Ripperologist 134
Ripperologist 134
Ripperologist 134
Guy Logan
vs the Ripper
JAN BONDESON on the journalist and his
fascination with the Whitechapel Murderer
NINA AND HOWARD BROWN | PRESS TRAWL | AN ALPINE DIVORCE IN VICTORIAN FICTION
Ripperologist 118 January 2011 1
Quote for the month
“Planet Earth holds many mysteries. There’s the Bermuda Triangle,
Bigfoot, Jack the Ripper and the Loch Ness monster to mention a few.
Then there’s Fabio Borini, Liverpool’s number 29.”
As the new football season starts, Liverpool FC supporter Carl Magnus Magnusson explains
that the game really is a matter of life and death.
Ripperologist 134
October 2013
EDITORIAL: FOR BETTER OR WORSE EXECUTIVE EDITOR
by Adam Wood Adam Wood
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For Better or Worse
EDITORIAL by ADAM WOOD
This editorial was going to be about the London Underground. With interest in the Whitechapel
murders now at its highest peak since the 1988 centenary due to it being the 125th anniversary,
it has quietly slipped by that it was 150 years ago that the Tube first opened, the first trip along a
four-mile track between Paddington and Farringdon on 10 January 1863 representing the world’s
first journey by underground train. I was going to write about the tube stations available to the
Ripper in 1888, and the possibility of him using one to escape detection.
But then, a week after we published our latest issue, Don
Souden suffered a stroke.
It has been uplifting to see posters on Casebook and The Rip’s Adam Wood, Eduardo Zinna and Don Souden at the
jtrforums.com rallying to support those taken ill, and puts 2007 Jack the Ripper Conference in Wolverhampton
One of the best things which could come out of the spotlight currently shining more brightly than usual on our shared
interest would be not for the public to believe that Sir John Williams had an affair with Mary Kelly (more on that in this
issue) or that there was in fact no Jack the Ripper, but for those of us who study the Ripper case year-in year-out to
be more respectful to our fellow researchers, starting with the imminent Conference where hopefully people who spit
bile at one another on the message boards will bury the hatchet over a drink and resolve to debate in a more civilised
manner.
To Don, Paul, Chris and every reader suffering illness right down to an ingrowing toenail: Be well.
Guy and Melville settled down in lodgings in Kennington Road, trying their best to make ends meet. Guy rather fancied
himself as an actor, but he could only get miserably paid ‘extra’ parts. He also began dabbling in journalism, writing
about celebrated crimes, and reporting on trials and horse-races. A graduate of the Tom and Jerry school of journalism,
he learnt his job as he went along. He claimed to have reported on the latter part of the hunt for Jack the Ripper, but
for this to be at all true, there must be a strong emphasis on the word latter. In March 1893, Guy was in Liverpool,
representing a London morning newspaper. Returning to his Kennington Road lodgings, he was dismayed to find that his
wife Melville had deserted him, for good, taking their infant son Eustace with her. Making inquiries, Guy found that she
was living with an Australian named Harry Verner, as his ‘wife’. The unexpected breakdown of his marriage must have
been a serious blow to Guy and his self-esteem. But still, he remained a member of bohemian London’s sub-literary and
thespian circles, hob-nobbing with his fellow journalists and actors.
Guy made sure that from the early 1890s onwards, he did not miss any trial for murder at the Old Bailey. In 1895,
Guy decided to try his hand as a playwright. He wrote a two-act comedy entitled Up the River, with music composed by
a certain Dr Storer. In September 1896, when his comedy A Society Scandal premiered at South Shields, ‘the young and
clever author Guy Logan’ was presented as the author of His Agency, An Actor’s Frolic and Sunny Sundown. Although Guy
does not appear to have acted in any of his own plays, one of the mainstays of his existence in the late 1890s was touring
with various provincial theatrical companies. A jolly extrovert, he liked the bohemian existence of a travelling thespian.
*****
In 1900, the Illustrated Police News commissioned Guy to write an ultra-patriotic novel about the Boer War. Realizing
that he had come on to a good thing, he did not mention that he had never been anywhere near South Africa, or that
as a former army deserter, he was singularly ill-equipped to depict military heroism. Instead, he started writing with
alacrity, since the editor of the Illustrated Police News wanted ‘Violet Kildare, A Romance of the South African War’, to
begin straight away.
In Violet Kildare, the pretty and virtuous young heroine departs from home to visit her aunt in South Africa. On board
ship, she meets the young gentleman Cecil Goldworthy, the son of a retired major-general who regrets his previous
bohemian life, and wants to enlist in the army as a private soldier. Violet also comes across a tall Boer named Paul
Flaubert, who is a secret agent plotting to make sure war will break out. When the lustful Boer tries some hanky-panky
with young Violet, Cecil comes to the rescue of the swooning heroine, manfully exclaiming “Release that lady! Are you
man or brute?” The tall Boer replies “You verdoomed Englishman, I’d sjambok you if I had you across the Vaal! I’d...”
