Introduction - Towards A Contemporary Historio Graphy of Amateurs in Science (18 - 20 Century)

Gesnerus 73/2 (2016) 201–237
Introduction – Towards a Contemporary Historio

graphy of Amateurs in Science (18th–20th Century)
Hervé Guillemain, Nathalie Richard
The last few decades have seen considerable growth in the role played by
amateurs in the sciences. With the development of new techniques for
collecting information, new virtual networks and the emergence of new
problematics calling for the participation of citizens, this role has also
become more visible, while the modern boundary between professionalism
and a mateurism, first erected in the 19th century, has been shaken. These
contemporary developments have changed our perspective on amateurs in
science and brought forth questions and analyses that sometimes coincide
with recent inflections in the history of science.
Thus it is now possible to take a new approach to the historical study of
amateurs in contemporary science. This introduction hopes to d emonstrate
this, while the essays brought together in this volume, some of which explore
extreme cases, reveal the very relative nature of the definition of the “ama
teur” category and how complex and fertile its implementation has been in
the history of science.
Hervé Guillemain, Université du Maine, CERHIO, CNRS UMR 6258 (Herve.Guillemain

@univ-lemans.fr). Nathalie Richard, Université du Maine, CERHIO, CNRS UMR 6258
(Nathalie.Richard@univ-lemans.fr)
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A contemporary issue
The recent growth in the role and visibility of amateurs in science has
prompted a number of analyses in the sociology and anthropology of science1
as well as a reflection within scientific disciplines and institutions on the
resources afforded by crowdsourcing and by networked sciences, and on
the place of the co-construction of research projects and protocols.2
In order to follow the way biodiversity is quickly adapting to climate
change, for example, volunteers were recruited with the aim of spreading
civic awareness while extending the scope of observation to terrains that
neither scientific institutions nor state departments are able to cover on such
a large scale.3 In the observation of nature, environmentalist networks have
increasingly taken the place of conventional academic networks since the
1960s. In the United States this form of participatory science applied to the
natural sciences, which has been known as citizen science since the 1990s,
has become a mass phenomenon. For example, the Christmas Bird Count
instituted in 1900 by the ornithologist Frank Chapman now benefits from
the work of nearly 70,000 observers, thanks to the network and modern
resources deployed by the Audubon NGO.4 In France Vigie-Nature has been
working for more than twenty years with a national network of associations,
teachers and students on biodiversity observation programmes coordinated
by the Muséum National d’Histoire Naturelle.5 As it became increasingly
institutionalised, so participative science perfected its methods for collecting
and processing data on a massive scale. New ways of valorising amateur
practices and recording the results of volunteer research have been invented.
In the last few years, participatory methods have entered many new fields.6
Where once they were represented in the natural sciences and astronomy,
they are now developing in areas that had previously been unaffected, nota
bly health as well as human and social sciences.7
These emerging configurations conjure up the figure of an amateur who,
rather than aiming to replace professionals, builds up an “ordinary” exper
tise in his leisure time, in relation to a community that is sometimes virtual.
His practice, an important characteristic of which is its freedom, is inscribed
1 Charvolin 2010; Hodges 2013.
2 See for example the synthesis made in 2015 by the ethics committee of the CNRS in France
(COMETS 2015).
3 Bœuf/Allain/Bouvier 2012.
4 “Christmas Bird Count: Citizen Science for the birds,” The Guardian, December 6, 2014.
5 http://vigienature.mnhn.fr/
6 Newman/Wiggins/Crall/Graham/Newman/Crowston 2012.
7 The Reading Experience Database 1450–1945, www.open.ac.uk/Arts/RED/; Inventory of
French war memorials, http://monumentsmorts.univ-lille3.fr/; Artigo, www.artigo.org.
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in a wider movement of the construction of individual identities and benefits
from favourable social conditions such as the accelerated dissemination of
available knowledge and the growing opportunities in self-training.8 But
while these new “pro-am”9 forms of collaboration undoubtedly constitute a
horizon of expectation and a structuring element for many amateur groups,
they should not be allowed to overshadow the continuation of more indi
vidual forms of amateurism which seek nothing more than the satisfactions
of a “serious leisure” activity.10
Another development observed since the 1960s is the way amateurs have
formulated more contestatory and structured discourses and have built up
networks working with greater independence from academic institutions.
Within these activist movements, the most important of which are concerned
with atomic energy and health, amateurs, invoking their new practices and
new ideals, call for an autonomous role in the production of knowledge. They
want to have their say in the orientation of research, public policies and
technoscientific choices. They are putting themselves forward – sometimes
under the banner of “citizen science” – as a democratic counterpower to
counterbalance academic knowledge and the institutional expertise asso
ciated with it. For example, the fifteen years that followed the outbreak of
the AIDS virus were marked by the determined intrusion of laymen in
the making of scientific knowledge.11 Within a scientific field that was new,
unstable and unusually open to public debate, patients, with the help of
general practitioners, were able to contest the conditions in which clinical
tests were carried out, to make changes in the rules determining the
effectiveness of therapies, and to contribute to the creation of alternative
laboratories such as Boston’s Community Research Initiative (1987). In this
particular context this new form of activism, forged in the contestation of
academic science and its methods, contributed to a reassessment of the
balance of power between doctor and patient. As a result, the aspiration to
the democratic control of science or an individual reappropriation of health
gained legitimacy. Since the 1980s, the role of laymen in the health system
has grown, leading to a diversification in the way amateurs relate to the
medical institution and academic knowledge. Many patients’ associations
now help define research priorities, raise new issues based on their experi
ences, and recruit volunteers for therapeutic studies and epidemiological
8 Weber/Lamy 1999.
9 Leadbeater/Miller 2004.
10 Stebbins 1992
11 Epstein 2001, 225.
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surveys. It can be argued that their action has “professionalized” them.12
In the field of mental illness, for example, some patients’ associations
advocate a reinterpretation of the classic scientific analyses of auditory
hallucination while others are making their experiential expertise available
to psychiatric institutions.13 From the survivor to the peer helper, the profiles
of patients involved in care and in redefining the priorities and methods
of science are far from homogenous, but their role is certainly valorized
today.
The potential of the web as regards lay practices, collective content
creation (wikis) and activist mobilisation is a factor in the emergence of
new forms of association or collaboration between professionals and ama
teurs. Observers of the digital realm have been both optimistic and worried,
engaging in lively controversies. Some have pointed to the threat to culture
from the generalization and overvaluing of the figure of the amateur, shak
ing up the hierarchy of legitimacy among producers of knowledge and the
hierarchy of values,14 while others have emphasised the richness and fecun
dity of these recent evolutions.15 What is being weakened through the
emergence of “citizen science” and “participative science” within numerous
disciplines, which is generating diverse configurations of coexistence, is thus
the clear separation of roles between amateur and professional: “it is the
question of ‘each according to their role’ that is being overturned.”16
Amateurs in the age of professionalization:

reconsidering a “metanarrative”
What contemporary sociologists describe as the “coronation of the ama

