RFK Lawsuit Against Biden Regime

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Case 3:23-cv-00381-TAD-KDM Document 1 Filed 03/24/23 Page 1 of 120 PageID #: 1

IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT


FOR THE WESTERN DISTRICT OF LOUISIANA
MONROE DIVISION

ROBERT F. KENNEDY, JR.,


CHILDREN’S HEALTH DEFENSE,
& CONNIE SAMPOGNARO, individually
and on behalf of all others similarly situated, No. ________________

Plaintiffs,

v.

JOSEPH R. BIDEN, JR., in his official JURY TRIAL DEMANDED


capacity as President of the United States;

KARINE JEAN-PIERRE, in her official


capacity as White House Press Secretary;
CLASS ACTION
VIVEK H. MURTHY, in his official
Capacity as Surgeon General of the
United States;

XAVIER BECERRA, in his official


capacity as Secretary of the Department of
Health and Human Services;

DR. ANTHONY FAUCI, in his official


capacity as Director of the National Institute
of Allergy and Infectious Diseases and as
Chief Medical Advisor to the President;

NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF ALLERGY


AND INFECTIOUS DISEASES;

CENTERS FOR DISEASE CONTROL


AND PREVENTION;

CAROL Y. CRAWFORD, in her official


capacity as Chief of the Digital Media
Case 3:23-cv-00381-TAD-KDM Document 1 Filed 03/24/23 Page 2 of 120 PageID #: 2

Branch of the Division of Public Affairs


within the Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention;

UNITED STATES CENSUS BUREAU,


a.k.a. BUREAU OF THE CENSUS;

JENNIFER SHOPKORN, in her official


capacity as Senior Advisor for
Communications in the U.S. Census Bureau;

DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE;

ALEJANDRO MAYORKAS, in his official


capacity as Secretary of the Department of
Homeland Security;

ROBERT SILVERS, in his official capacity


as Under Secretary of the Office of Strategy,
Policy, and Plans within DHS

SAMANTHA VINOGRAD, in her official


capacity as Senior Counselor for National
Security in the Office of the Secretary
for DHS;

DEPARTMENT OF HOMELAND
SECURITY;

JEN EASTERLY, in her official capacity


as Director of the Cybersecurity and
Infrastructure Security Agency;

CYBERSECURITY AND
INFRASTRUCTURE SECURITY
AGENCY;

GINA McCARTHY, in her official capacity


as White House National Climate Advisor;
Case 3:23-cv-00381-TAD-KDM Document 1 Filed 03/24/23 Page 3 of 120 PageID #: 3

NINA JANKOWICZ, in her official capacity


as director of the so-called “Disinformation
Governance Board” within DHS;

ANDREW SLAVITT, in his official capacity


as White House Senior COVID-10 Advisor;

ROB FLAHERTY, in his official capacity as


Deputy Assistant to the President and
Director of Digital Strategy at the White
House;

COURTNEY ROWE, in her official capacity


as White House Covid-19 Director of
Strategic Communications and Engagement;

CLARKE HUMPHREY, in her official


capacity as White House Digital Director for
the Covid-19 Response Team;

BENJAMIN WAKANA, in his official


capacity as the Deputy Director of Strategic
Communications and Engagement at the
White House COVID-19 Response Team;

DANA REMUS, in her official capacity as


Counsel to the President;

AISHA SHAH, in her official capacity as


White House Partnerships Manager,

LAURA ROSENBERGER, in her official


capacity as Special Assistant to the President,

MINA HSIANG, in her official capacity as


Administrator of the U.S. Digital Service
within the Office of Management and Budget
in the Executive Office of the President,

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE,


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FEDERAL BUREAU OF
INVESTIGATION,

LAURA DEHMLOW, in her official capacity


as Section Chief for the FBI’s Foreign
Influence Task Force,

ELVIS M. CHAN, in his official capacity as


Supervisory Special Agent of Squad CY- 1 in
the San Francisco Division of the Federal
Bureau of Investigation,

JAY DEMPSEY, in his official capacity as


Social Media Team Lead, Digital Media
Branch, Division of Public Affairs at the
CDC,

ERIC WALDO, in his official capacity as


Chief Engagement Officer for the Surgeon
General,

YOLANDA BYRD, in her official capacity as


a member of the Digital Engagement Team at
HHS,

CHRISTY CHOI, in her official capacity as


Deputy Director, Office of Communications,
HRSA within HHS;

TERICKA LAMBERT, in her official


capacity as Director of Digital Engagement at
HHS and Deputy Director of the Office of
Digital Strategy at the White House,

JOSHUA PECK, in his official capacity as


Deputy Assistant Secretary for Public
Engagement at HHS,

JANELL MUHAMMED, in her official


capacity as Deputy Digital Director at HHS,
Case 3:23-cv-00381-TAD-KDM Document 1 Filed 03/24/23 Page 5 of 120 PageID #: 5

MATTHEW MASTERSON, in his official


capacity as Senior Cybersecurity Advisory
within CISA in the Department of Homeland
Security,

LAUREN PROTENTIS, in her official


capacity as an official of CISA,

GEOFFREY HALE, in his official capacity


as an official of CISA,

ALLISON SNELL, in her official capacity as


an official of CISA,

BRIAN SCULLY, in his official capacity as


an official of DHS and CISA,

ZACHARY HENRY SCHWARTZ, in his


official capacity as Division Chief for the
Communications Directorate at the U.S.
Census Bureau,

LORENA MOLINA-IRIZARRY, in her


official capacity as an official of the Census
Bureau,

KRISTIN GALEMORE, in her official


capacity as Deputy Director of the Office of
Faith Based and Neighborhood Partnerships
at the Census Bureau,

ERICA JEFFERSON, in her official capacity


as Associate Commissioner for External
Affairs within the Office of the Commissioner
at the U.S. Food and Drug Administration,

MICHAEL MURRAY, in his official


capacity as Acquisition Strategy Program
Manager for the Office of Health
Communications and Education at the FDA,
Case 3:23-cv-00381-TAD-KDM Document 1 Filed 03/24/23 Page 6 of 120 PageID #: 6

BRAD KIMBERLY, in his official capacity


as Director of Social Media at the FDA,

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

SAMARUDDIN K. STEWART, in his


official capacity as Senior Technical Advisor
and/or Senior Advisor for the Global
Engagement Center of the State Department,

DANIEL KIMMAGE, in his official capacity


as Acting Coordinator for the Global
Engagement Center at the State Department,

ALEXIS FRISBIE, in her official capacity as


a member of the Technology Engagement
Team at the Global Engagement Center at the
State Department,

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF TREASURY,

U.S. ELECTION ASSISTANCE


COMMISSION,

MARK A. ROBBINS, in his official capacity


as Interim Executive Director of the EAC,
and

KRISTEN MUTHIG, in her official capacity


as Director of Communications for the EAC,

Defendants.
Case 3:23-cv-00381-TAD-KDM Document 1 Filed 03/24/23 Page 7 of 120 PageID #: 7

COMPLAINT

By and for their complaint herein, on personal knowledge with respect to themselves and

on information and belief with respect to all other allegations, Plaintiffs allege as follows.

INTRODUCTION

1. A half century ago, in Norwood v. Harrison, 413 U.S. 455, 465 (1973), the Supreme

Court reaffirmed what the Justices called an “axiomatic” principle of constitutional law.

2. The Court set forth this principle categorically, without qualification or dissent.

3. The principle was this: government “may not induce, encourage, or promote private

persons to accomplish what it is constitutionally forbidden to accomplish.” Id. (citation omitted)

(emphasis added).

4. The Norwood principle is “axiomatic” because, without it, government actors could

evade nearly every prohibition in the Bill of Rights through the simple expedient of inducing

private parties to do what the Constitution bars the government from doing directly.

“Constitutional limitations on governmental action would be severely undercut if the government

were allowed to actively encourage conduct by ‘private’ persons or entities that is prohibited to

the government itself.” United States v. Davis, 482 F.2d 893, 904 (9th Cir. 1973) (federal

government may not constitutionally seek to induce private airlines to conduct searches that would

violate the Fourth Amendment if engaged in by state actors).

5. The Norwood principle fully applies to the First Amendment. As Justice Thomas

recently put it, the government acts unconstitutionally if it “induces [a private entity] to take action

the government itself would not be permitted to do, such as censor expression of a lawful

viewpoint.” Biden v. Knight First Amendment Institute at Columbia Univ., 141 S. Ct. 1220, 1226

(2021) (Thomas, J., concurring).

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6. Today, fifty years after Norwood, the federal government has apparently forgotten this

axiomatic principle—or else has decided it isn’t bound by a clear holding of the United States

Supreme Court.

7. Beginning in early 2020 and continuing to the present day, the federal government has

waged a systematic, concerted campaign, astonishing in its breadth and effectiveness, to “induce,

encourage, [and] promote” the nation’s three largest social-media platforms “to accomplish what

[the government] is constitutionally forbidden to accomplish”—namely, the censorship of

constitutionally protected speech.

8. Those three social-media companies—Facebook, 1 Google, 2 and Twitter 3—wield a

power over the content of American public discourse far greater than any entity, private or public,

has ever wielded before. See Knight First Amendment Institute, 141 S. Ct. at 1221 (Thomas, J.,

concurring) (“Today’s digital platforms provide avenues for historically unprecedented amounts of

speech. . . Also unprecedented, however, is the concentrated control of so much speech in the

hands of a few private parties.”).

9. Since 2020, an ever-growing army of federal officers, at every level of the government—

from the White House itself to the FBI, the CIA, the Department of Homeland Security, the CDC,

the Office of the Surgeon General, and numerous less-well-known federal entities—has been

engaged in the effort to induce those companies to censor constitutionally protected speech.

10. Through this censorship campaign, federal agents and agencies have encouraged,

promoted, and induced those companies to stifle viewpoints that the government disfavors, to

1
“Facebook” is used throughout this Complaint to refer to the company now calling itself “Meta” that (among other
things) owns a variety of social media platforms such as Facebook and Instagram.
2
“Google” refers to Google LLC, which owns (among other things) the Google search engine and the video-based
social-media platform YouTube.
3
“Twitter” refers to Twitter, Inc., which owns and operates the microblogging social-media platform Twitter.

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suppress facts that the government does not want the public to hear, and to silence specific

speakers—in every case critics of federal policy—whom the government has targeted by name.

11. Because of the historically unprecedented power wielded by a handful of behemoth

social-media companies over the content of American public discourse, the federal government’s

systematic campaign to induce these companies to censor speech is among the gravest threats to

free speech this country has ever faced.

12. With virtually every passing week come fresh disclosures of secret communications

between federal officials and social-media platforms working together to suppress constitutionally

protected speech—in the words of one eminent constitutional scholar, “the most massive system

of censorship in the nation’s history.” Phillip Hamburger, Is Social-Media Censorship a Crime?,

Wall St. J. (Dec. 14, 2022), https://www.wsj.com/articles/is-social-media-censorship-a-crime-

section-241-us-code-government-private-conspiracy-civil-rights-speech-11670934266.

13. This censorship campaign has involved repeated threats made by powerful members of

the federal government, including the President himself, to visit catastrophic consequences on

social-media companies (for example, breaking them up under the antitrust laws) if they fail to

censor more aggressively speech that federal actors disfavor.

14. In addition, federal agents and agencies have repeatedly entered into collusive

partnerships with social-media companies, working closely and jointly with those companies to

decide what speech and what speakers to censor.

15. It is well established that the government violates the Constitution if it uses coercive

threats to induce private parties to censor protected speech or if it engages in collusive joint action

with private parties to violate the First Amendment. See, e.g., Bantam Books v. Sullivan, 372

U.S. 58 (1963) (threats); Brentwood Academy v. Tennessee Secondary School Athletic Assn., 531

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U.S. 288, 296 (2001) (joint activity).

16. Moreover, the government’s censorship campaign has been relentlessly content-based

and viewpoint-discriminatory.

17. It is “a core postulate of free speech law” that “government may not discriminate against

speech based on the ideas or opinions it conveys.” Iancu v. Brunetti, 139 S. Ct. 2294, 2299

(2019). See Ashcroft v. ACLU, 535 U.S. 564, 573 (2002) (citation omitted) (“the First

Amendment means that government has no power to restrict expression because of its message,

its ideas, its subject matter, or its content”).

18. Yet the federal government’s censorship campaign has repeatedly, systematically, and

very successfully targeted constitutionally protected speech on the basis of its content and

viewpoint.

19. To give just three out of countless examples, this censorship campaign:

A. was responsible, just before the presidential election of 2020, for the online

suppression of reporting about a laptop owned by President Biden’s son Hunter

Biden—reporting now known to be accurate—an act of censorship that deprived

Americans of information of the highest public interest and may even have swung

the outcome of that election;

B. was responsible throughout much of 2020 and 2021 for the online suppression of

any reporting, any information, or any expressions of opinion suggesting that

COVID-19 may have originated in a Chinese government laboratory in Wuhan,

again depriving Americans of information and legitimate opinion of the highest

public importance at a critical period of time; and

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C. is responsible even now for the online suppression of facts and opinions about the

COVID vaccines that might lead people to become “hesitant” about COVID

vaccine mandates, again depriving Americans of information and opinion on

matters of the highest public importance.

20. This is a class action for declaratory and injunctive relief (no damages are sought)

brought on behalf of consumers of news on social-media platforms against the federal agencies

and officers participating in this censorship campaign.

21. Over 80% of Americans now access the news from digital devices, and some 80% of

online news traffic is accessed through news aggregators and social-media companies, principally

Facebook, Google (which owns YouTube), and Twitter. As the Supreme Court has put it, social-

media platforms are “the modern public square,” Packingham v. North Carolina, 137 S. Ct. 1730,

1737 (2017), and every American who consumes news online has a First Amendment right against

government censorship of protected speech in that public square.

22. Consumers of online news have standing to bring this suit for the same reason

consumers of prescription medicines had standing in Virginia State Board of Pharmacy: because

the First Amendment protects not only the right to speak, but also the “right to ‘receive

information and ideas.’” Va. State Bd. of Pharmacy v. Va. Citizens Consumer Council 425 U.S.

748, 756 (1976) (citation omitted) (striking down ban on advertising drug prices). See also, e.g.,

Davis v. East Baton Rouge Parish School Bd., 78 F.3d 920, 926 (5th Cir. 1996) (“[T]he First

Amendment protects the . . . right to receive protected speech.”); Kass v. City of New York, 864

F.3d 200, 207 (2d Cir. 2017) (First Amendment “extends not only to the right to speak, but also

to the right to listen and receive information”).

23. Moreover, consumers of online news are the most appropriate parties to challenge the

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federal government’s online censorship campaign. For in a case like this, “it is the right of the

viewers and listeners . . . which is paramount,” since it “is the purpose of the First Amendment

to preserve an uninhibited marketplace of ideas in which truth will ultimately prevail.” CBS v.

FCC, 453 U.S. 367, 395 (1981) (emphasis added) (citation omitted).

24. Indeed, a nationwide class of online news consumers is the only fully appropriate party

to seek the remedy necessary and warranted here—i.e., a nationwide injunction.

25. Only a nationwide injunction can effectively redress the federal government’s

nationwide effort to censor constitutionally protected online speech, and the most appropriate

party to seek that remedy is not an individual who has been censored, nor even a state Attorney

General, but rather a nationwide class of online news consumers.

26. Apart from the Judiciary, no branch of our Government, and no other institution, can

stop the current Administration’s systematic efforts to suppress speech through the conduit of

social-media companies. Congress can’t, the Executive won’t, and States lack the power to do

so. The fate of American free speech, as it has so often before, lies once again in the hands of

the courts.

JURISDICTION AND VENUE

27. This Court has subject-matter jurisdiction because the claims herein arise under the

Constitution of the United States.

28. As to the Defendant federal agencies, subject-matter jurisdiction lies because sovereign

immunity has been expressly waived by the Administrative Procedure Act. See, e.g., Bolger v.

District of Columbia, 510 F. Supp. 2d 86, 91 (D.D.C. 2007) (“Federal courts have subject-matter

jurisdiction over [constitutional] suits seeking declaratory and injunctive relief because the APA

waives [a] federal agency’s sovereign immunity even when the claim is one directly under the

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Constitution and not under the APA.”).

29. Venue is proper in this District under 28 U.S.C. § 1391(b)(2) because substantial events

giving rise to the claim occurred in this District, because named Plaintiffs have significant

connections to Louisiana, because numerous Members of the proposed class reside here, and

because a closely related case is already pending here.

PARTIES

A. Plaintiffs.

30. PLAINTIFF ROBERT F. KENNEDY, Jr., a natural person and citizen of New York, is

a world-renowned attorney and author. Over decades of legal service, he has repeatedly fought

and won major battles against governments and large corporations on behalf of the poor, children,

minorities, and the environment. In 2018, the National Trial Lawyers Association named Kennedy

and his legal team Trial Team of the Year for their work winning a $289 million jury verdict

against Monsanto for selling carcinogenic weed-killer products.

31. Kennedy is also the founder of Plaintiff Children’s Health Defense (CHD).

32. Information, ideas, and analysis published online concerning U.S. elections and COVID-

19 are critically important to Kennedy for his own personal knowledge, for his role as a citizen,

and for the many activities he is engaged in to shed light on and fight against governmental policies

he believes to be inimical to the health and well-being of individuals and this country.

33. Kennedy is also an online news publisher, with hundreds of thousands of followers and

audience members. In producing his news reports, Kennedy draws on information, analysis, and

ideas he gathers from, among other sources, Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube. When content is

censored on those sites, it is often difficult or impossible for Kennedy to find it elsewhere and to

relay it to his readers.

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34. Both as a news consumer and news publisher, Kennedy has a protected legal interest in

his ability to gain online access to accurate, complete, uncensored information and opinion from

willing speakers about COVID-19 and U.S. politics.

35. PLAINTIFF CHILDREN’S HEALTH DEFENSE (“CHD”) is a nonprofit organization

incorporated in Georgia and headquartered in New Jersey dedicated to informing the public of,

and fighting against, various threats to children’s health.

36. CHD has over seventy thousand members, including numerous members who reside in

Louisiana and in this District.

37. CHD’s members tend to be avid consumers of news concerning COVID-19 and

governmental health policies. To find such news, they often rely—as do countless other

Americans—on what is reported on Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube. They also tend to be

highly active in local politics on matters related to COVID and other health issues.

38. Information, ideas, and analysis published online and related to COVID-19 and

governmental health policies are critically important to CHD’s members for their own personal

knowledge, for their role as citizens, and for the many activities they are engaged in to change

governmental policies to which they object.

39. CHD is also an online publisher of news viewed by thousands of people. In producing

such news, CHD draws on information, analysis, and ideas it gathers from, among other sources,

Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube. When content is censored on those sites, it is often difficult or

impossible for CHD and CHD’s members to find it elsewhere.

40. CHD’s members and CHD itself have a protected legal interest in their ability to gain

online access to accurate, complete, uncensored information and opinion from willing speakers

about COVID-19 and U.S. politics.

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41. PLAINTIFF CONNIE SAMPOGNARO is a natural person, a citizen of Louisiana, and

a resident of this District.

42. Sampognaro holds a Master’s Degree in Healthcare Management and has worked as a

health care professional.

43. She is keenly interested in issues of public health care policy and has been since the

beginning of the pandemic a frequent consumer of online news related to COVID-19.

44. Information, ideas, and analysis published online related to COVID-19 are important to

Sampognaro for her own personal health, for role as a citizen, and for her role as a health care

policy advocate in her community.

45. Sampognaro has a protected legal interest in her ability to gain online access to accurate,

complete, and uncensored information and opinions from willing speakers about COVID-19 and

U.S. politics. When viewpoints, information, and ideas related to these matters are censored on the

country’s major social-media sites, it is often difficult or impossible for Sampognaro to find it

elsewhere.

B. Defendants.

46. DEFENDANT JOSEPH R. BIDEN, JR., is President of the United States. He is sued in

his official capacity.

47. DEFENDANT KARINE JEAN-PIERRE is White House Press Secretary. She is sued in

her official capacity; her predecessor in office was former White House Press Secretary Jennifer

Rene Psaki.

48. DEFENDANT VIVEK H. MURTHY is Surgeon General of the United States. He is

sued in his official capacity.

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49. DEFENDANT XAVIER BECERRA is Secretary of the Department of Health and

Human Services. He is sued in his official capacity.

50. DEFENDANT DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES (HHS) is a

Cabinet-level agency within the Government of the United States.

51. DEFENDANT ANTHONY FAUCI was the Director of the National Institute of Allergy

and Infectious Diseases (NIAID) and Chief Medical Advisor to the President and on information

and belief continues to advise the Administration on health matters. He is sued in his official

capacity.

52. DEFENDANT NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF ALLERGY AND INFECTIOUS

DISEASES (NIAID) is a federal agency under the Department of Health and Senior Services.

53. DEFENDANT CENTERS FOR DISEASE CONTROL AND PREVENTION (CDC) is

a federal agency under the Department of Health and Human Services.

54. DEFENDANT CAROL Y. CRAWFORD is Chief of the Digital Media Branch of the

Division of Public Affairs within the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. She is sued

in her official capacity.

55. DEFENDANT UNITED STATES CENSUS BUREAU, a.k.a. Bureau of the Census

(“Census Bureau”), is an agency of the federal government within the Department of Commerce.

56. DEFENDANT JENNIFER SHOPKORN is Senior Advisor for Communications with

the U.S. Census Bureau. She is sued in her official capacity.

57. DEFENDANT U.S. DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE is a Cabinet-level agency

within the Government of the United States.

58. DEFENDANT ALEJANDRO MAYORKAS is Secretary of the Department of

Homeland Security. He is sued in his official capacity.

59. DEFENDANT ROBERT SILVERS is Under Secretary of the Office of Strategy,

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Policy, and Plans, within the Department of Homeland Security. He is sued in his official

capacity.

60. DEFENDANT SAMANTHA VINOGRAD is the Senior Counselor for National

Security within the Office of the Secretary of DHS. She is sued in her official capacity.

61. DEFENDANT DEPARTMENT OF HOMELAND SECURITY (DHS) is a Cabinet-

level agency within the Government of the United States.

62. DEFENDANT JEN EASTERLY is the Director of the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure

Security Agency within the Department of Homeland Security. She is sued in her official

capacity.

63. DEFENDANT CYBERSECURITY AND INFRASTRUCTURE SECURITY

AGENCY (CISA) is an agency within the Department of Homeland Security that is charged with

protecting the United States’ cybersecurity and physical infrastructure.

64. DEFENDANT GINA MCCARTHY is the White House National Climate Advisor.

She is sued in her official capacity.

65. At times relevant to this Complaint, DEFENDANT NINA JANKOWICZ was the

director or intended director of the “Disinformation Governance Board” (for the entirety of its

existence from April 27-August 24, 2022) within the Department of Homeland Security. She is

sued in her official capacity.

66. At times relevant to this Complaint, DEFENDANT ANDREW SLAVITT is or was the

White House Senior COVID-19 Advisor. He is sued in his official capacity.

67. DEFENDANT ROB FLAHERTY is Deputy Assistant to the President and Director of

Digital Strategy at the White House. He is sued in his official capacity.

68. At times relevant to this Complaint, DEFENDANT COURTNEY ROWE is or was the

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White House COVID-19 Director of Strategic Communications and Engagement. She is sued

in her official capacity.

69. DEFENDANT CLARKE HUMPHREY is the White House Digital Director for the

COVID-19 Response Team. She is sued in her official capacity.

70. At times relevant to this Complaint, DEFENDANT BENJAMIN WAKANA is or was

the Deputy Director of Strategic Communications and Engagement at the White House COVID-

19 Response Team. He is sued in his official capacity.

71. DEFENDANT DANA REMUS was, at times relevant to this Complaint, Counsel to the

President, a.k.a. White House Counsel. She is sued in her official capacity.

72. DEFENDANT AISHA SHAH is White House Partnerships Manager. She is sued in

her official capacity.

