Intemattonat Joumal of AMcan Historical studies Vo\.AA, No.

^ (2011) 45

The Benin Royalist Movement and Its Political Opponents:

Controversy over Restoration of the Monarchy, 1897-1914

By Osarhieme Benson Osadolor

University of Benin, Nigeria (osbenosadolor@yahoo.com)

Introduction
The extension of British power over the Benin Empire followed the invasion and conquest
of Benin in Febrtiary 1897.1 with the fall of Benin, the political system of one of the most
powerful precolonial empires of Africa was overttimed by the imposition of colonial rule.2
Britain's determination to control the process of political change and maintain power in the
face of resistance was demonstrated in the hasty trial and deportation of the king (Oba
Ovonramwen) to Calabar in September 1897. The deportation of the king of Benin
demonstrated that the British did not always support strong rulers, as was also the case
with King Jaja of Opobo in the Niger Delta. The regulations and measures imposed by the
British led to continuing crises as the power vacuum created by the exile of the king
affected the political life of Benin. The British attempted to reconfigure political power
among the Benin chiefs by establishing a Native Council of chiefs "who had made their
submission."^ The aim was to advise the resident on custom, sit with him in judicial
hearings, and help to set the government's economic, educational, and other policies in
motion.4 In theory, the British were satisfied that this arrangement would be successful. In
practice, the state of the times was not particularly reassuring for political stability due to
the contestation of power among Benin chiefs.

' For details, see O.B. Osadolor, 'The Military System of Benin Kingdom, c.1400-1897," (Ph.D.
dissertation. University of Hamburg, Germany, 2001, 204-32 (available on the World Wide Web:
http://www.sub.unihamburg.de/disse/544/Disse.pdf); P.A. Igbafe, 'The Fall of Benin: A Reassessment,"
Journal of African History 11, 3 (1970), 385-400; and see also P.A. Igbafe, Benin under British
Administration: The Impact of Colonial Rule on an African Kingdom 1897-1938 (London: Longman Group,
1979).
2 For discussion of the British imperial aggression, see O.B. Osadolor and L.E. Otoide, "Benin
Kingdom in British Imperial Historiography," History in Africa: A Journal of Methods 35, (2008), 401-18;
Barbara Plankensteiner, 'The 'Benin Affair' and Its Consequences," in Barbara Plankensteiner, ed., Benin
Kings and Rituals: Court Arts from Nigeria (Vienna: Kunst Historisches Museum and Uitgeverij, and
Belgium: Snoeck Publishers, 2007), 199-211; Robert Home, City of Blood Revisited: A New Look at the
Benin Expedition of 1897 (London: Rex Collings, 1982).
3 C&CC to Resident Benin 25-3-97. Ben Prof. 2/97, National Archives Ibadan (hereafter NAI). See
also H.F. Marshall (Assistant District Officer), "Intelligence Report on Benin City," 12 August, 1939, WP
1080, Ministry of Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs Archives, Benin City (hereafter MLGA), 15.
4 R.E. Bradbury, Benin Studies (London and New York: Oxford University Press, 1973), 86.
Copyright © 2011 by the Board of Trustees of Boston University.
 46 Osarhieme Benson Osadolor

The British created a new kind of structure for colotiial administration in

establishing a Native Council. But the Benin experience in the interregnum (the period
between the conquest of Benin and the restoration of the monarchy in 1914) was quite
different from the experience in Igboland, where neither a strong ruler nor a centralized
bureaucracy existed.5 At the beginning of colonial administration in Benin, the British
"theory" of Indirect Rule, as formulated by Frederick Lugard, was being applied in the
kingdom of Buganda in East Africa and the emirates of Northem Nigeria in West Africa.6
The Benin situation, however, presented clear deviations from the policy of making use of
traditional African mlers.'^ The British did not rule in theory in the name of the Oba nor his
nominee, but rather with the notion of the "Whiteman" as the king.
However, as British influence steadily reached out, the traditional framework of
govemment collapsed. The collapse of traditional frameworks resulted in the disruption of
the existing, well-defined class and functional relationships in the indigenous political
system of Benin, as was the case in other conquered territories.^ The character and
methods of governance adopted by the British foreshadowed the difficulties of colonial
rule that created major crises and raised a number of issues in contending with the first
phase of British colonial rule in Benin from 1897 to 1914. These were reflected in the
pattern of political conflict and the course of political change.
The period of interregnum from 1897 to 1914 was the flrst phase of British colonial
rule in Benin; a period that saw the first conflict of ideas and institutions used by the
British to dominate Benin. This study is an attempt to assess how the ideas of the Benin
political groups and the political elite shaped their actions within the parameters set by
colonial rule. The colonial period represented the abrupt termination of the independence

