TRANSNATIONAL SEX TRAVELS: BRAZILIAN TROPICAL PARADISE Adriana Piscitelli

NEGOTIATING

IDENTITIES

IN

In: Translocalities/Translocalidades: Feminist Politics of Translation in Latin America, Un Massachussets, AMHERST, 2006, AMHERST. Translocalities/Translocalidades: Feminist Politics of Translation in Latin America,. Amherst : Center for Latin American, Caribbean and Latino Studies, 2006.

PRESENTATION: Discussions about cultural translation are premised upon the view that any process of description, interpretation and dissemination of ideas is always already caught up in relations of power and asymmetries between languages, regions and peoples (Costa, 2006). They also argue that translation terms, built from imperfect equivalences and privileging certain originals, are made for specific audiences (Clifford, 1997). This debate has evolved based on reflections about how cultural analysis constitutes its objects, with particular attention to the anthropological encounter, and also regarding how theories move across contexts (Caplan, 1998). However, its premises are relevant to understand the processes involved in any travel encounter. In this text I consider how cultural translations work in the dynamics of a particular type of travels: sex travels. Taking as reference a specific modality of sex tourism1, I analyze how the writings, readings and re-configurations of sexualized notions about Brazil play a part in the recent integration of Fortaleza, a city on the Northeastern Coast, in the global sex travellers circuits. Posing a discussion about the changing geography of sex travels in cultural terms might appear awkward to some readers. Yet, a considerable number of works, my own, among others, point to the fact that analyses exclusively grounded on economic aspects are unable to explain how desirable places are created in the global sex circuits. In the universe of this type of travels, sought-after places are produced in the intertwining of economic, political and cultural aspects. International sex tracks are intensely commodified but poverty is not a sufficient factor to promote the addition of new spaces in those circuits. Economic aspects that make sexual services a relevant source of income for impoverished native populations are combined with the intensely sexualized images of certain places, mainly of the South. I am not simply alluding to the anthropological argument that commodity values can only be apprehended by understanding the place they have in a larger code of meaning (Sahlins, 1976). My point is that those images are constitutive aspects of these particular commodification processes.
Sex tourism is today considered a problematic term, since it is recognized that it has not the clear boundaries attributed to it a couple of decades ago. Studies have shown that although it might intersect with prostitution it cannot be reduced to it; it is not only men that travel in search of sex, women also do it and, finally, sex travelers are always from developed countries. However, the term has acquired an emic status. It has been incorporated in governmental and non governmental debates and policies and also by native populations.
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The discussions that take place in the World Sex Archives, one of the most popular web sites aimed at heterosexual male sex travelers, illustrate this aspect. Poverty, particularly when it is connected to recent economic crises, catches the attention of these men. However, in South America, countries that suffer extreme poverty, such as Paraguay (in the words of those sex consumers, real Third World), do not necessarily succeed in terms of exerting a pull on those tourists, in spite of the fact of being seen as offering the cheapest sex and allowing almost any kind of sexual practices. The alleged reason is that women of that country are perceived as not at all sensuous. The same happens with the highlands of Peru and Bolivia, where women are considered excessively indigenous and therefore, scarcely hot (Piscitelli, 2005). On the other hand, Brazil, which in this site appears as the leading country in terms of its appeal to sex tourists in South America, is considered as a nation where sexual services are relatively more expensive and women are seen as strict in terms of the acceptable sex practices. Notwithstanding, it is highly desirable since it is perceived as inhabited by a population that embodies a racialized, intense tropical sexuality. Those notions about Brazil certainly go far beyond this web sites scope. Understanding how they have been produced and disseminated defies one-dimensional approaches to the transnational travel of ideas. Anthropological reflections about tourism state that the tours organized in the industrial countries say more about the representations that the tourists have of the Others, than, in fact, they do about the societies visited (Brunner, 1989). But associating sexualized notions of Brazil exclusively or mainly with ideas produced in foreign countries would be a mistake. Social scientists believe that a sexualized perception of Brazilianness is part of the values in terms of which Brazilians see themselves (Heilborn and Barbosa, 2003; Parker, 1991). This construct is seen as largely dependent on the literary and scientific writings of European travelers who have visited the country since the 18th century. Maria Luiza Heilborn and Regina Barbosa (2003) synthesize the ideas of diverse authors who wrote about this subject. According to them, the notion that the Portuguese colonizers found here in the tropics a land with no king and no law played a significant role in the emergence of Brazils sexual imagery. Notions current in those writings, re-created in different historical periods, would have been incorporated by the native population, including leading social thinkers that discussed the constitution of the Nation in the 1930s. In recent decades, the flows of ideas about Brazil took an opposite path. An example is offered by the official advertisements produced by governmental agencies since the 1960s, officially publicizing the country in the international tourist market by means of sexualized images of women (Alfonso, 2006). Understanding the dissemination of sexualized notions about the country, however, entails a historical analysis that distances itself from tracing linear flows of ideas. It

