Rouch, J. Totemic Ancestors
Rouch, J. Totemic Ancestors
Rouch, J. Totemic Ancestors
Visual Anthropology
Third edition
edited by
Paul Hockings
Mouton de Gruyter
Berlin New York 2003
Our Totemic Ancestors and Crazed
Masters
JEAN ROUCH
It is not easy to write about what I would call a time for visual anthropol-
ogy. First, I must pay respects to my totemic ancestors, Gregory Bateson,
Margaret Mead, Marcel Griaule, and also to the pioneers of our discipline
who were not really anthropologists but yet were the fathers of anthro-
pological film: Robert Flaherty and Dziga Vertov. It is always difficult to
speak of another epoch long ago; but if we want to prepare a future we
have to refer to the past. In one of my films, Funerailles a Bongo: le vieil
Anai~ the old man says, "It's no more the time of old people, it's the time
of young people; it's no longer the time of young people, it's the time of
old people." It's his idea that old people are necessary to the young; that
the generations are like waves, and that at first when the wave has not yet
formed it's the duty of the young people to listen to what the old have to
say, then to roar forward into a surf, and to die on the sands.
When we see the film that Mead and Bateson made, showing a birth
(First days in the life of a New Guinea baby), we have to pay tribute to the
skill with which it was shot, using an old camera that needed rewinding
perhaps every 25 seconds. Similarly Flaherty was doing all of the labo-
ratory processing, and then screening his film day after day, as he was
shooting Nanook of the north. Why did these ancestors of ours feel the
visual image was so important?
In that same period European documentary filmmakers were sometimes
included in the post-war artistic movement. Joris Ivens, for example (also
one of our totemic ancestors), was shooting in the nineteen-twenties in
218 JEAN ROUCH
Market" music (what filmmakers call jam music). The commentary, done
like a sports announcement, was given by a well-known radio commenta-
tor who broadcast the Tour de France cycle race every year, thus making
a stereotypical text even more ridiculous. And the title which replaced my
own simple one (Hippopotamus hunting with a harpoon) seemed insulting
to us. The film, shortened from half an hour to twelve minutes, closed with
the cliche observation: ''This is darkest Africa, ageless Africa!"
Nevertheless this first film covers in synopsis the subjects of all my later
films in the Niger Valley, namely possession ritual and hunting. There too
we see the first manifestations of the Hauka cult which I was later to film
more effectively in Les maftres fous at Accra.
particular dance for each spirit listening, in which the horses dance to the
music of whoever will be their future rider; and the fimbyan, rolling the
head around in front of the orchestra which in general leads to possession.
The people who take part in these dances are of both genders, all ages, all
social statuses: something which is most unusual in a society that has been
subjected to Islamic discipline for more than a century. One mother dances
with her child on her back. A woman named Hawa ("Eve") comes to a halt
in the middle of the dance area: she is at the same time herself, a village
housewife, a horse, and the rider, who is Harakoy Dikko, the water spirit,
who begins to possess her, while the other horses continue to dance around
her. The Sorko priest, waving his hand around, tells her the sayings of her
spirit, Harakoy Dikko. Then the woman weeps, throws herself about, and
is possessed. She is no longer Hawa, but the River Spirit. The violinists
are only playing music of Harakoy Dikko. But some other horses are also
possessed, some of them by new, modem spirits, the Hauka, the "crazed
masters".
They were still very rare at this time in the villages of Niger, but rep-
resented shifts in the traditional pantheon, the new "gods of power", the
genius of French and British colonial rule, the spirits of technology whom
one could easily recognize because they behaved like Europeans - they
had brusque gestures and always seemed to be angry, just as Europeans
were supposed to be. They burnt themselves with firebrands because they
did not fear fire. They slobbered greatly because of the tongue stirring up
saliva to create a kind of emulsion like mayonnaise! That is the distinctive
sign of their possession.
In the middle of all this tumultuous disorder, Harakoy Dikko gives his
assent to the Sorko fishermen: they may harpoon just one hippopotamus.
That then is the end of the possession. Hawa, who was possessed by the
Water Spirit, falls to the ground and coughs: in this way the spirit leaves
a body it is possessing. We no longer see Harakoy Dikko, master of the
Niger River, but Hawa, the mother of a family. The next day the village
has resumed its calm appearance, and none of the possessed remembers
the trance of the day before. Anyway, the Sorko can go ahead with their
preparations, as they have received the agreement of the spiritual master
of the river through the possession ritual.