73. DEFENDANT LAURA ROSENBERGER serves as Special Assistant to the President

at the White House. She has extensive experience in service at the State Department. She is

sued in her official capacity.

74. DEFENDANT MINA HSIANG is Administrator of the U.S. Digital Service within the

Office of Management and Budget in the Executive Office of the President. She is sued in her

official capacity.

75. DEFENDANT U.S. DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE (“DOJ”) is a Cabinet-level agency

within the Government of the United States.

76. DEFENDANT FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION (“FBI”) is an investigative

agency of the federal Government within the U.S. Department of Justice. The Foreign Influence

Task Force (“FITF”) is a task force within the FBI that purportedly investigates and/or addresses

foreign influences within the United States. The FITF’s website states: “The FBI is the lead

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federal agency responsible for investigating foreign influence operations. In the fall of 2017,

Director Christopher Wray established the Foreign Influence Task Force (FITF) to identify and

counteract malign foreign influence operations targeting the United States.” https://www.fbi.gov/

investigate/counterintelligence/foreign-influence.

77. DEFENDANT LAURA DEHMLOW is the Section Chief for the FBI’s Foreign

Influence Task Force. She is sued in her official capacity.

78. DEFENDANT ELVIS M. CHAN is Supervisory Special Agent of Squad CY-1 in the

San Francisco Division of the FBI. On information and belief, he has authority over cybersecurity

issues for FBI in that geographical region, which includes the headquarters of major social-media

platforms, and he plays a critical role for FBI and FITF in coordinating with social-media

platforms relating to censorship and suppression of speech on their platforms. He is sued in his

official capacity.

79. DEFENDANT JAY DEMPSEY is Social Media Team Lead, Digital Media Branch,

Division of Public Affairs at the CDC. He is sued in his official capacity.

80. DEFENDANT ERIC WALDO is Chief Engagement Officer for the Surgeon General.

He is sued in his official capacity.

81. DEFENDANT YOLANDA BYRD is a member of the Digital Engagement Team at

HHS. She is sued in her official capacity.

82. DEFENDANT CHRISTY CHOI is Deputy Director, Office of Communications, HRSA

within HHS. She is sued in her official capacity.

83. DEFENDANT TERICKA LAMBERT served Director of Digital Engagement at HHS

and now serves as Deputy Director of the Office of Digital Strategy at the White House. She is

sued in her official capacity.

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84. DEFENDANT JOSHUA PECK is Deputy Assistant Secretary for Public Engagement

at HHS. He is sued in his official capacity.

85. At times relevant to this Complaint, DEFENDANT JANELL MUHAMMAD is or was

Deputy Digital Director at HHS. She is sued in her official capacity.

86. At times relevant to this Complaint, DEFENDANT MATTHEW MASTERSON is or

was Senior Cybersecurity Advisory within CISA in the Department of Homeland Security. He

is sued in his official capacity.

87. DEFENDANT LAUREN PROTENTIS is a member of the “Mis, Dis, and Mal-

information (MDM) Team” within CISA at DHS. She is sued in her official capacity.

88. DEFENDANT GEOFFERY HALE is a member of the Mis, Dis, and Mal-information

(MDM) Team within CISA at DHS. He is sued in his official capacity.

89. DEFENDANT ALLISON SNELL is a member of the Mis, Dis, and Mal-information

(MDM) Team within CISA at DHS. She is sued in her official capacity.

90. DEFENDANT BRIAN SCULLY is a member of DHS’s Countering Foreign Influence

Task Force, National Risk Management Center, and the Chief of the Mis-, Dis-, Malinformation

Team at CISA. He is sued in his official capacity.

91. DEFENDANT ZACHARY (“ZACK”) HENRY SCHWARTZ is the Division Chief for

the Communications Directorate at the U.S. Census Bureau. He is sued in his official capacity.

92. DEFENDANT LORENA MOLINA-IRIZARRY served at times relevant to this

Complaint as Director of Operations at Census Open Innovation Labs at the Census Bureau and

Senior Advisor on the American Rescue Plan Team at the White House. She is sued in her

official capacity.

93. DEFENDANT KRISTIN GALEMORE is Deputy Director of the Office of Faith Based

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and Neighborhood Partnerships at the Census Bureau. She is sued in her official capacity.

94. DEFENDANT U.S. FOOD AND DRUG ADMINISTRATION (“FDA”) is a federal

agency within the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

95. DEFENDANT ERICA JEFFERSON is the Associate Commissioner for External

Affairs within the Office of the Commissioner at the U.S. Food and Drug Administration. She

is sued in her official capacity.

96. DEFENDANT MICHAEL MURRAY is the Acquisition Strategy Program Manager for

the Office of Health Communications and Education at the FDA. He is sued in his official

capacity.

97. DEFENDANT BRAD KIMBERLY is the Director of Social Media at the FDA. He is

sued in his official capacity.

98. DEFENDANT U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE (“State Department”) is a Cabinet-

level agency within the Government of the United States.

99. DEFENDANT SAMARUDDIN K. STEWART is a Senior Technical Advisor and/or

Senior Advisor for the Global Engagement Center of the State Department. He is sued in his

official capacity.

100. At times relevant to this Complaint, DEFENDANT DANIEL KIMMAGE is or was the

Acting Coordinator for the Global Engagement Center at the State Department. He is sued in

his official capacity.

101. DEFENDANT ALEXIS FRISBIE is a member of the Technology Engagement Team

at the Global Engagement Center at the State Department. She is sued in her official capacity.

102. The State Department operates a “GLOBAL ENGAGEMENT CENTER” within the

State Department that conducts counter-“disinformation” activities. According to the State

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Department’s website, the Global Engagement Center’s mission is “[t]o direct, lead, synchronize,

integrate, and coordinate efforts of the Federal Government to recognize, understand, expose, and

counter foreign state and non-state propaganda and disinformation efforts aimed at undermining

or influencing the policies, security, or stability of the United States, its allies, and partner

nations.” As alleged further herein, the Global Engagement Center is involved in procuring the

censorship of private speech on social media, including of U.S. citizens. The State Department

also maintains an Office of Cyber Coordinator, a.k.a. Office of the Coordinator for Cyber Issues,

that has, on information and belief, also been involved in federal social-media censorship

activities.

103. DEFENDANT U.S. DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY (“Treasury”) is a Cabinet-

level agency within the Government of the United States.

104. DEFENDANT U.S. ELECTION ASSISTANCE COMMISSION (“EAC”) is an

independent agency within the Government of the United States. According to its website, the

EAC “was established by the Help America Vote Act of 2002 (HAVA). The EAC is an

independent, bipartisan commission charged with developing guidance to meet HAVA

requirements, adopting voluntary voting system guidelines, and serving as a national

clearinghouse of information on election administration.”

105. DEFENDANT MARK A. ROBBINS is the Interim Executive Director of the EAC. He

is sued in his official capacity.

106. DEFENDANT KRISTEN MUTHIG is the Director of Communications for the EAC.

According to the EAC’s website, Muthig “manages media relations, communications strategy

and supports the commissioners and EAC leadership.” She is sued in her official capacity.

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ALLEGATIONS

OVERVIEW

107. Sustained, successful efforts by federal officers to induce social-media platforms to

censor speech appear to have begun in 2020.

108. Throughout that year, officers from a variety of federal agencies worked closely,

although often clandestinely, with Facebook, Google, and Twitter in an effort to induce, encourage

and promote censorship of constitutionally protected speech on those platforms.

109. Because the two most prominent censorship “achievements” of that year—the

suppression of the lab-leak theory of COVID’s origins and of reporting about Hunter Biden’s

laptop—appear to conflict with the interests of and positions taken by then-President Donald

Trump, it is doubtful that the White House was organizing or spearheading these federal censorship

efforts.

110. That changed with the election of President Joe Biden.

111. Immediately after (or perhaps even before) the January 2021 Inauguration, according to

senior White House officials, members of the Biden team initiated “direct engagement” with the

nation’s major social-media companies in an effort to have them “clamp down” on speech the

White House disfavored. Nandita Bose, Exclusive: White House working with Facebook and

Twitter to tackle anti-vaxxers, Reuters (Feb. 20, 2021), https://www.reuters.com/article/health-

coronavirus-white-house-exclusive-idINKBN2AK0HP.

112. The White House called this disfavored speech “misinformation,” id., but in reality, as

later revelations would prove, the Administration was asking social-media companies to suppress

not only putatively false speech, but also wholly accurate speech as well as expressions of opinion.

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113. For their part, the social-media platforms tended to be willing participants in this “direct

engagement” censorship campaign. Facebook, for example, stated in early 2020 that it had agreed

to supply the White House with “any assistance we can provide” in achieving the Administration’s

objectives. Id.

114. Over the ensuing years, the Administration’s “direct engagement” efforts with social-

media companies spread from the White House throughout the Executive Branch, metastasizing

into a government-wide campaign to achieve through the intermediation of social-media

companies exactly the kind of content-based and viewpoint-based censorship of dissident political

speech that the First Amendment prohibits.

115. Details of this massive federal censorship campaign have been alleged by the Attorneys

General of Missouri and Louisiana as well as other plaintiffs in a case currently pending before

this Court. See Missouri v. Biden, No. 3:22-cv-01213-TAD-KDM (W.D. La.), ECF No. 84. Many

of the factual details alleged in their complaint are realleged below. Many of the below allegations,

however, do not appear in their complaint.

Federal Inducement of Social Media Censorship


of the Lab-Leak Theory of COVID’s Origins.

116. The lab-leak theory of COVID’s origin postulates that the virus did not originate

naturally in animals, but rather escaped from the Wuhan Institute of Virology, a Chinese

government biotech laboratory located in Wuhan, China.

117. The true origins of the virus are not known at this time, but there can be no doubt that the

lab-leak theory was, from the beginning of the pandemic, and still is today not only plausible, but

supported by significant evidence, and in any event well within the ambit of legitimate debate and

opinion.

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118. Substantial evidence now indicates that, in early 2020, Defendant Dr. Anthony Fauci, a

senior federal government official, coordinated with others in orchestrating an effort to falsely

discredit the lab-leak hypothesis.

119. As director of NIAID, Dr. Fauci had funded risky and possibly unlawful “gain-of-

function” research at the Wuhan Institute of Virology through intermediaries such as EcoHealth

Alliance, headed by Dr. Peter Daszak. The lab-leak theory, therefore, had the potential to implicate

Dr. Fauci (and Dr. Daszak) in the creation of the COVID-19 virus and, indirectly, in the pandemic

that killed millions of people worldwide.

120. In late January and early February 2020, Dr. Fauci received information from colleagues

suggesting that COVID-19 originated in the Wuhan laboratory. Soon thereafter, however, Dr.

Fauci participated in a conference call with scientists and science-funding authorities with the

purpose of discrediting and suppressing the lab-leak theory. After the conference call, influential

individuals signed public statements that were placed in science journals in an attempt to discredit

the lab-leak theory.

121. In the same time frame, Dr. Fauci communicated with Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg

directly regarding public messaging and the flow of information on social media about the

government’s COVID-19 response. For example, in a series of emails produced in response to

FOIA requests dated from March 15 to 17, 2020, Zuckerberg invited Fauci to make public

statements to be posted for viewing by all Facebook users regarding COVID-19, and also made

another proposal that is redacted in FOIA-produced versions but was treated as a high priority by

Fauci and National Institutes of Health (NIH) staff.

122. In an email on March 15, 2020, Zuckerberg proposed coordinating with Fauci on

COVID-19 messaging to “make sure people can get authoritative information from reliable

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sources,” and suggested including a video message from Fauci because “people trust and want to

hear from experts.” Zuckerberg proposed including this content in a “hub” that “we’re going to

put at the top of Facebook” to reach “200+ million Americans, 2.5 billion people worldwide.”

123. In the same email, Zuckerberg made a three-line proposal to Fauci that was redacted by

the federal government before the email was produced in a FOIA request.

124. The next day, NIH’s communications director emailed Fauci and strongly recommended

that he do the videos for Facebook. Regarding the redacted proposal from Zuckerberg, she stated:

“But an even bigger deal is his offer [REDACTED]. The sooner we get that offer up the food-

chain the better.” She also stated that her staff was “standing by to discuss this with HHS and WH

comms,” and requested authority to “determine who the best point of contact would be so the

Administration can take advantage of this officer, soonest.” Fauci responded that “I will write or

call Mark and tell him that I am interested in doing this. I will then tell him that you will get for

him the name of the USG [on information and belief, shorthand for U.S. Government] point of

contact.”

125. Fauci responded by email to Zuckerberg on March 17, 2020, agreeing to the collaboration

that Zuckerberg proposed and describing his redacted proposal as “very exciting.”

126. Around the same time frame as the Zuckerberg-Fauci emails, Facebook and other social-

media companies adopted policies of disallowing on their platforms any claims that COVID-19

might have originated in the Wuhan lab. This included suppressing speech by highly credentialed

and well-respected writers, such as science journalist Nicholas Wade and scientist Alina Chan.

127. Such claims were declared by Facebook and other social-media companies to be “false”

and “debunked,” despite the fact that such claims had not been “debunked” or proven false, and

notwithstanding strong circumstantial evidence favoring the lab-leak theory.

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128. There had long been substantial and obvious evidence of the plausibility of the lab-leak

theory, including the location of the Wuhan laboratory, the fact that this laboratory was engaging

in gain-of-function bat coronavirus experiments at the time of the outbreak, the disturbing fact that

the Chinese government immediately took steps to silence employees of the laboratory and conceal

the details of the work being performed there, and numerous genetic clues suggesting a laboratory

rather than natural origin. See, e.g., Nicholas Wade, The origin of COVID: Did people or nature

open Pandora’s box at Wuhan?, Bull. Atomic Scientists (May 5, 2021),

https://thebulletin.org/2021/05/the-origin-of-covid-did-people-or-nature-open-pandoras-box-at-

wuhan/; Alina Chan, Viral: The Search for the Origin of COVID-19 (2021); House Foreign Affairs

Committee Minority Staff Report, The Origins of COVID-19: An Investigation of the Wuhan

Institute of Virology (Aug. 2021), https://foreignaffairs.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/

08/ORIGINS-OF-COVID-19-REPORT.pdf.

129. Indeed the circumstantial evidence of the lab-leak theory was and is so strong on its face

as to call into question the objectivity and disinterestedness of those who, like Fauci, sought to

paint the lab-leak theory as a “debunked” or deranged “conspiracy theory.” Comedian John

Stewart made this point memorably in 2021: “Oh my God, there’s been an outbreak of chocolatey

goodness near Hershey, Pennsylvania. What do you think happened? Like, ‘Oh I don’t know,

maybe a steam shovel mated with a cocoa bean?’ Or it’s the f***ing chocolate factory.” The Late

Show with Stephen Colbert, Jon Stewart On Vaccine Science And The Wuhan Lab Theory,

YouTube (June 15, 2021), https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sSfejgwbDQ8.

130. In any event, the fact that the lab-leak theory was at the very least plausible is evidence

that social-media censorship of that theory was not based on an independent judgment arrived at

by Facebook, Twitter, or Google, but was rather undertaken by those companies in reliance on

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federal health officials implementing the plan, orchestrated by Fauci and others in early 2020, to

discredit and suppress the lab-leak theory.

131. This conclusion is further supported by Facebook’s admission that its censorship of

COVID-related speech (on supposed grounds of falsity) is based on what “public health experts

have advised us.” Facebook, COVID-19 and Vaccine Policy Updates & Protections,

https://www.facebook.com/help/230764881494641 (emphasis added). On information and belief,

Fauci and CDC officials are included among those “public health experts” who have “advised”

Facebook on what to censor.

132. As Fauci’s role in the funding of the Wuhan laboratory’s gain-of-function experiments

began coming to light, Fauci and other Administration officials were forced to backtrack, and after

a long period of censorship, in May 2021, Facebook and other platforms announced that they

would no longer censor speech making or reporting claims that COVID had originated in the

Wuhan virology lab.

133. As numerous commentators noted at the time, the close temporal connection between the

government’s backtracking on the lab-leak theory and social media companies’ sudden about-face

in their censorship of that theory is further evidence of coordination. See, e.g., Editorial Board,

Facebook’s Lab-Leak About-Face, Wall St. J. (May 27, 2021), https://www.wsj.com/

articles/facebooks-lab-leak-about-face-11622154198.

Federal Inducement of Censorship


of the Hunter Biden Laptop Story

134. On August 26, 2022, Mark Zuckerberg appeared on “The Joe Rogan Experience” podcast

and, when asked about Facebook’s censorship of the Hunter Biden laptop story, revealed that

Facebook had acted as a result of communications from the FBI.

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135. Zuckerberg stated: “The FBI came to us” and told Facebook to be “on high alert,”

asserting to Facebook that there had been “a lot of Russian propaganda” in the 2016 presidential

election, and warning Facebook that “there’s about to be some kind of dump that’s similar to that,

so just be vigilant.” BBC, Zuckerberg tells Rogan FBI warning prompted Biden laptop story

censorship (Aug. 26, 2022), https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-62688532.

136. On information and belief, the FBI’s reference to a “dump” of information was intended

to be a reference to the contents of Hunter Biden’s laptop, which was already in the FBI’s

possession and which the FBI knew would soon be the subject of a story being published in the

New York Post.

137. Zuckerberg’s admission that the FBI induced Facebook’s censorship of the Hunter Biden

laptop story was widely recognized as a bombshell revelation of federal law-enforcement influence

on social-media censorship.

138. Facebook has identified the FBI’s FITF, as supervised by Laura Dehmlow, and FBI San

Francisco Special Agent Elvis Chan as involved in the communications between the FBI and

Facebook that led to Facebook’s suppression of the Hunter Biden laptop story.

139. Dehmlow evidently works with CISA on social-media censorship issues. On March 1,

2022, Dehmlow gave a presentation to CISA’s Protecting Critical Infrastructure from

Misinformation & Disinformation Subcommittee in which Dehmlow indicated that the FBI’s FITF

“engages . . . with appropriate partners for information exchange.” On information and belief, this

“information exchange” includes communications with social-media platforms about censorship

and/or suppression of social-media speech.

140. On information and belief, because major social-media platforms are headquartered in

the geographical area of FBI’s San Francisco Division, and Special Agent Chan is in charge of

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cyber-related issues for that division, Chan has performed a critical role in communicating with

social-media platforms on behalf of the FBI relating to censorship and suppression of speech on

social media.

141. Chan has openly boasted about his official role on behalf of FBI in coordinating with

social-media companies. In a recent podcast, he stated, “Our field office, FBI San Francisco, was

very involved in helping to protect the US elections in 2020. . . Even though foreign actors were

trying to interfere in our elections, the FBI, the US government working in conjunction with the

private sector, as well as with election officials from every single state and protectorate, we were

really able to do it. . . But completely different from 2016 where we did not. See Get It Started

Podcast, Ep 4—Den Jones speaks with Elvis Chan, FBI, Banyan Security,

https://www.banyansecurity.io/resource/get-it-started-get-it-done/ (emphasis added).

142. Chan’s subsequent comments make clear that “government working in conjunction with

the private sector” includes the FBI working with social-media companies on censorship and

suppression of private speech. Chan indicated that he works closely with Defendant Jen Easterly,

who, as alleged herein, quarterbacks CISA’s extensive federal government-induced social-media

censorship activities.

143. Chan admits to regular, routine coordination about censorship with social-media

platforms, stating of the 2020 election cycle in particular: “we talked with all of these entities I

mentioned regularly, at least on a monthly basis. And right before the election, probably on a

weekly basis. If they were seeing anything unusual, if we were seeing anything unusual, sharing

intelligence with technology companies, with social-media companies, so that they could protect

their own platforms. That’s where the FBI and the US government can actually help companies.”

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Id. (emphasis added). On information and belief, “social-media companies” “protect[ing] their

own platforms” includes censorship and suppression of speech at the FBI’s behest.

144. Documents produced by LinkedIn show Chan repeatedly organizing meetings with

representatives of LinkedIn from 2020 through the present. Based on the limited agendas

provided, it appears that these meetings included discussions of election-related content and

suppression of election-related speech on social media. On information and belief, Chan organized

similar meetings with other major social-media platforms, as in one instance, he notified LinkedIn

about a particular proposed time slot for a meeting that another company had already taken that

time slot. Dehmlow was routinely included in these meetings as well.

145. Chan bemoaned the fact that there was not a similar level of coordination about

censorship between the federal government and social-media companies during the 2016 election

cycle: “It seems obvious, but I’m not going to lie, in 2016, there was not that same level of

communications between the US government and the private sector.” Id. Chan called on social-

media platforms to be “more mindful” of federal government warnings on such issues: “But where

we in the government are saying, if you are in one of the 17 designated critical infrastructure

sectors, of which information technology is one of them, then you need to be more mindful.” Id.

146. The recently published (and ongoing) “Twitter Files” indicate that private FBI

communications were similarly responsible for Twitter’s decision to censor the Hunter Biden

laptop story.

147. According to journalist Michael Shellenberger, internal Twitter documents reveal

“evidence pointing to an organized effort by representatives of the intelligence community (IC),

aimed at senior executives at news and social-media companies, to discredit leaked information

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about Hunter Biden before and after it was published.” https://twitter.com/ShellenbergerMD/

status/1604871630613753856.

148. Throughout 2020, when Hunter Biden’s laptop was in the possession of the FBI but was

still being kept secret from the public, FBI San Francisco Special Agent Chan and other federal

officers repeatedly “primed” Twitter executives in emails and at regular meetings to expect

“Russian hack-and-leak” operations in the run-up to the 2020 presidential election. Id.

149. “On August 11, 2020, the FBI’s Chan share[d] information with Twitter’s [then-Head of

Site Integrity Yoel] Roth relating to the Russian hacking organization, APT28, through the FBI’s

secure, one-way communications channel, Teleporter.” Id.

150. Roth was instrumental in Twitter’s decision to censor the Hunter Biden laptop story.

151. At some point in the 2020 meetings with government agents, Roth was told “that there

were rumors that a hack-and-leak operation would involve Hunter Biden.” FBI warned Twitter

during ‘weekly’ meetings of Hunter Biden ‘hack-and-leak operation’ before censoring The Post,

New York Post (Dec. 4, 2022), https://nypost.com/2022/12/04/fbi-warned-twitter-of-hunter-

biden-hack-before-censoring-the-post.

152. At approximately 7:00 pm on October 13, 2020, the Post informed Hunter Biden and a

Biden attorney that the Post was planning to publish a report the next day on the explosive and

incriminating content found on Biden’s laptop.

153. Later that evening, Biden’s attorney began reaching out to third parties concerning the

Post’s forthcoming story.

154. On information and belief, the FBI knew on the evening of October 13th of the Post’s

plan to publish the story the following day.

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155. At 9:22 pm on October 13, FBI Special Agent Chan sent 10 confidential documents to

Roth through Teleporter.

156. The next morning, October 14, the Post published its explosive story on Hunter Biden’s

laptop.

157. The facts reported in that story were true.

158. “And yet,” as Shellenberger reports, “within hours, Twitter and other social-media

companies censor[ed] the NY Post article, preventing it from spreading and, more importantly,

undermining its credibility in the minds of many Americans.” https://twitter.com/

ShellenbergerMD/status/1604871630613753856.

159. This censorship required deliberate, aggressive action by social-media firms.

160. “Facebook moderators had to manually intervene to suppress a controversial New York

Post story about Hunter Biden, according to leaked moderation guidelines seen by the Guardian.”

Alex Hern, Facebook leak reveals policies on restricting New York Post’s Biden story, The

Guardian (Oct. 30, 2020), https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2020/oct/30/facebook-leak-

reveals-policies-restricting-new-york-post-biden-story.

161. At the time, Facebook claimed that the censorship of the Hunter Biden laptop story was

“part of our standard process to reduce the spread of misinformation. We temporarily reduce

distribution pending factchecker review.” Id. But this was not true. In fact, Facebook imposed

“special treatment” on the New York Post to suppress the story, which included “manually

overrid[ing]” Facebook’s own guidelines for suppressing so-called “misinformation.” Id.