3 demands paying attention to how national and transnational levels interact. And it also entails, and this is my main argument, considering how regional and local levels entangle in those intersections.
In Brazil, diversified regional constructions associate the sexualized imagery that stands for Brazilianness with specific places, particularly cities which have played an important role in Brazils economic and political history and, deeply related to the slave labor system, are seen as racially marked places, with a high percentage of black people and mulattos. This is definitely not the case of Fortaleza, capital of the State of Ceara, in one of the poorest regions of the country, nowadays seen as a foremost city attracting sex tourists in Brazil. Ceara, characterized by a relatively low percentage of population of African ascendance2, is distant from the perceptions of an exacerbated and frequently esthetized sensuality that mark other cities. On the contrary, an idea of harshness and even ugliness expresses the place this state and its capital city has had in national hierarchical constructions of identity. Explaining how cultural translation works in the integration of a new place in the global sex travelers circuits involves taking into account interpretations (of the visitors and the host population) that take place in highly unequal arenas. The versions permeating Fortalezas assimilation in these routes allow us to perceive an intense contest of ideas expressed in disagreements among views of diversely positioned agents. And the activation of imageries linked to regional and local constructions of gendered identities is a relevant aspect in this dispute. I develop this argument on the basis of an analysis of how these visions work in a style of heterosexual sex travels named by some locals of Ceara as middle class sex tourism, by which means visitors from various countries form relationships with local women from the lower and lower middle classes, most of whom are native to this State. As other states of the Northeast, Ceara has during several decades, sent internal migrants towards the richest States of the South of Brazil. But this flux has been altered. Cearas inhabitants have joined the increasing number of Brazilians that since the 1980 seek to improve their lives by migrating to countries of the North. Middle class sex tourism is linked to the desire for social mobility of a section of the local population and also to the concrete migration of some women to those countries. I base myself on the results of an ethnographic research. The main data was collected during 10 months ethnographic field work carried out between October 1999 and
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In 1991, the rate of self classified black population stood at 2.95%, while Pernambuco stood at 3.3% and Salvador at 20.2%. It is important to highlight that, according to the Census of the IBGE (1991), the brown (pardos) population, in the three states is represented in roughly equivalent numbers: Ceara numbered 67.4%, Pernambuco 63.4% and Bahia 69%. But the category pardos, while alluding to mixed race, might be connected to population of African, aboriginal or African/aboriginal ascendance.

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August 20023 in Fortalezas sex tourism circuits4. These are touristy places in which, in the main, foreign and Brazilian tourists socialize together, alongside the local middle class and young women of the lower classes, some of whom go on programas (the local term for any act related to prostitution).5 In the first section I comment on how transnational flows of ideas are connected to the construction of a sexualized notion of Brazilianness and consider its relationships with regional and local constructions of identity. Secondly, I examine the economic, political and cultural aspects related to sex travels in this context, exploring how the unequal positions of locals and international tourists are expressed in conceptualizations by which means native women are intensely sexualized and men of the countries of the North are depicted as embodying the best styles of masculinity. Finally, bearing in mind how gender, race, class, region and nationality are written, translated and incorporated in this context, I seek to show how views of regional and local identity are intermittently and strategically recalled and effaced. In this universe, the local women who form relationships with sex travelers allocate the less valued (regional and local) traits to native styles of masculinity, thus justifying their choice of certain foreigners as ideal partners. Performing national identity, these women attract those tourists, negotiate their positioning in relationships with them and, through these relationships, some cross severe local barriers, even migrating to countries of the North.

1- THINKING REGION, PRODUCING NATION The production of the idea of a Brazilian sexual culture allows us to perceive an intriguing aspect. The notion of a sexualized Brazilianness, a view that appears as synthesis of the national character, has been recurrently produced with reference to specific Brazilian regions and cities.
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Several short visits to the field took place in 2003, 2004 and 2005. This information was supplemented by interviews with women who maintain love-sexual relationships with foreigners, with tourists in search of sex of various nationalities (Italians, Portuguese, Germans, Dutch, Argentineans, French, English) with expatriates and with native men who form relationships with foreign women. I also carried out interviews with various agents involved in international tourism and/or local prostitution and obtained secondary data, statistics and case studies from government agencies, educational institutions and NGOs. This text was written on the basis of the information given by 75 interviewees including foreign women who form relationships with native men, whose views are not analyzed here The study was followed by an ethnographic research carried out in May and June, 2004, in the North of Italy, focused on the trajectories of women who migrated from Fortaleza invited by sex tourists (Piscitelli, 2006). This field work involved interviews with (8) key people from various non-governmental organizations dedicated to working with prostitution and traffic and with agents from the Brazilian Consulate in Milan. In-depth interviews with 12 Brazilian women between the ages of 22 and 38 and with 5 Italian men, husbands of some of these women were carried out in various neighbourhoods of Milan and in several cities relatively close by: Abbiategrasso, Voghera, Verona