5 See for example, A.E. Afigbo, The Warrant Chiefi: Indirect Rule in Southeastern Nigeria, 1891-
1929 (London: Longman Group, 1972).
6 For details, see P.K. Tibenderana, Sokoto Province under British Rule 1903-1939: A Study in
Institutional Adaptation and Culturalization of a Colonized Society in Northem Nigeria (Zaria: Ahmadu
Bello University Press, 1988).
^ See P.A. Igbafe, "British Rule in Benin, 1897-1920: Direct or Indirect Rule?" Joumal of the
Historical Society of Nigeria 4,3 (1967), 701-17.
° The British, like other European powers, were faced with the problem of erecting new political
structures to cover the territories brought under their control. The Nigerian area presented an administrative
problem far more complex. In the 1890s, the territory contained the Colony of Lagos, the Yorubaland
Protectorate, "Oil Rivers" renamed the Niger Coast Protectorate, which covered most of the areas later
known as Midwest (Edo and Delta States) and Eastern Nigeria, and the riverine strip along the Niger and
Benue administered by the Royal Niger Company. In 1900 the Royal Niger Company handed over its
responsibilities to the colonial authorities. At the same time, the Niger Coast Protectorate was renamed
Protectorate of Southern Nigeria. In 1906, Southern Nigeria was linked with Lagos under a single
govemment. See NAI CSO 5/6/2, 28/2/1906, Letters Patent constituting the office of the Govemor and
Commander-in-Chief of the Colony of Southern Nigeria and providing for the Government thereof; NAI
CSO 5/5/9, 16/12/1906, The Southern Nigeria Order-in-Council providing for the government of the
Southern Nigeria Protectorate.
 The Benin Royalist Movement and Its Political Opponents 47

and sovereignty of African states.^ Tbe political campaign of the royalists to restore the
Benin monarchy was confronted with the inevitable change arising from colonial
domination on the one hand, and the reconfiguration of power among tbe Benin chiefs on
the other.
The colonial situation had created an environment of changing structures, goals,
and opportunities for new political interactions and accommodation. In this circumstance,
tbe royalist movement began in 1899 with tbe struggle to bring Oba Ovonramwen back
from exile. The royalists' political opponents, who beneflted from colonial rule but lacked
tbe legitimacy accorded to their precolonial counterparts, began to work against the
restoration of Oba Ovonramwen to the kingship of Benin, and this generated much
controversy over the restoration question. The events of tbe period 1897 to 1914, the years
associated with the restoration of political authority to the traditional ruler in Benin, attest
to the controversy. In the early years of colonial administration, with the Oba eliminated
from the political scene and in the absence of the traditional central authority. Chief Agho
Obaseki became the most prominent among tbe Benin chiefs to collaborate with the
British. Later, in 1899, the plans of royalists at Urhonigbe to mobilize to overthrow the
colonial administration were exposed to the British by their political opponents. In 1906
another planned military resistance of the royalists was betrayed by their political
opponents and caused a general panic that became known as the "Benin Scare" of 1906.
And when the British finally accepted the demands for restoration in 1914, tbere was the
question of how to proceed: continue with the Eweka dynasty, or establish a new dynasty
as advocated by tbe anti-Eweka political coalition.
The imposition of a new system of political authority undermined "traditional"
authority structures and eventually led to new sociopolitical formations tbat vied for power
and authority. This was to lead to cross-cutting interests and obligations that played out in
tbe struggle for the restoration of the monarchy.
The desire for power and prestige had a significant influence on the nature and
character of political comp)etition, conflict, and compromise in precolonial Benin. Hence
the political rivalry and social conflict between royalists and their political opponents serve
to illustrate the extent to which the struggle for the restoration of the monarchy wa also
dependent on the struggle for economic power. With the Oba in exile, the British and their
collaborators bristled with the difficulties of direct confrontation with the Council of State

' The loss of independence and sovereignty was the consequence of European invasion and conquest of
Africa, which remains one of the most significant historical movements in modern world history. From the
1880s up to the early twentieth century, Africa was conquered, partitioned and effectively colonized in such a
bold and coordinated manner that had no precedent in African history. For details, see A. Kirk-Greene,
Britain's Imperial Administrators 1858-1966 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000); T. Falola, 77!« History
of Nigeria (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1999); B. Freund, The Making of Contemporary Africa: The
Development of African Societies since 1800 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998); A. Porter, European
Imperialism (London: Macmillan, 1994); T. Pakenham, The Scramble for Africa, 1876-1912 (New York:
Random House, 1991); A. Adu Boahen, ed., Africa under Colonial Domination 1880-1935 UNESCO
General History of Africa VII (Paris: UNESCO, 1985); J. Hargreaves, West Africa Partitioned, 2 vols.
(Harlow UK: Longman, 1974).
48 Osarhieme Benson Osadolor