teur”17 is part of a pattern present in syntheses concerning the evolution of
sciences in developed societies, revealing a disqualification of amateur prac
tices in the 19th and early 20th centuries, combined with the assimilation of
certain aspects of popular knowledge within the academic, scientific c anon.18
This pattern centres on the professionalization of the sciences, on the emer
12 Akrich/Méadel/Rabeharisoa 2009. For an example, see the work by the “Groupe de réfle
xions avec les malades” (Patient-Staff Discussion Group, GRAM) set up by INSERM
(France) in 2003, www.inserm.fr/associations-de-malades/groupe-de-reflexion-avec-les-
associations-de-malades.
13 Crossley 2006; Fromentin 2013; Beetlestone/Loubière/Caria 2011.
14 Keen 2007.
15 Flichy 2010.
16 Charvolin 2010, 83.
17 Flichy 2010, 88–89.
18 Carnino 2015.
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gence of a salaried research sector in the service of the state and industrial
capitalism and on the concomitant development of institutionalized exper
tise. Political and/or industrial revolutions would thus mark the relegation
of a “subaltern and anecdotal form of production of knowledge”,19 usually
confined to collecting and subordinate to the classificatory, experimental
and theoretical model of the professional scientist.20 One side effect of this
double abstraction of knowledge by a professionalized elite and by theory
was to legitimize the rise of scientific popularization as a process of trans
lating a form of science that without mediation had become inaccessible to
the general public.21 This development is said to have established a clear
frontier between producers and consumers of knowledge, thereby opening
up a new commercial space that was soon largely filled by professional
publicists and/or new publishing genres.22 Hemmed in between the science of
the elites and the “science for all”, amateurs lacked space and became mar
ginalised, reduced to the most incongruous objects, constrained to the sim
plest actions of the collector or confined to a handful of rare disciplines out
side the bounds of the academic canon. For some historians, the 19th century
marked the death of the amateur scientist. In which case, the technological,
political and sociological events to have taken place since the 1960s have
marked their resurrection.
There can be little doubt that the image of modern science has to a large
extent been built on the demotion of amateurism.23 Nevertheless, we can
observe, well before the contestation of the 1960s and the emergence of
militant “citizen science,” forms of collective mobilisation that resisted or
opposed the academic world and restored the prestige of the layman and
of the knowledge that he possesses or produces. From the “sans-culotte”
astronomic science of the Revolution24 to the popular movement for reform
of the natural sciences that developed in Germany in the late 19th century, 25
the many examples range over a variety of disciplines. In England during
the early 19th century, artisans involved with the radical movement enlisted
evolutionism to their cause.26 In 1863, Mathieu de la Drôme appealed to
all amateur observers in Europe to help prevent the monopoly of academic
researchers and build an alternative, popular and republican form of mete
19 Bonneuil/Joly 2013, 95.
20 Pestre 2006, 53.
21 Bensaude-Vincent 2000.
22 Bensaude-Vincent/Rasmussen 1997, 123; see also Béguet 1990, Belhoste 2006, Chappey
2004, Cooter/Pumfrey 1994, Shinn/Whitley 1985.
23 For a recent example of contestation, see Conner 2005.
24 Bensaude-Vincent 2000, 67.
25 Nyhart 2007.
26 Desmond 1987.
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orology.27 Twenty years earlier, François Vincent Raspail called for a pro
found transformation of the people’s relation to medicine by the democrati
sation of scientific research. He urged individuals to take back control of
their own health and encouraged the emergence of a new generation of
nonprofessional home nurses.28 Far from disappearing in the 19th and 20th
centuries, self-medication was enriched by new theories and practices stimu
lated by the reaction to the advent of professionalized, technical and com
mercialised medicine.29 The popular astronomy of Flammarion, as embodied
by the Société Astronomique de France, brought together amateurs and
professionals and championed an alternative practice to that of the Paris
Observatory.30 In France, on the eve of the First World War, amateur archae
ologists and prehistorians, organised in learned societies, waged an effective
campaign of opinion and lobbied in order to prevent the passing of a law
regulating excavations, which would have limited their freedom of research
and thereby initiated professionalization in the field of prehistoric archae
ology. 31 The movement to professionalize or restrict the sciences to the
academic framework was contested from the outset. As of the early 19th cen
tury there were groups that called for participation in the construction of
knowledge, the autonomy of subjects and, sometimes, the democratization
of science as a correlate or prefiguration of political democratization.
Field sciences, sciences of inventory and observation conducted outside
the laboratory always maintained various, complex forms of association o r
complementarity between amateurs and “professionals”. All were engaged
in the production of legitimate knowledge, prefiguring what we now call
“participatory science”. To give only one example, the professionalization
of meteorology did not lead to the extinction of amateurism in this field,
but rather to the renewal of its forms. 32 Furthermore, the rise of states, which
was conducive to professionalization in the sciences, was also accompanied
by the development of “hybrid” sciences, or “action research” sciences in
which academic protagonists (“professional” scientists) were often in the
minority compared to “experts” who came from other worlds, such as civil
servants, members of the associative sector and media people, whom they
might consider to be amateurs. This was the case, for example, in the 20th
century in the field of the political sciences and opinion studies.33 As for med
27 Locher 2006, 69.