5 Historian Margareth Rago (1998) states that, vastly integrated in Brazilian society, this view marked the writings of important social thinkers. In the 1930s, Gilberto Freyre integrated new aspects in the Brazilian debate about the constitution of the nation. He included the discussion about the centrality of the family, paying considerable attention to sexual behavior. The author considered sexual life in Brazil as a positive aspect6, responsible for the racial democracy that supposedly characterized the nation.7 According to Ragos (1998) interpretation of Freyre, in his writings Brazilian people are considered the outcome of the miscegenation of three races (Portuguese, native Indians and Africans) that in Brazil had no major problems in terms of mixing because sexual attraction was stronger than legal and rational requirements against the unions between different kinds of people. This sexual aspect would be responsible for several traits of the Brazilian culture: instinct, bodily games, lightness, tolerance and cordiality. Rago underlines the centrality that the sexual dimension has in this authors historical interpretation of Brazil, since it appears as a fundamental aspect that determines relationships in the private and public spheres in a Nation in which the public sphere is shaped by models borrowed from the private world.
Freyres analysis is based on the social relationships linked to a specific model of economic production of the utmost importance during the colonial period: the sugar cane plantations cycle, in the Northeast of Brazil, which relied on slave labor. But his explanation of Brazilianness is outlined with reference to a specific State and period: Pernambuco, during the XVI and XVII centuries. Based on this particular case, Freyre delineated the contours of a Brazilian Patriarchal Family as a root from which all the other relationships developed, that lasted up to the industrialization period and the subsequent decadence of large rural estates. The procedure of generalizing this type of family, connected to a specific regional model, to the entire country aroused relevant criticism (Corra, 1982). But my interest is to highlight the fact that by thinking about a particular region, the author produced an idea of Nation and of Brazilianness that was vastly accepted and incorporated. In the contemporary period, a sexualized notion of Brazilianness has been re-created with reference to different regions or cities. Pernambuco did not disappear entirely, but Bahia and above all, Rio de Janeiro, acquired supreme importance. Salvador, capital city
His optimistic reading of these traits distinguished him from negative ideas voiced by other social thinkers and by medical doctors (Carrara, 2004). 7 Freyres optimistic reading is reinforced when compared to the perception of other authors of the same period who also considered the sexual dimension a major reference in the constitution of a Brazilian national character. In line with Ragos interpretation (1998), where Freyre saw sexual desire as an instrument against the segregation of different races, Paulo Prado perceived that, as well as its lascivious nature, it was the origins of the instinctive traits and the sadness that mark Braziliannes and as the roots of the impossibility of evolution towards a certain modernity.
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of the State of Bahia, and Rio were, in different moments the countrys capital cities8. In present-day thought, however, most of the major associations of these cities with Brazilianness are related to racialized and gendered aspects that evoke a sexualized African ascendance and are expressed in music, popular feasts, and in the image of the dark skinned woman. Thus, samba and later on afoxs, carnival and esthetized mulattas regularly appear as symbols of the national identity. In the first half of the 1990s, the North American anthropologist Richard Parker (1993) used the term Brazilian sexual culture in order to depict the system by means of which Brazilian society interprets itself, through the languages of sexuality and sensuality. During the 1950s, Sergio Buarque de Holanda (1959), a leading social thinker, analyzed the connections between notions of national identity and a strong and primitive sexuality. He explored the Portuguese colonizers imagery in a comparative perspective, taking as reference notions that permeated other colonizing processes, such as those that took place in North America. According to him, these Portuguese travelers linked Brazil to a particular idea of Eden, the lost Paradise, where the vegetation was abundant, the climate wonderful, there were no laws, man was free and there was no sin (Rago, 2001). This idea, recreated in popular national music during the 1970s9, is transposed by Parker. In line with his thoughts, in Brazils imagery there is no sin below the Equator. Sensuality is celebrated and, at the deepest level, is related to the meaning of being Brazilian. According to this author, in Brazil, the carnival, with it sexual symbolism and its mixture of European, Indian and African traits, is seen as the most authentic expression of the basic ethos of Brazilian life. But despite the apparent relevance given to native Indians, the typical characteristics of Brazilian carnival are linked by Parker to African music and dances. Batucadas and sambas are interpreted in terms of their sensuous African roots. And the two central characters of the Carnival: the malandro and the mulatta, synthesize the association of the Carnival with pleasure and sensuality. Particularly the mulatta, center of attention in this festivity, is considered an erotic ideal in Brazilian culture, the perfect embodiment of the tropical heat and sensuality. Parkers (and some Brazilian social scientists) interpretations lead us to question whether or not sexuality is, in fact, a structuring principle in Brazilian society (Pinho, 2004). Far from expressing my concordance with this idea, my interest is to underline that, while referring to a Brazilian sexual system, the author is mostly centered on the imagery linked to three particular (and racialized) cities, famous for their carnivals, but
8

Salvador was the capital city from 1549 up to 1763. After that Rio de Janeiro was the capital city up to 1960, when it was transferred to Brasilia.

The song, produced in 1973 and highly popular is: No existe pecado ao Sul do Equador, by Chico Buarque (Sergio Buarque de Holandas son) and Ruy Guerra

7 mainly to Rio de Janeiro, and in interviews for the most part done in that city. Thus, an explanation that privileges Rio seems to nourish the idea of a national cultural system.
The practice of drawing on sexual imagery connected to Rio de Janeiro in order to talk about Brazil was also evident in the governmental campaigns destined to advertise the country in the international tourist market. At the present time, feminists and other human rights activists, struggling against the integration of Brazil in sex tourism global circuits, discuss and reject the traveling notions of a sexualized Brazilianness that, produced in Brazil, are exported to foreign countries. But since its early years in the beginning of the 1970s up to the end of the 1990s, EMBRATUR, the governmental body responsible for the regulation of the national tourist sector, disseminated images of almost naked women, mostly in Rio de Janeiro, in leaflets and banners. This city and symbols like the mulatta and samba, representing the beauties of Brazilian beaches and the national carnival, were chosen to structure Brazils image in the international tourist market. (Alfonso, 2006). The specific cities and regions by means of which Brazilians appear re-creating and disseminating a sexualized and gendered image of the Nation are thus racialized spaces that mostly evoke the populations African ancestry. Notwithstanding, identities related to different parts of the country diverge from this representation. The notions linked to Ceara, in the Northeastern region, allow us to draw a remarkable counterpoint with that image of Nation. In national terms the Northeast, as a whole, is perceived as stricken by intense poverty. But as far as constructions of identity are concerned, the region is not considered as a single entity. Ceara, that has a specific economic history in the Northeastern region and is seen as scarcely marked by African roots acquires singular traits. This states economy is depicted as distant from the sugar cane plantation system. During the XVI and XVII centuries, in the serto, the hinterland affected by extremely dry weather, the economy developed on the basis of cattle raising and, later on, in the manufacture of jerked beef. The typical regional character of the tough cattle raiser (vaqueiro) is linked to this process. According to regional narratives, the aboriginal population was progressively exterminated and/or absorbed by miscegenation. African slave labor utilization was minimal when compared to the large amount of slaves working in sugar cane, cotton or coffee plantations (Abreu, 1975 [1899]). And it is important to observe that Ceara abolished slavery in 1884, four years before the Brazilian abolition, in a movement supported by one the first feminine organizations created in Brazil, the Cearenses Libertadoras (Shumaher, 2003). Contemporary authors highlight that what appears as a paradigm in historical and literary writings about Ceara is not the mixture of three races but the blending of only

