The Politics of Language
The Politics of Language
The Politics of Language
by Wilfrido V. Villacorta
Iniulat ni Vladimir B. Villejo
Panimula:
Matagal nang usapin ang politika ng wika sa Pilipinas, hindi lamang sa tunggalian ng namamayaning
Wikang Pambansa sa mga umiiral na wikain sa Pilipinas kundi mababakas ito sa kasaysayan na siyang
pinanggalingan ng pagkakaroon ng kapangyarihang Politikal sa mga bansang kabilang sa Third World at
kung paano ito nakaaapekto ng ekonomiya’t sistema.
Mahalagang mahasa ang wika sa mga papaunlad na lipunan dahil ito ay nagsisilbing kasangkapan ng
komunikasyon at edukasyon na siyang nagbubuklod sa mamamayan ng bansa. May mga proposisyong
inilahad si Villacorta na nagpapatunay kung bakit namamayani ang politika ng wika sa Pilipinas.
The languages that a people use in any society and the manner in which they are used
determine significantly the character and level of their social and political development. The
individual and collective advancement of a people is largely a function of the mastery of
the language that they use most frequently, because language forms and
expresses their ideas, shapes their analytical and decision- making skills, and
determines the quality and degree of their communication with each other.
Much of the identity of a nation is linked with its national language. A new state that is
working for national Integration and rediscovery of its national identity always falls back
on its precolonial history, its indigenous culture and literature, and its languages.
In some countries, the national language was the major Stimulus for the nationalist and
independence movements. In others, the issue of the national language became prominent
only in the advanced stages of the nationalist and independence movements.
The national language is the language of mass politics, used by aspirants to elective Offices
in political campaigns and by mass movements.
For the majority to acquire mastery of the language of instruction, that language must be used
in all levels and sectors of society.
An articulate and educated population that is able to use a common language for expressing
its ideas is conducive to an effective democracy and a progressive economy.
A dominant foreign power finds the imposition of its language on dominated nations
favorable to its interests.
o If the language of the dominant power is adopted as the language of instruction and
official communication by the dominated nation, the dominant power is ensured
access to all facets of life in the dominated nation.
The adoption of a foreign language promotes social and political development if the people
are well equipped to use it to their advantage.
o Because a foreign language does not correspond to the linguistic structure and
linguistic culture of the people borrowing it, they are unable to use it äs proficiently äs
the native speakers of that foreign language do.
o The people's inability to master a foreign language imposed on them äs an official
language and language of instruction reinforces their sense of inferiority vis-ä-vis the
foreign nation that owns that foreign language.
The national language and an adopted foreign language cannot develop with equal quality
and at equal pace. Pitted against a strong and modern foreign language, the national language
suffers, because it is not äs developed and propagated. This disparity in development gives
rise to myths about the supposed inherent inadequacy of the national language.
1. Colonial domination was reinforced by deepening the divisions among linguistic groups and
downgrading their local languages.
2. The colonial language — formerly Spanish and presently English — is the language of the elite,
which has greater access to quality education.
3. English is the dominant medium of instruction and is the dominant official language in business
and government.
4. English is the language of the foreign country dominating Philippine society.
5. Filipino, the national lingua franca, is the language of mass politics and the nationalist
movement.
6. The majority of the population speak several native languages and, because of their limited
access to quality education, are deficient in the English language.
7. Legislation on education and the national language is given lower importance than sectors with
more visible political impact, such äs public works and defense.
8. Legislation on the national language is usually politically motivated, because the lawmakers, like
their constituents, have their respective linguistic affiliations.
Nananatiling mekanismo ng politika ang Pambansang Wika bagkus ay ito ang wika ng masa. Masa na
ginagamit ng mga politiko’t mambabatas upang mahikayat sila sa platapormang ipinangangalat
tuwing eleksyon. Ginagawang bansot pa rin ang kalidad ng Filipino dahil sa pananaw na ito ng mga
may hawak ng kapangyarihan sa bansa – partikular ang gobyerno na hindi matanggihan ang mga
nasa hanay ng mga makapangyarihang nakasalig sa makakanluraning pamantayan.
