Ogaden War

Part of the Ethiopian-Somali conflict and the Cold War

Date:July 13, 1977 – March 15, 1978

(8 months and 2 days)

Location:Ogaden, Ethiopia

Result

■Soviet and Cuban military intervention

■Somali withdrawal

■Somalia breaks all ties with the Soviet Union and the Second World (except China)

Belligerents

Ethiopia

Cuba

South Yemen

Soviet Union

Supported by:

Israel

East Germany

North Korea

Czechoslovakia

Bulgaria

Libya

Somalia
WSLF

Supported by:

United States

United Kingdom

Italy

China

Romania

Djibouti

Egypt

Yugoslavia

Iran

Commanders and leaders

Mengistu Haile Mariam

Aberra Haile Mariam

Vasily Petrov

Arnaldo Ochoa

Salim Rubai Ali

Siad Barre

Brigadier-General Ali Matan Hashi

General Muhammad Ali Samatar

Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed

Colonel Abdullahi Ahmed Irro

Strength

Beginning of war:

47,000 soldiers in total

On Somali front:

4 infantry brigades (1 mechanized)

2 tank battalions

2 artillery battalions

3 airborne battalions

Later:

75,000 fulltime soldiers in 1980

1,500 Soviet advisors

18,000 Cubans

2,000 South Yemenis

Beginning of war:

35,000 soldiers

23 motorized and mechanized battalions

9 tank battalions

9 artillery battalions

4 airborne battalions

End of war:

SNA 63,200

WSLF 15,000
Casualties and losses

Ethiopia:

6,133 killed

10,563 wounded

3,867 captured or missing (including 1,362 deserters)

Cuba:

400 killed

South Yemen:

100 killed

USSR:

33 dead and missing

Equipment losses:

23 Aircraft

139 tanks

108 APCs

1,399 vehicles

6,453 killed

2,409 wounded

275 captured or missing

Equipment losses:

28 Aircraft/ (half of Air force)

72 tanks

30 APCs
90 vehicles

The Ethio-Somali War (also Ethiopian-Somali War or Ogaden War) was a conventional conflict
fought by Ethiopia and Somalia between July 1977 and March 1978 over the disputed Ogaden
region in present-day eastern Ethiopia. In a notable illustration of the nature of Cold War
alliances, the Soviet Union switched from supplying aid to Somalia to supporting Ethiopia,
which had previously been backed by the United States. This in turn prompted the US to later
start supporting Somalia. The war ended when Somali forces retreated back across the border
and a truce was declared.

Background

Territorial partition

Following World War II, Britain retained control of both British Somaliland and Italian
Somaliland as protectorates. In 1950, as a result of the Paris Peace Treaties, the United Nations
granted Italy trusteeship of Italian Somaliland, but only under close supervision and on the
condition—first proposed by the Somali Youth League (SYL) and other nascent Somali political
organizations, such as Hizbia Digil Mirifle Somali (HDMS) and the Somali National League (SNL)
—that Somalia achieve independence within ten years. British Somaliland remained a
protectorate of Britain until 1960.

In 1948, under pressure from their World War II allies and to the dismay of the Somalis, the
British "returned" the Haud (an important Somali grazing area that was presumably 'protected'
by British treaties with the Somalis in 1884 and 1886) and the Ogaden to Ethiopia, based on a
treaty they signed in 1897 in which the British ceded Somali territory to the Ethiopian Emperor
Menelik in exchange for his help against raids by Somali clans. Britain included the proviso that
the Somali residents would retain their autonomy, but Ethiopia immediately claimed
sovereignty over the area. This prompted an unsuccessful bid by Britain in 1956 to buy back the
Somali lands it had turned over. Britain also granted administration of the almost exclusively
Somali-inhabited Northern Frontier District (NFD) to Kenyan nationalists despite an informal
plebiscite demonstrating the overwhelming desire of the region's population to join the newly
formed Somali Republic.

A referendum was held in neighboring Djibouti (then known as French Somaliland) in 1958, on
the eve of Somalia's independence in 1960, to decide whether or not to join the Somali
Republic or to remain with France. The referendum turned out in favour of a continued
association with France, largely due to a combined yes vote by the sizable Afar ethnic group
and resident Europeans. There was also widespread vote rigging, with the French expelling
thousands of Somalis before the referendum reached the polls. The majority of those who
voted no were Somalis who were strongly in favour of joining a united Somalia, as had been
proposed by Mahmoud Harbi, Vice President of the Government Council. Harbi was killed in a
plane crash two years later. Djibouti finally gained its independence from France in 1977, and
Hassan Gouled Aptidon, a Somali who had campaigned for a yes vote in the referendum of
1958, eventually wound up as Djibouti's first president (1977–1991).