that formed the top hierarchy of councils and chiefs. The chiefs appointed by the British
were not accorded authority by the chiefs whose traditional positions and authority were
undermined by new sociopolitical formations, i" It would be many years before the British
began to grasp even an approximate understanding of the stmcture of the traditional
polity. 11
With the removal of Oba Ovonramwen and the redistribution of political power
and authority, the British colonial administrators deliberately ignored the three great orders
of chieftaincy—the hereditary Umma, the Eghaevbo n'Ore (town chiefs), and the
Eghaevbo n'Ogbe (palace chiefs)—which among them were responsible for the continuity
and government of the state. 12 The British were not so interested in understanding the
administrative system and the nature of political competition in Benin. Rather, they created
an administrative machine that consisted of their own officials and a few selected chiefs to
be used as instruments for the execution of their will. The chiefs were classified as major
and minor, according to their usefulness in colonial administration, i^
This attempt at institutional adaptation led to the establishment of the Benin Native
Council to provide a framework of colonial administration for the Benin territories. The
British resident was president of the Council. Some Benin chiefs, the Oshodi and the
Osague, were appointed members in June 1897; a month later the Ehondo and the
Obahiagbon were appointed, and in September 1897 the membership included the Iyase,
Arase, Osula, and Ero.i4 Chiefs Inneh, Obaseki, Ezomo, Ayobahan, Imaran, and Uwangue,
who demonstrated their willingness to work with the colonial administrators, were
appointed to the council before the end of 1897.15 From this pool of chiefs, the British
appointed "paramount chiefs" in charge of specific towns and villages. All the village
heads—Odionwere or Oteevèo—were responsible to them for forced labor and taxation in
order to bear the burden of colonial administration. While some of the paramount chiefs
were engaged in excesses and malpractice, others were careful not to excite open revolt
British colonial rule brought varying responses, and a group of Benin political
elites was fully persuaded that the alien culture threatened to destroy Benin cultural values
and society. The deportation of Oba Ovonramwen meant the abolition of the traditional
central authority in Benin. The British had taken the place of the Oba in the administration
of Benin. In fact. Sir Ralph Moor had declared after the deportation of the Oba: "Now this
is the Whiteman's country. There is only one king in the country and that is the
Whiteman.... Ovonrami is no longer king of this country—the Whiteman is the only mati
who is king in this country and to him only is service due."i^ Moor's declaration was ati

10 Bradbury, Benin Studies, 86.

11 Ibid.
12 For details on eligibility for chiefly offiee in the precolonial Benin polity, and the conduct of public
affairs, see Marshall, "Intelligence Report on Benin City," 18-31; Bradbury, Benin Studies, 77-84.
13 Igbafe, Benin under British Administration, 118.
14 Marshal, "Intelligence Report on Benin City," 31.
15 Ibid.
1Ö Moor to Foreign Office, September 1,1897, CSO 1/3/1, NAI.
 The Benin Royalist Movement and Its Political Opponents 49

indication that the British did not fully understand the Benin society they were dealing
with.

Emergence of the Royalist Movement

In 1899 at Urhonigbe, the southeastem fortress of the Benin kingdom,'"' the royalist group
was organized as an underground movement for the restoration of the Benin monarchy.
Crown Prince Aiguobasimwin, the eldest son of Oba Ovonramwen, went to Urhonigbe
with some Benin chiefs and members of the royal family to seek refuge after the sack of
Benin City in 1897 and took over leadership of the movement. Prince Aiguobasimwin, like
many people of Benin, was pained by the tragedy of British conquest. He never accepted
the new situation that arose after the defeat and exile of his father. The royalist movement
was organized as a broad based sociopolitical association with sizeable popular support for
the restoration of the Eweka dynasty dethroned in 1897. When a dynasty loses power, the
effort to restore that power is usually associated with specific claims to the dethroned
dynasty, which also seeks the support of those who had once benefited from its power or
were very close followers of the dynasty.i8
The argument over tradition, legal continuity, and legitimacy constituted the core
issues in the restoration question and therefore formed the basis of the political ideas that
shaped the political action of the royalist movement. The interregnal situation encouraged
the growth of a new sentiment among some Benin political actors, who therefore began to
advocate for the restoration of the Benin monarchy on the specific claims of the Eweka
dynasty. Since the Whiteman, in the words of Ralph Moor, was now king in the country,
the royalist movement therefore, involved a certain dilemma in terms of political action.
Was it to bring back Ovonramwen from exile and continue the resistance to colonial rule?
The essence of restoration of the monarchy was the distaste for British colonial rule,
indicating how the royalists felt that the retum of Oba Ovonramwen from exile in Calabar
would also restore the structures and authority of the precolonial Benin political system. It
is interesting to understand how these questions agitated the royalists in challenging the
legitimacy of the colonial power.
It is important to understand that in the precolonial period, the legitimacy of the
political order depended on the compact between the Oba and the subjects. The Oba was
regarded as the symbol of unity of the Benin people and more importantly, the source of
authority and power in the state. Even with his divine attributes, the Oba was still a
political king involved in the struggle for power with his chiefs.'^ However, the struggle
for the restoration of Benin monarchy created a problem of its own. The royalist campaign

'^ In the absence of an Oba, the people of Urhonigbe did not acknowledge the authority of the British
nor of their paramount chiefs until 1914 when the monarchy was restored. The colonialists classified them as
dissident elements and the conflict became known as the Urhonigbe affair. See J. Macrae Simpson,
"Intelligence Report on Benin Division," Benin Divisional Papers, 1936, Ministry of Local Government
Library, Benin City. See also Bradbury, Benin Studies, 94-95.
'^ Robert A. Kann, The Problem of Restoration: A Study in Comparative Political History (Berkeley
and Los Angeles: University of Califomia Press, 1968), 385.
'^ See Bradbury, Benin Studies, 76-128.
 50 Osarhieme Benson Osadolor