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two: between the Catholic Portuguese colonizer and the aboriginal population. This idea is somehow synthethized in Iracema, novel of Jose de Alencar (1865), a writer born in Ceara. Iracema, a young aboriginal woman, a morena (brown skinned woman) with long black hair, falls in love with a blue eyed Portuguese colonizer. Those writings are marked by the idea that there were (almost) no blacks in the State and the sparse (cultural) traces left by the African population can only be found in popular feasts (Pordeus Jr, 2006). In this frame, diverse identity icons were created: besides the vaqueiro (the cattle raiser), the jangadeiro (fisherman), the retirante (s/he leaves the devastated country-side during the droughts) and the rendeira (female lace-maker). The latter, vastly incorporated in regional music10, is probably the most disseminated of Cearas female images. These icons, albeit gendered, are distant from the sexualization and style of racialization that characterize the mulatta and the malandro. Far from being esthetized in terms of their physical appearance, Cearas typical characters, seen as caboclos (mixture of whites and aboriginals) are considered to be the expression of the toughness and strength of the people from the serto, embodying the harsh conditions of the land and the weather.11 They are seen as short people with the skin wrinkled and darkened by an unrelenting sun. A long way from the sensuality of the women of African ascendance, in the States folklore and in tourist advertisements, the rendeira is cherished as a stout, intense worker. The beauty attributed to her is connected with qualities that are not physical. Rather she is the bearer of a feminine dignity marked by patience, honesty and dignity12. With reference to Fortaleza, a city that appears distant from the stereotypes associated with Brazilianness, the journeys of sex travelers attracted by the idea of a population embodying an intense tropical sexuality in the shape of sensuous mulattas is intriguing. How does the native population face these expectations in the context of those transnational encounters? Before proceeding to answer, it is necessary to present the universe of sex tourism that I analyzed in that city.

2- A TROPICAL PARADISE At present, Fortaleza is considered to be a centre of industry and tourism, because of its beautiful beaches and busy nightlife. With 2,100,000 inhabitants, it is one of the fastest growing cities in the Northeast and is also one of the poorest metropolitan regions in the

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The most popular song is Ol Mulher Rendeira, by Z do Norte.

In the national context, since the first decades of the XXth century several of these notions were implemented to produce a conception of the Northeast as Other with reference to the richer states of Brazils South. Connected to the idea of a Deep Brazil, these perceptions were fixed by the newspapers published in the South (Barbalho, 2004).

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See: http://www.fortalezaconvention.com.br/fcvb_apresentacao.shtml

9 country (IBGE 2000, PNAD 2001). The social indicators of this region express the acute regional gendered inequalities in Brazil.14
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As other countries in the South, Brazil is investing heavily in tourism.15 In Fortaleza, the intensification of tourism is evident both in the transformations of deserted beaches into resorts and in the virulent increase in the number of hotels. In this context, there is a remarkable rise of international tourism, constantly increasing since the 1990s, connected to the arrival of direct international flights to the city. International tourism, which is predominantly male, represents little more than 10% of domestic tourism,16 but is extremely visible in the touristy places of the city, where white foreign visitors are usually found in the company of darker local girls. While tourism is considered to be the fastest growing source of employment in Ceara (CORIOLANO, 1998), international tourism is regarded both with hope and concern since it is associated with sex tourism. In Brazil, this type of tourism has attracted public attention since the end of the 1980s. Mainly conceptualized as prostitution, predominantly directed towards children and adolescents, it has become a source of national alarm. 17 Prostitution involving women aged above eighteen does not constitute a crime in Brazil, only exploiting or favoring prostitution is thus considered by the National Penal Code (Articles 227, 228, 229, 230). But sex tourism involving young adults has also come under fire due to the fact that it is so often associated with international trafficking of persons. The women of Fortaleza that form relationships with sex travellers have their own views about this issue. Among these women, those who are involved in what the locals call middle class sex tourism or elegant prostitution of Iracema beach, exchange sex for material benefits and goods, forming relationships with foreign visitors, which do not
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In the second half of the 1990s, Fortaleza was considered to have the second largest concentration of poor people in the country, 40%, closely following Recife (Relatrio Misso Piloto, 1996, quoted in Coriolano, 1998) According to the National Census of 2000 (IBGE 2000), while the illiteracy rate in the country has risen to little more than 13%, in the Northeast it currently stands at 26%. In the whole country, around 27 % of the population subsists on less than two minimum wages per household but in the Northeast this figure rises to more than 47%. And, in terms of the female population, statistical indicators pointed to the fact that women formed the majority among those who have lowest wages (Fundo de Populao das Naes Unidas, 1996). This industry is considered to be responsible for 5.5% of the Gross National Product (GNP) and for 3.3% of jobs, but the government expects these figures to rise (EMBRATUR, 2004). In 2001, the city received more than 1,450,000 Brazilian tourists and only 172,000 foreign visitors (Governo do Estado do Ceara, 2002). The actions of social movements stimulated governmental campaigns against the sexual exploitation of children by foreigners. A National Campaign for the End of Exploitation, Violence and Sex Tourism against Children and Adolescence was launched nationwide, in 1995. It involved actions both in Brazil (with hot lines where sex tourism involving minors could be denounced) and abroad, through agreements with Italy, France, Germany and England, in order to punish citizens of those nations both in Brazil and in their own countries. O Brasil moda, Isto/ 1681, 19/12/2001.

