do and, like pornography, physically demanding—being a maid, a miner,
a construction worker, an athlete, a painter’s model, and even a painter—yet
the people who work them generally consent to them. Of course, sex work is
stigmatized, whereas being a miner is not (maybe not even being a maid or a
janitor), but that is the fault of society, not the sex work.18
Study Questions
1. Should a definition of “sexual objectification” include both treatment
and regard or only one of the two? Why? Provide one or two plausible
examples of someone sexually objectifying someone else through regard
and only regard. Are such examples easy to formulate? Does this tell us
anything one way or the other about whether a definition of “sexual objec-
tification” should include regard?
2. Give numerous examples of objectification involving various situa-
tions such as casual sex, pornography, prostitution, fantasy, and others.
Take each of these examples and run it through Nussbaum’s list of the
seven types of objectification to see which examples fit which forms. See
whether this tells you anything interesting or new about objectification.
3. Think through as carefully as possible Nussbaum’s account of objectifica-
tion. Can you argue convincingly in support of the idea that a respectful
relationship can make objectification permissible without implying that all
sex outside respectful relationships is objectifying? Perhaps you can think
about such relationships as sufficient, but not necessary, for permissible
objectification (though you still need to explain how).
4. Do we have a metaphysical property such as dignity, autonomy, and ratio-
nality, in virtue of which we should be treated with respect? And would
such treatment rule out sexual activity?
5. Is Kant correct that sexual desire is by nature objectifying in targeting the
body and body parts of another human being? Why or why not? Can you
offer a view of sexual desire that makes it benign?
6. Is Kant’s view of sexual desire as targeting the body and body parts of another
gendered? That is, is it more accurate of men’s sexual desires than of wom-
en’s? If yes, why? And what would this tell us about the truth of Kant’s view?
7. Can you improve on the views of Singer and Goldman (and of Shrage and
Stewart, in note 3) to find a plausible benign view of sexual desire? Might
Wood’s claim that in healthy human beings sexual desire is mixed with
other emotions be of help?
8. Is Soble correct that human beings are not dignified?
9. If sexual desire (and the activity stemming from it) is always objectifying,
can someone ever be temperate? Is temperance possible given this view of
sexual desire?
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10. In my view, sexual objectification is a moral wrong, but one overcome
by other factors. Explain these factors and then explain what it means to
claim that they make objectification “tolerable.” Is this the same as mak-
ing it permissible? If yes, why? If no, what is the difference? Is it the same
as making objectification a good thing?
11. Can someone be sexually degraded but not sexually objectified? What
about the opposite—can someone be sexually objectified but not sexually
degraded? Would it make a difference to your answer if the question were
worded as follows: Can someone be degraded in a sexual encounter but
not sexually objectified? What about the opposite—can someone be sexu-
ally objectified but not degraded in a sexual encounter?
12. Is there a way (or ways) that (straight) pornography objectifies women
that we have not uncovered in this chapter? What ways are these? Make
sure that the characterizations you offer are general (apply to much por-
nography) and don’t rely on socially conservative views about sex.
13. How many forms of objectification have we uncovered in this chapter?
Try to make a list of them (e.g., the type stemming from sexual desire, the
type stemming from intention, and the type stemming from effect).
14. Consider a couple who have been together for a number of years such
that they have lost sexual desire for each other but continue to engage in
(infrequent) sexual activity with each other. Are they sexually objectifying
each other, not out of sexual desire but out of some other source? Or are
they not sexually objectifying each other at all?
15. Near the end of the chapter, I argued that pornography is “rife with objec-
tification.” Given that objectification (on my view at least) is a wrong but
a wrong that can be tolerated, is the objectification in pornography a toler-
able wrong? Why or why not?
16. I have claimed at the close of the chapter that sexual objectification has
sources other than sexual desire. Try to fully understand the sources I have
listed in my discussion of this point. Are there additional sources for sex-
ual objectification?