But Cecil interrupts the sturdy, barrel-chested cad by striking him a tremendous blow on his glass jaw, knocking him out
cold.
Cecil joins forces with the funny ‘stage Irishman’ ‘Patsy’ Nolan, a loyal old retainer of the Kildare family. As soldiers
in the Cape Mounted Rifles, they enjoy many adventures together. In Guy’s version of South Africa, there are no black
people, nor any African animals: the British and Boer armies are depicted as if they were out on manoeuvres near
Aldershot. The British generals are wise and noble, and the soldiers honest and brave; although the Boers try various
dastardly and unsporting ruses, they are slowly heading for defeat. The villain Paul Flaubert lies and cheats, and makes
use of his sjambok to discipline helpless prisoners. His aim is to abduct and ravish Violet, who works as a nurse at the
military hospital, but the brave Cecil is always there to protect her, landing some powerful blows on the villain’s glass
jaw. In the end, Flaubert tries one final roll of the dice, namely to lure Violet on board a ship full of explosives. But
when the clumsy Boer tries to blow the ship up, he has miscalculated the length of the fuse, and is himself blown to
smithereens. All ends well for young Cecil: he is welcomed back to London by his proud father, marries Violet, and lives
happily ever after.
*****
In a serial about ‘My Criminal Museum’ in Lloyd’s Weekly News, George R Sims provided some further useful hints
about the ‘Doctor in the Thames’. The
Doctor had lived in a suburb about six miles
from Whitechapel. He had suffered from a
horrible form of homicidal mania, directed
against women of a certain class, as Sims put
it. He had once been an inmate in a lunatic
asylum, but had been liberated and regained
his complete freedom. After the murder of
Mary Kelly, the doctor had disappeared, and
his friends had made inquiries about him,
detailing their own suspicions to the proper
authorities. A month later, the doctor’s
body was found in the Thames, looking
as if it had been in the river for nearly a
month. It is not known what proportion
of Sims’ speculations was based on fact,
and how much was invention. Nor is Sims’
original police source known, but it is likely
to have been either Sir Melville Macnaghten ‘The Fifth Victim of the Whitechapel Fiend’, from the Illustrated Police News, 6 October 1888
or Major Arthur Griffiths.
The story of the Doctor in the Thames is still debated today. The major problem has been that no medical man,
of any description, was fished out of the river at the relevant period of time. When Sir Melville Macnaghten’s original
memorandum was rediscovered in 1959, the ‘doctor’ was named as Mr M J Druitt, however. There was immediate
enthusiasm among the Ripperologist community when it turned out that Montague John Druitt, a young barrister turned
For more than fifty years, Ripperologists have been searching for corroborative evidence against Montague Druitt,
whose life has been described in some detail. He had been quite talented as a young man, and a useful cricketer, but he
failed to achieve anything worthwhile as an adult. The reason he had been fired from Mr Valentine’s School, Blackheath,
where he had been teaching for eight years, may well have been homosexual tendencies. But nothing has emerged to
incriminate this rather inadequate young man, or to suggest that he was capable of committing a series of gruesome
murders. It is left unexplained why Macnaghten, Major Griffiths and George R Sims all described Druitt as a doctor,
when he lacked any medical education, nor is there an obvious reason why Macnaghten stated that the suspect was
41 years old, when Druitt was in fact only 31. It has been discovered that as early as early as February 1891, Mr Henry
Richard Farquharson, a West Country MP, told a journalist that Jack the Ripper was the son of a surgeon, and that he had
committed suicide on the night of the final murder. Now the Druitt family came from Wimbourne in Dorset, not far from
Farquharson’s country seat at Tarrant Gunville, and Montague Druitt’s father was a prominent local surgeon.
*****
In the mid-1920s, Guy Logan finally decided to make some positive use of his encyclopedic knowledge of criminal
history, and to establish himself as a
writer on true crime. It was not easy
for a little-known former penny-a-liner
like him to get his first book published,
however. In the 1920s as well as today,
patronage and influential friends were
important factors conducive to success
in London’s nepotistic literary world.
George R Sims had died in 1922, and
he and Guy do not appear to have been
close friends anyway. Although Sims had
been an enthusiastic member of Arthur
Lambton’s Crimes Club, there was no
hope for Guy to be invited to hob-nob
with the snobbish members of this select
dining club. In fact, his only ally among
Britain’s true crime authors appears to
have been Wynifried Margaret Jesse, a
Some of Guy Logan’s books.
successful writer on criminal and other
topics under her gender-neutral pen-name F Tennyson Jesse. She befriended Guy in the 1920s and encouraged him to
keep writing.