British Somaliland became independent on 26 June 1960 as the State of Somaliland, and the
Trust Territory of Somalia (the former Italian Somaliland) followed suit five days later.On July 1,
1960, the two territories united to form the Somali Republic. A government was formed by
Abdullahi Issa and other members of the trusteeship and protectorate governments, with Haji
Bashir Ismail Yusuf as President of the Somali National Assembly, Aden Abdullah Osman Daar as
President of the Somali Republic and Abdirashid Ali Shermarke as Prime Minister (later to
become President from 1967–1969). On 20 July 1961 and through a popular referendum, the
people of Somalia ratified a new constitution, which was first drafted in 1960.

On 15 October 1969, while paying a visit to the northern town of Las Anod, Somalia's then
President Shermarke was shot dead by one of his own bodyguards. His assassination was
quickly followed by a military coup d'état on 21 October 1969 (the day after his funeral), in
which the Somali Army seized power without encountering armed opposition — essentially a
bloodless takeover. The putsch was spearheaded by Major General Mohamed Siad Barre, who
at the time commanded the army.

Supreme Revolutionary Council

Alongside Barre, the Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC) that assumed power after President
Sharmarke's assassination was led by Lieutenant Colonel Salaad Gabeyre Kediye and Chief of
Police Jama Korshel. Kediye officially held the title of "Father of the Revolution," and Barre
shortly afterwards became the head of the SRC. The SRC subsequently renamed the country the
Somali Democratic Republic, dissolved the parliament and the Supreme Court, and suspended
the constitution.

In addition to previous Soviet funding and arms support to Somalia, Egypt sent millions of
dollars in arms to Somalia, established military training and sent experts to Somalia in support
of Egypt's longstanding policy of securing the Nile River flow by destabilising Ethiopia.

Derg

Even as Somalia gained military strength, Ethiopia grew weaker. In September 1974, Emperor
Haile Selassie had been overthrown by the Derg (the military council), marking a period of
turmoil. The Derg quickly fell into internal conflict to determine who would have primacy.
Meanwhile, various anti-Derg as well as separatist movements began throughout the country.
The regional balance of power now favoured Somalia.
One of the separatist groups seeking to take advantage of the chaos was the pro-Somalia
Western Somali Liberation Front (WSLF) operating in the Somali-inhabited Ogaden area, which
by late 1975 had struck numerous government outposts. From 1976 to 1977, Somalia supplied
arms and other aid to the WSLF.

A sign that order had been restored among the Derg was the announcement of Mengistu Haile
Mariam as head of state on 11 February 1977. However, the country remained in chaos as the
military attempted to suppress its civilian opponents. Despite the violence, the Soviet Union,
which had been closely observing developments, came to believe that Ethiopia was developing
into a genuine Marxist–Leninist state and that it was in Soviet interests to aid the new regime.
They thus secretly approached Mengistu with offers of aid that he accepted. Ethiopia closed the
U.S. military mission and the communications centre in April 1977.

In June 1977, Mengistu accused Somalia of infiltrating SNA soldiers into the Somali area to fight
alongside the WSLF. Despite considerable evidence to the contrary, Barre strongly denied this,
saying SNA "volunteers" were being allowed to help the WSLF.

Course of the war

The Somali National Army committed to invade the Ogaden at 03:00 on July 13, 1977 (5 Hamle,
1969), according to Ethiopian documents (some other sources state 23 July). According to
Ethiopian sources, the invaders numbered 70,000 troops, 40 fighter planes, 250 tanks, 350
armoured personnel carriers, and 600 artillery, which would have meant practically the whole
Somalian Army. By the end of the month 60% of the Ogaden had been taken by the SNA-WSLF
force, including Gode, on the Shabelle River. The attacking forces did suffer some early
setbacks; Ethiopian defenders at Dire Dawa and Jijiga inflicted heavy casualties on assaulting
forces. The Ethiopian Air Force (EAF) also began to establish air superiority using its Northrop F-
5s, despite being initially outnumbered by Somali MiG-21s. However, Somalia was easily
overpowering Ethiopian military hardware and technology capability. Army-general Vasily
Petrov of the Soviet Armed Forces had to report back to Moscow the "sorry state" of the
Ethiopian Army. The 3rd and 4th Ethiopian Infantry Divisions that suffered the brunt of the
Somali invasion had practically ceased to exist.

The USSR, finding itself supplying both sides of a war, attempted to mediate a ceasefire. When
their efforts failed, the Soviets abandoned Somalia. All aid to Siad Barre's regime was halted,
while arms shipments to Ethiopia were increased. Soviet military aid (second in magnitude only
to the October 1973 gigantic resupplying of Syrian forces during the Yom Kippur War) and
advisors flooded into the country along with around 15,000 Cuban combat troops. Other
communist countries offered assistance: the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen offered
military assistance and North Korea helped train a "People's Militia"; East Germany likewise
offered training, engineering and support troops. As the scale of communist assistance became
clear in November 1977, Somalia broke diplomatic relations with the USSR and expelled all
Soviet citizens from the country.