Further Reading
On Kant’s ethics, see also Kant (1996a); Baron (1995); Korsgaard (1996);
Louden (2000); and Wood (1999, 2008). On objectification, see also Eames
(1976); Haslanger (1993); Marino (2008); Moscovici (1996); Papadaki (2007,
2010, 2017); Quinn (2006a); and Wertheimer (1996). On Kant and sex, see
Belliotti (1993, ch. 4); Brake (2005, 2006); Cooke (1991); Herman (1993);
Morgan (2003b); and O’Neill (1989). On women and pornography, see Assiter
and Avedon (1993); Coleman and Held (2016); Copp and Wendell (1983);
Cornell (2000); Dworkin (1974, pt. II, 1987, 1989); Eaton (2016); Gruen
(2006); Kershnar (2007); Kimmel (1990); Langton (2009); Lederer (1980);
LeMoncheck (1985, 1997, ch. 4); MacKinnon (1987, pt. III); McElroy (1995);
Rubin (1993); Russell (1993); Segal and McIntosh (1993); Soble (1991); and
Sexual Objectification 277
Strossen (1995). For more on MacKinnon’s views, see her (1993, 1997) and
MacKinnon and Dworkin (1997). For an elaborate defense of the views of
MacKinnon and Dworkin, see Mason-Grant (2004). On ethicism, see Carroll
(1996) and Gaut (1998). On endorsement in pornography and in art, see Brown
(2002).
Notes
1. Bartky also claims that the “female breeder” would be sexually objectified because
in this case a woman’s sexual functions (breeding) are “separated out” from the rest
of her personality by using the woman merely for breeding purposes.
2. This is a departure from the previous edition where I accepted and used a definition
of “sexual objectification” that included only treatment.
3. Thus, what some philosophers have written by way of understanding Kant is either
plain wrong or uncharitable. When Nussbaum, explaining Kant, writes, “In that
condition of mind, one cannot manage to see the other person as anything but a tool
of one’s own interests, a set of bodily parts that are useful tools for one’s own plea-
sure, and the powerful urge to secure one’s own sexual satisfaction will ensure that
instrumentalization (and therefore denial of autonomy and of subjectivity) continues
until the sexual act has reached its conclusion” (1999, 224, my emphases), she offers
a simplistic account of what goes on in the mind of the person with sexual desire, an
account that no Kantian need accept. Consider also what Laurie Shrage and Robert
Scott Stewart write about Kant’s view in their book Philosophizing about Sex:
“[S]exual acts involve inherently reducing another, even if only momentarily, to a
non-conscious, dehumanized thing, because I must use this person’s sexual body
parts—and unavoidably the person who inhabits them—as an object to satisfy my
desire” (2015, 6, my emphases). A charitable or correct reading of Kant would not
reduce his claim to the idea that in sex we desire a non-conscious being and we have
sex with the person-in-the-body only because we cannot avoid it, as if we would drop
the person in a heartbeat and settle for the detached (and limp?) penis if we could.
4. It might happen in other types of cases, too, such as solitary masturbation, and it is
worthwhile to think about what those might be.
5. Kant’s solution to the problem of objectification is that sex is permissible only within
the bounds of legal, monogamous marriage. This solution is riddled with problems
that I do not discuss. See Denis (1999, 2001) and Soble (2003, 2013b, 320–325).
6. Kant did lose his senses in other sexual passages in which he discusses masturba-
tion, same-sex sexual actions, and others, where he seems to simply assert bigoted
views about these sexual behaviors (1963, 169–171). But about sexual desire in
general he seems to be right.
7. It is unclear which she accepts, whether the objectification is permissible or whether
it is wonderful (on this point, see Soble 2013b, 315–319). Other philosophers agree
with Nussbaum that objectification is not always oppressive: “If sexual relations
involve some sexual objectification, then it becomes necessary to distinguish situ-
ations in which sexual objectification is oppressive from the sorts of situations in
which it is not. The identification of a person with her sexuality becomes oppressive,
one might venture, when such an identification becomes habitually extended into
every area of her experience” (Bartky 1990, 26). For a full treatment of Nussbaum’s
view, see Soble (2013b) and Halwani (2010, ch. 7).