for the return of Oba Ovonramwen conflicted with the political interests and opportunities
of the new group of chiefs appointed by the British. Colonialism had introduced new
ingredients of power, and therefore those who opposed the retum of Ovonramwen were
classified as "enemies" and political opponents of the royalists.
The royalist movement at Urhonigbe suffered a setback in 1899 due to opposition
from their political opponents, the elite chiefs in Benin City, who exposed them to the
British colonial authorities. The local historian of Benin, Jacob Egharevba explained it this
way:
Early in 1899 his enemies falsely reported to the British in Benin city that he
(Prince Aiguobasimwin) was preparing to attack them on behalf of his father, so
soldiers were sent to Urhonigbe. Hearing that they were coming he tried to flee to
his father at Calabar, by way of Agbor and Asaba but he was forced to return to
Benin City via Gwatto (Ughoton) creek on 25 June by the order of Ralph Moor.20
The early royalist mobilization effort was weakened by this development, but more
importantly, the royalist group at Urhonigbe did not posses sufficient resources—military
and economic—to sustain a prolonged military campaign against the British for the return
of Ovonramwen. For this reason. Prince Aiguobasimwin was forced by the British to
return to Benin City.
Aiguobasimwin was appointed a paramount chief soon after his return to Benin
City in 1899. Aiguobasimwin's position and prestige as a member of the Native Council
carried considerable weight with the British, but he never accepted the defeat and exile of
his father. While administering his functions, the reality of the social repercussions of
colonial rule in Benin became more glaring and reinforced the struggle for the restoration
of the monarchy. This forced a reassessment of the royalists strategies and in particular the
mobilization of political strength and resources for the military defeat of the British, The
decision of Prince Aiguobasimwin to serve under the British may be interpreted as
cooperating with the colonial administration. However, it was defended as an exigency in a
period of transition or interregnum.21 To a greater or lesser degree, the political influence
of British rule had undermined royal influence and royal power. As a member of the
Native Council, Prince Aiguobasimwin was forced to accept the limits of the new power.
As one might expect, the British were not objective with regard to the selection of chiefs
who played major roles in the day-to-day conduct of public affairs. The actions of the
political players in terms of collaboration or resistance determined how the British worked
with them.
In these circumstances, the early years of the interregnum created a situation
conducive to a new pattern of conflict. A political faction had coalesced through the Iyase
Okizi, challenging the Eweka dynasty and pressing for the establishment of a new dynasty

20 J.U. Egharevba, A Short History of Benin, 4th ed. (Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, 1968), 61.
^1 Chief D.U. Edebiri, the Esogban of Benin and second in the hierarchy of Eghaevbo n'Ore (Benin
Town Chiefs), writer and local historian of Benin, interview by author, Benin City, April 21,2007.
 The Benin Royalist Movement and Its Political Opponents 51

in the event that the monarchy was restored. The Iyase Okizi was the senior war chief22 of
the deposed Oba, and by virtue of his position and as head of the Eghaevbo n'Ore, he was
traditionally associated with the political antagonism to the Oba and his court.23 He was
the Oba's first subject and "had a unique right to challenge the king's action in public."2'*
After the Oba went into exile, the Iyase Okizi tried to assume leadership of the state, "and
even had a palace built for himself in the country north of the city, but his schemes were
brought to a sudden end by his death in 1900. "25
Since a political faction had coalesced around the Iyase Okizi, his death ended the
political conflict with the Crown Prince and heir apparent. Thus the next stage was set for
careful planning and organization of the royalist movement. For the next few years, the
ideas of the royalists began to permeate, albeit secretly, the thinking of those who favored
restoration of the status quo. Meetings were held at night and members took oaths of
secrecy. Up to 1906, many villages and towns in the Benin territory had joined the
movement. By the end of August of the same year, all villages in Benin consented to the
plans of the royalists. As members raised funds for the pursuit of their goal, most villages
refused to pay their tribute to the paramount chiefs and preferred to pay it to the
movement.26
The royalists desperately wished for Oba Ovonramwen's return from exile and the
restoration of the position existing before 1897; they also emphasized the need to eliminate
all Europeans.27 The royalists mobilized politically for military resistance to British
colonial occupation. In working towards this goal, the purchase of guns and gunpowder in
large quantities from the Itsekiri traders at Sapele and the Benin River increased.28 In
essence, military action was to be combined with political action in the struggle against
colonialism. In mobilizing the people, inflammatory speeches were made by Igiehon, the
chief spokesman of the movement, who presided over meetings that were organized in the
villages.
As a result of these events, those chiefs who accepted to work with the British
became targets of the Benin insurgency. In particular, the royalists wanted nothing to do

22 As a military commander, his rank was equal to that of the Ezomo, both of whom were the highest
ranking military commanders in Benin Empire. In the nineteenth century, the command structure of the
Benin Army was reformed in that two altemative commands were created. One was led by the Ezomo
{Uzama) assisted by the Ologbosere; and the other by the Iyase {Eghaevbo) with the Edogun as his second-
in-command. When the era of warrior kings in Benin ended at the beginning of the seventeenth century, the
Iyase became the commander-in-chief of the Benin Army until the reforms of the early nineteenth century.

