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During the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, there has been a growing consciousness
among the Depressed Classes to stand up for genuine rights and social equality, which they
have been denied throughout history. The British government attempted constitutional
reforms to incorporate Indians in various representative institutions as a result of pressure
from the Indian national movement. Several leaders of the Depressed Classes believed that
they should also seek reservation of seats in legislative bodies for their representatives after
the Morley-Minto Reforms Act of 1909 created a distinct electorate for Muslims for the first
time. They were successful in convincing the British government to extend an invitation to
their representatives to the Round Table Conference in London to talk about suggested
constitutional changes. Notwithstanding their concern for the Depressed Classes' rights,
Gandhi and the Congress Party opposed the proposal of a separate electorate for the
Depressed Classes. This lesson covers the circumstances underlying the Depressed Classes'
demand for seat reservations as well as the difficulties associated with the Poona Accord
and Communal Prize announcements. It is crucial to understand Gandhi’s thoughts on these
fundamental political shifts and how diverse groups of Indian society reacted to them. At his
1931 round table conference address, Dr. Ambedkar divided Indian society into three
categories: Hindus, Muslims, and the depressed classes. He proceeded by adding that India
may attain genuine independence only if these classes elect their own representatives to
engage in the democratic process. Hence, Dr Ambedkar juxtaposed the class idea with caste
boundaries in India and basically defined SC/ST as a depressed class, as practically everyone
is in the same economic and social level.
As a result, in the 1930s, he asked for and was granted a separate electorate for the lower
classes. Unfortunately, the Indian constitution was never able to incorporate a specific
electorate. Given the division in the nation and the fact that he had previously signed the
Poona Accord under duress, Dr. Ambedkar, who served as the chairman of the committee
that drafted the constitution, was unable to demand a distinct electorate.
STATEMENT OF PROBLEM
Throughout India's war for independence, one of the primary challenges was the
question of distinct electorates. M.K. Gandhi and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, two eminent
liberation warriors, held differing opinions on the subject. Nonetheless, as a result of
debates and discussions, these freedom warriors' viewpoints and positions underwent
certain adjustments.
HYPOTHESIS
A significant tryst occurred between Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and M.K. Gandhi about the subject
of distinct electorates. The former strongly supported having distinct electorates, whilst the
latter opposed it.
OBJECTIVES OF STUDY
RESEARCH QUESTIONS
1. What are separate electorates?
2. What were the views of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and M.K. Gandhi on the issue of
separate electorates?
3. If any reforms/actions were carried out to ensure greater representation of the
depressed classes?
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Ambedkar Gandhi and Patel: The making of India’s electoral system, raja
sekhar vundru:
The author has through this book given a very deep insight into the making of
electoral India. The book gives an elaborative understanding of the viewpoints of
dignitaries like M.K. Gandhi. The author has done a fantastic job in making the reader
understand the successive event which led to agreements between Ambedkar and Gandhi on
the question of representation of the depressed classes.
He made up his mind to undo the choice by fasting till he passed away. He wrote to Ramsay
MacDonald, the British Prime Minister at the time, saying, "I must oppose your choice with
my life." Ambedkar, who was adamant about his desire for separate electorates, was
contacted by Congress leaders seeking a compromise as Gandhi's health began to
deteriorate. The Poona Pact was finally ratified by 23 members after several disputes and
trysts. Madan Mohan Malaviya and Gandhi signed it on behalf of Hindus, while Ambedkar
signed it on behalf of downtrodden classes. The oppressed classes obtained 148 seats as
opposed to the 80 that the Brits had allocated. The Poona Pact was founded on the
Communal Award of August 1932, which allocated 71 seats in the Central legislature to the
oppressed classes. Gandhi disapproved of the communal prize, viewing it as a British
strategy to split Hindus, and he began a fast till death to get it overturned. Ambedkar and
Gandhi reached an agreement wherein candidates from the downtrodden classes would be
chosen by a unified electorate. Yet, at his request, somewhat more than twice as many
assembly seats as those allotted under the community award were reserved for the lower
social strata. The Poona Accord also allocated a portion of the educational grant to their
progress, ensuring an equitable representation of the underprivileged classes in the public
sector. The poona accord represented upper-class Hindus' unmistakable admission that the
underprivileged classes were the most discriminating elements of Hindu society. Also, it was
recognised that something significant had to be done to give them a political voice and a
boost in order to lift them out of a condition of backwardness they were unable to overcome
on their own.
THE COMMUNAL AWARD
The British government dispatched the Simon Commission to India in 1927 to implement
certain administrative reforms. On the other side, the depressed classes chose to work with
the commission despite opposition from the Indian National Congress. The distinct
electorates' claim was rejected by the commission. Instead, they suggested making seats
reserved for the downtrodden class. The depressed classes opposed this suggestion. 4 Dr.