162. According to journalist Matt Taibbi, Twitter too “took extraordinary steps to suppress

the story, removing links and posting warnings that it may be ‘unsafe.’ They even blocked its

transmission via direct message, a tool hitherto reserved for extreme cases, e.g., child pornography.

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White House spokeswoman Kaleigh McEnany was locked out of her account for tweeting about

the story, prompting a furious letter from Trump campaign staffer Mike Hahn, who seethed: ‘At

least pretend to care for the next 20 days.’” https://twitter.com/mtaibbi/status/

1598834882414727168.

163. Twitter’s publicly announced basis for censoring the Post’s story was quickly recognized

within the company to be without basis under Twitter’s own policies.

164. On information and belief, communications between Chan and Roth, potentially

including on the night of October 13, convinced Roth that the Post’s story should be suppressed.

165. Roth has subsequently stated that the FBI’s communications about Russian hacking

operations, together with the FBI’s warnings to expect Russian disinformation in the run-up to the

presidential election, led him to believe that Russia was somehow behind the Post’s Hunter Biden

laptop.

166. According to one survey, sixteen percent of Biden voters polled stated that they would

have changed their votes if they had known about the Hunter Biden laptop story before the election,

potentially changing the outcome of the election.

Other 2020 Viewpoint-Discriminatory


Efforts by Federal Actors to Induce Social Media Censorship

167. Throughout 2020, in addition to their role in inducing censorship of the Hunter Biden

laptop story and the lab-leak theory of COVID’s origins, federal actors met and worked with

social-media companies, often behind closed doors, in an effort to induce those companies to

censor other categories of constitutionally protected speech, especially speech related to the

presidential election and speech related to COVID.

168. In addition, government agents began partnering with third-party entities to send

Facebook, Twitter, and Google yet more censorship requests.

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169. As with the suppression of the lab-leak theory of COVID’s origins and facts related to

Hunter Biden’s laptop, these efforts were in some cases blatantly viewpoint-discriminatory,

seeking censorship specifically of then-President Trump and his supporters.

170. Starting in January 2020, according to Taibbi, who reviewed voluminous internal Twitter

documents, “Twitter’s contact with the FBI was constant and pervasive, as if it were a

subsidiary. . . Between January 2020 and November 2022, there were over 150 emails between the

FBI and former Twitter Trust and Safety chief Yoel Roth.” Id.

171. In a “surprisingly high number” of these emails, the FBI asked Twitter to censor election-

related posts or accounts. Id.

172. “The FBI’s social media-focused task force, known as FTIF [sic], created in the wake of

the 2016 election, swelled to 80 agents and corresponded with Twitter.” Id.

173. Meetings between social-media companies and government agents were also regularized

in this period and became more frequent in the run-up to the election. Internal Twitter messaging

shows that these meetings between Twitter and government partners were happening “weekly.”

https://twitter.com/mtaibbi/status/1601364807831425025.

174. In addition to demanding censorship of particular content, federal agents at these

meetings and in these communications were also seeking information form social media

companies about their users.

175. One Twitter executive spoke to concerns about governmental pressure applied to Twitter

during this time, writing in a January 2020 email, “We have seen a sustained (if uncoordinated)

effort by the IC [on information and belief, a reference to Intelligence Community] to push us to

share more information and change our API policies. They are probing and pushing everywhere

they can (including by whispering to congressional staff).” https://twitter.com/ShellenbergerMD/

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status/1604888429816209409?s=20&t=lYJtarkLVFhr0TuuscvZMg. On information and belief,

“whispering to congressional staff” refers to threats by government officials in the executive and

legislative branches regarding adverse action that could be taken against social-media companies

that did not censor speech the government wished to censor. These threats will be addressed

further below.

176. In July 2020, FBI’s FITF sent a questionnaire to Yoel Roth asking Twitter for

clarification regarding their “[indication that they] had not observed much recent activity from

official propaganda actors on [their] platform.” https://twitter.com/mtaibbi/status/

1604613308778266627. Roth circulated the questions with other Twitter executives, including

commentary of his concern about the governmental pressure: “I’m not particularly comfortable

with the Bureau (and by extension the IC) demanding written answers here.” Id.

177. In August 2020, social-media firms “met with federal government officials to discuss

how to handle misinformation during this month’s political conventions and election results this

fall.” David Ingram & Kevin Collier, Big Tech met with govt to discuss how to handle election

results, NBC News (Aug. 20, 2022), https://www.nbcnews.com/tech/tech-news/big-tech-met-

gov-t- discuss-how-handle-election-results-n1236555.

178. This meeting was described as “the latest in a series” of meetings between major social-

media companies and government officials about the suppression of election-related

“misinformation”: “‘We held the latest in a series of meetings with government partners today

where we each provided updates on what we’re seeing on our respective platforms and what we

expect to see in the coming months,’ companies including Google, Facebook, Twitter and Reddit

said in a joint statement after the meeting.” Id. “The statement also included Microsoft, Verizon

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Media, Pinterest, LinkedIn and the Wikimedia Foundation, which operates Wikipedia and other

sites.” Id.

179. The discussion was reported as “one in a series of monthly meetings between the

government and tech companies” and involved “back-and-forth conversation on a variety of

topics.” Id. Neither the “topics” of the “conversation” nor the particular participants on behalf of

the government were disclosed. Id. “According to the industry statement, participants in

Wednesday’s meeting also included representatives from the FBI’s foreign influence task force,

the Justice Department’s national security division, the Office of the Director of National

Intelligence and the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency.” Id. “The companies said

they would continue to meet regularly before the November election.” Id.

180. One email from a Twitter employee documented an ongoing series of payments from the

FBI to Twitter for their compliance with certain FBI requests. https://twitter.com/

ShellenbergerMD/status/1604908670063906817. Twitter collected $3,415,323 from the FBI from

October 2019 through February 2021. Id. Included in the underlying actions justifying these

payments is Twitter’s handling of FBI Emergency Disclosure Requests (EDRs).

https://help.twitter.com/en/rules-and-policies/twitter-law-enforcement-support. A Twitter

executive explained in a 2022 email regarding a phone call with the FBI about an upcoming

meeting that the FBI’s intention for the meeting was “to convince us to produce on more FBI

EDRs” and that “[the FBI] repeatedly emphasized Twitter’s lower level of compliance in

comparison with other platforms.” https://twitter.com/ShellenbergerMD/status/

1604909613568049152. The FBI’s use of EDRs to elicit and pay for user information from

Twitter and other social media companies (information that could then function as a basis for the

FBI’s demanding censorship of certain users or posts) created a symbiotic relationship of close

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and complex interactions in which the federal government essentially paid social-media companies

to work with the FBI in censoring protected speech.

181. The existence of regular censorship meetings in 2020 between federal agents and social-

media companies is confirmed in the Twitter Files by journalist Taibbi, who reports that these

meetings established a system through which agents “from every corner of government” could

seek to induce those companies to censor content they disfavored. https://twitter.com/mtaibbi/

status/1633830077170618376?s=20.

182. Taibbi explains, “Twitter had so much contact with so many agencies that executives lost

track.” https://twitter.com/mtaibbi/status/1606701408967090177.

183. Taibbi further reports: “With other tech firms [Twitter] held a regular ‘industry meeting’

with FBI and DHS, and developed a formal system for receiving thousands of content reports from

every corner of government,” such as “HHS, Treasury, [and the] NSA.” https://twitter.com/

mtaibbi/status/1633830077170618376?s=20.

184. “Emails from the FBI, DHS and other agencies often came with spreadsheets of hundreds

or thousands of account names for review. Often, these would be deleted soon after.” Id.

185. According to Taibbi, many of these putative “disinfo” reports sought censorship of

content that was not in fact false, but was rather expressive of facts or opinions the government

sought to stifle, such as “anti-Ukraine narratives.” Id.

186. This behavior was occurring across the Intelligence Community. The State Department

reports that “[i]n December 2019, GEC/TET [i.e., State’s Global Engagement Center’s

Technology Engagement Team] established a Silicon Valley location to facilitate public-private

coordination and broker constructive engagements between the U.S. government and the tech

sector, academia, and research. The goal is to increase collaboration that results in identifying,

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exposing, and defending against foreign adversarial propaganda and disinformation.” On

information and belief, “collaboration that results in . . . defending against . . . disinformation,”

id., includes censorship of protected social-media speech.

187. The GEC publishes “Counter Disinformation Dispatches,” of which the State

Department states: “The Global Engagement Center’s Counter Disinformation Dispatches

summarize lessons learned about disinformation and how to counter it based on the experiences of

frontline counter-disinformation practitioners, for the benefit of those newly engaged in this issue.”

188. The GEC provides, as an online “counter-disinfo resource,” a link to CISA’s website,

stating: “An agency of the Department of Homeland Security, the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure

Security Agency ‘is responsible for protecting the [United States’] critical infrastructure from

physical and cyber threats,’ including election security.”

189. The State Department—through the GEC—has worked directly with CISA and the FBI

to procure the censorship of specific content on social media. For example, on March 25, 2020,

Alex Dempsey of the State Department forwarded to an FBI agent a report about a video on social

media making ostensibly false allegations about a State Department officer. Brian Scully of CISA

forwarded the report to Facebook personnel, stating, “[S]ee the below reporting from our State

Department Global Engagement Center colleagues about disinformation . . . targeting a Diplomatic

Security Officer.” Facebook responded, “Have flagged for our internal teams. As always, we

really appreciate the outreach and sharing of this information.” Scully also forwarded the State

Department’s report to Twitter and Google/YouTube. In flagging the content for Google, Scully

commented, “It does appear the FBI has been notified, so you may have already heard from them.”

190. CISA also works closely with the Center for Internet Security (CIS), an outside third-

party group, to flag content for censorship on social media, including election-related speech. See

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Joint Statement on Discovery Disputes Ex. 8, Missouri v. Biden, No. 3:22-cv-01213-TAD-KDM

(W.D. La.), ECF No. 71-8. On information and belief, CIS is or was funded by CISA and works

as a joint participant with CISA on federal social-media censorship activities. As early as June

2020, the CIS, working with CISA, was planning a “Reporting Portal” for government officials

seeking to suppress election misinformation that would allow “social-media companies” to

“process reports and provide timely responses, to include the removal of reported misinformation

from the platform where possible.” Id. at 90. CIS and CISA work closely to remove so-called

“misinformation” by flagging content for removal by social-media companies.

191. Documents reveal that CISA’s authority as a national-security agency within DHS led to

prompt responses and swift censorship actions in response to CISA’s actions of “flagging” posts

for censorship. See Id. This included many posts on election integrity issues where CISA acted as

de facto judge of the truthfulness and value of social-media speech.

192. CISA also flagged specific individuals’ and entities’ speech for censorship. For example,

in a “disinformation” conference regarding the 2020 election hosted by CISA, one presenter

identified the Gateway Pundit, a popular conservative-leaning news website, as a “repeat spreader”

of “false or misleading content about the 2020 election.” The presenter stated that the Gateway

Pundit is the second most frequent spreader of election-related disinformation, just above President

Trump and his two sons, Donald Jr. and Eric Trump, who were also described as “prolific spreaders

of disinformation.” Other supposed “repeat spreaders” of disinformation identified at the CISA-

hosted conference included Sean Hannity, Breitbart, James O’Keefe, and Mark Levin. The

presenter emphasized that every account identified as a spreader of disinformation was

“ideologically pro-Trump” in its political orientation. See Mike Benz, Foundation for Freedom

Online, DHS Encouraged Children to Report Family to Facebook for Challenging US Government

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Covid Claims, https://report.foundationforfreedomonline.com/8-29-22.html. “In the same training

session for state and local election officials, DHS’s formal partner group then encouraged the mass

reporting of US social media posts for censorship….” Id.

193. In the Twitter Files, journalist Taibbi further reports that government agents partnered

with government-funded NGOs to bombard social-media companies with huge numbers of

censorship requests, often demonstrating a clear viewpoint-discriminatory bias against then-

President Trump or his political positions.

194. Taibbi found detailed evidence of collaborations between governmental agents and third-

party entities, particularly a consortium called the “Election Integrity Partnership,” as vehicles for

inducing social-media companies to censor constitutionally protected speech. “Perhaps the

ultimate example of the absolute fusion of state, corporate, and civil society organizations is the

Stanford Internet Observatory (SIO), whose ‘Election Integrity Partnership’ is among the most

voluminous ‘flaggers’ in the #TwitterFiles.” https://twitter.com/mtaibbi/status/

1633830077170618376?s=20.

195. The so-called “Election Integrity Partnership” (EIP) is or was a consortium of four

private groups working with numerous federal entities, including DHS and State, to monitor online

election-related speech and induce social-media companies to censor the speech the EIP and its

governmental partners disfavor. Recent, heavily documented reports indicate that both the State

Department and CISA teamed up with this consortium in a close collaboration to achieve social-

media censorship of election-related speech beginning in 2020, and that this collaboration is

continuing to this day.

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196. “EIP research manager Renee DiResta boasted that . . . the EIP succeeded in getting

‘tech partners’ Google, TikTok, Facebook and Twitter to take action on ‘35% of the URLS

flagged’ under ‘remove, reduce, or inform’ policies.” Id.

197. “According to the EIP’s own data, it succeeded in getting nearly 22 million tweets labeled

[i.e., marked to indicate supposed falseness or unreliability] in the runup to the 2020 vote.” Id.

198. “It’s crucial to reiterate,” reports Taibbi, that “EIP was partnered with state entities like

CISA and GEC while seeking elimination of millions of tweets. In the #TwitterFiles, Twitter

execs did not distinguish between [EIP and governmental] organizations, using phrases like

‘According to CIS[A], escalated via EIP.” Id.

199. Pursuant to third-party subpoena, Twitter has identified personnel associated with the

State Department’s GEC, including Alexis Frisbie and Daniel Kimmage, as likely involved in

communications with Twitter about censorship and/or content modulation on issues such as

election integrity, vaccine/COVID misinformation, and related subjects.

200. According to public reports, the EIP is comprised of four member organizations: Stanford

Internet Observatory (SIO), the University of Washington’s Center for an Informed Public, the

Atlantic Council’s Digital Forensic Research Lab, and social media analytics firm Graphika.”

Greg Piper & John Solomon, Outsourced censorship: Feds used private entity to target millions

of social posts in 2020, Just the News (Sept. 30, 2022), https://justthenews.com/government/

federal-agencies/biden-administration-rewarded-private-entities-got-2020-election.

201. The EIP “worked with the departments of Homeland Security (DHS) and State to censor

massive numbers of social media posts they considered misinformation during the 2020 election,

and its members then got rewarded with millions of federal dollars from the Biden administration

afterwards, according to interviews and documents obtained by [reporters].” Id.

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202. The EIP’s censorship operations, still working hand in hand with federal agencies,

continued after the 2020 election and continue to this day, although the EIP has changed its name

(as detailed below).

203. The EIP “set up a concierge-like service in 2020 that allowed federal agencies like

Homeland’s Cybersecurity Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) and State’s Global Engagement

Center to file ‘tickets’ requesting that online story links and social media posts be censored or

flagged by Big Tech.” Id.

204. “Three liberal groups — the Democratic National Committee, Common Cause and the

NAACP — were also empowered like the federal agencies to file tickets seeking censorship of

content. A Homeland [i.e., DHS]-funded collaboration, the Elections Infrastructure Information

Sharing and Analysis Center, also had access.” Id.

205. “In its own after-action report on the 2020 election, the consortium boasted it flagged

more than 4,800 URLs — shared nearly 22 million times on Twitter alone — for social-media

platforms. Their staff worked 12-20 hour shifts from September through mid-November 2020,

with ‘monitoring intensifying significantly’ the week before and after Election Day.” Id.

(alterations omitted).

206. Backed by the authority of the federal government, including DHS, CISA, the State

Department, and State’s Global Engagement Center, the EIP successfully sought and procured

extensive censorship of core political speech by private citizens: “The tickets sought removal,

throttling and labeling of content that raised questions about mail-in ballot integrity . . . and other

election integrity issues of concern to conservatives.” Id.

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207. “The consortium achieved a success rate in 2020 that would be enviable for baseball

batters: Platforms took action on 35% of flagged URLs, with 21% labeled, 13% removed and 1%

soft-blocked, meaning users had to reject a warning to see them.” Id.

208. The consortium’s “[p]articipants were acutely aware that federal agencies’ role in the

effort” raised First Amendment concerns. “For instance, SIO’s Renee DiResta said in a CISA

Cybersecurity Summit video in 2021 that the operation faced ‘unclear legal authorities’ and ‘very

real First Amendment questions.’” Id.

209. One free-speech advocate described the consortium as “the largest federally- sanctioned

censorship operation he had ever seen, a precursor to the now-scrapped Disinformation

Governance Board and one that is likely to grow in future elections.” Id. “‘If you trace the

chronology, you find that there was actually 18 months’ worth of institutional work to create this

very apparatus that we now know played a significant role in the censorship of millions of posts

for the 2020 election and has ambitious sights for 2022 and 2024,’ he said.” Id.

210. A member of Congress “called the[se] revelations ‘stunning’ and said the 2020 operation

amounted to the federal government sanctioning and outsourcing censorship.” Id.

211. “It wasn’t just blogs and individual social media users whose content was targeted for

removal and throttling as ‘repeat spreaders’ of misinformation. News and opinion organizations,

including the New York Post, Fox News, Just the News and SeanHannity.com were also targeted.”

Id.

212. “The partnership’s members published the 292-page public report in March 2021, though

the most recent version is dated June 15, 2021. The launch webinar featured former CISA Director

Christopher Krebs, ‘who led the effort to secure electoral infrastructure and the response to mis-

and disinformation during the election period.’” Id.

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213. “‘I think we were pretty effective in getting platforms to act on things they haven’t acted

on before,’ both by pressuring them to adopt specific censorship policies and then reporting

violations, SIO founder and former Facebook Chief Security Officer Alex Stamos told the launch

webinar.” Id. (emphasis added). “‘Platform interventions’ [i.e., censorship of specific posts or

content] in response to ‘delegitimization of election results,’ for example, went from uniformly

‘non-comprehensive’ in August 2020 to ‘comprehensive’ by Election Day, the report says.” Id.

214. “SIO officially launched the partnership 100 days before the election, ‘in consultation

with CISA and other stakeholders,’ the partnership report says. It attributes the idea to SIO-funded

interns at CISA, noting that censorship by that agency and domestic social media monitoring by

intelligence agencies would likely be illegal.” Id. (citing Center for an Informed Public, Digital

Forensic Research Lab, Graphika, & Stanford Internet Observatory, The Long Fuse:

Misinformation and the 2020 Election, Stanford Digital Repository: Election Integrity Partnership

V1.3.0 (Mar. 3, 2021) [hereinafter EIP Report], https://purl.stanford.edu/tr171zs0069).

215. The EIP Report’s executive summary states: “Increasingly pervasive mis- and

disinformation, both foreign and domestic, creates an urgent need for collaboration across

government, civil society, media, and social-media platforms.” Id.

216. The consortium was openly biased based on political viewpoint, calling President Trump

“the social media Death Star.” “During the launch webinar, the Atlantic Council’s Emerson

Brooking said they wanted to stop the ‘amplification and legitimation’ of ‘far-right influencers

[who] would be doing all they could to try to catch the eye of a Fox News producer,’ making it

likely that President Trump, ‘the social media Death Star,’ would see their content.” Id.

217. The consortium’s work included the direct involvement of government officials in

censorship decisions. “Government entities were involved in real-time chats with the partnership

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and social-media platforms over specific content under review.” Id. For example, “[a] chat

screenshot in the report shows an unidentified government partner rejecting the Sharpiegate claim

that ‘sharpies aren’t read at all’ by ballot-counting machines, and a platform provider responding

that it was now reviewing those claims.” Id.

218. Notably, consistent with its carrot-and-stick approach to private entities on social-media

censorship, the Biden Administration—including the State Department—has richly rewarded the

private-sector partners in this censorship consortium, lavishing federal largesse upon them. “The

[consortium’s] partners all received federal grants from the Biden administration in the next two

years.” Id. “The National Science Foundation awarded the Stanford and UW projects $3 million

in August 2021 ‘to study ways to apply collaborative, rapid-response research to mitigate online

disinformation.’” Id. “UW’s press release about the award noted their earlier work on the

partnership and praise for the report from ex-CISA director Krebs, who called it ‘the seminal report

on what happened in 2020, not just the election but also through January 6.’” Id. “Graphika, also

known as Octant Data, received its first listed federal grant several weeks after the 2020 election:

nearly $3 million from the Department of Defense for unspecified ‘research on cross-platform

detection to counter malign influence.’ Nearly $2 million more followed in fall 2021 for ‘research

on co-citation network mapping,’ which tracks sources that are cited together.” Id. “The Atlantic

Council … has received $4.7 million in grants since 2021, all but one from the State Department.

That far exceeds the think tank’s federal haul in previous years, which hadn’t approached $1

million in a single year since 2011.” Id.

219. The EIP Report, discussed above, identifies the Election Assistance Commission as a

federal agency working on social-media content issues alongside CISA, identified as “the lead on

domestic vulnerabilities and coordination with state and local election officials.” The same

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paragraph states: “The Election Assistance Commission should remain in an amplifying role,

pushing best practices and critical information out broadly to the election community.” EIP

Report, at 235. On information and belief, the EAC’s “critical information” that is “push[ed] …

out broadly” includes federally induced censorship and/or suppression of social-media speech on

the basis of content and viewpoint.

220. “UW’s project, SIO and Graphika also collaborated on the Virality Project, which tracks

and analyzes purported ‘COVID-19 vaccine misinformation and social media narratives related to

vaccine hesitancy.’” Piper & Solomon, Outsourced censorship: Feds used private entity to target

millions of social posts in 2020, Just the News (Sept. 30, 2022),

https://justthenews.com/government/federal-agencies/biden-administration-rewarded-private-

entities-got-2020-election.

221. Taibbi explains that the Virality Project is simply the “renamed” version of the EIP after

the 2020 election, having since been “on-boarded to Twitter’s JIRA ticketing system.”

https://twitter.com/mtaibbi/status/1633830104144183298.

222. One Virality Project email included guidance to “take action even against ‘stories of true

vaccine side effects’ and ‘true posts which could fuel hesitancy.’”

https://twitter.com/mtaibbi/status/1633830108321677315.

223. The collaboration with CISA on the EIP is not the State Department’s only involvement

in federal social-media censorship activities.

224. For example, on February 4, 2020, Samaruddin K. Stewart, then a “Senior Advisor for

the Global Engagement Center of the State Department” reached out to LinkedIn and stated that

he was “tasked with building relationships with technology companies . . . in [Silicon Valley] with

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interests in countering disinformation,” and asked for a meeting. As the email indicates, Stewart

intended to reach out to other social-media platforms as well.

225. On March 9, 2020, Stewart reached out to LinkedIn again, referring back to their earlier

oral meeting, and stated, “I’ll send information [to LinkedIn representatives] about gaining access

to Disinfo Cloud – which is a GEC [i.e., State Department’s Global Engagement Center] funded

platform that offers stakeholders an opportunity to discovery companies, technology, and tools

that can assist with identifying, understanding, and addressing disinformation.” On information

and belief, “addressing disinformation” includes the censorship and suppression of private speech.

On information and belief, Stewart engaged in similar meetings and coordination efforts with other

social-media platforms as well.

226. All of these 2020 viewpoint-discriminatory efforts by federal agents and federally-

partnered entities to induce social-media censorship took place against a backdrop of repeated

demands by powerful Democratic politicians for online censorship coupled with repeated threats

that the government would take adverse action against social-media companies—potentially

catastrophic action, including antitrust break-up and/or repeal of Section 230, the federal statute

immunizing such companies from liability for the third-party content they carry—unless those

companies agreed to censor more aggressively the viewpoints, content, and speakers that these

politicians disfavored.

227. Examples of such demands and threats include, but are by no means limited to, the

following.