28 Blanckaert 1992.
29 Aziza-Shuster 1972; Guillemain 2010.
30 Bensaude-Vincent 1991; Chaperon 1997.
31 Hurel 2007.
32 Morris/Endfield 2012.
33 Blondiaux 2002; Payre/Pollet 2010.
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ical and psychological sciences, their particular process of professionalization
generated the development of “peripheral” categories — sometimes grouped
under the “paramedical” heading – that can, in certain respects, be con
sidered as amateur.34 Generally speaking, it would seem that the new bound
aries created by academia also opened up new frontiers for amateurs and
led to new confrontations. The parapsychological experiments promoted
by spiritist circles in the early 20th century partook of both the movement for
lay science and the emergence of places where renowned academic scientists
could come together with amateurs.35 Around the year 1900 cosmogony was
on the front line of astronomical research and theories formulated by ama
teurs from military or religious backgrounds strove to compete with the
hypotheses formulated by professionals while at the same time breaking free
of their norms.36
Analysis of these different aspects of the history of amateur practice
developed since the 1960s and the studies are so numerous and so scattered
that we would not presume to offer a synthesis. The most that can be offered
is a subjective and partial exploration which emphasises the degree to which
most of the recent developments in the history of science have opened up
prospects for the renewal of a historical subject that may, for a while, have
seemed rather old-fashioned.
Bourgeoisie, professions and modern states
In the field of academic history, the first general studies of amateurs in late
modern science date from the 1960s. They emerged from two currents of
social history: on one side, the history of the “middle classes”, which became
a central player in the new economic, political and cultural world that began
to emerge in the second half of the 18th century; on the other, the social his
tory of scientific institutions.
In the 1960s social historians began to study the new categories of the
urban bourgeoisie, including their specific forms of sociability. In France,
the work of Adeline Daumard on the Parisian bourgeoisie37 inaugurated a
tradition. Then, in 1977, Maurice Agulhon laid the foundations for a social
history of the cultural.38 The learned societies that replaced the academies
34 Edelman 1995.
35 Plas 2000.
36 Fages 2012.
37 Daumard 1963.
38 Agulhon 1977.
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and networks of learned sociability characteristic of the Ancien Régime39
were studied as forms of association specific to the middle classes, or in which
they were at least strongly present. One of the first synthesis was produced
by Jean-Pierre Chaline, a specialist of the Rouen bourgeoisie.40 In the same
decades, the articulation of the social history of the urban bourgeoisie and
the history of amateur scientific practice was also developed in studies of
British cities, notably in the industrialized North, where Manchester may in
a sense be taken as a historiographic laboratory for these questions.41 Similar
work was later done on other geographical spaces.42
More recently, taking a literal approach to the expression “parliament of
science” coined to describe the annual meetings of the British Association
for the Advancement of Science in the 19th century and drawing on Haber
mas’s work on the invention of public space in the 18th century43 while echo
ing contemporary reflection on the political dimension of participatory or
citizen science movements, studies have considered learned societies as
places for the structuring of “civil society” and of experimentation with
democracy. This reading, which articulates the social history of politics and
the history of sciences, has been applied by Philip Nord to the Société
d’Anthropologie de Paris under the Second Empire44 and by Joseph Bradley
to the Russian Empire.45 The image of learned societies as the crucible or
laboratory of political liberalism is qualified, however, by other studies, which
show that these associations could also be a refuge for an aristocracy whose
economic and political power was waning as well as the cradle of a backward-
looking, politically reactionary discourse. This was the case in the French
Société des Antiquaires de Normandie (1824) and the national organisations
that it spawned (Société Archéologique de France, 1834; Institut des Provin
ces, 1839).46 This would also seem to have been the case on the other side of
the Channel with the Royal Archaeological Institute.47
Many monographs on learned societies fit this frame. Special attention has
been paid to societies that, in the 19th and early 20th centuries, performed the
function of providing national coordination for learned activities. The work
done on the British Association for the Advancement of Science is exemplary
39 Roche 1978; Lilti 2005.

40 Chaline 1995.
41 Schofield 1963; Kargon 1977.
42 Sakurai 2013.
43 Habermas 1962.
44 Nord 2013.
45 Bradley 2009.
46 Bercé 1986; Gerson 2003.
47 Vyner 1994.
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in this regard.48 Similar studies have been made on the Association Française
pour l’Avancement des Sciences in France and on the Versammlung
Deutscher Naturforscher und Ärze in the Germanic world.49 They have
revealed very diverse situations, reflecting different national contexts and
social hierarchies. Within learned societies there were considerable

differences in terms of practice, legitimacy and reputation between amateur
elites that enjoyed national and even international recognition, and practi
tioners whose reputation was strictly local. These differences were in large
part a reflection of social class. The learned societies of the 19th century were
closed to many amateurs, such as the weaver-botanists studied by Anne
Secord, 50 the self-taught workers analysed by McLaughlin-Jenkins51 and
the modest learned French priests who wrote local monographs, studied
by François Ploux. 52 In the British context, the role of the “gentlemen of
science”, which remained a factor well into the 19th century, has been amply
documented, 53 as have the networks of influence and sociability particular
to this learned aristocracy.54 The figure of the “grand amateur”, which was
in part a creation of the 18th century continued into the 19th.55 Some of these
remarkable figures left records (printed publications, manuscripts, collec
tions) sufficiently rich to warrant specific studies that, like historical bio
graphies of “ordinary men”56, use the portrait as the medium of a “thick
description” of a social and cultural milieu, and of its values and practices.57
The historiography of the new urban elites can be related to the perspec
tives developed within the social and political history of the interconnected
development of modern states and scientific institutions. Here, the interest
in amateurs proceeds from analyses of the professionalization of science.58
The explanatory model put forward is formulated, as we have seen, in terms
of the extension of the field of state action, of the rise of institutionalized
expertise, and of the development of capitalism and the techno-industrial
society. 59 The chronology of these combined developments varies geograph
ically: for example, the movement began early in France, during the Revolu
48 Morrell/Thackray 1981; MacLeod/Collins 1981.

49 Gispert 2002; Schipperges 1968; Querner/Schipperges 1972.
50 Secord A 1994.
51 McLaughlin-Jenkins 2003.
52 Ploux 2011.
53 Rudwick 1985.
54 Barton 1998; Snyder 2011.
55 Chapman 2011; Guignard 2014.
56 Duby 1984.
57 Cohen/Hublin 1989; Kaeser 2004; Patton 1997.
58 Morrell 1990; Mody 2016.
59 Bonneuil/Joly 2013; Galison/Helvy 1992; Pestre 2015.
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tionary and Imperial period,60 but appeared later in the United Kingdom
and United States, where it started to become evident in the 1880s.61 But
whatever the chronology put forward, these processes confirmed the valori
zation and professionalization of academic careers, the identification of the
“scientist” with the university professor or researcher, and the eminence
accorded to the laboratory model.62 Since the 1970s many disciplines have
been studied on the basis of this schema,63 establishing national and disci
pline-based chronologies with their turning points and periods of intense
activity. In France, for example, the period of the First Empire,64 the time of
the social, higher education and hygienist reforms of the late 19th century65 as
well as the creation of the CNRS in 193966 constitute significant moments in
most of these histories.
Although distinct, the social history of urban elites and the sociopolitical
history of institutions both take as their overall framework of analysis the
categories of amateur and professional, the definition of which was forged
and stabilised in the very processes they describe. Since the 1980s this bias
has been criticised and new perspectives have been opened up. These have
been stimulated by fresh developments in social and cultural history, by the
development of Science studies and the emergence of Gender studies. The
way sociologists and anthropologists view the current emergence of new
types of amateurs has also contributed to a change in our approach to the
past.
History from below and the spatial turn: local knowledge
Adopting a point of view “from below”67 or “at ground level”,68 attentive to

the representations and agency of amateurs themselves, a new social history
of science insists on the need to consider opposing pairs such as “amateur/
professional”, “layman/scientist”, “popular/academic” not as overarching
categories implicit from the start in any analysis, but as the product of con
flicts, negotiation and compromise between categories of actors in a given
60 Geison 1984; Fox 2012.