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always incorporate direct financial payment.18 They are mostly in their twenties and integrate the low and lower middle strata of the city. However, they are far from being extremely poor and/or illiterate. These womens skin colours are locally regarded as being between moreno (brown) and moreno claro (very light brown). But moreno is not necessarily equivalent to mulatto. While this last term always alludes to African ascendance, moreno is also connected to the population of aboriginal ascendance. Most morenas of Fortaleza are seen as caboclas and not as mulattas. From the local viewpoint, girls of those social classes who form relationships with foreign tourists, particularly when they are considered morenas,, are usually seen as prostitutes. Explaining this aspect requires a comment on racial categories. Race in Brazil is usually defined in terms of the relationships between African descendents and whites but was not traditionally defined by the bipolar, blood based, black/white distinction common in the United States. And I speak in the past tense because, as an effect of the globalization of black movements, at the present time, bipolar classification coexists with the complex traditional classification (Fry, 1990). The latter is a phenotype based colour continuum, from black to white, which integrates mixed race categories, such as mulatta. The racial classification of a person is fluid in the sense that it is also determined by social aspects such as education and class that might acquire priority over phenotype based classification. To some degree money can whiten and socially-sanctioned behaviour can darken. Analogous racialization processes are evident in Fortaleza. Sexual relationships with foreign tourists, as sanctioned behaviour, tend to stigmatize native women. But middle class women, seen as light skinned, mostly avoid the label of prostitution which recurrently affects lower strata caboclas who accompany international visitors. The latter are placed in inferior racialized positions. But in this city, the colour continuum mostly alludes to mixed race aboriginal descendents. While mixed raced Brazilians of African ascendance are marked by a certain sensuality, those of aboriginal ascendance are barely connected to sensuous traits. Therefore, low strata caboclas have little value in the local sex market where the most valued women tend to be blond, perceived as light skinned, and frequently from the States of the South. And local caboclas also have few opportunities of social mobility by means of marrying local men of higher classes. While some of the interviewed women think of themselves as sex workers, many do not consider themselves in those terms. The latter are young women who have stable jobs,
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For a discussion of the immense diversity of relationships linked to sex tourism see: KEMPADOO, 2000, and of the blurred boundaries between prostitution and other forms of sexual encounters in the frame of sex tourism see: Opperman, 1999; COHEN: 1982, 1986.

11 sometimes in the tourist sectors, with low salaries (maximum US$ 200,00 per month) that do not go on programas. Notwithstanding, they accept and usually ask for presents and financial contributions to their medium and long term needs: clothes, watches, perfumes, mobile phones, payment of medical treatment and/or rent, of monthly allowances and even the necessary resources in order to start a small business.
Not all these young women intend to migrate. Some do not want to leave their families, for whom they provide (several were mothers at the age of 15/16). Others fear the mistreatment and even slavery to which they heard some Brazilian women are subjected abroad. Nevertheless, in this universe, some of the girls who consider themselves sex workers, and most of those who do not, dream of a better future in certain foreign countries. These young women yearn for diverse countries, principally in Europe. Middlemen and pimps exist in the somewhat loosely organized context of middle class sex tourism. However, there are independent sex workers who pride themselves on their autonomy. Furthermore, from the viewpoint both of women who consider themselves as sex workers as well as girls who refuse any connection with programas, relationships with foreign boyfriends constitute the simplest and safest path towards the fulfillment of their dream of migration. The idea is that such relationships provide the means to travel abroad without indebting and/or engaging themselves with middlemen. These young women, around whom an aura of hearsay proliferates, highlighting successful transnational weddings and affairs, with particular emphasis on the acquisition of apartments, bars or restaurants in Fortaleza face the risks of leaving the country with or invited by those boyfriends.
Although it is not abject poverty that leads these young women into migration, economic aspects play an important role in the construction of their desire to leave. But, as Kamala Kempadoo (1998) states when analyzing the motives that lead Caribbean sex workers to migrate, in Fortaleza, economic aspects linked to migration must be considered within the broader gendered patterns that affect these girls. This includes divisions of labor, incomegenerating traditions, existing job opportunities, places they occupy in relationships with native men and also their position according to local racialized and classist conceptualizations. The interviewed women are affected by extreme lack of educational and employment opportunities and by what they consider to be severe local machismo. According to them, they are trapped in local class and racial barriers, which they feel are almost impossible to cross. In this context, offering sexual services for financial reward is an alternative. However, the preferred options are those that, establishing distances in relation to the traditional images of local and foreign prostitution, facilitate the creation of the climate of uncertainty which shades these international encounters, stimulating the spread of romances and opening ways for the eventual departure abroad.