228. In April, 2019, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said, “I do think that for the privilege of

230, there has to be a bigger sense of responsibility on it. And it is not out of the question that that

could be removed.” Taylor Hatmaker, Nancy Pelosi warns tech companies that Section 230 is ‘in

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jeopardy’, Tech Crunch (Apr. 12, 2019), https://techcrunch.com/2019/04/12/nancy-pelosi-

section-230/.

229. “When asked about Section 230, Pelosi referred to the law as a ‘gift’ to tech companies

that have leaned heavily on the law to grow their business…. ‘It is a gift to them and I don’t think

that they are treating it with the respect that they should, and so I think that that could be a question

mark and in jeopardy.” Id.

230. Also in April 2019, “Louisiana Rep. Cedric Richmond warned Facebook and Google that

they had ‘better’ restrict what he and his colleagues saw as harmful content or be held

“accountable” through governmental action: ‘We’re going to make it swift, we’re going to make

it strong, and we’re going to hold them very accountable.’ New York Rep. Jerrold Nadler added:

‘Let’s see what happens by just pressuring them.’” Vivek Ramaswamy & Jed Rubenfeld, Save

the Constitution from Big Tech: Congressional threats and inducements make Twitter and

Facebook censorship a free-speech violation, Wall St. J. (Jan. 11, 2021),

https://www.wsj.com/articles/save-the-constitution-from-big-tech-11610387105.

231. Throughout 2019 and 2020 (and continuing thereafter), Democratic Congressmen

repeatedly used congressional hearings as forums to demand more aggressive censorship form

social-media companies and to threaten them with adverse legislative or regulatory consequences

if they did not do so.

232. At one such hearing, in October 2020, Senator Mark Warner said, “It saddens me that

some of my colleagues have joined in the Trump Administration’s cynical and concerted effort to

bully platforms into allowing dark money groups, right-wing militias and even the President

himself to continue to exploit social-media platforms to sow disinformation, engage in targeted

harassment, and suppress voter participation. We can and should have a conversation about

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Section 230—and the ways in which it has enabled platforms to turn a blind eye as their platforms

are used to facilitate discrimination and civil rights violations, enable domestic terrorist groups to

organize violence in plain sight, assist in stalking and networked harassment campaigns, and

enable online frauds targeted at vulnerable users….” Statement of U.S. Sen. Mark R. Warner on

Section 230 Hearing (Oct. 28, 2020), https://www.warner.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/

2020/10/statement-of-sen-mark-r-warner-on-facebook-s-decision-to-finally-ban-qanon-from-its-

platforms.

233. At another such hearing in November 2020, Senator Richard Blumenthal said: “I have

urged, in fact, a breakup of tech giants. Because they’ve misused their bigness and power. . . . And

indeed Section 230 reform, meaningful reform, including even possible repeal in large part because

their immunity is way too broad and victims of their harms deserve a day in court.” Breaking the

News: Censorship, Suppression, and the 2020 Election Before the S. Comm. on Judiciary, 116th

Cong. at 36:10–15 (2020) (statement of Sen. Richard Blumenthal).

234. Prior to being elected President, then-candidate Joe Biden also threatened social-media

companies with adverse government action if they did not censor more aggressively. Indeed his

demands for censorship were among the most vociferous, and among the most clearly linked to

threats to remove those companies’ Section 230 immunities.

235. For example, on January 17, 2020, then-candidate Biden stated, in an interview with the

New York Times editorial board, that Section 230 of the CDA should be “revoked” because social-

media companies like Facebook did not do enough to censor supposedly false information. He

stated: “The idea that it’s a tech company is that Section 230 should be revoked, immediately

should be revoked, number one. For Zuckerberg and other platforms.” He also stated, “It should

be revoked because it is not merely an internet company. It is propagating falsehoods they know

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to be false.... There is no editorial impact at all on Facebook. None. None whatsoever. It’s

irresponsible. It’s totally irresponsible.” Interview by N.Y. Times Editorial Board of Joe Biden,

N.Y. Times, (Jan. 17, 2020), https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/01/17/opinion/joe-biden-

nytimes-interview.html. These claims were specifically linked to Facebook’s alleged failure to

censor political ads on Facebook criticizing candidate Biden—i.e., core political speech.

236. Candidate Biden also threatened that Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg should be subject

to civil liability and even criminal prosecution for not censoring such core political speech: “He

should be submitted to civil liability and his company to civil liability. . . . Whether he engaged in

something and amounted to collusion that in fact caused harm that would in fact be equal to a

criminal offense, that’s a different issue. That’s possible. That’s possible it could happen.” Id. In

other words, Biden’s message—not long before he became President of the United States—was

that if Facebook did not censor political ads against him, Zuckerberg should be held personally

liable and perhaps jailed.

237. During the presidential campaign, now-Vice President Harris made similar threats

against social-media firms to pressure them to engage in more aggressive censorship of speakers,

content, and viewpoints she disfavors. For example, she stated in 2019: “We will hold social-

media platforms responsible for the hate infiltrating their platforms, because they have a

responsibility to help fight against this threat to our democracy. And if you profit off of hate—if

you act as a megaphone for misinformation or cyberwarfare, if you don’t police your platforms—

we are going to hold you accountable as a community.” Scott Shackford, Kamala Harris Wants

to Be Your Online Censor-in-Chief, Reason (May 7, 2019), https://reason.com/2019/05/07/

kamala-harris-promises-to-pursue-online-censorship-as-president/.

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238. Backed up by these threats, the voluminous efforts by federal agents and federally

partnered entities to induce viewpoint-based social-media censorship in the run-up to the

presidential election of 2020 would reasonably have been perceived by social-media companies as

demands that had to be substantially complied with on pain of potentially catastrophic

consequences such as the loss of Section 230 immunity or an antitrust break-up.

239. The government’s censorship campaign proved highly effective.

240. For example, the censorship achieved through these efforts included suppression of

President Trump’s own speech as well as many expressions of concern by Republicans about

election security as a result of the massive increase in voting by mail during the 2020 general

election.

241. Such censorship by social-media companies was a marked change from the policies

generally followed by those companies prior to 2020. “With all the attention paid to online

misinformation, it’s easy to forget that the big [social-media] platforms generally refused to

remove false content purely because it was false until 2020.” Gilead Edelman, Beware the Never-

Ending Disinformation Emergency, Wired (March 11, 2022), https://www.wired.com/story/

youtube-rigged-election-donald-trump-moderation-misinformation/.

2020 Census Bureau Efforts to Induce Online Censorship

242. Census Bureau officials have openly stated that they too work with social-media

companies to suppress so-called misinformation and disinformation.

243. For example, in 2020, the Census Bureau boasted that Census “has established the

government’s first ever Trust & Safety Team” in order to “prevent the spread of fake, false and

inaccurate information that can negatively influence 2020 Census participation and response.”

Zack Schwartz, Census Partners with Social-Media Platforms, Community Organizations, the

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Public to Stop Spread of False Information, U.S. Census Bureau (Feb. 10, 2020),

https://www.census.gov/library/stories/2020/02/putting-2020-census-rumors-to-rest.html.

244. Census further stated that it is “[w]orking with social-media platforms such as Facebook,

Microsoft, Nextdoor, Google, and Pinterest to update their policies and terms of service to include

census-specific activities,” and “[c]oordinating with YouTube and Twitter to create processes

enabling us to quickly identify and respond to misinformation and disinformation.” Id. On

information and belief, these activities included government-induced censorship of social-media

speech. Census stated: “These partnerships will help the Census Bureau counter false information

that can lead to an undercount by quickly identifying phony information and respond with factual

content.” Id.

245. In addition, Census invites private citizens to report suspected false information to the

Census Bureau so that Census can arrange for it to be censored. Census directs the public to:

“Report inaccurate, suspicious or fraudulent information to the Census Bureau. If you see or hear

something, tell us: Report suspicious information and tips to rumors@census.gov. Reach out to

us on our verified social media accounts (@USCensusBureau) to ask questions and flag suspicious

information. Call the Census Bureau Customer Service Hotline at 1-800-923-8282 to report

suspicious activity.” Id.

246. Census responds to such reports by seeking to induce social-media companies to censor

speech and content that Census disfavors. For example, YouTube has disclosed that Census

officials have been granted “trusted flagger” status to flag content for censorship on social media

and receive privileged, expedited treatment for such reports.

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247. Defendant Schwartz was the “operations manager for the Trust & Safety Team and

deputy division chief for the Center for New Media and Promotion at the Census Bureau” who

authored this report instructing the public to flag disinformation directly to Census.

248. “Trust & Safety Team” is a euphemism for the individuals working at social-media

platforms charged with monitoring, suppressing, and censoring disfavored speech, speakers, and

content. Census’s creation of a like-named “Trust & Safety Team” amounted to the creation of a

federal censorship agency within Census.

249. On its website, Census boasts that “the U.S. Census Bureau's Trust & Safety Team

protected the 2020 Census from misinformation and disinformation.” Census Bureau, Trust &

Safety Team, https://www.census.gov/about/trust-and-safety.html.

250. This page also notes that the “Trust & Safety Team’s” censorship work continues today

across expanded fronts: “We continue to watch for misinformation being shared online, and we

work to share facts instead to help support communications around the Census Bureau’s

commitment to data quality and transparency around these efforts. The team’s role has expanded

to also support the American Community Survey (ACS), the Economic Census, and other Census

Bureau programs and data products.” Id.

251. The same page continues to instruct the public to report so-called “misinformation” to

Census for censorship: “Help the Census Bureau’s Trust & Safety team by reporting inaccurate,

suspicious, or fraudulent information you read, hear, or spot online, including: A rumor in a

message board or group claiming the information you provided to the Census Bureau will be

publicly disclosed. . . . An advertisement on social media sharing fake 2020 Census websites and

inaccurate information. No matter what you find, let the Census Bureau know by contacting

rumors@census.gov.” Id.

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252. The Trust & Safety Team openly states that it coordinates with social-media platforms

to censor speech: “Trust & Safety Team coordinates and integrates our efforts with external

technology and social-media platforms, partner and stakeholder organizations, and cybersecurity

officials. . . . Leveraging best practices from the public and private sectors, the Trust & Safety

Team monitors all available channels and open platforms for misinformation and disinformation

about the census. Monitoring allows us to respond quickly to combat potential threats to achieving

an accurate count in traditional media, social media and other stakeholder communications. As

we discover misinformation and disinformation, the team will coordinate the responses with

partners and stakeholders.” Ron S. Jarmin, Why the Census Bureau is Establishing a “Trust &

Safety” Team, U.S. Census Bureau (Dec. 17, 2019), https://www.census.gov/newsroom/blogs/

random-samplings/2019/12/why_the_census_burea.html. “Coordinating the responses with

partners and stakeholders,” evidently, means working with social-media platforms to censor

speech.

253. In other Census publications, Schwartz and other officials claim that “harnessing the

capabilities of social-media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and Instagram …

enables the Census Bureau to identify and respond to misinformation swiftly before it spreads.”

Zack Schwartz, Census Bureau Teams Up With Tech Giants to Connect With Millennials and

Other Hard-to-Count Population, U.S. Census Bureau (Jul. 16, 2019), https://www.census.gov/

library/stories/2019/07/hey-siri-why-is-2020-census-important.html. “The U.S. Census Bureau is

partnering with tech giants to … respond to disinformation before it spreads.” Census Spotlights:

Tech Companies, U.S. Census Bureau (2020), https://www.census.gov/library/spotlights/2020/

tech.html.

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254. Census also states that it has “partner[ed] with search engines” such as Google to de-

boost government-disfavored private content and promote Census-favored content instead.

Census Spotlights: Nextdoor, U.S. Census Bureau (2020), https://www.census.gov/library/

spotlights/2020/nextdoor.html.

255. Public reports indicate that Census teamed up with “Data & Society’s Disinformation

Action Lab” at the “Center for an Informed Public” at the University of Washington in a “behind-

the-scenes networked response to mis- and disinformation about the 2020 U.S. Census, an effort

that provides a model for future multi-stakeholder collaborations to mitigate the impacts of

communication harms.” CIP honors Data & Society’s Disinformation Action Lab for

collaboration to protect the 2020 U.S. Census from mis- and disinformation, U. Wash. Center for

an Informed Public (May 31, 2022), https://www.cip.uw.edu/2022/05/31/disinformation-action-

lab-data-society-census-misinformation.

256. The director of the Center for an Informed Public (CIP) is Kate Starbird, who also serves

on CISA’s advisory committee that advises CISA’s social-media censorship activities. According

to the CIP, “Beyond the Census Counts Campaign, DAL [i.e., the Disinformation Action Lab]

supported other national civil rights groups, local civil society groups, state and city government

officials, and worked with social-media companies, journalists, and the Census Bureau itself —

all to protect a complete and fair count from mis- and disinformation.” Id. (emphasis added).

257. As alleged further herein, Census officials also participate in censorship activities relating

to so-called COVID-19 misinformation.

258. On information and belief, as further alleged herein, all Defendants have been and are

engaged in federally-induced censorship of private speech on social media, in a manner that

directly interferes with and injures the free-speech rights of Plaintiffs and other Class Members.

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Biden Administration’s Expansion of Executive Department’s


Efforts to Induce Social Media Companies to Censor Speech

259. After the 2020 presidential election, the Biden Administration expanded enormously the

Executive Department’s efforts to induce social-media companies to block or demote speech,

turning those efforts into a hydra-headed, government-wide censorship campaign.

260. On December 2, 2020, Bruce Reed, Biden’s former chief of staff and top technical

advisor, publicly stated that “it’s long past time to hold the social-media companies accountable

for what’s published on their platforms.” Lauren Feiner, Biden Tech Advisor: Hold Social Media

Companies Accountable for What Their Users Post, CNBC (Dec. 2, 2020), https://www.cnbc.com/

2020/12/02/biden-advisor-bruce-reed-hints-that-section-230-needs-reform.html.

261. This comment, made during the transition, specifically referred to the amendment or

repeal of Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act. See id. Thus, the threat of adverse

legal consequences for social-media companies that did not censor speech the White House

disfavored was at the forefront of the incoming Biden Administration’s public messaging.

262. As stated earlier, immediately after Inauguration, the White House initiated “direct

engagement” with social-media companies to induce them to “clamp down” on speech the new

Administration disfavored.

263. The individually named White House Defendants and other Defendants were directly

involved in this “direct engagement” with social-media platforms about censorship and

suppression of speech on social-media.

264. For example, on or around March 1, 2021, Flaherty, Wakana, Humphrey, and Rowe

participated in a “Twitter // COVID Misinfo” meeting with Twitter.

265. On March 2, 2021, Facebook sent an email assuring Slavitt, Flaherty, and Humphrey that

the company is “[c]ombating vaccine misinformation and de-amplifying content that could

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contribute to vaccine hesitancy” by “improving the effectiveness of our existing enforcement

systems (particularly focusing on entities that repeatedly post vaccine misinformation), mitigating

viral content that could lead to vaccine hesitancy.”

266. A senior Facebook executive repeatedly emailed to Surgeon General Murthy, copying

Slavitt, assuring the Surgeon General and the White House that Facebook was censoring COVID-

19 content in accordance with the White House’s demands. On May 28, 2021, one of these emails

to Slavitt and Murthy reported that Facebook had expanded its censorship policies, evidently to

satisfy federal officials’ demands made at a recent oral meeting. The email stated that a “key

point” was that “We’re expanding penalties for individual Facebook accounts that share

misinformation.”

267. Among other things, the Facebook executive insisted that “[w]e’ve expanded penalties

for individual Facebook accounts that share misinformation.”

268. On September 18, 2021, regarding a story in the Wall Street Journal about COVID-19

“misinformation” circulating on Facebook, Flaherty demanded that Facebook provide an

explanation “as we have long asked for, [of] how big the problem is, what solutions you’re

implementing, and how effective they’ve been.” Needless to say, the “solutions” evidently

referred to policies to censor and suppress more private speech on Facebook’s platforms, and

Facebook promised to “brief” the White House on those.

269. The campaign included public pronouncements by the President, spokespersons for the

President, and a Cabinet Secretary demanding that social-media companies censor COVID-related

speech much more aggressively.

270. They also included the initiation and proliferation of ever-expanding, intensive networks

of regular meetings and secret communications between numerous federal agencies and the major

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social-media companies, with the goal of inducing those companies to censor constitutionally

protected speech.

271. On March 1, 2021, a Twitter employee wrote to Defendants Slavitt, Flaherty, Peck and

Humphrey after a meeting that the company was escalating efforts to remove harmful content

about COVID and introducing a strike system—apparently the outcome of the discussion that had

just occurred. This was following an email exchange in February of 2021 in which the same

employee had sought to update the four about “additional measure[s] Twitter taking regarding

covid [sic].”

272. In response to a third-party subpoena, Twitter has identified Crawford, Flaherty, Frisbie,

Kimmage, Lambert, Murthy, Shopkorn, Slavitt, and Waldo as federal officials “with whom

[Twitter] has had meetings or discussions between January 20, 2021 and August 4, 2022 about

election integrity, vaccine/Covid misinformation, violent extremism, and similar content

moderation issues.”

273. Similar communications were occurring regularly between Facebook and government

officials. On February 19, 2021, Defendant Flaherty, on an email between him, Humphrey,

Defendant Courtney Rowe, and Defendant Joshua Peck, and several Facebook employees as well,

asked to hear from the company about “mis and dis” and later stated that one of his questions was

about “algorithmic productions.” Flaherty also asked if “plans are in the works . . . to replicate the

strategy you deployed around lockdowns – the ‘stay at home’ stickers/promoted Instagram story.”

A meeting was apparently held pursuant to Flaherty’s request shortly thereafter on March 1, with

the subject being “Misinfo & Disinfo.” On February 24, 2021, a Facebook employee wrote to

Defendant Flaherty “Following upon your request for COVID-19 misinfo themes we are seeing,”

“we are removing these claims from our platforms[.]” Those themes were Vaccine Toxicity,”

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“False Claims About Side Effects of Vaccine,” “Comparing the Covid Vaccine to the Flu

Vaccine,” and “Downplaying Severity of Covid-19.” Flaherty responded later that day, asking for

a “sense of volume on these, and some metrics around the scale of removal for each[],” as well as

“misinformation that might be falling outside of your removal policies.” The Facebook employee

replied that she could “go into detail on content that doesn’t violate like below but could contribute

to vaccine hesitancy.” A different Facebook employee wrote to Defendants Slavitt, Flaherty, Peck,

and Humphrey on March 2, 2021, updating the White House on “vaccine intent” and “shar[ing]

survey based data on intent to vaccinate,” and relaying the ways that the company was combatting

“misinformation.” These methods included “improving the effectiveness of our existing

enforcement systems (particularly focusing on entities that repeatedly post vaccine

misinformation)” and “mitigating viral content that could lead to vaccine hesitancy” while

“promoting the vaccine and providing authoritative information.” Upon information and belief,

that means ensuring that posts departing from the government’s messaging on vaccines are

censored and de-amplified through the Facebook algorithm, while those conveying the

government’s message are amplified.

274. In response to a third-party subpoena, Facebook has identified Special Assistant to the

President Laura Rosenberger, White House Partnerships Manager Aisha Shah, White House

Counsel Dana Remus, and White House officials Slavitt, Flaherty, and Humphrey; HHS officials

Waldo, Byrd, Choi, Lambert, Peck, and Muhammed; EAC officials Muthig and Robbins; CDC

officials Crawford and Dempsey; DHS officials Masterson, Protentis, Hale, and Snell; and FDA

officials Thorpe, Jefferson, Murray, and Kimberly, among others, as federal officials who may

have “communicated with Facebook regarding content moderation between January 1, 2020 and

July 19, 2022 as it relates to: (i) COVID-19 misinformation; (ii) the Department of Homeland

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Security’s proposed Disinformation Governance Board; (iii) the New York Post story from

October 14, 2020 about Hunter Biden’s laptop computer; and/or (iv) election security, integrity,

outcomes, and/or public confidence in election outcomes (not to include issues of foreign

interference or related issues).” On information and belief, the FDA has participated in federally-

induced censorship of private speech on social media about questions of vaccine safety and

efficacy, among other subjects.

275. These communications were not just limited to Facebook and Twitter. On May 20, 2021,

Mina Hsiang of the Office of Management and Budget wrote to a Google employee, apparently

following up on a conversation from the previous day that was “critically helpful for the

nationwide vaccination effort.” Hsiang suggested a change to results yielded by a search for “who

can get vaccinated now.” The parties continued to collaborate on the subject, and eventually

arranged a meeting that was apparently held on May 27, 2021 and scheduled by Defendant Joshua

Peck. Defendant Andy Slavitt asked Peck and Hsiang to take his place on the call because he was

“slammed.” Sheila Walsh of HHS exchanged emails with employees at YouTube about combating

vaccine “misinformation” and arranged a meeting as well.

276. In response to a third-party subpoena, YouTube has identified Schwartz, Faught, Molina-

Irizarry, Galemore, Wakana, Flaherty, and Waldo, among others, as federal officials likely to have

“communicated with the YouTube custodians about misinformation about COVID, the census, or

elections.”

277. The State Department’s Global Engagement Center, including Stewart and other State

employees, were also involved in organizing a “misinformation and disinformation” workshop for

African governments in May 2021. Lauren Protentis of CISA and Joe Parentis, Deputy

Coordinator for the State Department’s Global Engagement Center, were speakers at the event.

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The event was moderated by Elizabeth Vish of the State Department’s Office of Cyber

Coordinator. The agenda for the event included a presentation by Facebook on “How does

Facebook work with governments to address misinformation and disinformation?” This included

“Fact checking techniques, how to identify disinformation and misinformation” and “Proven

techniques to take down these articles.” Also included were such topics: “The effectiveness of

fake news checkers,” “Steps for stopping already-circulating misinformation,” and “International

takedown requests.” On information and belief, these statements reflected the collective

experience of CISA and the State Department in working to achieve social-media censorship of

domestic speech in America.

278. CISA officials—including Defendants Easterly, Masterson, Protentis, Hale, Scully, and

Snell, among others—have aggressively embraced the role of mediators of federally induced

censorship.

279. CISA states that its mission includes “directly engaging with social-media companies to

flag MDM” and that it is “working with federal partners to mature a whole-of-government

approach to mitigating risks of MDM,” which includes “framing which … interventions are

appropriate to the threats impacting the information environment.” CISA repeatedly and

frequently flags posts for censorship on social-media platforms, and continues to do so on an

ongoing basis.

280. CISA officials have flagged for censorship even obvious parody accounts, such as

accounts parodying the Colorado government that stated in their mock Twitter handles, “[Direct

message] us your weed store location (hoes be mad, but this is a parody account)” and “Smoke

weed erry day.” To such reports, Twitter responded, “We will escalate. Thank you,” and “We

have actioned these account [sic] under our civic integrity policy.”

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281. On May 5, 2021, Defendant Psaki gave a White House press conference at which she

stated that “[t]he President’s view is that the major platforms have a responsibility related to the

health and safety of all Americans to stop amplifying untrustworthy content, disinformation, and

misinformation, especially related to COVID-19, vaccinations, and elections. And we’ve seen that

over the past several months, broadly speaking…. we’ve seen it from a number of sources.” The

White House, Press Briefing by Press Secretary Jen Psaki and Secretary of Agriculture Tom

Vilsack, May 5, 2021, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/press-briefings/2021/05/05/

press-briefing-by-press-secretary-jen-psaki-and-secretary-of-agriculture-tom-vilsack-may-5-

2021.

282. Psaki immediately went on to state that President Biden “supports . . . a robust anti-trust

program,” id. (emphasis added), thereby implicitly linking a threat of antitrust enforcement actions

against social-media companies to the demand for more aggressive censorship, stating that the

President’s “view is that there’s more that needs to be done to ensure that this type of

misinformation; disinformation; damaging, sometimes life-threatening information is not going

out to the American public.” Id.

283. At a White House press briefing with Psaki on July 15, 2021, Surgeon General Vivek

Murthy announced that “health misinformation” constitutes an “urgent public health threat,”

stating that he had “issued a Surgeon General’s Advisory on the dangers of health misinformation.