61 Reader 1966; Sanderson 1972; Reingold 1976; Lucier 2009.
62 Ben-David 1977; Engel 1983; Fox/Weisz 1980.
63 For example, Allen 1976 [1994], Chapman 1998, Keeney 1992, Levine 1986, Price 2006,
Saint-Martin 2008, Williams 2000.
64 Dhombres 1989.
65 Keylor 1975; Bourdelais 2001.
66 Picard 1990.
67 Thompson 1963; Hobsbawn 1985; Cerutti 2015.
68 Ginzburg 1981; Revel 1989 and 1996.
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context. Also inspired by Science studies and notably by Bruno Latour’s
propositions about science as a social construction resulting from inter
actions between highly diverse actors,69 this conception focuses on the con
struction of the demarcation between antagonists – “boundary work”70 – and
puts forward new concepts, such as theoretical or material “boundary ob
jects” around which conflicts and collaborations crystallise.71 In this volume,
this problematics is at the heart of the reading of the “Chacornac affair” pro
posed by Volny Fages. It is also evident in Loïc Casson’s text about the
careers of several French entomologists around the year 1900, in Philippe Le
Vigouroux and Gabriel Gohau’s study of Wegener and his theory of conti
nental drift, and in Claire Gantet’s analysis of German psychology in the late
18th century.
Another source of renewal was the importation into the social history of
science of what has been called the “spatial turn” in historiography.72 The
categories used to designate amateurs in science are considered to be by
essence relative to a context that is not only historically but also geographi
cally situated. The “pub botanists” studied by Anne Secord could exist only
where public houses had a social function that had no equivalent outside the
United Kingdom, and in a geographical zone that had an elite of educated
workers enjoying the autonomous management of their time: the peri-urban
zone around Manchester where the modern textile industry provided qua
lified weavers with work, based on the domestic system.73 No doubt, the
situation described in the environs of Manchester during the first two thirds
of the 19th century could not have been transposed as it was to other British
regions, let alone exported beyond national borders. “Pub botany” was in
deed ephemeral and disappeared with the decline of the domestic artisan
system and the emergence of new places for the circulation of scientific infor
mation and for the regulation of amateur practices that began to compete
with the pubs. To take an example from another national context, in France
during the same period the canuts, the silk weavers of Lyon, constituted a
geographically concentrated milieu of master artisans and qualified workers.
This group was well structured by mutual associations and had a high level
of education conducive to the emergence not only of political causes and
practices, but also of knowledge about political economy, which can be seen
as an “amateur” discourse when compared with the ones produced by
69 Latour 1995.
70 Gieryn 1983 and 1999.
71 Griesemer/Star 1989; Trompette/Vinck 2009.
72 Livingstone 2003; Finnegan 2008.
73 Secord A 1994.
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ational scientific institutions such as law faculties, the Conservatoire
n
National des Arts et Métiers and the Académie des Sciences Morales et
Politiques.74 The specificity of this working men’s milieu, in space and in
time, is just as great as that of the weaver-botanists around Manchester.
In an article about the amateur naturalists and professional biologists in
Yorkshire during the late 19th century,75 Samuel Alberti regrets the lack of a
transregional synthesis, while spotlighting the degree to which the situations
described depended on the field that amateur natural scientists could explore
and the way in which the professionalization of sciences came about at the
local level.76 Just as the conditions for amateur naturalists in the American
West during the 19th century differed from those of naturalists on the East
Coast,77 so, Alberti points out, the relations between amateurs and profes
sionals in the North-East of England was locally determined by the network
of long-established learned societies (the Yorkshire Philosophical Society
was founded in 1822), but also by the absence of an old university centre and
by the belated emergence of places for the professionalization of biologists.
In Leeds and Sheffield the creation of civic colleges was instigated by the
same social categories and often by the same men as those who formed the
elite of amateur learned societies. These individuals both oversaw and
promoted amateur practise and argued for the development of theoretical
teaching in establishments of a technical and professional nature that would,
in the medium term, enable them to be transformed into universities. At
the instigation of these amateurs, therefore, academic posts were created for
professional biologists whose presence would make it necessary to redefine
the frontiers of amateur practices and the legitimacy of the knowledge they
produced.
Local amateur science thus took varying forms, depending on whether
or not the territories where it developed were endowed with professional
scientific institutions. It tended to prosper more in areas that were remote
from academic centres of power.78 For example, works on the sciences in
colonial French Africa have revealed the contrast between the freedom for
manoeuvre and the prestige enjoyed by colonial administrators when in the
field, far from the metropolis, and the obstacles they came up against when
they tried to gain recognition from scientific institutions in the metropolis.79
In his study of the practitioners of electrotherapy in the late 18th century,
74 Frobert 2010; Bouchet/Bourdeau/Castleton/Frobert/Jarrige 2015.
75 Alberti 2001.
76 Naylor 2010.
77 Benson 1986; Kohlstedt 1976.
78 Matagne 2007; Hewitt 1988.
79 Sibeud 2002.
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which seriously challenges the usual binary opposition of “irregular” and
“official”, Zanetti clearly shows how the Abbé Sans established himself
on the competitive medical market by moving to Versailles, out of reach of
the medical faculty in Paris and the Société Royale de Médecine. His topo
graphical trajectory was thus one with his scientific marginalisation.80 The
case of the Abbé Sans can be compared to that of Jean Chacornac, described
by Volny Fages in this special issue. His withdrawal from Paris to the Lyon
region can be seen as the geographical translation of his de-legitimation as
an amateur in the sphere of French astronomy. Loïc Casson emphasises the
numerical weight of provincials among the amateur members of the Société
Entomologique de France around the year 1900. This geographical distribu
tion of French amateurism, which points up the contrast between a more pro
fessionalised Parisian academic centre and provincial areas more conducive
to amateur practices, can be observed in most of the national learned socie
ties that were open to amateurs in the same period.81
Furthermore, recent studies show that amateur activity helped consolidate
the sense of local identity82 and to articulate scientific discourse and political
agendas at a regional or municipal level. In France, much is known about
the role of learned societies in the invention of a Breton identity and in the
emergence of a regionalist movement.83 More generally, Gerson has shown
the complex articulation of knowledge and political ideas at a local level.84
Louise Miskell has demonstrated how the annual meetings of British learned
societies helped strengthen urban identities in Victorian England,85 and
Finnegan has considered similar questions for Scotland.86 For the United
States, Thomas Bender has shown the importance of the promotion by urban
elites, including amateurs, of places of science, education and culture in the
long-term construction of a specific New York identity.87 In showing how
science is as much local as universal, these studies emphasise the fact that the
dispersed nature of the historiography of amateurs, as evoked above, is as
much a matter of structure as of conjuncture.
80 Zanetti 2011.
81 For a comparison, Soulier 1993.
82 De L’estoile 2001.
83 Guiomar 1987.
84 Gerson 2003.
85 Miskell 2013.
86 Finnegan 2009.
87 Bender 1987.
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Intermediary knowledge and categories
The attention to various intermediary categories has also helped renew the
historiography of amateurs.
Histories of the codevelopment of states, industry and professional science
reveal, among other aspects, the new importance of experts, a category which
complexifies the division between amateurs and professionals, and about
which much has been recently written.88 Already evident in the early modern
period, the role of experts has increased with the extension of domains of
intervention by public authorities and the growing articulation of research
and industry. In the 19th century their profile changed. Whereas during the
first two thirds of the 19th century the experts who sat on national and local
committees were mainly professional scientists, holders of academic posi
tions, another body of experts was gradually formed in the industry and in
the administration. These new experts were linked to the bureaucracy, their
professional activity did not take place in universities or research laborato
ries, and their ethos and habitus differed from those of academic scientists.89
Around the figure of the expert new collaborations developed, but also
rivalries and contestations concerning either the legitimate production of
theoretical knowledge or the legitimacy of expertise itself. In the first in
stance, these rivalries pitted academic scientists against bureaucratic experts,
for example in the production of theoretical knowledge about the social. The
holders of academic positions could, in this instance, claim sole ownership of
the “professional” label and thus relegate the “experts” to the camp of ille
gitimate producers of theoretical science, alongside the “amateurs”. In the
second case, the assertion of expertise itself became a territory of contesta
tion between groups born of civil society (which can be described as ama
teur) and “official” experts in companies and administrations. Since 1950, the
return to prominence of amateurs on the scientific and social scenes has been
bound up with such conflicts of legitimacy. For example, the exposure of cer
tain workers to poisons and chemical products – lead, asbestos, nuclear,
pesticides – spurred much civic and scientific activism on the part of groups
who thus acquired the status of a political opposition.90 In such cases, the
amateur/professional antagonism is less between amateur and professional
scientists than between amateurs and professional experts.
88 Vandendriessche/Peeters/Wils 2015 is one of these recent examples.