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Caren Kaplan (1998) states that in the frame of tourism, the visited places and people are commodified, but so are the tourists. In the context of middle class sex tourism romantic attachment is not unusual. Concurrently, women deploy practices through which means they obtain financial benefits from their foreign partners which sometimes involve distancing themselves in behaviour from sex tourists pre-conceived notions of sex work:
Hes 52 years old, an Italian Those things are like a game, you have to act, showing that you are not an easy girl Ninety per cent of those foreigners dont want to form relationships with Brazilian women They think of Brazil as a sexual thing, where they find easy and cheap sex. If you want a relationship you cannot say that you go on programas I told him that I worked at a friends beauty parlour. He asked if I did not want to have my own business. And I said how, earning the minimum wage? When he went back he sent me an international payment order of R$ 4.000 Hes already sent me around R$ 10.000 Whenever he called I asked for money. For the beauty parlours furniture, for a course Oh, Im sick! I broke my leg! Ive got something in my breast! I almost exhausted all potential sicknesses. Its the only way you have to gather money...

This universe shelters a diversity of foreigners. Men from Europe, North and South America circulate on this beach. Amongst them there are bachelors and/or those who are separated, and also married men, ranging in age from their twenties up to 60 years old and working in diversified professions. Of the tourists I interviewed, the salaries and/or monthly withdrawals from the business varied between U$1000 (an Argentinean) and US$10000 (a US citizen). And while most of the interviewed travellers in search of sex had merely concluded secondary studies, one third of them had finished college. From the viewpoint of the local women who form relationships with these tourists, however, one of the main differences among them is established by nationality. Although they can enjoy the company of South American men, these women overtly prefer men of the countries of the North. The other relevant differentiation is associated with the type of relationships these visitors look for. Among them there are men who exclusively look for sex relations entirely divested of affection. Several see the city as a large, diversified brothel. Notwithstanding, other sex travellers are in search of women who might enlarge the range of possibilities regarding long term affective relationships. Married men might form relationships with native women that perform the role of overseas extramarital lovers visited three or four times a year and to whom they send monthly allowances. And bachelors might look for potential wives that, in their view,

13 might re-create traditional patterns of femininity, including motherhood . The low strata girls who exclusively date foreigners prefer these two last categories of sex travellers. How are identities written, translated and incorporated in this context?
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3. TRANSLATIONS Witnessing these sexual encounters, natives from other States of Brazil and also from Ceara express their perplexity regarding the sexualization that permeates the sex travellers circuits of Fortaleza. Highlighting the artificiality of a process that puzzles them since it does not seem to be consistent with identity notions associated with that State, they point to the inferior place those natives have in a national ranking of sensuality. A woman from Rio de Janeiro depicts the limits she perceives in Cearas females and the fake character of constructions of sensuality that, according to her, are promoted by the circulation of images linked to other Brazilian cities.
People here are full of restrictions. You see it in their clothes. Here it is summer all year round, but they use long sleeves, pants, shoes instead of sandals. In Rio it is normal to wear shorts: a pair of shorts, a small top, you are ready to go shopping. Here only tourists wear shorts. And today, the sensuality here, it is not natural, it is copied, produced, brought by the media. It is something that has happened in the last 8 years. It comes from Bahia, it comes from Rio. I think that even the foreigners might feel deceived. [Here] you do not find that natural sensuality of dark, long haired women. What you see here is... unnatural sensuality.

In a comparative perspective that draws counterpoints among different countries and also different regions of Brazil, the perception of the sexual restrictions of women from Ceara is somehow reiterated by native men of different ages. Recreating the hierarchies that situate Ceara in an inferior level in international and also national terms, native women appear as deprived regarding sexual freedom and determination with reference to the women of European and North American countries and of the South of Brazil. International sex travelers views, however, differ. Experienced foreign tourists are aware of the Brazilian regional inequalities that favour their sexual access to women in poorer cities, such as Fortaleza. However, national rankings of sensuality are irrelevant for most of the sex tourists I interviewed. They read native womens corporeal and sexual styles as the embodiment of the authentic Brazilian traits, which include a friendly character, an open spirit, happiness and being easy-going together with a passionate temperament. In these mens impressions, Fortaleza stands for Brazil, a

Analogous distinctions have been traced in other contexts of sex tourism in Brazil, see Silva and Blanchette, 2005.

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country that is associated with a hot climate and an exuberant sexuality and is also connected to a high level of prostitution. Those foreigners tend to draw relations between countries and nationalities cut across by gender. In their versions, the attributes allocated to Brazil, embodied in the blood, characterize the native masculinity with an explosive and dangerous temper, in opposition to the cold blood of Europeans of one nationality or another. In these visions, the native masculinity is associated with a certain indolence, which is in proportion to an excessive consumption of alcohol and to a stupidity expressed by a bellicose temperament and above all, to the attribution of an exacerbated sexuality, which is basic and not at all sophisticated. Their own masculinities, on the other hand, are read as displaying signs of romanticism and delicateness. These travelers also insist on highlighting the dedication to work and the appreciation of responsibility in relation to the family, particularly to fatherhood, as central elements in the constitution of positively appraised masculinities. On these points, these notions of masculinity reiterate those present in other (Western) contexts (Vale de Almeida, 1995). But these formulations integrate themselves in a game in which no trace of personality and/or temperament escapes the relations between nationalities. The readings of these interviewees apparently point to a positive appreciation of the local women. The traits linked to the native femininity are delineated by their contrast with those qualities associated with the women from the respective countries of those interviewed. The qualities written on native girls are thus contrasted with the arrogance of the Germans, the closed nature of the Portuguese women and the exaggeratedly positive self-appreciation of the English girls, the coldness, the calculating nature of women from North America and the haughtiness of the Italian women.
In these views, women of countries of the North, perceived as persons who are independent, prioritize professional success, career, money, and also enjoy paid and/or exotic, are seen as spoiled by feminist ideas expressed in high levels of demands on the men and a certain masculinization. On the other hand, the tender temperament, the warmth, simplicity and submission they allocate to the natives are incorporated into the idea of a femininity which, coated in traits of authenticity, fulfills a submissiveness, perceived as now long gone in Europe. The local attributes of womanliness are perceived as being characterized by a singular sensuality, coated in simplicity which is also associated with a lack of intelligence: They just think of making love and dancing forr says a 60 years old retired Italian, giving me the example of a girlfriend. Demonstrating with his hands the acentuated feminine curves which sway from one side to the other, he adds, establishing a causal relationship: She doesnt have much upstairs, she cant learn. I paid her school fees for two years but she doesnt even know her times table.