23 Dr. O.S.B. Omoregie, retired educational planner with National Universities Commission (Nigeria),
author and local historian of Benin, interview by author, Benin City, March 30,2007.
24 Bradbury, Benin Studies, 80.
25 Home, City of Blood Revisited, 121.
26 Dr. Ekhaguosa Aisien, a Consultant Surgeon, and non-academic historian of Benin, interview by
author, Benin City, March 29,2007.
27 Egerton to Elgin, 31 October 1906, (enclosures), CSO 1/15/10, NAI.
28 Igbafe, Benin under British Administration, 126.
52 Osarhieme Benson Osadolor

with Chief Agho Obaseki, who had become so powerful in colonial Benin politics. The
sterling qualities of leadership, strength of character and personal integrity of Chief
Obaseki made him an outstanding Benin chief during this period. The British had
appointed him a member of the Benin Native Council in 1897, and in less than three years
other Benin chiefs became discontented with him because of his power and influence.
Before the British conquest, Obaseki was already a major player in Benin politics. When
Ovonramwen ascended the throne in 1888, he had the new title "Obaseki" conferred on
Agbo in 1889.29 This was in recognition of his success in trade, loyalty, and proven
integrity for which "Ovonramwen always reasoned and consulted him in all affairs through
his steady actions."30 To enhance Obaseki's status, the Oba gave him about 100 slaves
from among the captives of the Uwanku war.3' Obaseki contributed to tbe Benin war effort
during the punitive expedition of 1897, and was with the Oba during his flight from the
city after the fall of Benin. The Oba had sent him from Erua village to view the city in
April 1897 when he was detained by the British officer Alfred Turner, and was appointed a
member of the Native Council. "It is one of the ironies of the history of Benin," argues
Philip Igbafe that "the same Obaseki was to seek to usurp the powers of the Oba in the
period from about 1900 to 1920.'^2 According to Igbafe, Obaseki was not just a power
seeker who was ungrateful to tbe man who had raised him to prominence, but "if we are to
understand why and how this situation came about, we must look into tbe history of Benin
under the British from 1897-1920, the years during which Obaseki dominated the
historical scene of Benin.'^3

Chief Obaseki's new status under colonial rule in the absence of the Oba of Benin
had altered tbe balance of power among Benin chiefs. This led occasionally to protests by
those who considered his intransigence as the real obstacle to the retum of Ovonramwen
from exile. While Chief Obaseki served as vice president of the Native Council, all chiefs
had to go through bim to see the resident. However, the chiefs were able to skillfully effect
changes in the Council such that the vice presidency rotated for a month at a time among
the chiefs, and they were to deal directly with the resident or British officer rather than go
through Obaseki. In spite of this, Obaseki did not negotiate his loyalty to the British
officers, wbo came to rely on him with an increasing measure of confidence.
Whether the people backed Obaseki or were against him, tbe interregnal situation,
with its alien political culture, was denounced by the royalists as being incongruous with
the constitution of Benin. The royalist movement therefore, broadened its aims to include a
retum to a hierarchically graded officialdom under the Oba. They denounced the absurdity
of the new ranking of Benin chiefs by the British, and began to plot the demise of Chief
Obaseki. As the struggle for restoration of the monarchy intensifled. Prince

29 J.U. Egharevba, Concise Lives of the Famous Iyases of Benin (1946; reprint, Nendeln
[Liechtenstein]: Kraus, 1973), 41.
30 Ibid.
3 ' Ibid.

32 P.A. Igbafe, Obaseki of Benin (London: Heinemann Educational Books, 1972), 15.
33 Ibid.
 The Benin Royalist Movement and Its Political Opponents 53

Aiguobasimwin and Chief Ebeigbodin hosted meetings of the Royalists in Benin City and
also administered the machinery of justice to the group. They solicited the support of the
leading chiefs in the colonial administration, and many refused to accept the invitation to
join the royalists.
On September 2, 1906 four prominent chiefs—Obaseki, Obayagbon, Iyamu, and
Ayobayan—were invited by the royalists to join in the stmggle to bring Oba Ovonramwen
back from exile. They refused the invitation and instead revealed details of the political
movement to the British colonial authorities. Was the betrayal a continuation of the
conflict and power struggle between the Oba and his chiefs? Or was it an attempt to sever
their links with the past politics? Or did the British political strategy of divide and rule
make it impossible for them to discover a common basis of understanding despite the
existence of political rivalry and conflict? The attempt to answer these questions may
begin with an understanding of the socioeconomic factors involved as well as the interplay
of political factors arising from new sociopolitical formations under colonial rule. While
the royalists were determined to pursue their political objectives of restoration of the
monarchy, their opponents preferred to retain their positions and prestige in colonial
administration.
The Royalists and Their Political Opponents
The Benin royalist movement was organized to resist British colonial occupation, but the
movement had to confront the actions of other political players who collaborated with the
British. This created an environment for political cotiflict, mistmst, and distrust that led to
the betrayal of the royalists. The betrayal of the royalists by their political opponents thus
reveals another type of the pattem of political conflict in the controversy about restoration
of the Benin monarchy. The four prominent chiefs who had rejected the invitation to join
the royalist movement (Agho Obaseki, Obayagbon, Iyamu, and Ayobahan) exposed details
of the activities of the political group to the District Commissioner. The betrayal of the
royalists produced a general panic that became known as the "Benin Scare" of 1906.^4
Many Itsekiri traders hurriedly moved away from the Benin district and Lagos traders
asked for British protection.35 In exposing details of the political movement. Chief Obaseki
informed the district commissioner that the secret meetings were of a bad character; that
too many people had joined the meetings and had sworn to a powerful juju, and that guns
and powder were being purchased in unusually large quantities from the various

The British officers reacted swiftly to what they considered a threat to peace and
security by an insurgent group. Telegraphic reports were sent from Benin City for force
deployment. The initial response was the deployment of 100 troops of the Southem
Nigerian Regiment under the command of Lt. Colonel H.C. Moorhouse and two maxim
guns to Benin. Prince Aiguobasimwin was arrested and summoned to the Native Court

34Fosbery to Elgin, conf. of 22 September 1906, CSO 1.15.9, NAI.