89 Kohlrausch 2014; Rabier 2007.
90 Thébaud-Mony 2014.
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Like ethnographic observation of “laboratory life”,91 the social history of
scientific institutions and of major infrastructures highlights the contribution
of numerous nonscientific agents to the production of academic science.
Some of these are nonhuman (animals, instruments, etc.), others are the
subjects of experiments, and still others constitute categories of intermediate
actors who definitely come within the category of science “professionals” but
are not considered as legitimate producers of scientific knowledge. On this
point, attention has been focused, notably, on personnel in the big observa
tories92 and the way in which the autonomy and subjectivity of these human
actors were reduced or denied in order to ensure – in theory, at least – the
“objectivity” of the data that they produced and the reproducibility of the
repeated operations that they carried out.93 Although employed by scientific
institutions, these intermediary agents have thus not been seen as profes
sionals of science and have in most cases been consigned to its “invisible”
margins.94 The case of the entomologist Maurice Maindron, who was in
charge of classifying collections at the Muséum national d’histoire naturelle
and given the mission of collecting specimens, shows that access to these
intermediary categories can represent a career opening or a promotion for
amateurs (see Loïc Casson’s article in this volume). Conversely, when they
venture onto the terrain of the autonomous production of theoretical or
synthetic knowledge, the legitimacy of these intermediary agents is usually
contested by academe and they are relegated to amateur status.
A number of these “assistants” employed by scientific institutions have
come to the fore in recent studies, showing how difficult it is to draw the
limit between amateur and professional scientists. Should specialists in
embalming, morgue personnel or laboratory assistants be considered actors
in the history of health on the same level as qualified doctors?95 A recently
studied example concerning field sciences and a specific category of “help
ers”, that of illustrators, involves the German ethnographer Leo Frobenius,
who went on numerous missions to Africa between the World Wars. On the
field he was accompanied by artists, young women trained at art school who
were paid by his Institut für Kulturmorphologie in Frankfurt. Their job was
to make copies of prehistoric or ethnographic artworks. These copies consti
tuted a collection for scientific and artistic use which was exhibited in major
Western museums during the interwar years, from the Musée de l’Homme
91 Latour/Woolgar 1988.
92 Dick 2002; Lamy 2007; Aubin/Bigg/Sibum 2010.
93 Schaffer 1988.
94 Morus 2016.
95 Carol 2015; Bertherat 2002.
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in Paris to the Museum of Modern Art in New York. However, the artists
who produced these pieces are not seen as co-authors of Frobenius’s ethno
graphic science.96 Yet could they not ultimately be seen as amateur ethno
graphers?
Studies of the “scientific revolution” of the 17th century and of the inter
relation between modern states and industry, highlighting the progressive
emergence of “technoscience”,97 have emphasised the porosity of the fron
tiers between theoretical science and applied science, a porosity such that
trying to distinguish between them may be illusory. The circularity of the
relation between practical and theoretical knowledge has made it possible to
relate the two fields of the history of science and the history of technology
and to put the emphasis on the contributions made to the elaboration of
theories by craftsmen or technicians. The knowledge of artisans – what
Robert Halleux has called the “knowledge of the hand” – has consequently
been re-evaluated.98 The crucial importance of the technical craft of instru
ment makers has been brought to light as well as that of gestural and experi
ential knowledge, known as the “techniques of the body”.99 The histories that
focus on these forms of knowledge often emphasise collaboration and circu
lation. The biographers of Charles Darwin, as well as the editors of his
letters, have stressed the importance of his exchanges with breeders and
horticulturalists in the elaboration of his concept of natural selection,

inspired by that of artificial selection.100 However, such smooth relations
between field workers and technicians on one side and scientists on the other
are not necessarily the rule.
The history of health practices, notably, is dotted with numerous conflicts
between marginalised practical workers and other actors legitimised by their
training, by their reference to a theoretical framework and by legal mono
polies on remedies and caring.101 While dissidence towards medicalization
generated a history of competitive and alternative practices,102 the more
recent historiography nevertheless shows more clearly the convergences or
interrelations between professionals and illegitimate or illegal practitioners.
In his study of the new paths of medical history, Burnham suggested we
consider the points of contact, the processes of imitation between the two
groups, as much as the procedures of exclusion and the signs of the extinction
96 Georget/Ivanoff/Kuba 2016.

97 Pestre 2015.
98 Halleux 2009; Hilaire-Pérez/Simon/Thébaud-Sorger 2016.
99 Smith 2004; Schaffer 1997; Sibum 1998.
100 Desmond/More 1992.
101 Léonard 1980; Ramsey 1980; Porter 1988.
102 Faure 2016.
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of nonacademic knowledge and practices.103 Several studies emphasise that
for a considerable part of the 19th century neither theoretical rationalisations
nor practices clearly differentiated between doctors trained in the academic
schools and the empiricals who were roundly condemned. Religious care
workers, whatever their status – almoners or nuns – are now perceived by
historians as auxiliaries rather than as competitors of medicalization, and
the frontier between learned medicine and religion proves fairly porous.104
By reconsidering the place of marginalized actors, the history of health prac
tices thus plays an important role in restoring the centrality of intermediary
categories that are sometimes relegated to the ranks of the amateurs.
Studies of these highly diverse intermediary categories show just how
problematic is the attempt to draw a clear distinction between amateurs and
professionals in the history of science. Between these two extremes are
numerous figures that may, depending on the situation or moment, tend
towards one or the other of these categories. Noticed for his talents as a
draughtsman, Chacornac, a self-taught amateur, joined the Paris Observa
tory, where he reached the grade of titular astronomer before again being
demoted to amateur status (see the article by Volny Fages in this volume). In
certain fields and in certain periods, like entomology in the early 20th century
(Loïc Casson’s paper in this volume), the categories of amateur and profes
sional turn out to be so imprecise that it is almost impossible to make them
effective.
A material history of knowledge
Another consequence of the interest in all the categories of actors engaged

in scientific activity has been to draw attention to the material conditions of
the production of scientific knowledge, to instruments, practices and ges
tures, as well as to the places where they are enacted. Each of these perspec
tives has repercussions for the history of amateurs.
The question of the instruments and the technical expertise that make
it possible to fashion and use them leads to the consideration of forms of
knowledge that appear as particularly favourable to the development of
scientific amateurism. In astronomy, for example, the construction of ins
truments, which was a practice shared by amateurs and professionals in the
19th century, became typical of amateur astronomy after 1900 (see the article
103 Burnham 2005.