15
And the intersection between gender and nationality is central in the sexualization through which natives are rendered inferior: the heat of the native girls, attributed to the women who go on programas and also to those who dont, is linked to the propensity to (more or less) open forms of prostitution.

Clifford (1997) observes that there is no political innocence for intercultural interpretation. This aspect is obvious in sex travelers re-writing Brazilian notions of national sensuality as a natural propensity to prostitution. But the lack of political innocence is also evident in the procedures by means of which native women who long to obtain benefits from those tourists translate these mens attributes. Among them, foreigners are frequently idealized, depicted as embodying the best styles of masculinity, in counterpoint to local styles of masculinity which are invariably read as inferior. In these relations, the local masculinities are rendered inferior, setting in motion regional constructions of identity. In a re-reading of the toughness linked to Cearas identity icons, invariably translated as macho, these styles are considered as being characterized by traits of aggression, intense possessiveness, affective remoteness, lack of respect and infidelity. The attribution of these distinctive traits to the male natives is used by the female interviewees to explain their choice of men from the outside. In contrast, the foreigners appear to be embodying styles of masculinity linked to a certain openness and a higher level of equality. These attributes may be allocated to one or other nationality regarding visitors from countries from the North. Regional attributes are, however, effaced when these women muse about their own styles of femininity. In their readings, the European femininities are marked by autonomy and in an analogous manner to the climate associated with the respective countries, to coldness. In opposition to these styles of femininity, native womanliness is cherished, connected as it is to the national qualities which the international visitors attribute to those girls. A caring temperament and submissiveness are part of these attributes, associated by some of the interviewees with the idea of dependence, based on economic necessity: The women from their countries are not dependent on them, they have their own money, car, freedom, they dont need a man to go to a bar. For Brazilian women its different, we need one. They like that, and they, the Brazilian women, like to be looked after by them. The women look at something and say, thats lovely, and the men buy it for them. The men like this dependence and the women like the mens attitude.
And the ideas on Brazilian temperament are incorporated into the intense level of sensuality those interviewees consider marking their own styles of being women in a positive way. We are hotter, says a girl considered the queen of the main nightclub in Praia

16
de Iracema. In the words of a native of Ceara from the middle classes, unconnected to prostitution, who dates foreigners: I think it is the thing of being open of being happier I think that the climate influences this, if you look at the people who live in cold countries, they are more closedThey say that we are hotter My libido is very strong.

4. NEGOTIATIONS The unequal positions occupied by foreigners and native women in the sex tourism of middle class are expressed in terms in which gender and nationality become indivisible. And this intertwining can also be read through the color connected to foreigners and natives: the relations established through color complete the translation procedures that result in the appreciation of the styles of masculinity attributed to certain nationalities and in the sexualization of the natives. When I say that color, indivisibly linked to nationality, is connected to more highly valued masculinities, I refer to the invariable label of whiteness connected to those styles of manliness. In procedures in which temperament marks the body, which is appreciated through aesthetic criteria, the most valued distinctive traits of masculinity are always associated with a beauty which contrasts with the ugliness attributed to the locals -- and I think of the aesthetic criteria such as judgments of beauty and taste (Overing, 1996), as being indivisible from a process of education of the senses. In this process regional criteria are set in motion: expressing political location, the ugliness is not linked to all Brazilian males but to the natives of Ceara, particularly to those of the same strata as the interviewed women, the men who would be their potential partners. In the words of those interviewed: The men here, the majority, are shorter, the head is like this, the shape of the head is rounder, they have paunches, are laid back The (poor) men in Ceara are so ugly it hurts. Ugly, with large flat heads, they appear grey because the sun is so intense, their ignorance is great. The esthetization involving men from the outside does not obey fixed physical patterns with any precision. The beauty allocated to foreigners combines attributes embodied by young or not-so-young men, with or without hair. A barmaid describes her foreign boyfriend in the following terms: He measures 1 meter 80, hes very tall, or 1meter 90, about that. He is bald and is 38 years old. He has blue eyes, the color of the sea. He is handsome, very caring.