35 Ibid.
36 P.A. Igbafe, The Nemesis of Power: Agho Obaseki and Benin Politics 1897-1956 (Lagos:
Macmillan Nigeria Publishers, 1991), 18.
 54 Osarhieme Benson Osadolor

Hall by the British officers to defend himself. He was accused of treason and attempting to
declare war. He defended himself, and chief Ogboghodo also spoke broadly in defense of
the Prince. He was acquitted and set free after soldiers and police had search his house and
found no ammunition. On September 24 of the same year. Captain Heywood and more
than 300 soldiers landed in Benin. Captain Rudkin took over operations of Benin City and
the district, with his troops marching through the villages and harassing the people. Farms,
livestock, and even villages were destroyed by military patrols. British authority was re-
established with the use of force and violence. It was, at least, a triumph for the political
opponents of the royalists.
The events of 1906 demonstrated in a striking way the political implications of a
deliberate dismption of any political process. Before 1897, the intemal dynamics within
Benin society had produced a political culture rooted in historical awareness keenly felt
and renewed by each succeeding generation. Thus the political institutions that evolved
were the products of generations and centuries of change. The disruption of the process by
an uncomprehending colonial administration merely created instability and uncertainty.
Different types of political system develop and function under specific social
conditions. In the case of Benin, colonial rule ignored the fact that the precolonial political
system as an integral part of the society's organization and social stmcture. The
deportation of the Oba of Benin meant that the state could no longer be govemed as it had
before; this created a completely new political situation that ignored several chiefs or left
many on the fringes of political power.3'7 This also led to the hostility between royalists
and their political opponents who were afraid of endangering their political positions
should Oba Ovonramwen be allowed to retum from exile. The Oba's retum would mean
revival of the old order and retum to the status quo, which might relegate them to the
background of Benin politics.
In 1908, the British appointed Chief Agho Obaseki a paramount chief over Benin
City and its environs without taking into consideration the precolonial seniority of the
chieftaincy hierarchy. This position gave him a great deal of authority; in the absence of an
Oba he became, more or less, an uncrowned Oba. Chief Obaseki, of course, had applied
himself to his work with commendable industry and an impressive degree of efficiency.38
The British officers had no doubt in his ability to perform as a king would have performed
under the new political situation. Obaseki was awarded major contracts in addition to
"taking care" of villages in his charge.39 In an attempt to explain the conflict between
Aiguobasimwin and Obaseki, Igbafe argues that, "the crisis of 1906 revealed the latent
hostility between the Benin ruling house under Aiguobasimwin and Chief Agho Obaseki
as the man who had gradually occupied a position befitting the Oba of Benin or his heir."*"
Obaseki was the most prominent chief and his cooperation carried the greatest weight with

3'^ Igbafe, Benin under British Administration, 128.

38 H.O. Swantson to Captain J.E.H Humphrey, 15.3.07, Handing Over Notes, Ben Div. 13/1, 1, NAL
See also Annual Report, Benin City District, 1907,13/5, NAL
39 R.H. Raikes to Mr. T. Dann, 4.4.09, Handing Over Notes, Benin City District, Ben Div. 13/2, NAL
"*" Igbafe, The Nemesis of Power, 21.
 The Benin Royalist Movement and Its Political Opponents 55

Other chiefs. His services were of "real value" to the colonial government as he was the
most prominent supporter of colonial administration among the Benin chiefs. In 1912, Oba
Ovonramwen gave his daughter. Princess Orinmwiame (from exile in Calabar), to Chief
Agho Obaseki in marriage in Benin City.4i This event boosted Obaseki's political career
and undoubtedly sustained confidence in him as a leader of Benin chiefs, since the Oba
usually rewarded successful personalities in society with such marriages.

The 1914 Restoration Question

The interplay of four factors combined to force the British to rethink the desirability of
restoring the Benin monarchy in 1914. First, the reported death of Oba Ovonramwen on 13
January 1914 in Calabar42 provided an opportunity for the royalists to renew the struggle
for the restoration of the Benin monarchy. Prince Aiguobasimwin, leader of the royalists,
was seen as the legitimate successor to his father according to the rule of primogeniture.
Under colonial rule, the Oba of Benin had become a title that no longer denoted
sovereignty. The is because the fraudulent treaty that the British government imposed on
Oba Ovonramwen on 26 March 1892, and which he refused to sign, vested supreme
authority for the administration of the territories of the Oba of Benin in the British
crown.43
The second factor was the threat of insurrection that grew from the unpopularity of
the rtiling clique. The chiefs collaborating with the British were wholly unacceptable to the
Benin people. The earlier colonial policy of eliminating the indigenous institutions was
considered to be inconsistent with the indirect rule system of government. Hence, British
ideas of imperial rule in Benin began to favor the preservation of all the essential elements
of the indigenous political structure and the incorporation of these values into the
framework of colonial administration.
The third factor was the British proposal to reconstitute the provinces in Nigeria
and use Benin as the headquarters of one of the provinces in Southern Nigeria.44 The
British needed a strong and powerful ruler at the center. Hence, after realizing that the
administrative changes that they effected in the last seventeen years had rendered the
Benin political institutions inert and ineffective as organs of colonial administration, the