Not all communist states sided with Ethiopia. Because of the Sino-Soviet rivalry, China
supported Somalia diplomatically and with token military aid. Romania under Nicolae
Ceauşescu had a habit of breaking with Soviet policies and maintained good diplomatic
relations with Siad Barre.

By 17 August elements of the Somali army had reached the outskirts of the strategic city of
Dire Dawa. Not only was the country's second largest military airbase located here, as well as
Ethiopia's crossroads into the Ogaden, but Ethiopia's rail lifeline to the Red Sea ran through this
city, and if the Somalis held Dire Dawa, Ethiopia would be unable to export its crops or bring in
equipment needed to continue the fight. Gebre Tareke estimates the Somalis advanced with
two motorized brigades, one tank battalion and one BM battery upon the city; against them
were the Ethiopian Second Militia Division, the 201 Nebelbal battalion, 781 battalion of the
78th Brigade, the 4th Mechanized Company, and a tank platoon possessing two tanks. The
fighting was vicious as both sides knew what the stakes were, but after two days, despite that
the Somalis had gained possession of the airport at one point, the Ethiopians had repulsed the
assault, forcing the Somalis to withdraw. Henceforth, Dire Dawa was never at risk of attack.

Western Somali Liberation Front Force.

The greatest single victory of the SNA-WSLF was a second assault on Jijiga in mid-September
(the Battle of Jijiga), in which the demoralized Ethiopian troops withdrew from the town. The
local defenders were no match for the assaulting Somalis and the Ethiopian military was forced
to withdraw past the strategic strongpoint of the Marda Pass, halfway between Jijiga and Harar.
By September Ethiopia was forced to admit that it controlled only about 10% of the Ogaden
and that the Ethiopian defenders had been pushed back into the non-Somali areas of Harerge,
Bale, and Sidamo. However, the Somalis were unable to press their advantage because of the
high attrition on its tank battalions, constant Ethiopian air attacks on their supply lines, and the
onset of the rainy season which made the dirt roads unusable. During that time, the Ethiopian
government managed to raise and train a giant militia force 100,000 strong and integrated it
into the regular fighting force. Also, since the Ethiopian army was a client of U.S weapons, hasty
acclimatization to the new Warsaw Pact bloc weaponry took place.

From October 1977 until January 1978, the SNA-WSLF forces attempted to capture Harar,
where 40,000 Ethiopians had regrouped and re-armed with Soviet-supplied artillery and armor;
backed by 1500 Soviet "advisors" and 11,000 Cuban soldiers, they engaged the attackers in
vicious fighting. Though the Somali forces reached the city outskirts by November, they were
too exhausted to take the city and eventually had to withdraw to await the Ethiopian
counterattack.

The expected Ethiopian-Cuban attack occurred in early February; however, it was accompanied
by a second attack that the Somalis did not expect. A column of Ethiopian and Cuban troops
crossed northeast into the highlands between Jijiga and the border with Somalia, bypassing the
SNA-WSLF force defending the Marda Pass. Mil Mi-6 helicopters airlifted Cuban BMD-1 and
ASU-57 armored vehicles behind enemy lines. The attackers were thus able to assault from two
directions in a "pincer" action, allowing the re-capture of Jijiga in only two days while killing
3,000 defenders. The Somali defense collapsed and every major Ethiopian town was recaptured
in the following weeks. Recognizing that his position was untenable, Siad Barre ordered the SNA
to retreat back into Somalia on 9 March 1978, although Rene LaFort claims that the Somalis,
having foreseen the inevitable, had already withdrawn their heavy weapons. The last significant
Somali unit left Ethiopia on 15 March 1978, marking the end of the war.

Effects of the war

Following the withdrawal of the SNA, the WSLF continued their insurgency. By May 1980, the
rebels, with the assistance of a small number of SNA soldiers who continued to help the
guerrilla war, controlled a substantial region of the Ogaden. However by 1981 the insurgents
were reduced to sporadic hit-and-run attacks and were finally defeated.

For the Barre regime, the invasion was perhaps the greatest strategic blunder since
independence, and it weakened the military. Almost one-third of the regular SNA soldiers,
three-eighths of the armored units and half of the Somali Air Force (SAF) were lost. The
weakness of the Barre administration led it to effectively abandon the dream of a unified
Greater Somalia. The failure of the war aggravated discontent with the Barre regime; the first
organized opposition group, the Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF), was formed by army
officers in 1979.

The United States adopted Somalia as a Cold War ally from the late 1970s to 1988 in exchange
for use of Somali bases, and a way to exert influence upon the region. A second armed clash in
1988 was resolved when the two countries agreed to withdraw their militaries from the border.

Both sides committed serious war crimes against civilians.