104 Guillemain 2006; Faure 2007; Léonard 1977.
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by Volny Fages below). In the 19th century, as attested by the multiplication
of journals dedicated to this subject, photography constitutes another of
these technical areas privileged by amateurs. It proved its use in several
scientific fields. Photography was, for example, a promising technology for
recording historical and patrimonial traces and as such contributed to the
development of archaeology and local history.105 Astrophotography was an
amateur invention and practice that played an important role in the devel
opment of this science since the mid 19th century.106 Open to all kinds of prac
tical inventions, electricity was also a field in which practical skills and theo
retical knowledge were densely interwoven and in which large numbers of
amateurs were involved. The same was true of radio at the turn of the
20th century. Several historians have thus underscored the connections
between knowledge linked to DIY or gardening and the amateur practice
of science.107
In a similar perspective, studies of the laboratory environment have
prompted analyses of field work and the specific practices that it mar
shalled.108 These have brought to light two models for the practice of science –
experiment and survey or collection –, but they also underline the distri
bution of roles in several disciplines between two hierarchized categories
of producers of knowledge, with laboratory scientists usually being profes
sionals and field investigators/collectors frequently being amateurs. This
distribution began to disappear in the interwar period in a number of disci
plines and national contexts.109 In ethnography, for example, it disappeared
when field experience was redefined as an initiatory step in the training
of professionals.110 For metropolitan archaeologies, amateur field work de
clined with the inception of legislations that rendered excavations subject
to administrative authorisation.111 But it was maintained or reactivated in
other i nstances (nature sciences, astronomy, national archaeology in certain
countries such as the USA) in which the role of collecting mass data (big
data) was delegated, usually in a standardised and institutionalised way, to
amateur o bservers. Special attention has thus been paid to the history of
amateur collecting and fieldwork112 and to the collections resulting from
these practices.113
105 Edwards 2012.
106 Guignard 2014.
107 Curry 2014.
108 Kohler 2002; Blanckaert 1996.
109 Debaene 2010.
110 Sibeud 2002.
111 Gaucher 2004; Hurel 2007; Price 2006; Smith 2009.
112 Coye 1997; Drouin 2011; Kuklick/Kohler 1997; Richard 1991.
113 Knell, 2000; Corsi 2008.
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Amateurs in spite of themselves? Women and science
Work on gender has raised complementary questions regarding the invisible

producers of knowledge, the barriers and social and cultural hierarchies
within the world of science as well as know-how, practices and the places
of scientific activity. Parallel to the development of the history of women
and the publication of the first syntheses on the subject,114 the 1980s saw the
emergence of studies on the history of women in science.115 Although the
situations differ from one discipline and period to another – the Nazi regime,
for example, promoted the integration of women into the academic pro
fessions116 –, these studies have revealed elements that have shed light on and
renewed the debate on the role of amateurs in science, both men and women.
The first of these elements has to do with the difficulties encountered by
women in several periods and in most Western countries in trying to enter
academic institutions and attain professional status. Collective histories have
shown just how exceptional were the careers of atypical figures such as Marie
Curie and pioneers such as Madeleine Pelletier and Constanza Pascal in the
field of psychiatry.117 The history of women in science is thus often a history
of amateurs. More particularly, it shows the diversity of the situations expe
rienced by amateurs both female and male: from an amateurism embraced
for political or militant reasons, up to an “amateurism by choice” (as a hobby
often related to class identity, or as a choice for independence from insti
tutional constraints) and up to an imposed amateurism (“obligatory
amateurism”).118 The article by Rémy Amouroux in this volume provides an
illustration of this. Anne Berman, a pharmacist by profession, chose to
become the personal secretary of Marie Bonaparte and devoted her activity
to the dissemination of psychoanalysis in France. At the same time, her
position prevented her from attaining the status of recognised translator of
the works of Freud and she suffered the drawbacks of her status as an
amateur, even though she had chosen it. For the politician Marcel Sembat,
argues Jacqueline Carroy in this volume, psychology appears to have been a
kind of hobby. He chose to practice it as a private activity and not to venture
onto the terrain of the professionals despite requests for articles from scien
tific journals.
114 Duby/Perrot 1991–1992.

115 Abir-Am/Outram 1989; Kohlstedt 1999; Rossiter 1984–2012; Carroy/Edelman/Ohayon/
Richard 2005.
116 Vogt 2005.
117 Gordon 2006 and 2013; Coffin 1992.
118 Bailey Ogilvie 2000; Smith 2000; Pomata 2013.
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A second outcome of the study of women in science is that it brings out the
many different categories of actors, often invisible and sometimes silent ones,
who are involved in the production of knowledge. Some of these categories
were recognised and integrated, as we have seen, into recent social histories
of scientific institutions: women are more numerous among illustrators,
among the collaborators of laboratories, among those tasked with collecting
field data, among the practitioners in charge of disseminating norms and
guidelines elaborated by scientific institutions, among the administrators of
research.119 Some of these women belonged, however, to categories that were
even more invisible, and contributed to science in more informal and private
manners. While the central role of nuns and nurses in the field of care is well
known, the role of women with very diverse statuses in medical data collec
tion and in the elaboration of knowledge about illnesses is much less so.120
Work on “couples in science” has revealed the role of spouses as collabora
tors and private secretaries.121 Anne Berman, discussed in this volume,
occupied this kind of position. Private secretary to Marie Bonaparte, she also
became the secretary of the French psychoanalytic association and played a
not inconsiderable role by working “invisibly” alongside Marie Bonaparte,122
a practitioner who was herself a lay person, in a period when the Freudian
movement was asserting its secular, lay character compared to doctors and
religious orders.
The history of women in science also revealed the existence of niches
where women’s practices and professional careers are considered more
legitimate. These privileged, even exclusive spaces are linked to the collec
tive representations of the feminine and the role of women in society. Thus,
scientific specialities linked to children became a field open to women’s
careers as of the late 19th century: leading figures could come to the fore
in certain disciplines, such as pedagogy, in which Maria Montessori is an
extreme case.123 Now, these niches of activity are not found only in profes
sional science, but also in women’s amateur practices. Several studies of the
19th century have thus brought out the complex cultural factors conducive in
certain countries to female practice of the natural sciences, from the belief
that women were closer to nature to Rousseau’s legacy of a moral pedagogy
based on nature and to Protestant natural theology.124
119 Fussinger 2005; Topalov 2015, p. 177–216 and 257–285.