Later, in 1951, I went back to the Niger to make a second film about
hippopotamus hunting, because I was really ashamed of the first one: I
now disagreed with everything in it, the narration, the music, and so on.
Previously I had shot in black-and-white, but I'm not a very good pho-
tographer, and so now I switched to Kodachrome. Framing in color is so
much easier!
224 JEAN ROUCH
Three years later, I went back to the island of the Sorko fishermen,
showed them this new color film, and for the first time they understood
what I was doing with this strange machine that was always in my hand.
They saw their own image in the film, they discovered film language, they
looked at the film over and over again, and suddenly they started to offer
criticisms, telling me what was wrong with it. This was the beginning
of anthropologie partagee, a sharing anthropology: we suddenly shared a
relationship. I gave them my Ph.D. thesis, and the books I had written
about their culture, but they had no use for them. If only you can go back
to a people with a screen, a projector and an electric generator, you have
your passport to them. As time goes on, the film acquires more and more
value: the people recognize faces from the old days, and they weep and
wail. In my case the women came up and thanked me for showing them
that their husbands had indeed gone on the hunting parties - as they
had claimed at the time - and were not dallying with maidens in other
villages. It was very important for these women to see their husbands out
hunting: they were excluded from the activity themselves, but knew it was
dangerous, and now saw their menfolk in a more heroic light. The hunters
themselves asked why I had used this inappropriate music while showing
the hippopotamus hunt? I told them it was the "Gawe-gawe" which gives
courage to hunters, and seemed very appropriate to me. They said it would
more likely give courage to the hippopotamus, and he would escape! So
now I made my next film, Bataille sur le grand fleuve, and today it is a
sort of classic. It has been shown repeatedly on television in Niger, and all
the young boys there know the story of Lam, of Damoure, of Daouda the
fisherman, of hunting the big hippopotamus: it's a part of their tradition.
When the first signs of the Hauka cult emerged back in 1927, the colonial
administration was opposed to them and wasted no time in banning the
rituals as causing disorder. The persecution of the Hauka, like all religious
persecution, merely augmented the prestige of the new gods, who thereby
became gods recognized (in this sense only) by the French and British who,
in proscribing them, gave them their letters patent. So I quickly realized
the importance of doing a film on the subject.
When I was in Accra in 1954 some migrants from Niger were living
there. In that period Accra, capital of the Gold Coast, was also the Mecca
of the Hauka cult, its chief religious center. Some of these people had
come to see my earlier film at the British Council, and after the screening
they asked me to make another film with them, which they could later use
in their own possession rituals. This was how Les maftres fous came to be
made. We really do not know what the consequences would have been of
a ritual projection of Les maftres fous by the Crazed Masters themselves:
Our Totemic Ancestors and Crazed Masters 225
the film was banned right away by the British as "an insult to the Queen"
and because of its "cruelty to animals". This "insult" was because the
film shows an egg being broken on the head of an image representing
the Governor-General, in imitation of the real Governor-General's plumes
cascading over his ceremonial helmet; the "cruelty" came in the form of
the bloody sacrifice, dismemberment, and cooking of a dog, and its public
consumption by members of the sect. Nevertheless their devotion to the
most violent images had a very stimulating echo for me. Today, there are no
new Hauka spirits and the former ones have already become embedded in
the traditional mythology - they have become the rowdy sons of Dongo,
the thunder god - and the film is no longer banned at the Sorbonne or
in black African cinemas as it had been for many years. We now find that
this particular film is one of the very rare audiovisual documents of what I
might call the "concept of colonial power", as it was understood by adepts
of the Hauka cult. It lets us sketch a theory of that concept in nonliterate
societies. The possession dance is based on the collective participation of
people- "horses", priests, musicians, villagers or urbanites- in a legend,
a conception, of a historic event.
This profound improvisation, if it is rejected (leaves no collective trace)
is an example of the trance of separation also seen among the possessed
people of Maradi in Eastern Niger under the influence of a hallucinogen of
the datura family. On the contrary, if the possession is shared by members
of the public who are amongst the faithful, it becomes the progressive
ritual elaboration of a myth, of an object of belief, a conception.