278 Sex
8. Nussbaum believes that the third condition holds when it comes to Lady Chatterley,
an English aristocratic woman, and Mellors, the gamekeeper at her estate, in Law-
rence’s novel, Lady Chatterley’s Lover. Chatterley’s low status as a woman is offset
by her aristocratic high status, while Mellors’s low status as a gamekeeper is offset
by his high status as a man, thus making them roughly equals (1999, n39). But, as
Soble has convincingly argued, this “is glaringly insensitive to the psychological
dynamics between two particular persons, which cannot be read straight off from
their socioeconomic status and gender” (2002, 118).
9. According to Hill’s definition, no homosexual victim pornography can exist, even
though some homosexual pornography might satisfy both conditions; perhaps
Hill should have called the pornography she’s interested in “Heterosexual Victim
Pornography.”
10. The following discussion concerns only the depictions of the actions and the char-
acters on screen, so to speak, not the actors and what they might be feeling and
thinking. This is proper given that Hill’s criticism of pornography is confined to
such depictions.
11. Another degrading type of scene is when the woman has to crawl through a house,
up the stairs to a bedroom, where one or more men are waiting to have sex with her.
The degradation of such scenes, however, might derive from their nonsexual nature,
as discussed above.
12. The endorsement claim is very similar to Hill’s claim that pornography provides no
suggestion that women should not be treated as less than equals. This lack of sugges-
tion might be what it means for a work of sexually explicit degradation to endorse or
shun its representative content (Longino states something similar; 1991, 86).
13. Eaton is unclear on how gender inequity is represented in pornography. She also
doesn’t elaborate the idea of endorsement. In fairness, her essay is really about how
to make sense of the idea that pornography causes harm to the viewers and to other
parties.
14. Hill says something similar to both Garry and Longino: “The pornography industry
regularly publishes material which, speaking conservatively, tends to contribute to
the perpetuation of derogatory beliefs about womankind . . . we might say that it
offers a perspective on the actual nature of womankind. The perspective offered by
Victim Pornography is that, in general, women are narcissistic, masochistic, and not
fully persons in the moral sense” (Hill 1991, 69).
15. This is what Soble calls the “Polyscemicity Thesis,” the thesis that pornographic
images do not have intrinsic meanings. See Soble 2002, esp. 19–20, 28, 98.
16. Compare to Soble: “It is permissible to make an image of a sexual act if and only if
it is permissible to do that act, or it is wrong to make an image of a sexual act if and
only if it is wrong to do that act” (2002, 174).
17. The website kink.com is interesting in this respect: it contains videos of non-
mainstream pornography often associated with degradation (e.g., sex in public, sex
involving bondage and submission), and interviews with the women actors to allay
worries about coercion, forced sex, and other concerns.
18. See the interview with Nina Hartley in Hartley and Held (2016).
19. Recently, the philosopher Ann Cahill has argued that we should replace “objectifica-
tion” with that of “derivatization” on the grounds that the former concept relies on
a mistaken view of what human beings are, which is that we are autonomous and
non-bodily, whereas the latter concept does not. According to Cahill, “To derivatize
something is to portray, render, understand, or approach a being solely or primarily
Sexual Objectification 279
as the reflection, projection, or expression of another being’s identity, desires, fears,
and so on. The derivatized subject becomes reducible in all relevant ways to the
derivatizing subject’s existence” (2011, 32; see also 2013). Cahill believes that this
concept more accurately explains what is wrong with the situations we thought were
wrong due to objectification, especially since “derivatization” is based on a rela-
tional view of human beings. So, for example, the problem with pornography is not
so much the objectification of women as it is the depiction of women’s sexuality as
the reflection of men’s desires for what women’s sexuality is.
This view, interesting as it is, saddles the concept of “objectification” with a view
of persons or human beings (that they are non-bodily and autonomous) that it should
not, and need not, be saddled with. Once we see that “objectification” need not rely
on such a view of human beings, and that it can see them as bodily as they are,
and as enmeshed in this world as they are (with varying degrees of autonomy), we
also see that treating someone as an object might amount to the same thing as what
Cahill means by “derivatization.” That is, my worry is that “derivatization” just
means “objectification, properly understood.” This remains to be fully investigated,
however, and it might be that “derivatization” refers to phenomena not captured by
“objectification.”