120 Loison 2015.
121 Abir-Am/Pycior/Slack 1996; Lykknes/Opitz/Van Tiggelen 2012.
122 Amouroux 2012.
123 Babini 2014; Babini/Lama 2010.
124 Norwood 1993.
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The historiography about women in science thus reveals the possible
existence of “sciences for amateurs” in which the dependence on the collec
tion of data or field surveys is crucial and for which, at the same time, this
act of collecting and surveying can be delegated. These include astronomy,
botany, zoology, geology and archaeology. In some of these fields, amateur
practice was even institutionalised and monitored from a very early stage,
either via learned societies led by professionals, which organised amateur
collaboration,125 or in the form of protocols put in place by scientific institu
tions or administrations. For example, in the 19th century the organisation of
meteorological data collecting in France used the network of public teaching
establishments.126 For the transit of Venus in 1882 the main European ob
servatories sent out expeditions and suitable equipment to sites where this
astronomical phenomenon could be observed, and in some cases the equip
ment was left there and would be used to found new institutions. In certain
places, however, “professional” expeditioners and local authorities also
mobilised the general press in order to foster amateur contributions and
increase the number of observations.127 French entomological circles around
the year 1900, as described in this volume by Loïc Casson, were structured
in such a way as to favour the mobilization of numerous amateurs, brought
together in the Société Française d’Entomologie. Claire Gantet’s and Jacque
line Carroy’s articles in this volume put forward the unusual hypothesis that
psychology and, more generally the sciences of the mind, can also be viewed
as a “science for amateurs” because of the emphasis it places on self-
observation and experiential knowledge.
As the introduction to a recent publication points out, another conse
quence of the historiography of women has been to reveal that scientific
activity takes place elsewhere than in public and academic contexts, in “sur
prising places” that are often private and domestic.128 From the garden and
the garage to the kitchen and the nursery, practices were founded on tradi
tional forms of knowledge or on experience, sometimes enabling their pro
tagonists to emerge as science amateurs, or even to constitute structured
networks.129 Treatises on self-medication, which continued a centuries-old
tradition into the 20th century, delineated a form of family medicine organ
ised by mothers, and were the work mainly of women who were not trained
in academic medicine and who drew their legitimacy from their domestic
125 Diagre-Vanderpelen 2014.

126 Locher 2008.
127 Rieznik 2010 and 2010.
128 Von Oertzen/Rentetzi/Watkins 2013; Opitz/Bergwik/Van Tiggelen 2016.
129 Glazer 1990; Maines 2013; Von Oertzen 2013.
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xperience. These publications allowed them to occupy a terrain that had
e
been left to them.130 Several of the articles in this volume evoke amateur
practices in private spaces. Jacqueline Carroy’s text on Marcel Sembat con
trasts the public figure of the politician and the private one of the amateur
psychologist. Observing his own behaviour in the bedroom or at his work
table, Sembat formulated projects and scientific notations that remained in
the register of the private self. When he was stripped of his functions at the
Paris Observatory and relegated to amateur status, Chacornac continued to
practice astronomy in private, at his home in Villeurbanne, where he built a
powerful telescope (see the article by Volny Fages).
In the Anglo-American world, where from the outset popularisation was
not the preserve of specialist authors, who were often men who had received
a scientific education, the historiography of women in science also reveals
that they may have been limited to forms of expression on the margins of
science (popularisation, but also illustration, militant discourses in favour
of the protection of nature). Most of them did not even have access to the
publications of learned societies open to their male amateur counterparts.131
Works on women’s writings in science place the emphasis on the hierarchy of
publishing genres, but also on the styles of writing and on rhetorical choices:
generality as opposed to speciality, analogy as opposed to comparison,
layman’s language as opposed to mathematical formalisation or technical
vocabulary, linear narrative as opposed to nonnarrative description, “liter
ary” style as opposed to the aesthetic neutrality of learned writing, first-
person writing as opposed to the abstraction of the author, may all be signs
or stigmata of amateurism.132 Studies of the writing of science and the circu
lar relation between science and literature have addressed these questions,133
but the role played by style in the construction of a demarcation between
amateurs and professionals is to a large extent unexplored. Anne-Gaëlle
Weber’s article about ornithology in this volume centres on this problematic
and reveals its resonance. Other texts here also address it. Jacqueline Carroy
emphasises that autobiography can be a modality of amateur science writing.
The example of Anne Berman’s adds a genre, translation, to the list of types
of discourse accessible to amateurs.
130 Guillemain 2013.

131 Gates 1998; Gates and Shteir 1997; Lightman 1997; Shteir 1997.
132 Plas 2014.
133 For example, Class 2014, Marchal 2013.
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Scientific cultures
Since the 1980s, the history of amateurs has also benefited from the pers
pectives introduced into the history of science via cultural history. To the
depiction of the socio-economic and political context of the production of
knowledge has been added the study of science as a cultural phenomenon.
The inclusion of the word “culture” in the title of several Anglo-American
studies manifests this new dimension.134 Bearing on learned practices and
sociabilities, relating the production of knowledge to its cultural background,
these works have given a new, wider meaning to the expression “science in
context” first promoted by the new social study of science in the 1960s.135
Putting the emphasis on the circulation and popularisation of knowledge,
these works engage with the question of amateurs in a number of ways.
The focus on the circulation of knowledge has meant that closer attention
has been given to “popular science”, to the media and to the public of
science.136 Many studies have thus looked at print media and the popularisa
tion of science. They have studied the creation of specific discourses designed
for lay readers and, relating the histories of publishing and reading, have
addressed the question of literary genres, book series and the specialised
press, in connection with editorial and commercial strategies.137 In addition
to the study of the print medium, research has looked at other means of
bringing science to a broader public. Museums and exhibitions have attracted
new attention while places long left outside the field of the history of science
have been studied, among them zoos, fairground museums and theatres,
from the most prestigious to the most modest and ephemeral.138 The impor
tance of these places was emphasised in relation to the effectiveness of visual
devices in the large-scale dissemination of scientific information, in contexts
of widespread illiteracy. But they have also been considered as crucial loci for
the articulation and promotion of scientific and sociopolitical discourses.139
Sometimes endorsing Michel Foucault’s legacy140 and echoing studies of
“political cultures” by political scientists and historians of politics, these
works reconstitute specifically modern cultures that are historically, socially
and geographically situated. Professional scientists, amateurs and members
134 Jardine/Secord/Spary 1996; Knell 2000.