17 This beauty, expressing criteria used in the construction of hierarchies within masculinities, is associated with whiteness, which is expressed in phenotypical traits: in the color of the skin, of the hair, of the eyes. But this idea of whiteness, linked to Europeans and addressing localization, involves aspects which go beyond the phenotypical traits.
In an analogous manner, the reading of native femininities made by these foreigners is characterized by color. One colour however, morena, synthesizes the intertwining of the differentiations embodied in the local women. Yet, if whiteness characterizes the positively evaluated styles of masculinity, being moreno/a, used in the sexualization process, racializes the natives in a way that renders them inferior. When speaking of morenas, foreigners use color on many occasions in descriptive terms: they have a skin which is not white, or black. One of the Italians interviewed, in an attempt to describe this color, alluded with gestures to the shape of the mouth and the nose, evoking phenotypical traits of African origin. And by describing the local morenas/ caboclas in these terms he translates as African traits aspects that, from the local point of view, are related to an idea of aboriginal ancestry.20 The foreigners interviewed in Fortaleza also use color in categorical terms, that is, in terms which, more than describing, possess an autonomy in relation to corporeal signs since they are linked to a classification (Kofes, 1976:72, 97). In the vision of the foreign visitors, including some Latin Americans, the morena color, that acquires the erotic connotations connected with the mulatta, is intimately linked to Brazil and is associated with the better woman, and with being hotter. In the word of an Argentinean looking for sex: The morenitas are hotter. They want to do it more often, they have another way of behaving in bed, they like other positions Argentinean women dont look at it in this way. In these respects, the natives, beyond specific tonalities and phenotypical traits in a classification which crosses different social classes and sexualizes women whether they are connected or not prostitution, are considered as morenas, embodying the high level of sensuality associated with this colour. And the ambivalences which shade the appreciation of this colour maintain relationships with the procedures for aesthetization, which associated with femininities, places the beauty associated with Brazilians in a relatively inferior position. The Italian interviewees, enchanted with the sensuality they

Unlike what appears to happen in other contexts of sex tourism in Brazil, in Salvador and in Recife, where foreign tourists look for black girls (Carpazoo, 1994; Dias Filho, 1998), in Fortaleza, the black blacks are rejected by foreigners of various nationalities who sometimes assume that they themselves are racists.
20

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attribute to the natives of Ceara, openly express the superiority of their female compatriates. One tourist of this nationality explains to me: Italian women are more beautiful, but not for me. I like them. Its them who dont like me. Its true. The esthetization, by synthesizing the values which permeate this world, mirrors the unequal relations present in it. The beauty associated with whiteness and intimately connected to localization characterizes the more valued styles of masculinity which are embodied in the most valued nationalities. And, contrarily, the esthetization expresses the subordinate place attributed to the native women who stand for the authentic Brazilian female: the hot mulatta.
In this unequal milieu, the main instrument native women who form relationships with sex travelers use to cross over class barriers and to guarantee the success and permanence of their affairs is performing the racialized identity allocated to them by the foreigners. They fully incorporate those attributes.

What is it that they like in me? My color. Always, all of those who know me always say, they really love my color, you know? Because I am morena, I have curly hair, and I am friendly, tender, I am very natural, from the earth, thats what they always say Effacing local and regional identity attributes and embodying sex tourists translation of Brazilian national traits, these girls open paths which destabilize linear criteria of inequality. Integrating the transmission of a romantic and sexual knowledge in their relationships with the foreigners, they also negotiate, on the basis of the sexualization of which they are the objects, their positioning in these relationships. And they seek in these sexual/romantic liaisons the possibility of crossing local class and racial barriers. In fact, some do, mainly by migrating invited by sex tourists. By the time I finished this research, approximately half of my female interviewees had travelled abroad. Some spent a few months in one or other European country, either working in the sex industry or living as temporary brides with the men who invited them. But a part of the latter remained in Europe marrying sex travellers, leaving the sex market and forming transnational families. They return to Fortaleza during the holidays, showing off their success, thus feeding the dreams of girls who enter the sex tourism circuits (Piscitelli, 2006). CONCLUSION
While cultures can be seen as sites of travel for others (Clifford, 1997), the analyzed context presents the particularity of also constituting a gate for the residents, opening ways for

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traveling abroad. And it also shows another specific aspect. Neither the opposition between foreign and native nor scrutinizing opposite fluxes of ideas is sufficient in order to explain how cultural translation works in this universe. The power that stems from differentiated localizations is intimately connected with the processes of effacing, enhancing and re-writing gendered identities. But in this world localization entails a series of diverse entangled levels. Understanding how these residents negotiate themselves in external relationships in this transnational space requires taking into account how they bargain their local, regional and national identities. Through the unequal relationships formed with foreigners some of the girls that participate in middle class sex tourism escape from other inequalities which they consider much worse: those of their local social fate in an inferior state and region in Brazil. While the transcultural translations activated in this context contribute to allow them a certain enlargement of their space for agency, I do not assume that their crossover practices are necessary liberatory. Studies that analyze the effects of sex tourism highlight that in places in which aspects linked to international tourism are relatively new forces, it is not always easy to discriminate between permanence and alterations in gender configurations. Some few cases that point to the enlargement of spheres of feminine influence or decision are not sufficient to state that there are changes in these configurations. It would be necessary to be able to trace patterns, recurrences (Brenan, 2004). The analyzed modality of sex encounters that take place in Fortaleza is connected to the search for opportunities of local women and to strategies to promote those chances, including the challenge of local norms by means of multilayered practices of cultural translation. However, their individual getaways are far from interfering in local, collective gender configurations. Finally, their ways to escape from inequalities in the local spheres do not release them from being affected by other inequalities in their new lives abroad, linked to the place acquired by that racialized tropical sexuality in First World contexts. But that is another study (Piscitelli, 2006).

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