Ambedkar became the depressed classes' leader during these discussions between the
British administration and the oppressed masses. As representatives of the Depressed
Classes, Ambedkar and Srinivasan were invited by the British government to the Round Table
Conference in London in 1930 to explore constitutional reforms. The round table
conference's attempt to establish a compromise on the issue of the depressed classes'
representation fell short. The British Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald proposed the
communal award in August 1932 to secure distinct electorates for the depressed class
following ongoing discussions and measures following the round table conference.
Gandhi, who served as the movement's main architect, saw the Communal Prize as a
"assault on Indian unity and nationalism." Since that it provided no remedy for the
socioeconomic deterioration of the depressed classes, he thought it dangerous for both
Hinduism and the underclass. The question of ending untouchability would become
irrelevant if the depressed classes were considered as a separate political entity, he
reasoned, while separate electorates would guarantee that the untouchables would stay
untouchable forever. Untouchables, according to Gandhi, are an integral component of
Hindu civilisation. Gandhi supported universal suffrage as a means of electing the oppressed
classes, and he did not disagree to the demand for a more diversified allocation of seats. He
started an indefinite fast on September 18, 1932, to support his claims. During the Poona
Accord, Gandhi and Ambedkar decided to reject the idea of separate electorates for the
oppressed classes.
The chief architect of independent India's constitution, B.R. Ambedkar, supported the British
government's suggestion for a separate electorate. He supported the idea of separate
electorates for the downtrodden classes in every round table meeting. In response to
Gandhi's fast, he signed the Poona Act abandoning the idea of separate electorates for the
oppressed classes, although he continued to criticise the Poona Pact until 1947. Ambedkar
preferred the phrases "political minority" or "minority by force" when referring to the
Untouchables as a religious minority as opposed to a component of Hindu society.
Ambedkar tried to end untouchability by constitutional laws and regulations.
THE POONA PACT
Gandhi was vehemently opposed to the creation of the collective prize for the downtrodden
class. The British government used the failure of the Indian government as justification.
to resolve the conflict by agreement. Gandhi's moral weapon, however, forced many Indian
leaders to come up with a compromise strategy between divided and unified electorates. He
agreed to allow merged electorates for caste Hindus and the Depressed Classes,
nevertheless, after comprehending their emotion. Ambedkar agreed to consider Gandhi's
proposition if the programme provided more protection than the Communal Award,
notwithstanding his disagreement with Gandhi's approach to the problem of Depressed
Class representation. Ambedkar finally consented to the creation of a united electorate after
extensive deliberation. 5 In place of the 71 seats provided by the Communal Award, 148
seats in provincial legislatures were given to the Depressed Classes according to a formula
based on the concept of a combined electorate. The Depressed Classes would keep 18% of
the total seats in the central assembly set out for the general voters. It was also decided that
any future disagreements about the reservation would be settled amicably. On 24
September 1932, the Poona Pact was signed between representatives of the Depressed
classes and caste hindus and forwarded to the British prime minister for approval
Ambedkar profited in a variety of ways from the Poona Accord. That solidified his position as
the representative of India's oppressed classes. He regarded the entire nation ethically
responsible for the uplift of the underclasses, not just the Congress Party. Most importantly,
he was successful in making the oppressed classes into a potent political force for the first
time in history. As Ambedkar was only interested in a settlement of some type, he was not
searching for the ultimate answer. The Poona Accord turned out to be a significant win for
Ambedkar in this situation.
Ambedkar supported adult suffrage before the Simon Commission, which indicates that
voting rights should be determined by age rather than income, prestige, or education. (1) If
adult suffrage is allowed, territorial representation will be guaranteed, save for Muslims, the
Depressed Classes and Anglo-Indians. (II) If the franchise remains restricted, all
representation will be territorial, with the exception of Muslims, Depressed Classes, Anglo-
Indians, Marathas, and kindred castes and labour, (III) Special representation should be
provided for through general electorates and reserved seats, as well as for labour by an
electorate comprised of recognised labour unions.
CONCLUSION
Gandhi regarded the problem of the Depressed Classes as primarily a religious one, and he
had no desire to see Hindus divided for the larger cause of political freedom. Gandhi stated,
'Hinduism's honour cannot be salvaged until and until untouchability is eradicated root and
branch. That can only occur if untouchables are treated equally to Hindu caste members in
all respects.' However, as a result of the Depressed Classes' social suppression, their leaders
grew vociferous in their defence of political authority. The British government represented
the Depressed Classes in order to ensure their proper representation in legislative bodies.
Despite his compassion for the Depressed Classes, Gandhi could see the government's
intention in announcing the Communal Award: to sow discord within Indian society. This
compelled Gandhi to declare his intention to fast till death in order to oppose the envisaged
split of the Depressed Classes. Gandhi's decision succeeded in bringing disparate parties
together, resulting in the Poona Pact, which guaranteed for the first time 148 reserved seats
for the Depressed Classes in Provincial Legislatures. Gandhi's accomplishment was in uniting
Hindus for the broader goal of political liberation and also in ensuring the Depressed Classes'
views were heard in decision-making.