Surgeon General Advisories are reserved for urgent public health threats. And while those threats

have often been related to what we eat, drink, and smoke, today we live in a world where

misinformation poses an imminent and insidious threat to our nation’s health.” The White House,

Press Briefing by Press Secretary Jen Psaki and Surgeon General Dr. Vivek H. Murthy, July 15,

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2021, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/press-briefings/2021/07/15/press-briefing- by-

press-secretary-jen-psaki-and-surgeon-general-dr-vivek-h-murthy-july-15-2021/.

284. Surgeon General Murthy stated that “[m]odern technology companies have enabled

misinformation to poison our information environment with little accountability to their users.

They’ve allowed people who intentionally spread misinformation — what we call ‘disinformation’

to have extraordinary reach.” Id. He accused their algorithms of “pulling us deeper and deeper

into a well of misinformation.” Id.

285. Surgeon General Murthy explicitly called for more aggressive censorship of social-

media speech, stating that “we’re saying we expect more from our technology companies. . . .

We’re asking them to monitor misinformation more closely. We’re asking them to consistently

take action against misinformation super-spreaders on their platforms.” Id. He also stated that

“technology companies have a particularly important role” to play in combating “misinformation.”

He stated: “We know that the dramatic increase in the speed and scale of spreading misinformation

has, in part, been enabled by these platforms. So that’s why in this advisory today, we are asking

them to step up. We know they have taken some steps to address misinformation, but much, much

more has to be done. And we can’t wait longer for them to take aggressive action because it’s

costing people their lives.” Id.

286. He also stated: “we are asking technology companies to help lift up the voices of credible

health authorities. . . . [T]hey have to do more to reduce the misinformation that’s out there so that

the true voices of experts can shine through.” Id.

287. At the same press briefing, after the Surgeon General spoke, Defendant Psaki stated:

“[W]e are in regular touch with these social-media platforms, and those engagements typically

happen through members of our senior staff, but also members of our COVID-19 team, given, as

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Dr. Murthy conveyed, this is a big issue of misinformation, specifically on the pandemic.” Id.

(emphasis added). She added, “We’re flagging problematic posts for Facebook that spread

disinformation.” Id. (emphasis added). She stated, “we have recommended—proposed that they

create a robust enforcement strategy,” i.e., a more aggressive censorship program. Id.

288. Psaki called on social-media companies to censor particular disfavored speakers, stating:

“[T]here’s about 12 people who are producing 65 percent of anti-vaccine misinformation on social-

media platforms. All of them remain active on Facebook, despite some even being banned on

other platforms, including Facebook — ones that Facebook owns.” Id.

289. The claim that “12 people” “are producing 65 percent of anti-vaccine misinformation on

social-media platforms,” which has been repeated innumerable times in the media, has no basis in

fact. It was first published by U.K. resident Imran Ahmed in a report that named the specific “12

people” at issue, and Psaki’s reference to “12 people” was intended to, and would have been

understood to, refer to those specific individuals, all of whom were well known to be harsh critics

of the government’s COVID policies.

290. In other words, the Administration was calling on the major social-media companies to

censor and silence specific individual dissidents.

291. Facebook itself has stated that the infamous “disinformation dozen” claim has no factual

support.

292. One of the “12 people” whom Psaki (falsely and defamatorily) accused of “producing

65% of anti-vaccine misinformation on social-media platforms” is Plaintiff Robert F. Kennedy Jr.

293. Psaki further called on Facebook and other social-media companies to censor disfavored

content and disfavored viewpoints: “[I]t’s important to take faster action against harmful posts.

As you all know, information travels quite quickly on social-media platforms; sometimes it’s not

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accurate. And Facebook needs to move more quickly to remove harmful, violative posts — posts

that will be within their policies for removal often remain up for days. That’s too long. The

information spreads too quickly.” Id.

294. She stated that “[w]e engage with them [i.e., social-media companies] regularly and they

certainly understand what our asks are.” Id. (emphasis added). She stated that, “we’ve made a

calculation to push back on misinformation,” and that “we are working to combat misinformation

that’s traveling online.” Id.

295. The same day, the Surgeon General released his advisory regarding “health

misinformation.” It defined “health misinformation” as “information that is false, inaccurate, or

misleading according to the best available evidence at the time. Misinformation has caused

confusion and led people to decline COVID-19 vaccines, reject public health measures such as

masking and physical distancing, and use unproven treatments.” Confronting Health

Misinformation: The U.S. Surgeon General’s Advisory on Building a Healthy Information

Environment, (July 15, 2021), https://www.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/surgeon-general-

misinformation-advisory.pdf.

296. The Surgeon General’s advisory called for social-medial companies to “make

meaningful long-term investments to address misinformation, including product changes,” to

“[r]edesign recommendation algorithms to avoid amplifying misinformation,” to “build in

‘frictions’— such as suggestions and warnings—to reduce the sharing of misinformation,” and to

“make it easier for users to report misinformation.” Id. It called on social-media companies to

“[s]trengthen the monitoring of misinformation,” and to censor disfavored speakers swiftly and

aggressively: “Prioritize early detection of misinformation ‘super-spreaders’ and repeat offenders.

Impose clear consequences for accounts that repeatedly violate platform policies.” Id.

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297. Facebook responded by stating that it was, in fact, aggressively censoring “health

misinformation,” and coordinating with the Government to do so. “A Facebook spokesperson said

the company has partnered with government experts, health authorities and researchers to take

‘aggressive action against misinformation about COVID-19 and vaccines to protect public

health.’” White House Slams Facebook as Conduit for COVID-19 Misinformation, Reuters (July

15, 2021) (emphasis added), https://www.reuters.com/world/us/us-surgeon-general-warns-over-

covid-19- misinformation-2021-07-15/. “‘So far we’ve removed more than 18 million pieces of

COVID misinformation, [and] removed accounts that repeatedly break these rules…,’ the

spokesperson added.” Id.

298. Facebook stated that it “has introduced rules against making certain false claims about

COVID-19 and its vaccines.” Id.

299. The next day, July 16, 2021, a reporter asked President Biden what he thought of COVID

misinformation on social media, and he responded, referring to platforms like Facebook, by

stating: “They’re killing people.” Zolan Kanno-Youngs & Cecilia Kang, They’re Killing People:

Biden Denounces Social Media for Virus Disinformation, N.Y. Times (July 16, 2021),

https://www.nytimes.com/2021/07/16/us/politics/biden-facebook-social-media-covid.html. The

New York Times reported that “this week, White House officials went further and singled out

social-media companies for allowing false information to proliferate. That came after weeks of

failed attempts to get Facebook to turn over information detailing what mechanisms were in place

to combat misinformation about the vaccine, according to a person familiar with the matter.” Id.

300. After these comments from President Biden, a very senior executive at Facebook reached

out to Surgeon General Murthy to engage in damage control and appease the President’s wrath.

Soon thereafter, the same Facebook executive sent a text message to Surgeon General Murthy,

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noting that “it’s not great to be accused of killing people” and expressing that he was “keen to find

a way to deescalate and work together collaboratively.”

301. The same day, July 16, 2021, Psaki explicitly called for social-media companies to

coordinate with each other in censoring disfavored speakers, to ensure that such speakers are

completely muzzled. “You shouldn’t be banned from one platform and not others … for providing

misinformation out there.” The White House, Press Briefing by Press Secretary Jen Psaki, July

16, 2021, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/press-briefings/2021/07/16/press-briefing-

by-press-secretary-jen-psaki-july-16-2021/. On information and belief, social-media companies

have heeded this demand, and they do, in fact, coordinate extensively with each other in censorship

of disfavored speakers, speech, and viewpoints on social media.

302. Psaki also demanded that social-media companies “create robust enforcement

strategies,” “tak[e] faster action against harmful posts,” and “promot[e] quality information

algorithms”—which is a euphemism for algorithms that suppress disfavored messages. Id. When

asked whether Facebook’s already-aggressive censorship—it claimed to have suppressed 18

million pieces of COVID-19-related “misinformation”—was “sufficient,” she responded, “Clearly

not, because we’re talking about additional steps that should be taken.” Id.

303. Four days later, July 20, 2021, the White House explicitly threatened to amend or repeal

the liability protections of § 230 of the Communications Decency Act if social-media companies

did not increase censorship of disfavored speakers and viewpoints. Matthew Brown, ‘They Should

Be Held Accountable’: White House Reviews Platforms’ Misinformation Liability, USA Today

(July 20, 2021), https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/politics/2021/07/20/white-house-reviews-

section-230-protections-covid-misinformation/8024210002/. The White House communications

director announced that “[t]he White House is assessing whether social-media platforms are

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legally liable for misinformation spread on their platforms.” Id. “We’re reviewing that, and

certainly, they should be held accountable,” she said. Id.

304. She “specified the White House is examining how misinformation fits into the liability

protections granted by Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, which shields online

platforms from being responsible for what is posted by third parties on their sites.” Id. Media

reported that, in connection with this threat, “Relations are tense between the Biden administration

and social-media platforms, specifically Facebook, over the spread of misinformation online.”

Brown, ‘They Should Be Held Accountable,’ USA Today (July 20, 2021); see also, e.g., Jessica

Bursztynsky, White House says social media networks should be held accountable for spreading

misinformation, CNBC (July 20, 2021), https://www.cnbc.com/2021/07/20/white-house-social-

networks-should-be-held-accountable-for-spreading-misinfo.html. When asked whether the

President is “open to amending 230 when Facebook and Twitter and other social media outlets

spread false information that cause Americans harm, shouldn’t they be held accountable in a real

way?” White House Communications Director Bedingfield responded, “We’re reviewing that and

certainly they should be held accountable. And I think you heard the president speak very

aggressively about this. He understands that this is an important piece of the ecosystem.” Id.

305. After this series of public statements, responding to “White House pressure,” Facebook

censored the accounts of the 12 specific disfavored speakers (including Plaintiff Kennedy) whom

Psaki accused of spreading health misinformation. Oliver Darcy, Facebook takes action against

‘disinformation dozen’ after White House pressure, CNN (Aug. 18, 2021),

https://www.cnn.com/2021/08/18/tech/facebook-disinformation-dozen/index.html. Psaki had

“hammered the platform in July for allowing the people identified in the report to remain on its

platform.” Id. After they were singled out for censorship by the White House, Facebook “removed

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over three dozen Pages, groups and Facebook or Instagram accounts linked to these 12 people,

including at least one linked to each of the 12 people, for violating our policies.” Id.

306. On the same day, July 20, 2021, Humphrey emailed Facebook asking for the takedown

of an Instagram account parodying Fauci. In less than two minutes, Facebook replied, “Yep, on

it!” Soon thereafter, Facebook reported that the account had been censored.

307. On July 23, 2021, the aforementioned senior Facebook executive sent an email to

Surgeon General Murthy stating, “I wanted to make sure you saw the steps we took just this past

week to adjust policies on what we are removing with respect to misinformation, as well as steps

taken to further address the ‘disinfo dozen’: we removed 17 additional Pages, Groups, and

Instagram accounts tied to the disinfo dozen.” Again, on August 20, 2021, the same Facebook

executive emailed Murthy to assure him that Facebook “will shortly be expanding our COVID

policies to further reduce the spread of potentially harmful content on our platform. These changes

will apply across Facebook and Instagram,” and they included “increasing the strength of our

demotions for COVID and vaccine- related content” and “making it easier to have

Pages/Groups/Accounts demoted for sharing COVID and vaccine-related misinformation.” In

addition, that senior Facebook executive sent a “Facebook bi-weekly covid content report” to

Surgeon General Murthy and to White House official Andrew Slavitt, evidently to reassure these

federal officials that Facebook’s suppression of COVID-19 “misinformation” was aggressive

enough for their preferences.

308. In the same time frame, Twitter permanently suspended the account of prominent

lockdown critic Alex Berenson, despite repeated reassurances from high-level Twitter executives

that his account was safe, just days after Dr. Fauci singled him out as a danger for suggesting

young people might reasonably decline the vaccine.

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309. Berenson disclosed internal Twitter communications revealing that senior “WH”

officials including Andrew Slavitt specifically pressured Twitter to deplatform Berenson, an

influential vaccine critic—which Twitter did. This pressure to deplatform Berenson evidently

occurred on April 21, 2021, when four Twitter employees participated in a Zoom meeting with at

least three White House officials and one HHS official, intending to allow the White House to

“partner” with Twitter in censoring COVID-related “misinfo.” The meeting invitation stated:

“White House Staff will be briefed by Twitter on vaccine misinfo. Twitter to cover trends seen

generally around vaccine misinformation, the tangible effects seen from recent policy changes,

what interventions are currently being implemented in addition to previous policy changes, and

ways the White House (and our COVID experts) can partner in product work.” (Emphasis added).

310. The next day, April 22, Twitter employees noted in internal communications that the

White House officials had posed “tough” questions during this meeting, including “one really

tough question about why Alex Berenson hasn’t been kicked off the platform.” See Alex

Berenson, The White House privately demanded Twitter ban me months before the company did

so, Unreported Truths (Aug. 12, 2022), https://alexberenson.substack.com/p/the-white-house-

privately-demanded. On July 11, 2021, Dr. Fauci publicly described Berenson’s public statements

on vaccines as “horrifying.” Soon thereafter, after President Biden’s subsequent statement that

“They’re killing people” by not censoring vaccine “misinformation,” Twitter caved to federal

pressure and permanently suspended Berenson.

311. On October 29, 2021, the Surgeon General tweeted from his official account (as opposed

to his personal account, which remains active), in a thread: “We must demand Facebook and the

rest of the social media ecosystem take responsibility for stopping health misinformation on their

platforms. The time for excuses and half measures is long past. We need transparency and

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accountability now. The health of our country is at stake.” See https://twitter.com/

Surgeon_General/status/1454181191494606854.

312. In another concerning exchange on October 31, 2021, Deputy Assistant to the President

Rob Flaherty emailed a contact at Facebook with a link to a Washington Post article complaining

about the spread of COVID “misinformation” on Facebook. The email contained only the link to

that story with the subject line, “not even sure what to say at this point.” The Facebook official

defended Facebook’s practices, and assured Mr. Flaherty that Facebook’s internal studies were

intended to “improve our defenses against harmful vaccine misinformation,” and that Facebook

had, in fact, “improved our policies,” i.e., increased censorship of online speech.

313. Defendants’ response to this censorship was to demand still more censorship by social-

media platforms, including but not limited to Facebook. “[A]fter Facebook’s action against the

‘disinformation dozen,’ a White House spokesperson continued to strongly criticize the company.”

Darcy, Facebook takes action against ‘disinformation dozen’ after White House pressure, CNN

(Aug. 18, 2021). “‘In the middle of a pandemic, being honest and transparent about the work that

needs to be done to protect public health is absolutely vital, but Facebook still refuses to be

straightforward about how much misinformation is circulating—and being actively promoted—

on their platform,’ a White House spokesperson told CNN Business. ‘It’s on everyone to get this

right so we can make sure the American people are getting accurate information to protect the

health of themselves and their loved ones—which is why the Administration will continue to push

leaders, media outlets, and leading sources of information like Facebook to meet those basic

expectations,’ the spokesperson added.” Id.

314. On information and belief, active coordination between Facebook and the FBI on

censorship and suppression of speech on social media continues to this day. For example,

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Facebook “now appears to be monitoring private messages and suppressing material related to the

whistleblower complaint of … FBI special agent Steve Friend.” Miranda Devine, Facebook

‘silencing’ activity related to FBI whistleblower Steve Friend, N.Y. Post (Sept. 25, 2022),

https://nypost.com/2022/09/25/facebook-silencing-activity-related-to-fbi-whistleblower-steve-

friend/.

315. After Friend made public allegations critical of political bias at the FBI, the

whistleblower’s “wife’s Facebook account was suspended after she responded to an offer of

support from a local chapter” of a supportive “conservative group that advocates for parental

rights.” Id. The wife responded to the group with a private message from her Facebook account,

stating that “her husband was in the process of obtaining permission from the FBI to speak publicly

and asked them to encourage their members to share his whistleblower story on their personal

social media accounts.” Id. “About 30 minutes later, Mrs. Friend received a notification from

Facebook that her account had been suspended because the ‘account, or activity on it, doesn’t

follow our Community Standards.’” Id. At the receiving end, “Mrs. Friend’s Facebook message

disappeared. In its place was a notification saying, ‘Message unavailable.’” Id. Thus, it now

appears that Facebook is policing private messages sent on Facebook to censor and suppress any

communications that might be critical of the FBI.

316. The State Department has inserted itself in efforts to combat so-called Covid-19

“disinformation.” State provides an online briefing dated January 21, 2022, entitled “COVID-19

Fact Checking: What Journalists Need to Know,” which “provides information about fact-

checking resources available to journalists to counter COVID-19 and vaccine misinformation, and

an overview of counter-misinformation efforts around the world.”

317. Facebook reported to Rowe, Flaherty, and Slavitt that it has “labeled and demoted”

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“vaccine humor posts whose content could discourage vaccination” during January 2022. It also

reported to the White House that it “labeled and demoted” posts “suggesting natural immunity to

COVID-19 infection is superior to immunity by the COVID-19 vaccine.” Likewise, on

November 4, 2021, Facebook reported to Rowe, Flaherty, and other White House officials that

“we updated our misinformation policies for COVID-19 vaccines to make clear that they apply

to claims about children….”

318. On February 1, 2022, Psaki was asked at a White House press conference whether the

Administration was satisfied with Spotify’s decision to affix advisory warnings to Joe Rogan’s

immensely popular podcast, which featured speakers that contradicted the Administration’s

messaging about COVID-19 and vaccines, or whether the government “think[s] that companies

like Spotify should go further than just, you know, putting a label on” disfavored viewpoints and

speakers. Psaki responded by demanding that Spotify and other platforms “do[] more” to block

disfavored speech: “[O]ur hope is that all major tech platforms … be vigilant to ensure the

American people have access to accurate information on something as significant as COVID-19.

So, this disclaimer – it’s a positive step. But we want every platform to continue doing more to

call out … mis- and disinformation while also uplifting accurate information.” She stated that

Spotify’s advisory warnings are “a good step, it’s a positive step, but there’s more that can be

done.” The White House, Press Briefing by Press Secretary Jen Psaki, February 1, 2022

(emphases added), https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/press-briefings/2022/02/01/press-

briefing- by-press-secretary-jen-psaki-february-1-2022/.

319. On February 17, 2022, Lauren Protentis of CISA emailed contacts at Microsoft and

stated: “The Department of Treasury has asked our team for appropriate POCs [i.e., points of

contact] to discuss social media and influence matters. We’d like to make a connection to

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Microsoft if you’re amenable? This is somewhat time-sensitive, so thanks in advance to your

attention to this matter.” The email was forwarded to recent CISA alumnus, now Microsoft

employee, Matthew Masterson, who exchanged the text messages with Jen Easterly quoted above.

Masterson responded, “Send em to me. I will make sure [the other Microsoft contact] is looped

in.” Separately, Masterson’s colleague at Microsoft responded that “Matt [Masterson] and I can

be the primary POCs for the introduction.” Protentis responded, “We’re going to pass your info

to Treasury. They will reach-out directly and provide more information about the nature of this

request.”

320. On February 17, 2022, Protentis sent a similar email to Yoel Roth of Twitter (Nina

Jankowicz’s contact who was scheduled to attend the April 2022 meeting with Robert Silvers and

senior DHS officials), asking for a Twitter point of contact for Treasury to “discuss social media

and influence matters.” After Roth responded, Protentis stated that “Treasury . . . will reach-out

directly to begin the dialogue and provide more information about the nature of this request.”

321. On February 17, 2022, Protentis reached out to a contact at Google, asking that “[t]he

Department of Treasury has asked our team for appropriate POCs to discuss social media and

influence matters. We’d like to make the connection to Google if you’re amenable?” Protentis

followed up just over an hour later, stating, “Apologies for the second email, this is somewhat

time-sensitive, so thank you for your prompt attention to this request!” When the Google contact

responded, Protentis replied, “We’re going to pass your info to Treasury. They will reach-out

directly and provide more information about the nature of this request.”

322. On February 17, 2022, Protentis reached out to contacts at Facebook and stated, “The

Deputy Secretary at Treasury [Wally Adeyemo] would like to be connected to industry partners to

discuss potential influence operations on social media. We’d like to make the connection to

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Facebook if you’re amenable?” On information and belief, the nearly identically-phrased inquiries

to Twitter and Microsoft that Protentis sent on the same day were also sent at Adeyemo’s request.

323. On information and belief, these messages reflect the participation of Treasury and

Adeyemo in federal censorship activities.

324. On March 3, 2022, the Surgeon General issued a formal “Request for Information” (RFI)

on the “Impact of Health Misinformation” on social media. HHS, Impact of Health

Misinformation in the Digital Information Environment in the United States Throughout the

COVID-19 Pandemic Request for Information, 87 Fed. Reg. 12,712-12,714 (Mar. 2, 2022).

325. In the RFI, “[t]he Office of the Surgeon General requests input from interested parties on

the impact and prevalence of health misinformation in the digital information environment during

the COVID–19 pandemic.” Id. at 12,712. The RFI states that “the speed, scale, and sophistication

with which misinformation has been spread during the COVID-19 pandemic has been

unprecedented,” and it implies that social-media companies are to blame, carrying a clear threat of

future regulation: “This RFI seeks to understand both the impact of health misinformation during

the COVID–19 pandemic and the unique role that technology and social-media platforms play in

the dissemination of critical health information during a public health emergency.” Id. at 12,713.

326. The RFI seeks specific information about health “misinformation” on such social- media

platforms: “Information about how widespread COVID–19 misinformation is on individual

technology platforms including: General search engines, content sharing platforms, social-media

platforms, e-commerce platforms, crowd sourced platforms, and instant messaging systems.” Id.

327. The RFI seeks: “Any aggregate data and analysis on how many users were exposed, were

potentially exposed, or otherwise engaged with COVID–19 misinformation,” where “[e]xposure

is defined as seeing content in newsfeeds, in search results, or algorithmically nominated content,”

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and “[p]otential exposure is the exposure users would have had if they could see all the content

that is eligible to appear within their newsfeeds.” Id. at 12,714. It also seeks “[i]nformation about

COVID–19 misinformation policies on individual technology platforms,” including “[a]ny

aggregate data and analysis of technology platform COVID–19 misinformation policies including

implementation of those policies and evaluations of their effectiveness.” Id.

328. Media reports aptly described Murthy as “demand[ing]” information about the major

sources of COVID-19 misinformation by May 2, 2022. Brad Dress, Surgeon General Demands

Data on COVID-19 Misinformation from Major Tech Firms, The Hill (March 3, 2022),

https://thehill.com/policy/healthcare/596709-surgeon-general-demands-data-on-covid-19-

misinformation-from-major-tech/. “In a formal notice, Murthy requested major tech platforms

submit information about the prevalence and scale of COVID-19 misinformation on their sites,

from social networks, search engines, crowdsourced platforms, e-commerce platforms and instant

messaging systems.” Id. “In his notice to major tech platforms, Murthy is requesting specific

information on demographics affected by misinformation as well as sources of misinformation and

‘exactly how many users saw or may have been exposed to instances of Covid-19

misinformation.’” Id.

CDC and Census Bureau Collusion in and Inducement of


Social Media Censorship of COVID-Related Speech

329. On or around July 27, 2022, a limited number of emails between CDC officials and

representatives of social-media platforms from late 2020 and early months of 2021 became

publicly available, over a year after they had been requested under FOIA. These emails—which

are attached as Exhibit A to First Am. Compl., Missouri v. Biden, No. 3:22-cv-01213-TAD-KDM

(W.D. La.), ECF No. 45-1 [hereinafter CDC Emails]—confirm the allegations of collusion

between HHS officials and social-media platforms to censor disfavored speech, speakers, and

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viewpoints, as alleged herein.