135 Lightman 1997.
136 Topham 2009.
137 Bensaude-Vincent/Rasmussen 1997; Lightman 2007; Secord, 2016.
138 Blix 2008; Delbourgo 2006; Gere 2009; Gordon 2009; O’Connor 2007; Morus 1999; Pirson
2009.
139 Blanchard/Bancel/Boëtsch/Deroo/Lemaire 2002; Nyhart 2009; Spary 2000.
140 Jardine/Secord/Spary 1996.
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of the general public all participate (in varying degrees and in modalities that
are more or less pacified) in these “scientific cultures”, in which science helps
structure common, political visions of the world and of society. Some have
called these sociocultural configurations “ecologies of knowledge”.141 But
whatever the vocabulary and theoretical framework chosen, these studies all
emphasise the fact that the audiences are never passive receivers, that science
is always appropriated and becomes part of an inseparably social and cultural
dynamic of “meaning-making”, to borrow a phrase from the new cultural
sociology.142 James Secord’s 2001 study of the publication, circulation and
reception of a best-seller, Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation, in mid
19th century England, provides a striking illustration of the social and local
diversity of interpretations and appropriations of science.
In the circulation of scientific information and in the meaning-making
processes, the role of amateurs seems important. They form a socially and
culturally intermediate category, between the elites and popular classes,
between professionals and laymen, and they often play the role of mediator
and intermediary. In order to encourage popular interest in science, they may
sometimes be put forward as emblematic figures or as models.143 In some
areas, they are in close contact with groups that are remote from academic
knowledge and can familiarise them with science. Starting, the role of
primary school teachers since the 19th century, and that of secondary school
teachers since the 20th, could be studied in this light. Lynn Nyhart’s study on
the role of primary schools in disseminating a political message about nature
in Germany at the end of the 19th century bears witness to this.144 Likewise,
Philippe Le Vigouroux and Gabriel Gohau’s article in this volume shows the
importance of secondary school teachers in the reception and dissemination
of a theory that was never fully accepted and was soon rejected by academic
circles. Claire Gantet’s paper shows the links that existed in late 18th-century
Germany between teachers and the promotion of a psychology open to lay
practitioners.
However incomplete, this historiographical survey demonstrates, we hope,
the richness and diversity of the perspectives that open up for a history of
amateurs responding to the most recent advances in the history of science.
Some of the themes put forward in this introduction have already been thor
oughly explored; others can still be considered as directions to be pursued.
Many of them, in any case, are evoked in the articles brought together in this
141 Pandora 2001.

142 Spillman 2002.
143 Pandora 2001.
144 Nyhart 2007.
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volume. The very diverse situations that they describe inspire this conclusion
which is also an overture.
Writing the history today – a subjective cartography of scientific

amateurism
The case studies that follow show – if that were necessary – that it is impos
sible to talk about amateurs as if they were a unified group. Some of them –
the astronomer Chacornac presented by Volny Fages, most of the entomo
logists discussed by Loïc Casson, several upholders of Wegener’s theory,
presented here by Philippe le Vigouroux and Gabriel Gohau – had their
amateur status imposed on them, while others, such as Marcel Sembat
(presented by Jacqueline Carroy) and, with a slight caveat, Anne Berman
(presented by Rémy Amouroux) deliberately chose the layman’s position and
thus accepted semi-invisibility in the field of science. Moreover, whether
victims of academicism, or pioneers of parasciences and explorers of new
margins, or hobbyists, amateurs are also not socially static: as the articles
by Claire Gantet and Volny Fages show, some of them moved quite freely
within the scientific arena. These figures allow us to think about the range
of possibilities, both synchronously and diachronically, from an amateurism
induced by the professionalization of science and the tightening of disci
plinary boundaries, on the one hand, to an amateurism closer to a militant
commitment or chosen pastime, on the other. The quest for “missing links”
in the historical narrative, notably for the period from the 1850s to the
1950s, could stimulate research and lead to the writing of a new diachronic
narrative including all actors of science and transcending the division into
disciplines.
The heterogeneity of the experiences evoked in this volume also argues for
an approach “ from below”. The reconstitution of the figure of the amateur
resisting the hegemony of knowledge and academic i nstitutions is paralleled
by a new interest in “the forms and places of encounter and negotiation”
between high and low.145 The focus at the micro-historical level on situations
of distinction between amateur and professional seems a fruitful method in
order to objectify processes by which actors establish boundaries through
micro-negotiations. Now, these boundaries, which as we have seen are
extremely porous and mobile, are also founded on representations that a new
history of amateurs could call into question. The way in which amateurs
145 Cerutti 2015, 943.
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osition themselves on a subjective map of the s ciences could thus constitute
p
a promising research focus.
Recreating the viewpoint of amateurs on the science they practice, on the
social world that they inhabit, on their own identity as scientists as well as on
their relations with those they define as professionals and with those they
consider as illegitimate amateur scientists (tourists, suppliers of information
or objects, producers of knowledge located lower in the social hierarchy, etc.)
is a challenge which implies that historians revisit the classic sources and
invent new ones. The documentation produced by learned societies (archives
and publications) could be reinterrogated in this regard. Indeed, amateurs’
discourses about themselves are as old as the social structures that enabled
them to train, practice, publish and exist collectively since the mid- or late
18th century. Modern learned societies, like the most prestigious national
institutions, have produced abundant memoirs and histories of their own
activity and their members. Their journals are rich in obituaries whose func
tion is similar, for amateurs, to those of academic eulogies.146 These asso
ciations’ anniversaries and jubilees also provided the opportunity to stage
collective identities, while historical retrospectives constructed pantheons of
founders and tutelary figures, often local, which only partially overlap with
the national or international pantheons constructed within a cademe. As
dispersed as the associations from which it emanates, this internalist and
presentist literature has not been studied in depth. Yet, just like the discourse
of the same kind produced by professional academic institutions, it consti
tutes a precious source for the study of ways in which amateur groups estab
lish and stabilise, locally and provisionally, methods, ethos and habitus, nor
mative ideals of the science practised, and collective identities.147 However,
reconstituting the history of amateurs by adopting their own viewpoint also
implies inventing new sources and taking full advantage of correspondences
and private writings – as Jacqueline Carroy does for Marcel Sembat and
Anne Gaelle Weber does for American ornithologists – in order to reveal,
for example, the subjective part of amateur scientific work.
To write a history of amateurs in science today, reflecting recent develop
ments in the historiography and sociology of the sciences and engaging with
the contemporary challenges posed by the new “citizen science” movements,
would therefore imply not only going back to little-known actors and putting
their experience in context, but also, as much as possible, recapturing their
voices.
146 Belanger 2002; Ribard, 2006.

147 Richard 2016.
226 Gesnerus 73 (2016)

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Gesnerus 73/2 (2016) 201–237

Introduction – Towards a Contemporary Historio­

Hervé Guillemain, Université du Maine, CERHIO, CNRS UMR 6258 (Herve.Guillemain

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202 Gesnerus 73 (2016)

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Amateurs in the age of professionalization:

What contemporary sociologists describe as the “coronation of the ama­

204 Gesnerus 73 (2016)

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27 Locher 2006, 69.

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Bourgeoisie, professions and modern states

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39 Roche 1978; Lilti 2005.

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48 Morrell/Thackray 1981; MacLeod/Collins 1981.

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History from below and the spatial turn: local knowledge

Adopting a point of view “from below”67 or “at ground level”,68 attentive to

60 Geison 1984; Fox 2012.

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88 Vandendriessche/Peeters/Wils 2015 is one of these recent examples.

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96 Georget/Ivanoff/Kuba 2016.

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A material history of knowledge

Another consequence of the interest in all the categories of actors engaged

103 Burnham 2005.

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218 Gesnerus 73 (2016)

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Work on gender has raised complementary questions regarding the invisible

114 Duby/Perrot 1991–1992.

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119 Fussinger 2005; Topalov 2015, p. 177–216 and 257–285.

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What contemporary sociologists describe as the “coronation of the ama