41 Egharevba, Concise Lives, 42.

42 It is doubtful if Oba Ovonramwen died in 1914 in Calabar. There are photographs of his life in exile
in Calabar with his family and personal assistants. Up to the present day, there is not a trace of any member
of his family in Calabar after his death was reported by the British. Considering the proposals of Lord Lugard
in 1913 for the creation of a unified Nigeria in 1914, and the extension of indirect rule to Benin, Oba
Ovonramwen was seen as the last obstacle to the restoration of the monarchy in Benin. The British also knew
that so long as Oba Ovonramwen was alive in Calabar, no other Oba could be installed. This is one aspect of
the restoration question that requires further investigations.
43 Text of the treaty is reproduced in Egharevba, Short History, 86-88. See also L.E. Otoide, "Prelude
to the British 'Punitive Expedition' to Benin: An Analysis of the Gallwey Treaty of 1882," in Akinwumi
Ogundiran, ed., Precolonial Nigeria: Essays in Honor of Toyin Falola (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press,
2005), 525-36.
44 A.C. Bums, History of Nigeria (London: Allen and Unwin, 1929), 217.
 56 Osarhieme Benson Osadolor

British began to consider the desirability of restoring the institution of monarchy in Benin,
which they had nearly succeeded in destroying.
The fourth factor may be related to the desires of Lord Lugard, who was anxious to
extend the colonial administrative system of indirect rule to the south of Nigeria. Lugard
put forward his case this way: "it seems to me that the Benin and its subordinate towns is
the chief place in Southern Nigeria where the system in operation in Northern Nigeria
might be successfully tried...."45 The British theory of colonial administration was most
clearly formulated by Lugard in his book, and became known as the system of indirect
rule.46 The system afforded the British minimum personnel to cheaply and effectively
administer its vast territories in Africa.
In January 1914, Lugard had created a unified Nigeria—a polity that possessed a
larger and more heterogeneous population than any other territory in Africa. The decision
was cleariy one of the most momentous taken by a colonial power in the first half of the
twentieth century. The decision to unify Nigeria did not result from the pressure of local
political groups; it derived from considerations of administrative conveniences as
interpreted by a colonial power. The two Nigerias, in Lugard's own words, presented the
"anomaly of a territory, undivided by any natural boundaries, of which one portion
(Southern Nigeria) was wealthy and able to spend large sums on development not of
paramount urgency, while the remaining portion (Northem Nigeria) ... could not balance
its budget and the British taxpayer was called upon to pay the larger part of its bare
necessities of administration."^'^ The British were not only concemed about the
effectiveness of colonial administration, but also its costs, and therefore raised the practice
of using traditional African rulers to a "theory" of colonial administration.
The success of the British policy would depend on the cooperation of the traditional
institutions and authorities, and in the case of Benin, on the restoration of the institution of
the monarchy. The British finally bowed to the pressure of the royalists on the need to
restore the monarchy. They insisted, however, that the Oba be on probation for one year to
enable the British officers to formulate a scheme of direct taxation under district heads.48
The formal confirmation of the Oba's installation was contingent upon his approval of this
taxation scheme. It is understandable, of course, that the government had the power to
maintain law and order.
With these factors as the driving force for restoration of the monarchy, the political
opponents of the royalists began their scheme to establish a new dynasty. This generated
another pattem of conflict between Prince Aiguobasimwin and his political opponents led
by the Obaseki and the Ezomo. History and tradition stood on the side of Prince

45 Cited in Igbafe, Benin under British Administration, 142.

46 Frederick Lugard, The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa (London: Blackwood & Sons,
1922).
4"^ Sir Frederick Lugard's "confidential" proposals on the amalgamation of Nigertia, May 1913,
AK/K2, NAI in A.H.M. Kirk-Greene, ed., Lugard and the Amalgamation of Nigeria: A Documentary Record
(London: Taylor & Francis, 1968), 224.
48 Installation of the new Oba of Benin, Ben Prof. 1/280, NAI.
 The Benin Royalist Movement and Its Political Opponents 57