330. These emails indicate that Defendant Carol Y. Crawford of CDC and other CDC officials

frequently communicated and coordinated with social-media platforms, including Facebook,

Twitter, Google/YouTube, and Instagram, regarding the censorship of speech on social-media

platforms, including flagging specific content for censorship. During 2021, Crawford organized

“Be On the Lookout” or “BOLO” meetings on “misinformation” with representatives of social-

media platforms—including Twitter, Facebook, and Google/YouTube—in which she and other

federal officials colluded and/or collude with those platforms about speech to target for

suppression. These meetings include Crawford and other federal officials flagging specific social-

media posts for censorship and providing examples of the types of posts to censor. Crawford

emailed “slides” from the “BOLO” meetings to participants afterwards. These slides included

repeated examples of specific posts on social-media platforms flagged for censorship. The slides

called for “all” social-media platforms to “Be On the Lookout” for such posts. Crawford cautioned

the meeting participants, with respect to these slides, “[p]lease do not share outside your trust and

safety teams.”

331. These efforts go back as far as very early 2020, and they continue through the present

day, as evidenced by Facebook employees writing to high-level officials in HHS and the State

Department informing them of new attempts to “control information and misinformation related

to Corona virus [sic] which includes links to WHO page as well as removal of misinformation.”

332. On April 26, 2020, Defendant Muhammed wrote to Facebook employees and asked them

to take down Facebook pages, and deactivate associated accounts, misrepresenting themselves as

Administration for Children and Families Program (ACF). One of those employees responded,

“Absolutely.” Defendant Christy Choi, Deputy Director in the Office of Communications within

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HHS had exchanges with Facebook asking it to change the name of a Facebook page providing

“misleading information about vaccine” “[g]iven the administration’s focus on getting more

Americans vaccinated.”

333. Officials of the Census Bureau participated and/or participate in these BOLO meetings,

including Defendant Jennifer Shopkorn and Christopher Lewitzke, who is a Senior Digital

Marketing Associate with Reingold, a communications firm that was, on information and belief,

acting on behalf of the Census Bureau. Crawford’s emails indicate that the Census Bureau and its

officials and agents, such as Lewitzke and Shopkorn, play an important, active, and ongoing role in

colluding with social-media platforms to censor disfavored speech. On March 18, 2021, Crawford

emailed Twitter officials and stated that “[w]e are working on a project with Census to leverage

their infrastructure to identify and monitor social media for vaccine misinformation.” She added,

“We would like the opportunity to work with your trust team on a regular basis to discuss what

we are seeing.” She also noted that “I understand that you did this with Census last year as well.”

Twitter responded by stating, “With our CEO testifying before Congress this week is tricky,” but

otherwise agreed to the collusive arrangement. Likewise, in subsequent emails to Twitter (on May

6) and Facebook (on May 10), Crawford noted to the social-media platform officials that “[o]ur

census team,” i.e., Lewitzke and Shopkorn, who were cc’ed on the emails, “has much more info

on it if needed” regarding “some example posts” of “misinfo” that she flagged for censorship.

334. Defendants Crawford and others, including the Census officials and agents Lewitzke

and Shopkorn, took other steps to procure the censorship of disfavored speech on social media.

For example, on May 10, 2021, Crawford emailed Twitter officials to flag “two issues that we are

seeing a great deal of misinfo about,” noting that Lewitzke and Shopkorn “ha[ve] much more

info on it if needed.” The same email included 13 specific Twitter posts as examples of the sort

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of posts to be censored. On May 6, 2021, Crawford sent a similar email to Facebook officials,

also copying Lewitzke and Shophorn and stating that they have “much more info” about the issue;

this email included 16 specific posts from Facebook and Instagram as examples of posts to be

targeted for censorship. On May 12, 2021, Crawford emailed Facebook officials to flag “some

new info on myths your misinfo folks might be interested in,” with links to specific issues of

“misinformation” for Facebook to censor. On April 9, 2021, Crawford agreed with a Twitter

official that CDC would provide “examples of problematic content” posted on Twitter, and the

Twitter official noted that “all examples of misinformation are helpful.” Calendar invites from

early 2021 indicate that Crawford, Jay Dempsey, and other CDC officials participated in

Facebook’s “weekly sync with CDC,” with “CDC to invite other agencies as needed.”

335. Moreover, many of these substantive communications from federal officials flagging

specific posts and content for censorship also appear to occur through alternative channels of

communication. For example, Facebook trained CDC and Census Bureau officials on how to use

a “Facebook misinfo reporting channel.” Twitter offered federal officials a privileged channel for

flagging misinformation through a “Partner Support Portal.” YouTube has disclosed that it granted

“trusted flagger” status to Census Bureau officials, which allows privileged and expedited

consideration of their claims that content should be censored.

336. In another exchange of emails, Crawford agreed with Facebook officials that CDC

would participate in a COVID-19 “misinfo reporting channel,” and arranged for CDC officials to

have training on the use of Facebook’s “misinfo reporting channel.” On information and belief,

Crawford’s “team” at CDC, as well as Shopkorn and Lewitzke from Census, were “onboarded”

onto Facebook’s “misinfo reporting channel.” A calendar invite in May 2021 included Crawford,

Lewitzke, Shopkorn, other CDC officials, and other Reingold employees who were, on

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information and belief, acting on behalf of the Census Bureau, to participate in the “onboarding”

onto Facebook’s “misinfo reporting channel.”

337. Crawford’s communications with Facebook indicate that CDC, the Census Bureau, and

other government agencies collaborate with Facebook to flag speech regarding both COVID- 19

and elections for censorship using “CrowdTangle,” which Facebook describes as “a Facebook

tool that tracks how content spreads online.” An email from a Facebook official to Crawford stated

that, using CrowdTangle, “[w]hen health departments flag potential vaccine misinformation on

Facebook and Instagram, we review and remove the content if it violates our policies… This is

similar to how governments and fact-checkers use CrowdTangle ahead of elections….”

(Emphasis added.)

338. Additional communications between CDC and social-media platforms reflect an

ongoing, close, and continuing collaboration, effectively amounting to a joint enterprise, on

censorship of COVID-19 “misinformation” and related issues. See CDC Emails. For example,

the communications reflect close coordination on creating and publishing content on behalf of

CDC on social-media platforms, and artificially “amplifying” government messaging on social-

media to the suppression of private messaging, including a gift of $15 million in Facebook ad

credits from Facebook to CDC. They also reflect close coordination on amplifying CDC’s content

and other related issues.

DHS Collusion in and Inducement of Censorship of


Election-Related and Other Constitutionally Protected Speech

339. DHS and its officials are actively engaged in the campaign to procure the censorship of

disfavored speakers, content, and viewpoints, particular with respect to speech concerning so-

called “election integrity.”

340. On May 3, 2021, it was reported that DHS intended to “partner with private firms,” i.e.,

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social-media companies, to monitor disfavored speech online. Zachary Cohen & Katie Bo

Williams, Biden team may partner with private firms to monitor extremist chatter online, CNN

(May 3, 2021), https://www.cnn.com/2021/05/03/politics/dhs-partner-private-firms-surveil-

suspected-domestic-terrorists/index.html.

341. The purpose of these “partnerships” was to evade legal, constitutional, and ethical

problems with DHS’s direct surveillance of online speech: “The Department of Homeland

Security is limited in how it can monitor citizens online without justification and is banned from

activities like assuming false identities to gain access to private messaging apps.” Id. “Instead,

federal authorities can only browse through unprotected information on social media sites like

Twitter and Facebook and other open online platforms.” Id. “The plan being discussed inside

DHS, according to multiple sources, would, in effect, allow the department to circumvent those

limits.” Id. “Outsourcing some information gathering to outside firms would give DHS the benefit

of tactics that it isn’t legally able to do in-house, such as using false personas to gain access to

private groups used by suspected extremists, sources say.” Id.

342. As noted above, on May 5, 2021, Defendant Psaki stated at a White House press

conference that “[t]he President’s view is that the major platforms have a responsibility related to

the health and safety of all Americans to stop amplifying untrustworthy content, disinformation,

and misinformation, especially related to COVID-19, vaccinations, and elections.” The White

House, Press Briefing by Press Secretary Jen Psaki and Secretary of Agriculture Tom Vilsack,

May 5, 2021 (emphasis added), https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/press-briefings/

2021/05/05/press-briefing-by-press-secretary-jen-psaki-and-secretary-of-agriculture-tom-vilsack-

may-5-2021. Psaki immediately went on to state that President Biden “supports better privacy

protections and a robust anti-trust program.” Id. (emphasis added). And she stated that the

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President’s “view is that there’s more that needs to be done to ensure that this type of

misinformation; disinformation; damaging, sometimes life-threatening information is not going

out to the American public.” Id.

343. In the same press conference, Psaki notoriously went on to state, “We’re flagging

problematic posts for Facebook that spread disinformation.” Id. On information and belief,

especially in light of Psaki’s earlier reference to speech about “elections,” this statement about

“flagging problematic posts” referred not just to social-media speech about COVID-19, but also

social-media speech about election integrity. See, e.g., Reuters Staff, White House says social-

media platforms should not amplify ‘untrustworthy’ content, Reuters (May 5, 2021),

https://www.reuters.com/article/ctech-us-trump-facebook-biden-idCAKBN2CM1XU-OCATC

344. In June 2021, the National Security Council released its “National Strategy for

Countering Domestic Terrorism.” See The White House, National Strategy for Countering

Domestic Terrorism (June 2021), https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/

06/National-Strategy-for-Countering-Domestic-Terrorism.pdf.

345. The “National Strategy” repeatedly claimed that “disinformation and misinformation”

are important elements of “domestic terrorism.” Id. at 9. It claimed that the “ideologies” of

domestic terrorists “connect and intersect with conspiracy theories and other forms of

disinformation and misinformation.” Id. (emphasis added). It stated that such “elements” of

domestic terrorism “can combine and amplify threats to public safety,” “[e]specially on Internet-

based communications platforms such as social-media.” Id. (emphasis added). It stated that

DHS and others “are currently funding and implementing or planning” programs to “strengthen[]

user resilience to disinformation and misinformation online for domestic audiences.” Id. at 20.

The Strategy memo identified, as its “broader priority,” the task of “enhancing faith in government

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and addressing the extreme polarization, fueled by a crisis of disinformation and misinformation

often channeled through social-media platforms, which can tear Americans apart….” Id. at 29

(emphasis added). And it called for DHS and others to “accelerat[e] work to contend with an

information environment that challenges healthy democratic discourse,” and to “find[] ways to

counter the influence and impact” of online disinformation. Id.

346. On July 26, 2021, the Global Internet Forum to Counter Terrorism (GIFCT), an

“organization formed by some of the biggest U.S. tech companies including Facebook and

Microsoft,” which includes DHS on its board of advisors, announced that it is “significantly

expanding the types of extremist content shared between firms in a key database,” to move from

images and videos to content-based speech tracking. Reuters, Facebook and tech giants to target

attacker manifestos, far-right militias in database, https://www.reuters.com/technology/

exclusive-facebook-tech-giants-target-manifestos-militias- database-2021-07-26/.

347. “GIFCT … was created in 2017 under pressure from U.S. and European governments,”

and “its database mostly contains digital fingerprints of videos and images related to groups on

the U.N. Security Council’s consolidated sanctions list and a few specific live- streamed attacks.”

Id. “Until now, the Global Internet Forum to Counter Terrorism’s (GIFCT) database has focused

on videos and images from terrorist groups on a United Nations list,” but now the group

announced that it would move into content-based speech tracking. Id. On information and belief,

DHS officials, including Defendants, have access to such database(s) as tools to advance

censorship of online speech.

348. Shortly thereafter, on August 2, 2021, DHS Secretary Mayorkas announced that DHS

was working directly with social-media companies to censor disfavored speech on social- media

platforms. “On [a] broadcast of MSNBC’s ‘Andrea Mitchell Reports,’ DHS Secretary Alejandro

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Mayorkas stated that the department is working with tech companies ‘that are the platform for

much of the disinformation that reaches the American public, how they can better use their terms

of use to really strengthen the legitimate use of their very powerful platforms and prevent harm

from occurring.’” Ian Hanchett, Mayorkas: We’re Working with Platforms on ‘How They Can

Better Use’ Their Terms to ‘Prevent Harm’ from Misinformation, Breitbart News (Aug. 2, 2021),

https://www.breitbart.com/clips/2021/08/02/mayorkas-were-workgin-with-platforms-on-how-

they-can-better-use-their-terms-to-prevent-harm-from-misinformation/.

349. Echoing Psaki’s comments at the July 15, 2021, news conference with Surgeon General

Murthy, Mayorkas stated: “So, we’re working together with them. We’re working with the tech

companies that are the platform for much of the disinformation that reaches the American public,

how they can better use their terms of use to really strengthen the legitimate use of their very

powerful platforms and prevent harm from occurring.” Id. On information and belief, the

reference to “us[ing] their terms of use to really strengthen the legitimate use of their very powerful

platforms and prevent harms from occurring” refers to government-induced censorship of

disfavored viewpoints, speakers, and content.

350. Mayorkas added that there was a federal-government-wide effort to police speech on

social media, stating: “[T]he connectivity between speech and violence, the connectivity between

active harm and speech is something that we’re very focused on, and it’s a difficult challenge.

But we’re working on it and meeting that challenge, again, because of the great personnel of the

Department of Homeland Security and across the federal enterprise.” Id. (emphasis added).

351. Soon after Mayorkas’s August 2, 2021 comments, DHS officials began plotting to create

a “Disinformation Governance Board” within DHS. See Missouri v. Biden, No. 3:22-cv-01213-

TAD-KDM (W.D. La.), ECF No. 10-1, at 19-23 (Glenn Decl. Ex. 1, at 6-10). On September 13,

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2021, senior DHS officials Robert Silvers and Samantha Vinograd sent a memorandum to

Secretary Mayorkas recommending the creation of the Disinformation Governance Board. The

opening sentence of the Memorandum noted that the Board’s purpose would be to combat “[t]he

spread of disinformation” regarding “[c]onspiracy theories about the validity and security of

elections,” including “disinformation surrounding the validity of the 2020 election,” and

“[d]isinformation related to the origins and effects of COVID- 19 vaccines or the efficacy of

masks,” which “undercut[] public health efforts to combat the pandemic.” Id. at 19.

352. The same Memorandum noted that CISA was involved in flagging content for

censorship on social-media platforms: “Leading up to the 2020 election, CISA relayed reports of

election disinformation from election officials to social media platform operators.” Id. at 20. The

Memorandum called for the Board to perform “partner engagement” with “private sector entities

[and] tech platforms.” Id. at 22.

353. In a subsequent Memorandum dated January 31, 2022, DHS officials indicated that the

Board’s activities would oversee extensive pre-existing social-media censorship activities by

other federal officials and agencies: “The Board will also support and coordinate … MDM work

with other departments and agencies, the private sector, and non-government actors.” Id. at 24.

This Memorandum attached the Board’s Charter, which stated that its mission was to “guide and

support the Department’s efforts to address mis-, dis-, and mal-information.” Id. at 27. It also

stated that the Board would “harmonize and support coordination with … the private sector.” Id.

The Charter called for the Board to “coordinate, deconflict, and harmonize departmental efforts to

address MDM,” including between “DHS Components” and “interagency partners,” and “serving

as the Department’s internal and external point of contact for coordination with … the private

sector … regarding MDM.” Id. at 28-29.

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354. Under continuous pressure from federal officials, including Defendants herein, social-

media firms have imposed increasingly draconian censorship on core political speech about

election integrity. For example, in March 2022, YouTube imposed a one-week suspension on The

Hill, a well-known political publication covering Congress, for posts that included clips of former

President Trump’s speech at the CPAC conference and interview on Fox News, which included

claims that fraud changed the outcome of the 2020 presidential election. Gilead Edelman, Beware

the Never-Ending Disinformation Emergency, The Wired (Mar. 11, 2022), https://www.wired.

com/story/youtube-rigged-election-donald-trump-moderation-misinformation/.

355. YouTube relied on its “Elections misinformation policy,” under which it censors

“Content that advances false claims that widespread fraud, errors, or glitches changed the outcome

of select past national elections, after final election results are officially certified.” YouTube,

Elections Misinformation Policy (emphasis added), https://support.google.com/youtube/answer/

10835034?hl=en.

356. This policy is openly content- and viewpoint-based—it applies only to “select” past

national elections, and “[u]nder the policy, you can only include those claims if you explicitly

debunk or condemn them.” Edelman, supra. On information and belief, this policy is also

selective in application, as it is not applied to censor widespread, false Democratic claims that

supposed “collusion” between the Trump campaign and Russia changed the outcome of the 2016

presidential election. And “by asking news hosts to explicitly denounce any mention of election

fraud, YouTube isn’t just making its own content decisions; it’s injecting itself into the editorial

processes of actual media outlets.” Id.

357. On November 10, 2021, the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA),

an agency within DHS, announced that it was “beefing up its disinformation and misinformation

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team in the wake of a divisive presidential election that saw a proliferation of misleading

information online.” Maggie Miller, Cyber agency beefing up disinformation, misinformation

team, The Hill (Nov. 10, 2021), https://thehill.com/policy/cybersecurity/580990-cyber-agency-

beefing-up-disinformation-misinformation-team/. “‘I am actually going to grow and strengthen

my misinformation and disinformation team,’ CISA Director Jen Easterly said.” Id. Defendant

Easterly said that so-called “disinformation” and “misinformation” pose “a top threat for CISA,

which is charged with securing critical infrastructure, to confront.” Id.

358. Easterly claimed that social-media speech is a form of “infrastructure,” and that policing

speech online by the federal government falls within her agency’s mission to protect

“infrastructure,” stating that CISA is “in the business of critical infrastructure, and the most

critical infrastructure is our cognitive infrastructure, so building that resilience to misinformation

and disinformation, I think, is incredibly important.” Id.

359. Easterly announced that CISA was working directly with unnamed “partners in the

private sector” and other government agencies to police online speech: “We are going to work

with our partners in the private sector and throughout the rest of the government and at the

department to continue to ensure that the American people have the facts that they need to help

protect our critical infrastructure.” Id.

360. Easterly texted with Matthew Masterson about “trying to get us in a place where Fed can

work with platforms to better understand the mis/dis trends so relevant agencies can try to

prebunk/debunk as useful,” and complained about the Government’s need to overcome the social-

media platforms’ “hesitation” to working with the government: “Platforms have got to get more

comfortable with gov’t. It’s really interesting how hesitant they remain.”

361. With specific reference to hotly disputed election-integrity issues, Easterly stated that

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Americans should not be allowed to “pick [their] own facts” and make their own decisions about

what is true, especially regarding election security: “We now live in a world where people talk

about alternative facts, post-truth, which I think is really, really dangerous if you get to pick your

own facts, and it’s particularly corrosive when you talk about matters of election security.” Id.

Instead, she indicated, federal officials like herself should intervene to help Americans “pick” the

right “facts.” Id.

362. CISA appears to be the focus of many of DHS’s attempts to police the content of speech

and viewpoints on social media. On information and belief, CISA maintains a number of task

forces, working groups, and similar organizations as joint government-private enterprises,

which provide avenues for government officials to push for censorship of disfavored viewpoints

and speakers online. CISA has aggressively embraced its “evolved mission” of screening

complaints of social-media disinformation and then “routing disinformation concerns” to social-

media platforms. CISA routinely receives reports of perceived “disinformation,” often from state

and local government officials, and forwards them to social-media companies for censorship,

placing the considerable weight of its authority as a federal national-security agency behind its

demands for suppression of private speech. CISA, therefore, serves as a government clearinghouse

for expedited censorship of social-media speech disfavored by government officials.

363. In a 2020 document entitled “2020 Election Infrastructure Subsector-Specific Plan,”

https://www.cisa.gov/sites/default/files/publications/election_infrastructure_subsector_

specific_plan.pdf, CISA stated that it had partnered to “promote” interaction between election

officials and the Center for Technology and Civic Life, the now-notorious nonprofit funded by

Mark Zuckerberg that engaged in egregious election interference by injecting hundreds of millions

of private dollars and personnel into local election offices in heavily Democratic-favoring areas.

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364. CISA routinely expands the definitions of “misinformation” and “disinformation” to

include “malinformation,” i.e., truthful information that the government believes is presented out

of context to contradict left-wing political narratives. CISA defines “malinformation” as

information that is “based on fact, but used out of context to mislead, harm, or manipulate.” See,

e.g., CISA, We’re in This Together. Disinformation Stops with You. (last visited May 5, 2022),

https://www.cisa.gov/sites/default/files/publications/SLTTCOVIDToolkit_FINAL_508.pdf.

365. CISA’s same publication decries the spreading of “false treatment and prevention

measures [for COVID-19], unsubstantiated rumors regarding the origin of the virus, and more.”

Id. (emphasis added). On information and belief, “unsubstantiated rumors regarding the origin

of the [COVID-19] virus” refers to the lab-leak theory of COVID-19’s origins, which (as noted

above) is supported by compelling circumstantial evidence, both scientific and historical.

366. CISA’s “Mis-, Dis-, and Malinformation [MDM] Planning and Incident Response

Guide for Election Officials,” https://www.cisa.gov/sites/default/files/publications/mdm-

incident-response-guide_508.pdf, calls for constant policing of speech regarding election integrity,

stating that “election infrastructure related MDM occurs year-round,” and “[f]alse narratives erode

trust and pose a threat to democratic transitions, especially, but not limited to, narratives around

election processes and the validity of election outcomes.” Id. The Guide defines MDM to include

“[n]arratives or content that delegitimizes election results or sows distrust in the integrity of the

process based on false or misleading claims.” Id.

367. On February 7, 2022, DHS issued a National Terrorism Advisory Bulletin,

https://www.dhs.gov/ntas/advisory/national-terrorism-advisory-system-bulletin-february-07-

2022. It begins by stating: “The United States remains in a heightened threat environment fueled

by several factors, including an online environment filled with false or misleading narratives and

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conspiracy theories, and other forms of mis- dis- and mal-information (MDM).” Id. The first

critical “factor” contributing to a “heightened threat environment,” according to the Bulletin, is

“(1) the proliferation of false or misleading narratives, which sow discord or undermine public

trust in U.S. government institutions.” Id. Again, the first “[k]ey factor contributing to the current

heightened threat environment” identified in the Bulletin is “[t]he proliferation of false or

misleading narratives, which sow discord or undermine public trust in U.S. government

institutions: For example, there is widespread online proliferation of false or misleading

narratives regarding unsubstantiated widespread election fraud and COVID-19. Grievances

associated with these themes inspired violent extremist attacks during 2021.” Id. (emphasis

added). The Bulletin stated that DHS is directly coordinating with social-media platforms to

address so-called “MDM”: “DHS is working with public and private sector partners, as well as

foreign counterparts, to identify and evaluate MDM, including false or misleading narratives and

conspiracy theories spread on social media and other online platforms that endorse or could

inspire violence.” Id. And it specifically stated that CISA likewise “works with public and private

sector partners … [to] increase nationwide cybersecurity resilience.” Id.

368. This February 7, 2022 Bulletin echoed statements from prior bulletins indicating that

so-called COVID-19 “misinformation” and election-related “misinformation” are domestic

terror threats. For example, DHS’s January 27, 2021 National Terrorism Advisory System

Bulletin, https://www.dhs.gov/ntas/advisory/national-terrorism-advisory-system-bulletin-

january-27-2021, stated that “Domestic Violent Extremists” are “motivated by a range of issues,

including anger over COVID-19 restrictions [and] the 2020 election results….” Id. Similarly,

DHS’s August 13, 2021 National Terrorism Advisory System Bulletin,

https://www.dhs.gov/ntas/advisory/national-terrorism-advisory-system-bulletin-august-13-2021,

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stated that “violent extremists … may seek to exploit the emergence of COVID-19 variants by

viewing the potential re-establishment of public health restrictions across the United States as a

rationale to conduct attacks.” Id. It stated that “domestic threat actors … continue to introduce,

amplify, and disseminate narratives online that promote violence,” and included therein

“conspiracy theories on perceived election fraud … and responses to anticipated restrictions

relating to the increasing COVID cases.” Id.