That is how Les maftres fous, long rejected by the Africans, has now
become a historic film giving a rather precise image of what British and
French colonialism was.
A young Niger anthropologist had the first insight into the true meaning
of this film. During 1960 Inoussa Ousseini, a student at the Niamey Lycee
(in the Republic of Niger) started a film club there, and every week he
showed the final-year students films borrowed from all the new embassies
in Niger. In this way Les maftres fous appeared in his program. For him,
a native of Manga, in Bornu, in the extreme east of Niger, it was a real
discovery, because his people did not practise these ritual possessions.
He was like an ethnologist discovering the ritual and culture of another
people. And perhaps too there was some regret. But in the most active
small town of his region, Zinder, there existed a popular theatrical festival
which seemed to him very close to the enigma of the Crazed Masters. If
amongst them there was possession, violent trance, sacrifice, here there
was just one yearly performance in which the entire population took part
in a theatrical re-enactment of an il)1portant historic event, whether real or
226 JEAN ROUCH
imagined. The name of this festival, and the film he made of it, is Wasan
kara, which means "straw game", a fragile game of which there remain
afterwards only a few broken whisps of straw. When Ousseini filmed the
event men who on the great day played the roles of Prefect of Police,
President of the Federation of Nigeria, or his A.D.C., had to abandon their
splendid uniforms the next day to become teachers, butchers or tailors
once more. But between them and their role models, who would have
been a little wary of taking part in a parody of themselves, there sprang
up relations of kinship and joking. It was the birth of catharsis.
For me today this Wasan kara film is a profane echo of the bloody ritual
in Les maftres fous. That the film was made by a young man of Niger with
a local cameraman and recordist represents the first proof of the vitality
of our discipline. In less than fifty years we have been able- to transfer
our techniques into the hands of those who up to now were the passive
subjects of a foreign cinema.
WORLD RENEWAL
equipment there was a filmmaker who started to write all the story of the
film, as the documentarists did at this time. So, when a hunter was killed
by a gorilla they did not, would not film it, because it was not in the script!
This film was screened later along with my own film by Leroi-Gourhan,
who commented that although the Congo film was very impressive tech-
nically, it lacked something else that was to be seen in my film ... I was
very lucky that the professional cameramen there at the time also recog-
nized that I was doing important experimental work, and so told the trade
unionists that they should leave me alone.
I had the professional card of a cameraman from the start, though it was
very difficult to get in France, because one first had to make three films as
an assistant cameraman and two more as second cameraman. But I was a
pioneer in 16mm.: all the other cameramen were shooting in 35mm.
At the end of the 'Fifties I went to a small meeting in Locarno, where
I met Stefan Kudelski, who was then trying to market the earlier Nagra
tape-recorder. He saw some of my films there, and decided to give me
the latest Nagra as an experiment, to see if it would still be working after
a season in Africa under tropical conditions; and it was. The same thing
happened to me with Andre Coutant, who was developing the 16mm Eclair
camera. I was using this equipment under very bad conditions, and I was
also pioneering in the sense that throughout the 'Fifties I was dreaming of
producing synchronous-sound films. The time had come for this: Leacock,
Pennebaker and others who already had lightweight equipment wanted to
achieve the same thing.
This wonderful dialogue between industry and art is now at an end.
When I was working with Coutant and Kudelski, industry was ready to
help us; today they only want to sell us standard equipment.
I never went anywhere to teach, but always to learn: as an anthropologist,
you have to learn from other people. When I taught a summer school at
Harvard, I learnt a great deal from the American students. And when I went
to Ghana for the first time I was driving a station wagon, and at this time
Lam was only a young cook, but I let him drive too; and next thing he said
to Damoure Zika, "I could take the camera and film too!" I think it is very
good to go to such places and show people that they can indeed make films.
Unfortunately now the tools for this have become very complicated. It's
very sad that specialization has taken over everywhere, in flying aeroplanes,
in getting a book published, in writing for the professional journals too.
When I go back to this period over forty years ago I think the first thing
of importance to our discipline was the revolution in the Italian cinema
after the war: Rossellini, Fellini and others wanted to make films but had
little money to do so, and they decided to shoot outside the Rome studios.