Ang pananakop ng mga Kastila ang pinag-ugatan ng suliraning pangwika, sa pagkakawatak-watak ng mga
wikain sa bansa na naghahadlang sa pagkakaisa ng mga Pilipino. Sa halip, ang wikang ginagamit ng mga
katutubo ang siyang pinag-aralan ng mga prayle at ginamit na instrumento upang palaganapin ang
relihiyon sa bansa. Sa pagpapalaganap na ito’y ipinagkait sa atin ang pagkatuto ng wikang Kastila sa
pangambang magigising at mamumulat ang mga Pilipino sa panlulupig na isinasagawa ng mga Kastila:
The Spanish colonization of the Philippines in the sixteenth Century prevented the
amalgamation of the different political units into one nation. The Spaniards used the mutual
hostility among ethnic groups to their advantage. For example, Tagalogs were enlisted to quell
the rebellion of Pampangos and vice-versa. In order to stifte the development of a national
consciousness, the friars did not want Spanish to be taught, except in schools for the elite
(Corpuz 1965: 36-37; De Mas 1963: 61).
Linguistic Colonialism:
The Americans introduced the public education System and imposed the English language.
Unlike the Spaniards, they feit that their rule would be more effective if the Filipinos adopted
the language and culture of the colonizer. This way, their intellectual, cultural, and other
Standards would always be pegged to those of the Americans — a rigid requirement which the
colonized people would find difficult to meet due to difference in culture, but which would
ensure the captivity of their minds.
It was evident that the beneficiaries of this colonial policy would be the local elite that had the
necessary resources, social access, and motivation to be able to ape the new colonial master.
Even when independence came in 1946, the political leadership did not demonstrate the
political will to liberate the country from cultural captivity. The clearest manifestation of this
captivity is in the area of language, notwithstanding the provisions in the 1935, 1973, and 1987
Constitutions which called for the development of the national language.
Mas lalo lamang namayani ang kapangyarihan ng Ingles sa bansa sapagkat sa larangan ng
pamamahala’y ito ang ginagamit na kasangkapan ng komunikasyon at pagtuturo:
In the meantime, the majority of Filipinos have been deprived of their basic human right to
express themselves in their own language, particularly in academic fora, business meetings, and
official Communications. Intellectual discourse has been made to preserve English. Less
important matters are supposed to be transmitted and discussed in the 'vernacular'.
This political configuration has direct implications on the politics of language in the Philippines.
American interests in the country dictate that English remains äs the dominant official language and
medium of instruction. Because every language is culture-laden, English carries with it the
Weltanschauung of its native Speakers. Not only do its phonology, lexicon, and syntax have roots in the
Anglosaxon world, its mind-set and behavioral teilendes are unmistakably Anglosaxon. Thus emerges
the 'brown American' syndrome among the educated elite. Necessarily, therefore, the yardstick of
eloquence, intelligence and achievement is one who can approximate the genuine Americano.
As proof that Filipino is a widespread and well-rooted national lingua franca, it is the language
used in political campaigns during presidential and senatorial elections. It is also used in the
literature of mass-based social movements, äs well äs Underground groups such äs the
National Democratic Front and the Communist Party of the Philippines. The language of
nationalism is Filipino, because it is the most effective vehicle that reaches the hearts and
minds of the masses. It is ironic that at the highest levels of policy and law making, a language
that is alien to the people is the one being used.
Because of the inherently political character of the competing dominant languages in the
Philippines, legislation and policy making on the national language have always been accompanied by
political controversy. The debates were particularly heated in the different constitutional conventions
that framed the provisions on the national language.
The national language of the Philippines is Filipino. As it evolves, it shall be further developed
and enriched on the basis of existing Philippine and other languages. Subject tp provisions of law
and äs the Congress may deem appropriate, the Government shall take Steps to initiate and
sustain the use of Filipino äs a medium of official communication and äs language of instruction
in the educational System (Section 6, Article XIV, 1987 Constitution).
Despite these setbacks, the Department of Education, Culture and Sports continues its efforts to
propagate and develop Filipino äs the language of instruction. Critics claim, however, that the
Department's bilingual program falls short of the constituional mandate to give the national language
priority over English. Unfazed by the political controversies, the leading universities of the country — the
University of the Philippines, De La Salle University, and Ateneo de Manila University — are resolutely
implementing the spirit of the Constitution by accelerating the intellectualization of Filipino in
instruction, research, and publications. The national language is likewise extensively used in the populär
media. Notwithstanding the bickering among politicians, it is evident that the advancement of Filipino in
Philippine society is irreversible.
Conclusion
In developing the theory of politics and language in the Third World, it is necessary to test the
propositions offered in this paper against the actual experience of various developing countries. In the
Philippines, many of the theoretical propositions are borne out by past and present developments in the
country. Still, there are many areas in language that must be studied. For example, a survey of populär
attitudes toward the national language needs to be undertaken. It is also important to verify the
assertion that students learn faster in the national language than in English. The capability of Filipino in
the sciences must be empirically examined, especially now that more universities are experimenting on
the use of the national language. Findings on these subjects of investigation have not only academic
value but also far-reaching political and social implications.