369. On April 12, 2022, CISA published another bulletin announcing that it was coordinating

directly with social-media platforms to police “Mis, Dis, Malinformation” (which it calls

“MDM”). CISA, Mis, Dis, Malinformation, https://www.cisa.gov/mdm. The bulletin states that

MDM—which, again, includes factually accurate information—“can evoke a strong emotional

reaction that leads people to share it without first looking into the facts for themselves, polluting

healthy conversations about the issues and increasing societal divisions.” Id. CISA reported that

its Countering Foreign Influence Task Force’s “mission evolved” during the Biden Administration

to address the new “information environment,” which (on information and belief) is codespeak

for ramping up online censorship: “In 2021, the CFITF officially transitioned into CISA’s MDM

team, and the mission evolved to reflect the changing information environment.” Id. CISA stated

that it coordinates directly with social-media firms to address MDM: “The MDM team continues

to work in close coordination with interagency and private sector partners, social-media

companies, academia, and international partners on a variety of projects to build resilience against

malicious information activities.” Id. (emphasis added).

370. The April 12, 2022 CISA bulletin indicates that CISA works directly with social-media

companies to flag content for censorship: “The MDM team serves as a switchboard for routing

disinformation concerns to appropriate social-media platforms….” Id. CISA boasts that it has

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“expanded the breadth of reporting [MDM] to include … more social-media platforms,” and that

“[t]his activity leverages the rapport the MDM team has with the social-media platforms to enable

shared situational awareness.” Id. On information and belief, these statements reflect and express

on ongoing practice by government officials of directly colluding with social-media platforms to

suppress disfavored speech, viewpoints, content, and speakers on social media. Again, these

statements echo Psaki’s statement that the Biden Administration is “flagging problematic posts

for Facebook,” and Mayorkas’s statement that DHS is “working with the tech companies that are

the platform for much of the disinformation that reaches the American public” to address so-

called misinformation and disinformation.

371. The same bulletin suggests that CISA is directly involved in such “flagging” related to

COVID-19 “misinformation.” It states that “COVID-19-related MDM activities seek to

undermine public confidence and sow confusion,” and claims that “the rapid evolution of accurate

information makes older, dated information a potential catalyst of confusion and distrust as well.”

Id. Thus, it claims, “[t]he MDM team supports the interagency and private sector partners’

COVID-19 response efforts via regular reporting and analysis of key pandemic-related MDM

trends.” Id. (emphasis added). On information and belief, these “private sector partners” include

social-media firms, and the “reporting and analysis” includes flagging disfavored content for

censorship.

372. On April 27, 2022, Mayorkas announced that DHS was creating a “Disinformation

Governance Board.” Hannah Nightingale, Biden Administration creates ‘Disinformation

Governance Board’ under DHS to fight ‘misinformation,’ The Post Millenial (Apr. 27, 2022),

https://thepostmillennial.com/breaking-biden-administration-creates-disinformation-

governance-board-under-dhs-to-fight-misinformation. “The Department of Homeland Security

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is setting up a new board designed to counter misinformation related to homeland security, with

a focus specifically on Russia and irregular migration. The board will be called the

‘Disinformation Governance Board,’ and will be headed by executive director Nina Jankowicz.”

Id. During congressional testimony, Mayorkas described the endeavor as a “just recently

constituted Misinformation/Disinformation Governance Board.” Id. (video link at 1:40). He

stated: “The goal is to bring the resources of the Department together to address this threat.” Id.

373. Jankowicz called for more aggressive censorship of election-related speech:

“Considering the long-term damage these lies do to our democracy, I’m dismayed about this

decision [not to censor election-related speech more aggressively]. I say this about foreign

disinformation and it applies to domestic disinfo too: Elections aren’t an end point. They’re an

inflection point. Policies need to reflect that.” Id.

374. On information and belief, DHS’s new “Disinformation Governance Board” was

intended to be used to increase DHS’s efforts to induce and procure the censorship of disfavored

content, viewpoints, and speakers on social-media platforms.

375. From its inception, the DGB was envisioned as an agency for suppressing core political

speech about election security and COVID-19 restrictions. In the internal memo to Secretary

Mayorkas advocating for the DGB’s creation, the very first two topics of “disinformation” to be

targeted were “conspiracies about the validity and security of elections,” and “disinformation

related to the origins and effects of COVID-19 vaccines or the efficacy of masks.”

376. Internal documents of DHS, provided by whistleblowers to U.S. Senators, indicate that

the “Disinformation Governance Board” was formulated to create a stronger bureaucratic

structure to federal social-media censorship policies and activities that were already in full force,

both within DHS and across other federal agencies. The whistleblower documents make clear

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that the DGB’s task was not to establish a censorship program, but to oversee the massive

censorship program against free speech on these topics that already exists—both within DHS,

and across the federal government.

377. On information and belief, Defendants Robert Silvers and Samantha Vinograd played

and play a central role in DHS’s censorship activities, including but not limited to the formulation

and creation of the “Disinformation Governance Board.” The whistleblower documents cited

above strongly support this conclusion. Silvers and Vinograd co-signed the September 13, 2021

“Memorandum for the Secretary” regarding “Organizing DHS Efforts to Counter

Disinformation” that provided an overview of DHS’s disinformation activity and recommended

the creation of the DGB. As noted above, the opening lines of this memo state that “[t]he spread

of disinformation presents serious homeland security risks,” especially “[c]onspiracy theories

about the validity and security of elections” and “[d]isinformation related to the origins and effects

of COVID-19 vaccines or the efficacy of masks.” The memo reflects detailed knowledge and

active oversight of DHS’s “misinformation” and “disinformation” activities. Further, Defendant

Silvers authored the January 31, 2022 memo to the Secretary seeking his “approval of the charter

for the Disinformation Governance Board,” and he authored a separate memorandum to DHS’s

general counsel seeking the same approval. Silvers also is listed as a participant in the April 28,

2022 meeting with Twitter executives Nick Pickles and Yoel Roth organized by Nina Jankowicz,

discussed immediately below.

378. On April 28, 2022, Jankowicz arranged for a meeting between Secretary Mayorkas

and/or other senior DHS officials, including Undersecretary Robert Silvers, and “Twitter

executives Nick Pickles, Head of Policy, and Yoel Roth, Head of Site Integrity,” to discuss

“public-private partnerships, MDM, and countering DVE. The meeting is off the record and closed

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press.” Missouri v. Biden, No. 3:22-cv-01213-TAD-KDM (W.D. La.), ECF No. 10-1, at 31

(Glenn Decl. Ex. 1, at 18). This was to be a cozy meeting: Jankowicz, who drafted the meeting

brief, noted that “Nick and Yoel both know DGB Executive Director Nina Jankowicz.” Id. The

meeting was to be “an opportunity to discuss operationalizing public-private partnerships between

DHS and Twitter.” Id. In the meeting, DHS was to “[p]ropose that Twitter become involved in

Disinformation Governance Board Analytic Exchanges on Domestic Violent Extremism (DVE)

and Irregular Migration,” and to “[t]hank Twitter for its continued participation in the CISA

Analytic Exchange on Election Security.” Id. DHS was also to “[a]sk what types of data or

information would be useful for Twitter to receive in Analytic Exchanges or other ways the

Department could be helpful to Twitter’s counter-MDM efforts.” Id.

White House Threats Following News of


Elon Musk’s Acquisition of Twitter

379. On or around April 25, 2022—two days before DHS announced the creation of its

“Disinformation Governance Board”—it was reported that free-speech advocate Elon Musk would

acquire Twitter and make it a privately held company dedicated to free speech principles. Left-

wing commentators widely decried this news on the ground that it would ground that free speech

on Twitter would allow the spread of so-called “misinformation” and “disinformation.”

380. On April 25, 2022, Psaki was asked at a White House press briefing to respond to the

news that Elon Musk would acquire Twitter, and asked “does the White House have any concern

that this new agreement might have President Trump back on the platform?” The White House,

Press Briefing by Press Secretary Jen Psaki, April 25, 2022,

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/press-briefings/2022/04/25/press-briefing-by-press-

secretary-jen-psaki-april-25-2022/.

381. Psaki responded by reiterating the threats of adverse legal consequences to Twitter and

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other social-media platforms, specifically referencing antitrust enforcement and Section 230

repeal: “No matter who owns or runs Twitter, the President has long been concerned about the

power of large social-media platforms … [and] has long argued that tech platforms must be held

accountable for the harms they cause. He has been a strong supporter of fundamental reforms

to achieve that goal, including reforms to Section 230, enacting antitrust reforms, requiring more

transparency, and more. And he’s encouraged that there’s bipartisan interest in Congress.” Id.

382. At the same press briefing, Psaki was asked: “Are you concerned about the kind of

purveyors of election misinformation, disinformation, health falsehoods, sort of, having more of

an opportunity to speak there on Twitter?” Id. She responded by specifically linking the legal

threats to the social-media platforms’ failure to more aggressively censor free speech: “We’ve long

talked about and the President has long talked about his concerns about the power of social-media

platforms, including Twitter and others, to spread misinformation, disinformation; the need for

these platforms to be held accountable.” Id.

383. Psaki was then asked a question that noted that “the Surgeon General has said that

misinformation about COVID amounts to a public health crisis,” and then queried, “would the

White House be interested in working with Twitter like it has in the past to continue to combat this

kind of misinformation? Or are we in a different part of the pandemic where that kind of

partnership is no longer necessary?” Id.

384. Psaki responded by reaffirming that senior officials within the White House and/or the

Administration are continuing to coordinate directly with social-media platforms to censor

disfavored speakers and content on social media, and directly linking these efforts to the repeated

threat of adverse legal action: “we engage regularly with all social-media platforms about steps

that can be taken that has continued, and I’m sure it will continue. But there are also reforms

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that we think Congress could take and we would support taking, including reforming Section

230, enacting antitrust reforms, requiring more transparency. And the President is encouraged

by the bipartisan support for — or engagement in those efforts.” Id.

Continuing Federal Collusion in and


Inducement of Social Media Censorship

385. Since mid-2022, federal officials, including Defendants herein, have expanded their

social-media censorship activities still further and opened new fronts in their campaign against

the freedom of speech on social media.

386. On June 13, 2022, Flaherty demanded that Facebook continue to produce periodic

“COVID-19 insights reports” to track so-called “misinformation” regarding COVID-19 on

Facebook’s social-media platforms, expressing the specific concern that COVID vaccines for

children under 5 would soon be authorized. Facebook agreed to continue sending its censorship-

tracking report.

387. On June 23, 2022, Facebook assured Flaherty that it was expanding its censorship of

COVID-19 “misinformation” to ensure that speech critical or skeptical of COVID-19 vaccines

for children under 5-years old—a highly controversial topic—would be censored. Such

censorship is particularly egregious given that Pfizer’s own data established that the vaccine does

not stop infection or transmission in this age group. See Apoorva Mandavilli & Noah Weiland,

Pfizer Shot Is Far Less Effective in 5- to 11-Year-Olds Than in Older Kids, New Data Show, N.Y.

Times (Feb. 28, 2022), https://www.nytimes.com/2022/02/28/health/pfizer-vaccine-kids.html.

388. The White House Defendants were involved in many other communications regarding

censorship as well. For example, in June and July of 2022, Flaherty was included in the email

chain with Facebook in which he demanded that Facebook continue providing biweekly

“COVID-19 Insights” reports to ensure adequate censorship of speech on Facebook and

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Instagram “as we start to ramp up under 5 vaccines”—i.e., as vaccination of children under 5 for

COVID-19 began. Wakana and Rowe were also involved in similar communications overseeing

Facebook’s misinformation practices.

389. On June 14, 2022, White House National Climate Advisor Gina McCarthy spoke

at an Axios event titled “A conversation on battling misinformation.” See Alexander Hall,

Biden climate advisor demands tech companies censor ‘disinformation’ to promote ‘benefits

of clean energy’, Fox News (June 14, 2022), https://www.foxnews.com/media/biden-climate-

advisor-tech-companies-censor-disinformation-promote-benefits-clean-energy (video of her

comments embedded in link). McCarthy publicly demanded that social-media platforms

engage in censorship and suppression of speech that contradicts federal officials’ preferred

narratives on climate change.

390. During the event, “McCarthy skewered Big Tech companies for ‘allowing’

disinformation and cheered Congress for ‘taking action’ to enact more censorship last Thursday.”

Id. “Axios political reporter Alexi McCammond asked McCarthy how so-called ‘rampant mis-

and-disinformation around climate change online and in other platforms’ has ‘made your job

harder?’” Id. “McCarthy responded by slamming social-media companies: ‘We have to get

tighter, we have to get better at communicating, and frankly, the tech companies have to stop

allowing specific individuals over and over again to spread disinformation.’” Id. (emphasis

added). “She suggested further that ‘we have to be smarter than that and we need the tech

companies to really jump in.’” Id. (emphasis added). “McCammond responded by asking: ‘Isn’t

misinformation and disinfo around climate a threat to public health itself?’ McCarthy asserted that

it ‘absolutely’ is: ‘Oh, absolutely.’” Id.

391. Following the Administration’s now-familiar playbook, McCarthy explicitly tied these

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demands for censorship of climate-change-related speech to threats of adverse legislation:

“McCarthy also praised Congress directly for pushing social-media companies to censor

Americans: ‘We do see Congress taking action on these issues, we do see them trying to tackle

the misinformation that’s out there, trying to hold companies accountable.’” Id.

392. Two days later, the White House announced a new task force to address, among other

things, “gendered disinformation” and “disinformation campaigns targeting women and

LGBTQI+ individuals who are public and political figures, government and civic leaders, activists,

and journalists.” The White House, Memorandum on the Establishment of the White House Task

Force to Address Online Harassment and Abuse (June 16, 2022),

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2022/06/16/memorandum-on-

the-establishment-of-the-white-house-task-force-to-address-online-harassment-and-abuse/.

393. The June 16 Memorandum decries “online harassment and abuse”—vague terms that,

on information and belief, are deliberately adopted to sweep in constitutionally protected speech.

In particular, the Memorandum defines “online harassment and abuse” to include “gendered

disinformation,” a deliberately broad and open-ended term. Id. § 1. The Memorandum

announces plans to target such “gendered disinformation” directed at public officials and public

figures, including “women and LGBTQI+ political leaders, public figures, activists, and

journalists.” Id. The Memorandum creates a Task Force co-chaired by the Assistant to the

President for National Security Affairs, which includes the Secretary of Defense, the Attorney

General, and the Secretary of Homeland Security, among others. Id.

394. The Task Force is charged with “developing programs and policies to address …

disinformation campaigns targeting women and LGBTQI+ individuals who are public and

political figures, government and civic leaders, activists, and journalists in the United States and

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globally.” Id. § 4(a)(iv) (emphasis added). The Memorandum calls for the Task Force to consult

and coordinate with “technology experts” and “industry stakeholders,” i.e., social-media firms, to

achieve “the objectives of this memorandum,” id. § 4(b). Those “objectives” include

suppressing so-called “disinformation campaigns” against “public and political figures.” Id.

§ 4(a)(iv).

395. The Memorandum again threatens social-media platforms with adverse legal

consequences if they do not censor aggressively enough to suit federal officials: “the Task Force

shall … submit periodic recommendations to the President on policies, regulatory actions, and

legislation on technology sector accountability to address systemic harms to people affected by

online harassment and abuse.” Id. § 5(c) (emphasis added).

396. On June 17, 2022, twenty-one Democratic U.S. Senators and Representatives sent a

letter to Sundar Pichai, the CEO of Alphabet Inc., which owns Google, demanding that Google

censor, suppress, and de-boost search results and Google Maps results for pro-life pregnancy

resource centers. Letter of Sen. Mark Warner, et al. (June 17, 2022), https://reason.com/wp-

content/uploads/2022/06/26F26BB28841042A7931EEC58AC80E08.anti-abortion-letter-to-

google-final.pdf. The letter’s co-signers included many of the Members of Congress who have

previously made threats of adverse legal consequences if social-media platforms do not increase

censorship—such as Senators Mark Warner, Amy Klobuchar, and Richard Blumenthal. Id. The

letter cited “research by the Center for Countering Digital Hate (CCDH),” id.—the same

organization that Jen Psaki and the White House coordinated with to demand the censorship of

the so-called “Disinformation Dozen.” The letter describes pro-life pregnancy resource centers

as “fake clinics,” and demands that Google proactively censor search results, mapping results,

and advertisements relating to such clinics. Id. The letter demands that Google “limit the

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appearance of anti-abortion fake clinics or so-called ‘crisis pregnancy centers’ in Google search

results, Google Ads, and on Google Maps”; that Google “add user-friendly disclaimers that clearly

indicate whether or not a search result does or does not provide abortions”; and that Google take

“additional steps to ensure that users are receiving accurate information when they search for

health care services like abortion on Google Search and Google Maps.” Id.

397. Defendants swiftly doubled down on this demand for social-media censorship of pro-

life pregnancy resource centers. On July 8, 2022, the President signed an Executive Order

“aimed at protecting abortion rights.” Sandhya Raman, Biden issues executive order responding

to abortion ruling, Roll Call (July 8, 2022), https://rollcall.com/2022/07/08/biden-issues-

executive-order-responding-to-abortion-ruling/. The order directs HHS, DOJ, and the FTC “to

examine ways to … curb the spread of misinformation related to abortion.” Id. The order is

entitled “Executive Order on Protecting Access to Reproductive Healthcare Services,” available

at https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2022/07/08/executive-order-

on-protecting-access-to-reproductive-healthcare-services/. Section 4(b)(iv) of the order states:

“The Secretary of Health and Human Services shall, in consultation with the Attorney General and

the Chair of the FTC, consider options to address deceptive or fraudulent practices related to

reproductive healthcare services, including online, and to protect access to accurate information.”

Id.

398. Today, a veritable army of federal bureaucrats is involved in censorship activities

“across the federal enterprise.” There are so many, in fact, that CISA Director Easterly and

Matthew Masterson complained in text messages that “chaos” would result if all federal officials

were “independently” contacting social-media platforms about so-called misinformation: “Not

our mission but was looking to play a coord role so not every D/A is independently reaching out

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to platforms which could cause a lot of chaos.”

CLASS ACTION ALLEGATIONS

399. Plaintiffs re-allege and incorporate by reference all the allegations contained above.

400. Pursuant to Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 23(b)(2), Plaintiffs assert claims on behalf

of the following Class: All persons in the United States who have consumed news related to

COVID-19 or U.S. elections on Facebook, Twitter, or YouTube at any time from January 2020

to the present.

401. Plaintiffs reserve the right to amend this Class definition if discovery and/or further

investigation reveal that the Classes should be expanded, divided into subclasses, or modified in

any other way.

402. This Rule 23(b)(2) injunctive and declaratory class action is properly maintainable

because it satisfies the numerosity, commonality, typicality, and adequacy requirements of Rule

23(a) and the injunctive remedy requirement of Rule 23(b)(2).

403. Although the precise number of Class members is unknown, the proposed Class

numbers at least in the tens of millions and is therefore so numerous that joinder of all members

would be impracticable.

404. The claims of every Member of the proposed Class are united by a common, dispositive

issue of law: whether the federal government’s systematic, concerted campaign to induce social-

media companies to censor constitutionally protected violates the First Amendment and should

be enjoined.

405. The named Plaintiffs are members of the putative Class, and their claims are typical of

the Class: (A) because, like other Class Members, they have been denied the right to receive

uncensored ideas and information on the social-media platforms that comprise what the Supreme

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Court calls the “modern public square”; and (B) because all Class Members’ claims arise from

the same course of conduct by the Defendants.

406. Plaintiffs will fairly and adequately represent and protect the interests of the Class,

because they are passionately dedicated to the freedom of all persons in this country to make

health care and citizenship decisions on the basis of full, accurate information uncensored by the

government. In addition, Plaintiff CHD will zealously represent the interests of the Class because

of its institutional interests in protecting its own members, who are also Class Members. And

Plaintiff Kennedy will be a zealous Class representative because he has himself been the victim

of the Defendants’ massive, unconstitutional censorship campaign.

407. Plaintiffs have retained counsel competent and experienced in both constitutional law

and class action litigation.

408. Certification of the Class is appropriate pursuant to Fed. R.C.P. 23(b)(2) because

Defendants have acted in ways that apply generally to the Class, so that final injunctive relief and

corresponding declaratory relief are appropriate respecting the Class as a whole. The Class

Members’ interests in this case are indivisible and cohesive in that an injunction will at once

redress the violation of every Class Member’s First Amendment rights, apply to all Members

identically, and give to each Class Member (as well as the public more generally) the access to

robust, uncensored expression of facts and opinions in the “modern public square” to which the

Constitution entitles them.

409. No ascertainability requirement applies to this Rule 23(b)(2) class action. See Neese v.

Becerra, 342 F.R.D. 399, 411 (N.D. Tex. 2022); O’Donnell v. Harris Cnty., No. H-16-1414, 2017

U.S. Dist. LEXIS 65444, at *11 (S.D. Tex. Apr. 28, 2017); cf. In re Monumental Life Ins. Co.,

365 F.3d 408, 413 (5th Cir. 2004).

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INJURY

410. Defendants’ conduct has violated, is violating, and unless enjoined will continue to

violate the named Plaintiffs’ and other Class Members’ right to receive ideas and information

from willing speakers.

411. Because of their dominance in the social-media market and the gatekeeping power that

this dominance gives them, the major social-media platforms exercise a historically

unprecedented power over public discourse in America—a power to control what hundreds of

millions of people in this country can say, see, and hear.

412. When speech is censored on the major social-media platforms, it is very difficult if not

impossible for most people to find it. Indeed most people who consume news on the major social-

media platforms will not even know that such information and ideas have been suppressed (or

“de-boosted,” “shadow-banned,” etc.).

413. When individual speakers are censored on the major social-media platforms, it is very

difficult if not impossible for most people to gain access to their voices. Indeed most people who

consume news on the major social-media platforms will not even know that these voices have

been silenced (or “de-boosted,” “shadow-banned,” etc.).

414. Defendants’ conduct has badly distorted online public discourse, stifled dissent, and

blocked or restricted access to vast quantities of information and ideas that would otherwise have

been easily accessible online, posted by willing speakers.

415. For example, as a direct result of the conduct alleged herein, Defendants have achieved

astonishing success in muzzling public criticism of President Biden.

416. A recent review by the Media Research Center identified 646 instances over the last

two years where social-media firms censored public criticism of then-candidate and now-

President Biden. See Joseph Vasquez & Gabriela Pariseau, Protecting the President: Big Tech

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Censors Biden Criticism 646 Times Over Two Years (Apr. 21, 2022), https://censortrack.org/

protecting-president-big-tech-censors-biden-criticism-646-times-over-two-years.

417. “The Media Research Center found more than 640 examples of bans, deleted content

and other speech restrictions placed on those who criticized Biden on social media over the past

two years.” Id. “MRC Free Speech America tallied 646 cases in its CensorTrack database of pro-

Biden censorship between March 10, 2020, and March 10, 2022. The tally included cases from

Biden’s presidential candidacy to the present day.” Id.

418. “The worst cases of censorship involved platforms targeting anyone who dared to speak

about any subject related to the New York Post bombshell Hunter Biden story. . . . Big Tech’s

cancellation of that story helped shift the 2020 election in Biden’s favor. Twitter locked the Post’s

account for 17 days. In addition, Twitter slapped a ‘warning label’ on the GOP House Judiciary

Committee’s website for linking to the Post story.” Id. “CensorTrack logged 140 instances of

users—including lawmakers, organizations, news outlets and media personalities—censored for

sharing anything related to the bombshell Hunter Biden laptop story.” Id.

419. “Twitter was the most aggressive censor when it came to the Biden laptop story.

CensorTrack entries show that users could not tweet the story or pictures of the Post story.”

420. “Big Tech even axed those who blamed the current inflation crisis on Biden. For

example, Facebook censored Heritage Action, the advocacy arm of the conservative Heritage

Foundation, on March 15, simply for posting a video quoting Biden’s embarrassing statements on

energy policy. Facebook placed an interstitial, or filter, over Heritage Action’s video, suppressing

the post’s reach. The video showed Biden and officials in his administration explaining how his

policies would cause gas prices to rise.” Id.