Aiguobasimwin, but he anticipated a bitter and lengthy battle.^^ The reason being that Mr.
James Watt, who was the Commissioner for Benin Province, favored the appointment of
Chief Agho Obaseki as the new Oba of Benin. Chief Obaseki was a challenger not to the
idea of monarchy, but to the existing dynasty. The British officer believed he was an
indispensable candidate for the throne considering his leadership role since 1897. Watt
began his plot to forstall Prince Aiguobasimwin by secretly meeting with Chief Obaseki to
inquire about the law of succession in Benin and whether a non-member of the royal
family could reign. Chief Obaseki conflded in Watt bis willingness to accept the offer of
appointment as Oba, thus ushering in a period of bitter struggle for the throne of Benin.
James Watt summoned Prince Aiguobasimwin and other notable Benin chiefs
(including Obaseki, Eson, Ezomo, and Ero) to a series of interviews. Watt disclosed to
them that be had instructions to make an Oba in Benin. Although he questioned the chiefs
on the succession procedure in Benin law and custom, and other aspects of Benin history,
he also wanted to know if the chiefs would prefer Prince Aiguobasimwin to chief Obaseki
as the Oba of Benin. Obaseki and Ezomo strongly opposed Aiguobasimwin on the grounds
of their loyalty to the British. Prince Aiguobasimwin implored James Watt to thoroughly
investigate the matter, which was supported by Chief Eson and Chief Ero. The meeting
adjoumed due to Watt's inability to make an immediate decision.5" This was clear
evidence tbat he was reluctant to support Aiguobasimwin as the Oba of Benin. Bradbury
argues that James Watt, tbe then resident at Benin, would certainly bave welcomed the
accession of tbe government's most trusted agent had there been any chance of
legitimizing iL^'
Meanwhile, the royalists worked out another strategy to petition King George V
and tbe secretary of state. Prince Aiguobasimwin signed the letters dated 26 February
1914, requesting their intervention and protection.^^ Lorj Lugard on the other hand, sent
Colonel H.C. Moorhouse, Secretary for Southem Provinces, to Benin for an assessment of
the issues and problems involved in the restoration of an Oba in Benin.53 jj^g findings of
Colonel Moorhouse confirmed the views of the embattled prince, as well as that of chiefs
Ero, Eson, and their supporters. Prince Aiguobasimwin was declared the indisputable

^^ This was obviously a replay of the mischief and malice in the interregnum, which followed the
collapse of the Ogiso dynasty (the first dynasty of 32 kings) in early Benin history, and the beginning of the
Eweka dynasty in c. 1200 AD. Hence, with the restoration of the monarchy in 1914, Prince Aiguobasimwin
took the title of Oba Eweka II.
^ For details of the meetings, see the Benin Native Council papers of 1914 at the library and archive of
the Benin Traditional Council, Benin City. See also P.A. Talbot's survey of the political history of Benin
under British rule, 7 September 1920, and his work on The Peoples of Southem Nigeria, 4 vols. (London:
Oxford University Press, 1926).
^' Bradbury, Benin Studies, 97.
^2 See Home, City of Blood Revisited 121.
53 Lugard (Governor-General) to Lewis Harcourt (S of S) 31 July 1914, CSO 1/23.9, NAI.
58 Osarhieme Benson Osadolor

choice for the throne; accordingly, James Watt and Moorhouse strongly recommended that
Aiguobasimwin should be allowed to succeed his father as the king of Benin.54
The petition was successful, resulting in the triumph of the royalists. On April 20,
1914, Aiguobasimwin was offlcially recognized as the Edaiken and heir apparent, with all
due pomp and pageantry at the investiture ceremony. Chief Obaseki was disappointed,
which explains his absence from the coronation ceremony on July 24, 1914, when Prince
Aiguobasimwin was crowned as Oba Eweka II. The struggle for restoration of the
monarchy in Benin was over, but the political conflict was not. The restoration made it
possible for the Oba to restore many of the traditional customs and to work closely with
the British for appointment and suspension in the Oba's Council.55 With the British
colonial officers reserving all rights to policy-making and the allocation of administrative
responsibilities, they appointed Chief Agho Obaseki as the Iyase of Benin.
The political conflict assumed a new dimension as the Obaseki, now the Iyase,
"resented surrendering much of his power and influence to the new Oba"56 This type of
conflict was of a personal struggle for power. The condition for this conflict is found in
what was not restored: the Oba's power to rehabilitate the precolonial Benin polity, as the
British refused to transfer to him the power that had been acquired by Obaseki and other
elite chiefs. Perhaps the most important aspect of the restoration is to be found in what was
not restored to the power and authority of the Oba of Benin in 1914. Following the
restoration of political authority to the Benin monarchy, a native administration was
introduced that usurped some of the traditional powers of the Oba. In the administration of
justice, lawmaking and rulership, the Oba was subject to the colonial authorities and could
not take action on any matter without due regard to and consultations with the British
administrators. From 1914 the Oba lived under a façade of real power. The consequence
was the political crisis and conflict that characterized the second phase of British mle in
Benin from 1914 to 1932. This led to the reorganization of the native administration of
Benin from 1932.

Conclusion
The restoration of the Benin monarchy to the Eweka dynasty in 1914 was largely effected
through the support of chiefs and the people, who were convinced of the specific claims of
the dethroned dynasty based on tradition, legal continuity, and the legitimacy of succession
by primogeniture according to Benin law and customs. The seventeen-year interregnum
from 1897 to 1914 had created an environment of changing structures, goals, and
opportunities for new political interactions and accommodation. It had, nevertheless, a
history of mischief and malice arising from the continued resistance in keeping British
domination from becoming permanent. This determined the pattern of political conflict and
the course of political change as reflected in the controversy between the royalists and their
political opponents in resolving the restoration question. The restoration of political

54 Ibid.
55 Oba's Council, appointments and suspension, Ben Prof. 1/281, NAI.
56 Home, City of Blood Revisited 122.
 The Benin Royalist Movement and Its Political Opponents 59

authority to the traditional ruler in Benin in 1914 was a triumph for the royalists, and Chief
Obaseki should be appreciated not as a challenger to the idea of monarchy, but rather to the
existing dynasty.
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