228 JEAN ROUCH
This was Italian Neo-Realism, which shot films outdoors without the sound,
and then added the sound with the help of fantastic lip-sync. actors. The
second factor was the revolution in America, when Leacock and others
decided to do away with booms (" fishing-rods", some called them) and
use the "gun" microphones instead, holding them at hip level instead of
above the heads, thus avoiding lots of problems with shadows. The third
revolution came from the production of synchronous-sound equipment that
would be light and portable.
When I showed my first film to villagers in Niger, only about ten people
in the audience had ever seen a film before, and yet they quickly discovered
the flaw in my use of music during the hippopotamus hunt. And then a
man there said: "You made a film about hippo hunting. Come to my place.
I am a lion-hunter. Lion hunting is much better!" So that was the beginning
of a new film (The lion hunters). Damoure Zika was one of the fishermen
there. He was so proud playing with the baby hippopotamus in Bataille
sur le grand fleuve, and he wanted to make another film. At that time I
was thinking of going to Accra, to make a film on the Hauka cult. So
Damoure said to me, "Let'<; make a film about migration, those people
who're going to Accra." And that became Jaguar. All of this followed
from having projected that film in the village: suddenly everyone was free.
They were so happy to see the film over and over: such a thing never
happened over a book in the entire history of anthropology.
When I told this to Marcel Griaule he was very envious, because he had
never had an opportunity to screen his films for the Dogon, which were
in 35mm. At this time he knew that his days were numbered, for he had
already had two heart attacks. He said I was not a very good anthropologist
but I was a good ethnographic filmmaker, and he hoped I would have the
chance to make a film about the Sigui, this extraordinary ritual which the
Dogon have to perform every sixty years ...
So after his death I went back to West Africa with Germaine Dieterlen.
I was not happy about changing my field to the Dogon, because I am not
very good at languages. Worse yet, there are something like ten dialects
in Dogon; but I decided to accompany Germaine anyway to make the
film. We knew the Sigui was going to happen some years after Griaule's
death, and that it was very important. But I did not know why it was
important. It was fantastic that it was now going to happen again, as the
last one had been around 1910, but in the 1960s Mali had a socialist
government which would have nothing to do with tribalism and the old
animistic cults. Yet they gave permission, and we were so moved the first
year when we shot ( 1966) this totally strange ritual. It was nothing like
what Griaule had described, based on data he had collected twenty years
Our Totemic Ancestors and Crazed Masters 229
Nowadays there are only four or five universities in the world that are
training students in visual anthropology, in how to handle a camera, shoot
film, and follow the whole process through. It is particularly urgent that
such training be given. I have the impression that the younger generation
are making films less and less, but are writing more and more about the
subject instead. This could mean that instead of shooting over 110 films
(as I did) they will shoot just four or five films.
And this is a dangerous trend. But, even if there will be only one or two
filmmakers of the third generation (Nadine and Philippe) ready to shoot
the next Sigui in 2026, from my point of view it means that the time for
visual anthropology is coming. 1
FILMOGRAPHY
1 This text has been edited by Paul Hockings from the original version which was
recorded verbally, and was later submitted to Jean Rouch for correction. It was first
published in Cinematographic theory and new dimensions in ethnographic film (Paul
Hockings and Yasuhiro Omori, eds.), [Senri Ethnological Studies no. 24: 225-238]; and
is reproduced in slightly emended form here by kind permission of the Director of the
National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka.
232 JEAN ROUCH
ROUCH, JEAN
1947 Au pays des mages noirs. B & W, 12 mins.
1952 Bataille sur le grand fieuve. Color, 35 mins.
1954 Les maftres fous. Color, 28 mins.
a
1964 La chasse au lion !'arc/The Lion Hunters. Color, 90 mins.
1965 Jaguar. Color, 93 mins.
1966-1974 Sigui Annees 0-VII . Color; series of eight films.
a
1972 Funerailles Bongo: le vieil Anai'. Color, 75 mins.
STORCK, HENRI, AND JORIS IVENS
1933 Borinage/Misere au borinage. B & W, 26 mins.
VIGO, JEAN, AND BORIS KAUFMAN
1929 A propos de Nice, point de vue documente. B & W, 42 mins.
1933 Zero de conduite. B & W, 62 mins.
1934 l'Atalante/Le chaland qui passe. B & W, 89 mins.
WANONO, NADINE
1978 L'huile de Pegou . Color, 15 mins .
1987 Demain, au bout du fieuve ... Color, 40 mins.