421. “[T]he largest category by far included users who dared to call out Biden’s notoriously

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creepy, touchy-feely behavior around women and children. The 232 cases of comedic memes,

videos, or generic posts about Biden’s conduct composed more than one-third of CensorTrack’s

total instances of users censored for criticizing the president.” Id.

422. “Big Tech even went after posts that quoted Biden’s own words and made him look awful

in retrospect.” Id.

423. “The list of censorship targets included an array of prominent influencers on social

media: Trump; lawmakers like Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX) and House Minority Leader Kevin

McCarthy (R-CA); news outlets like the New York Post, The Washington Free Beacon and The

Federalist; satire site The Babylon Bee; celebrities like Donald Trump Jr. and James Woods, and

media personalities like Daily Wire host Candace Owens, Salem radio host Sebastian Gorka and

radio host Dana Loesch.” Id.

424. Social media platforms have also censored criticisms of the Biden Administration’s

2022 attempt to redefine the word “recession” in light of news that the U.S. economy had

suffered two consecutive quarters of reduction in GDP. See, e.g., Taylor Penley, Economist

slams Facebook for ‘absolutely Orwellian’ fact-check upholding Biden's recession denial, Fox

News (Aug. 1, 2022), https://www.foxnews.com/media/economist-slams-facebook-absolutely-

orwellian-fact-check-upholding-bidens-recession-denial.

425. Defendants also achieved enormous success in stifling and distorting public discourse

surrounding COVID-19.

426. For example, as detailed above, they stifled information and ideas about the lab-leak

theory of COVID’s origins.

427. They also suppressed vast amounts of speech containing information and ideas about

the inefficacy and dangers of the COVID vaccines.

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428. They also suppressed information and ideas concerning the safety and possible efficacy

of certain medicines—such as Hydroxychloroquine and Ivermectin—believed by many physicians

and scientists all over the world to be potential treatment alternatives.

429. Indeed, Defendants succeeded in inducing major social-media platforms to censor all of

the following COVID-related claims as “misinformation” when in fact these claims were either

entirely accurate or at a minimum well within the ambit of legitimate opinion, speculation, and

reporting:

A. Claims that COVID-19 was manmade; 4

B. Claims that COVID-19 was manufactured or bioengineered; 5

C. Claims that COVID-19 was created by a government or country; 6

D. Claims that “contradict” WHO or U.S. health officials’ guidance on the treatment,

prevention, or transmission of COVID-19; 7

4
But see, e.g., British Med. J., The COVID-19 lab leak hypothesis: did the media fall victim to a
misinformation campaign?, July 8, 2021, https://www.bmj.com/content/374/bmj.n1656 (Lab-
leak theory of COVID’s origin was and is supported by substantial evidence “deserv[ing] serious
investigation”).
5
But see, e.g., id. (Substantial evidence supports claim that COVID was manufactured or
bioengineered through laboratory gain-of-function experiments).
6
But see, e.g., Proceedings of the Nat’l Acad. of Science, A call for an independent inquiry into
the origin of the SARS-CoV-2 virus, May 19, 2022,
https://www.pnas.org/doi/10.1073/pnas.2202769119 (substantial evidence supports claim that
COVID-19 was created at a Chinese government-controlled virology laboratory in Wuhan,
China, with the possible assistance of U.S. governmental funding).
7
Governmental guidance and policy on COVID-19 has repeatedly been in error. See, e.g.,
Scientific American, How the U.S. Pandemic Response Went Wrong—and What Went Right—
during a Year of COVID, Mar. 11, 2021, https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/how-the-u-
s-pandemic-response-went-wrong-and-what-went-right-during-a-year-of-covid/; New York
Times, The C.D.C. Waited ‘Its Entire Existence for This Moment.’ What Went Wrong?, Aug. 14,
2020, https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/03/us/cdc-coronavirus.html.

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E. Claims about the COVID vaccines that contradict “expert consensus” from U.S.

health authorities or the WHO; 8

F. Claims that Hydroxychloroquine (“HCQ”) is an effective treatment for COVID; 9

G. Claims that Ivermectin (“IVM”) is an effective treatment for COVID; 10

H. Claims that HCQ or IVM is safe to use as a treatment for COVID; 11

I. Recommendations of the use of HCQ or IVM against COVID; 12

J. Claims that COVID is no more dangerous to some populations than the seasonal

flu. 13

8
The “expert consensus” on COVID has repeatedly been in error. See, e.g., Washington Post,
Beware of ‘expert’ consensus. The covid-19 lab leak theory shows why, May 30, 2021,
https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2021/05/30/beware-expert-consensus-covid-19-lab-
leak-theory-shows-why/.
9
But see this peer-reviewed, published 2021 study reporting that in a trial involving over 10,000
ambulatory patients in France, those treated with HCQ suffered a stunningly low .06% mortality
rate, whereas in the control group (no HCQ), the fatality rate was almost nine times higher.
10
But see this peer-reviewed, published meta-analysis of IVM clinical studies finding that IVM
reduced mortality for COVID patients by roughly half or more.
11
Both HCQ and IVM are well known to be extremely safe for human use at well-established
dosages, both have been safely used for decades, and both have been approved for human use by
the FDA. See Opinion of the Attorney General of Nebraska, Prescription of Ivermectin or
Hydroxychloroquine as Off-Label Medicines for the Treatment or Prevention of COVID-19, Oct.
14, 2021 at 17, 38, https://ago.nebraska.gov/sites/ago.nebraska.gov/files/docs/opinions/21-
017_0.pdf.
12
Hundreds of US doctors prescribe and many foreign health authorities have recommended
IVM and/or HCQ for the treatment or prevention of COVID. See id. at 29-30, 47.
13
But see, e.g., NATIONAL PUBLIC RADIO, In Kids, The Risk of COVID-19 and the Flu Are
Similar, But the Risk Perception Isn’t, May 21, 2021,
https://www.npr.org/2021/05/21/999241558/in-kids-the-risk-of-covid-19-and-the-flu-are-similar-
but-the-risk-perception-isn.

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K. Claims that the mortality rate of COVID is for some populations the same or lower

than that of the seasonal flu. 14

L. Claims suggesting that the number of deaths caused by COVID is lower than

official figures assert. 15

M. Claims that face masks or mask mandates do not prevent the spread of COVID. 16

N. Claims that wearing a face mask can make the wearer sick. 17

O. Claims that COVID vaccines have not been approved. 18

14
In fact, for children and indeed all individuals under the age of 45, studies have shown that the
infection mortality rate (“IFR”) of COVID-19 is lower than the widely-reported IFR of the
seasonal flu. See, e.g., A. Levin et al., Assessing the age specificity of infection fatality rates for
COVID-19: systematic review, meta-analysis, and public policy implications, Dec. 8, 2020,
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7721859/ (reporting a COVID IFR of .004% for
children and .068% for adults under 45, as compared to the widely-reported IFR of .1% for the
seasonal flu).
15
In fact, official COVID mortality figures frequently failed to distinguish between individuals
who died because of COVID-19 and individuals who died with COVID-19, resulting in
significant overstatements of COVID deaths. See American Association of Medical Colleges,
how are COVID-19 deaths counted? It’s complicated, Feb. 18, 2021,
https://www.aamc.org/news-insights/how-are-covid-19-deaths-counted-it-s-complicated.
16
Numerous studies show that face mask mandates were not effective in preventing the spread of
COVID-19. See New York Times, Why Masks Work, but Mandates Haven’t, May 31, 2022,
https://www.nytimes.com/2022/05/31/briefing/masks-mandates-us-covid.html.
17
But see, e.g., Cleveland Clinic, Do Masks Make You Sick?, Oct. 25, 2021, https://health.
clevelandclinic.org/can-wearing-a-mask-make-you-sick (mask-wearing can cause sore throats,
bacterial skin infections, and anxiety).
18
The COVID-19 vaccines issued under an Emergency Use Authorization were not in fact
approved by the FDA. See FDA, What Is an emergency Use Authorization and How Is It Being
Used To Respond to COVID-19, https://www.fda.gov/emergency-preparedness-and-
response/coronavirus-disease-2019-covid-19/covid-19-frequently-asked-questions (“Under an
EUA, the FDA may allow the use of unapproved medical products, or unapproved uses of
approved medical products in an emergency to diagnose, treat, or prevent serious or life-
threatening diseases or conditions”) (emphasis added).

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P. Claims that social distancing does not help prevent the spread of COVID. 19

Q. Claims that COVID-19 vaccines can kill or seriously harm people. 20

R. Claims that the immunity from getting COVID is more effective than vaccination.21

S. Claims that the COVID vaccines are not effective in preventing infection; 22

T. Claims that people who have been vaccinated against COVID can still spread the

disease to others; 23

U. Claims that the COVID vaccines are toxic or harmful or contain toxic or harmful

ingredients; 24 and

19
But see, e.g., Studies in Applied Economics, A Literature Review and Meta-Analysis of the
Effects of Lockdowns on Covid-19 Mortality, Jan. 2022, https://sites.krieger.jhu.edu/iae/files/
2022/01/A-Literature-Review-and-Meta-Analysis-of-the-Effects-of-Lockdowns-on-COVID-19-
Mortality.pdf (lockdowns and social distancing mandates were ineffective against mortality).
20
In fact, the COVID-19 vaccines can cause myocarditis, a heart condition capable of leading to
serious harm or death. See, e.g., CDC, Clinical Considerations: Myocarditis and Pericarditis
after Receipt of mRNA COVID-19 Vaccines Among Adolescents and Young Adults, https://www.
cdc.gov/vaccines/covid-19/clinical-considerations/myocarditis.html#:~:text=In%20April%
202021%2C%20increased%20cases,of%20mRNA%20COVID%2D19%20vaccines. In
addition, the COVID vaccines have been found to increase the risk of serious neurological
disorders and hemorrhagic stroke. See, e.g., Nature, Neurological complications after first dose
of COVID-19 vaccines and SARS-CoV-2 infection, Oct. 25, 2021, https://www.nature.com/
articles/s41591-021-01556-7); Univ. Coll. London, Rise in Guillain-Barré syndrome following
AstraZeneca vaccine, May 30, 2022, https://www.ucl.ac.uk/news/2022/may/rise-guillain-barre-
syndrome-following-astrazeneca-vaccine.
21
In fact, natural immunity from being infected with COVID-19 was and is “much greater” than
the immunity conferred by vaccination. See, e.g., Science, Having SARS-CoV-2 once confers
much greater immunity than a vaccine—but vaccination remains vital, Aug. 26, 2021,
https://www.science.org/content/article/having-sars-cov-2-once-confers-much-greater-immunity-
vaccine-vaccination-remains-vital.
22
The COVID vaccines did not and do not prevent infection. See, e.g., British Med. J., What do
we know about COVID vaccines and preventing transmission?, Feb. 4, 2022, https://www.bmj.
com/content/376/bmj.o298.
23
In fact, vaccinated people can and do spread the disease to others. Id.
24
Many physicians are concerned about the toxicity of the mRNA ingredient of the Pfizer and

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V. Claims that fetal cells were used in the manufacture or production of any of the

COVID vaccines. 25

430. In addition, Defendants successfully induced the major social media platforms to censor

accounts, regardless of truth or falsity, of individuals who had suffered, or believed they had

suffered, significant injuries from COVID vaccinations, including both first-hand accounts of

such vaccine injuries and news reports of such injuries.

431. The asserted basis for censoring such accounts was that, even if true, or perhaps

especially if true, they could have the effect of increasing “vaccine hesitancy”—i.e., leading

people to question whether the COVID vaccines were safe.

432. The suppression of all the above information and opinion caused legally cognizable

harm to the named Plaintiffs and other Members of the proposed Class.

433. To begin with, all three named Plaintiffs and all other Class Members were thereby

deprived of information and ideas in violation of their First Amendment rights, which itself is a

legally cognizable injury.

434. Moreover, named Plaintiff Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., was harmed in his ability to gather

news concerning U.S. elections and COVID—including facts about COVID mortality, facts

about the COVID vaccines, and facts and opinions about alternative COVID treatments—and

Moderna vaccines because it is designed to stimulate production of the COVID virus’s “spike
protein,” the full dangers of which are not yet known. See, e.g., Molecular Biology, Could
SARS-CoV-2 Spike Protein Be Responsible for Long-COVID Syndrome?, Jan. 13, 2022,
https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12035-021-02696-0 (“[T]here is urgent need to better
understand the neurotoxic effects of the spike protein” that is “expressed in response to mRNA
vaccines”).
25
In fact, fetal cell lines were and are used in the manufacture and production of the Johnson and
Johnson COVID vaccine. Science, Abortion opponents protest COVID-19 vaccines’ use of fetal
cells, Jun. 5, 2020, https://www.science.org/content/article/abortion-opponents-protest-covid-19-
vaccines-use-fetal-cells.

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report such news to his hundreds of thousands of followers. To take just one of numerous

examples, the above censorship prevented Kennedy from knowing the number and seriousness

of first-hand accounts of vaccine injuries and reporting that information to his followers.

435. In addition, as a result of Defendants’ censorship campaign, Kennedy has also been

directly censored on social media and de-platformed entirely from major platforms. Just recently,

in March 2023, an important public political speech given by Kennedy in New Hampshire was

blocked by YouTube and therefore could not be viewed by most online news consumers.

436. Named Plaintiff Children’s Health Defense suffered a similar injury to its ability to

gather news.

437. Moreover, CHD’s many members were deprived of information and ideas concerning

the safety and efficacy of alternative COVID treatments—information and ideas of the greatest

potential importance to them individually. To take just one example, many of CHD’s members

justifiably believe that they or their friends or family members suffered or may have suffered

vaccine injuries. Because of the above-described censorship, such individuals were prevented

from learning of and communicating with other individuals so situated, forming bonds or

communities with them, and exchanging information with them—a loss that both harmed them

psychologically and deprived them of information that could have helped in obtaining proper

medical treatment.

438. Named Plaintiff Connie Sampognaro was harmed as a citizen and health care policy

advocate by the government’s censorship campaign, which deprived her of COVID-related

information and ideas of the highest public importance.

439. In addition, Sompognaro is potentially immunocompromised and has therefore been

since the beginning of the pandemic acutely in need, for her own health, of complete, accurate

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information about COVID and the possible treatments therefor; the censorship described above

made it difficult if not impossible for her to find such information.

440. In addition, Defendants’ inducement, encouragement, and promotion of social media

censorship distorted public discourse about COVID, preventing the named Plaintiffs and other

Class Members from knowing the actual state of public opinion on issues related to the COVID

lockdowns and COVID vaccines, diminishing their ability to fight against governmental policies

they disagreed with and in favor policies they believed in.

441. Defendants have not acknowledged any fault or wrongdoing concerning their efforts to

induce social-media censorship of constitutionally protected speech.

442. On the contrary, government agencies and agents have repeatedly defended the

government’s censorship campaign and denied that it implicates any First Amendment concerns.

443. For example, Defendant Mayorkas has defended the DHS’s censorship efforts,

including an endorsement of the Department’s plan to institute a Disinformation Governance

Board. See Kelly Hooper, Mayorkas cites misinformation about Homeland Security’s

disinformation board, Politico (Aug. 5, 2022), https://www.politico.com/news/2022/05/01/

mayorkas-defends-dhs-disinformation-board-00029182. He said, “The fact is that disinformation

that creates a threat to the security of the homeland is our responsibility to address. And this

department has been addressing it for years, throughout the years of the prior administration in

an ongoing basis.” Id.

444. In a public statement provided to Fox News in advance of a December 2022 article, the

FBI defended its actions in communicating with social-media companies, saying, “The

correspondence between the FBI and Twitter show nothing more than examples of our traditional,

longstanding and ongoing federal government and private sector engagements, which involve

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numerous companies over multiple sectors and industries. As evidenced in the correspondence,

the FBI provides critical information to the private sector in an effort to allow them to protect

themselves and their customers.” Jake Gibson & Adam Sabes, FBI responds to Twitter Files

disclosures, says it didn’t request ‘any action’ on specific tweets, FOX News (Dec. 21, 2022),

https://www.foxnews.com/politics/fbi-responds-twitter-files-disclosures-says-didnt-request-

any-action-specific-tweets.

445. In answering a question about governmental involvement with the suppression of the

Hunter Biden laptop story, Defendant Jean-Pierre characterized the reporting as a “distraction

that is so full of old news.” The White House, Press Briefing by Press Secretary Karine Jean-

Pierre, Dec. 5, 2022, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/press-briefings/2022/12/05/

press-briefing-by-press-secretary-karine-jean-pierre-december-5-2022/.

446. In March 2023, it was revealed that in mid-December 2022, after publication of the

initial installment of the Twitter Files, instead of investigating possible violations of the First

Amendment by government actors seeking to induce, encourage, and promote social media

censorship, the Administration commenced an investigation of Twitter and the Twitter Files

journalists. On December 13, 2022, the Federal Trade Commission sent private communications

to Twitter demanding that Twitter disclose its interactions with Twitter Files journalists “Bari

Weiss, Matt Taibbi, [and] Michael Shellenberger” and “[i]dentify all journalists and other

members of the media” with whom Twitter had shared internal documents. U.S. House of

Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary and the Select Subcommittee on the Weaponization

of the Federal Government, The Weaponization of the Federal Trade Commission: An Agency’s

Overreach To Harass Elon Musk’s Twitter, at pp. 5, 7, Mar. 7, 2023, https://judiciary.house.gov/

sites/evo-subsites/republicans-judiciary.house.gov/files/evo-media-document/Weaponization_

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Select_Subcommittee_Report_on_FTC_Harrassment_of_Twitter_3.7.2023.pdf.

447. Because Defendants have not only refused to acknowledge any wrongdoing in the

federal government’s social media censorship efforts, but have defended those efforts, and

painted them as mere continuations of longstanding agency behavior, it is virtually certain that

the Administration will continue these efforts.

CLAIM FOR RELIEF

VIOLATION OF THE FIRST AMENDMENT


Against All Defendants

448. All foregoing Paragraphs are incorporated as if set forth fully herein.

449. It is a violation of the First Amendment for government agents to use coercive threats

against private actors to bring about censorship of others’ constitutionally protected speech. See,

e.g., Bantam Books v. Sullivan, 372 U.S. 58 (1963).

450. As detailed above, since early 2020 Defendants have systematically and repeatedly used

destructive, coercive threats against social-media companies—for example, threats to repeal their

Section 230 immunity or to bring antirust actions against them—in order to cause those

companies to censor others’ protected speech.

451. It is a violation of the First Amendment for government actors to enter into collusive

partnerships with social-media companies working jointly with them to censor protected speech;

such collusion turns the social-media companies’ censorship into unconstitutional state action.

See, e.g., Brentwood Academy v. Tennessee Secondary School Athletic Assn., 531 U.S. 288, 296

(2001) (state action exists when “a private actor operates as a ‘willful participant in joint activity

with the State or its agents’”) (citation omitted).

452. As detailed above, since early 2020 Defendants have systematically and repeatedly

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entered into collusive partnerships with social-media companies working jointly with them to

censor protected speech.

453. Defendants’ campaign to induce social-media censorship of protected speech has

repeatedly involved not only coercive threats and collusive joint action, but entwinement,

symbiotic relationships, statutory immunity under Section 230, mutual payments of money and

other valuables, and other conduct more than sufficient to turn social-media company censorship

into state action.

454. Because of such conduct, the COVID-related permissible-speech policies adopted at

major social-media platforms (i.e., their policies concerting what speech is to be blocked on

grounds of supposed falsity and what speech, even if true, will still be censored) became instances

of state action, so that every application of those policies to censor protected speech was and is

unconstitutional state action.

455. Governmental conduct sufficient to turn social media censorship into unconstitutional

state action is unquestionably unlawful and enjoinable.

456. But the Norwood principle goes further.

457. Under Norwood, it is also—independently—unconstitutional for government agents

deliberately “to encourage or promote private persons to accomplish what [the government] is

constitutionally forbidden to accomplish.” Norwood, 413 U.S. at 465.

458. The Norwood test is not the same as the test for determining whether governmental

conduct has turned a private party’s conduct into state action.

459. Under Norwood, concerted governmental efforts to induce social media companies to

censor protected speech are unconstitutional whether or not they produce state action by those

companies.

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460. Indeed, government efforts to induce social-media companies to censor protected

speech are unconstitutional and enjoinable even when they fail to achieve their goal. See, e.g.,

Backpage.com v. Dart, 807 F.3d 229, 231 (7th Cir. 2015) (Posner, J.) (attempt by government

officials to pressure private companies to shut down constitutionally protected speech “is

actionable and thus can be enjoined even if it turns out to be empty—the victim ignores it, and

the threatener folds his tent”) (emphasis added).

461. Norwood is violated even when the government has not, for example, used threats or

engaged in collusive partnerships.

462. Governmental agents who, through whatever means, “induce, encourage, or promote”

social-media companies to censor constitutionally protected speech are plainly seeking to have

those companies “accomplish what [the government] is constitutionally forbidden to

accomplish,” and are therefore acting in violation of Norwood and hence in violation of the First

Amendment.

463. As described in detail above, since 2020 Defendants have systematically, repeatedly,

and highly successfully been doing exactly that—inducing, encouraging, and promoting social-

media companies to censor protected speech.

464. Thus Defendants’ censorship campaign is unlawful and enjoinable regardless of

whether the governmental conduct involved would or would not have been sufficient to turn the

social media companies into state actors.

465. In addition, Defendants’ campaign to induce social-media censorship of protected

speech conduct also violates the First Amendment for yet another, independent reason.

466. It is “a core postulate of free speech law” that “government may not discriminate against

speech based on the ideas or opinions it conveys.” Iancu v. Brunetti, 139 S. Ct. 2294, 2299

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(2019).

467. As detailed above, Defendants have since early 2020 systematically and repeatedly been

discriminating against and targeting online speech “based on the ideas or opinions it conveys.”

468. Thus Defendants’ efforts to induce social media companies to censor protected speech

violate the First Amendment because they are blatantly viewpoint-discriminatory and are

enjoinable for that reason alone, even when those efforts do not involve coercive threats or

collusion, and even when those efforts fail.

469. Through their conduct, as detailed above, Defendants have injured the named Plaintiffs

and other Class Members in violation of the First Amendment by denying them their right receive

ideas and information from willing speakers, by inhibiting them from gathering news, and by

preventing them from having access to uncensored public discourse in the “modern public

square.”

470. As detailed above, Defendants’ censorship campaign is ongoing, and, because

Defendants refuse to acknowledge any constitutional wrongdoing, virtually certain to continue if

not enjoined by this Court.

PRAYER FOR RELIEF

Therefore Plaintiffs respectfully request that the Court certify the proposed Class, enter judgment

in their favor, and grant the following relief:

A. Declare that Defendants’ conduct violates the First Amendment;

B. Preliminarily and permanently enjoin Defendants, their officers, officials, agents, servants,

employees, attorneys, and all persons acting in concert or participation with them, from taking any

steps to demand, urge, pressure, or otherwise induce any social-media platform to censor, suppress,

de-platform, suspend, shadow-ban, de-boost, restrict access to constitutionally protected speech,

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or take any other adverse action against any speaker, protected content or viewpoint expressed on

social media; and

C. Grant such other and further relief as the Court may deem just and proper.

Respectfully submitted,

/s/ G. Shelly Maturin, II


_______________________
G. SHELLY MATURIN, II
(La. Bar # 26994)
Law Office of G. Shelly Maturin, II, L.L.C.
322 Heymann Blvd., Suite 1
Lafayette, LA 70503
Telephone: (337) 362-3514
E-mail: shelly@maturinlaw.com

________-s-______________
JED RUBENFELD
(NY Bar # 2214104)
(pro hac vice forthcoming)
1031 Forest Rd.
New Haven, CT 06515
Telephone: (203) 432-7631
E-mail: jed.rubenfeld@yale.edu

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