It took until 1928 before Stanley Paul Publishers, a reputable London house, published Guy’s first proper book,
Masters of Crime, a study of multiple murders. A nicely bound and well illustrated hardback, it sold for 12 shillings and
sixpence. On the title page, he is introduced as the author of ‘Mystery of a Second Class Carriage’, ‘Chronicles of Crime’
and ‘The Tragic Tale of Thurtell’, but these are some of his old Illustrated Police News serials, which their canny author
had disguised as proper books to give the impression that he was an experienced and much-published writer. Masters of
Crime is likely to be the first full-length book dealing with multiple murders. It begins with a long chapter about Jack
the Ripper. The Ratcliffe Highway murders of 1811 are also dealt with in full: unlike some later commentators, Guy does
not doubt the guilt of John Williams, the man arrested for the crimes, who committed suicide while in custody. The
book ends with a long chapter on ‘Scenes of Celebrated Crimes’, in which Guy shows off his considerable murder house
detection skills.
Although receiving few and lukewarm reviews, Masters of Crime sold well enough for Stanley Paul to commission
Again, the sales of Guilty or Not Guilty proved sufficient for Stanley Paul to commission Guy’s third outing in the
true crime field: Rope, Knife and Chair, published in May 1930. A collection of celebrated British, French and American
murders, its contents include the Louise Masset and Mrs Pearcey cases, and Guy also makes an early mention of that
monstrous American boy murderer, Jesse Pomeroy. Guy’s fourth true crime book, Dramas of the Dock, published in
November 1930, is of higher quality, providing intriguing full-length accounts of the Euston Square mystery of 1879, and
of the mysterious Manchester murder of Jane Roberts in 1880. Guy resurrected the almost unknown Northampton case
of Andrew McRae who murdered Annie Pritchard in 1893; he also managed to find and photograph the murder house in
Dychurch Lane. He dedicated Dramas of the Dock to F Tennyson Jesse, “to whom the author is beholden for much help
and encouragement”.
In September 1931, the prolific Guy released his fifth true crime book, Great Murder Mysteries, a hodgepodge of
British and foreign cases ‘left over’ from his earlier books. But although published in London
by Stanley Paul, and in New York by Duffield & Co, this book was hardly reviewed at all, and
sold very poorly. The year after, Stanley Paul dropped Guy from their list of authors, for good.
It took him several years to find another publisher: Eldon Books, who normally specialized in
cheap novels. His 1935 book Verdict and Sentence had a preface by Sir Basil Thomson, the
former Assistant Commissioner at Scotland Yard, who had written several useful true crime
books himself. Sir Basil admired the depth of Guy’s research, and the fact that since the
early 1890s, he had attended every important murder trial at the Old Bailey. The sprightly
chapter on the Mannings includes a mention of Guy’s grandfather Major-General George
Logan, who had met Mrs Manning in Edinburgh in 1849. Albeit a woman of a certain age, she
had been very friendly to young Lieutenant Logan, whose advise she sought concerning how
to dispose of the valuables of her former friend Patrick O’Connor, whose mangled remains
she and her husband had left behind under the flagstones of their kitchen at No. 3 Miniver
Place, Bermondsey. Guy’s Verdict and Sentence also contains a curious chapter about the
murder of Mr Paas by the bookbinder James Cook in Leicester in 1832. The murder house,
said to be the smallest house in Leicester and situated down a narrow yard approached from
Wellington Street, had been pulled down just a few years earlier. Another chapter deals
with Christiana Edmunds, the celebrated Brighton chocolate-cream poisoner. The chapter
entitled ‘On the scaffold’ has tell-tale similarities with the long essay ‘Last Words on the The lurid cover of one of Guy Logan’s
Mellifont reprint paperbacks.
Scaffold’, originally published in Famous Crimes. Guy’s final full-length book Wilful Murder
contains chapters on Courvoisier, Kate Webster and William Seaman the Whitechapel murderer of 1896, among others.
A brilliant chapter deals with the mysterious axe murders on board the American barkantine Herbert Fuller in 1896. The
second mate, a man named Thomas Bram, was convicted for murdering the captain, his wife and the first mate, but he
was later released on parole and pardoned by President Woodrow Wilson in 1919.
The relative scarcity of his books has meant that Guy Logan has not received the recognition he is due. Well written
and amusing, his true crime books are based on a lifetime of study of criminal history. Guy had personally attended the
trials of many of his protagonists, and had kept accumulating material ever since. It has to be remembered that Guy
was 59-years-old when Masters of Crime was first published: some of his coy and old-fashioned literary mannerisms hark
back to Victorian times. Syphilis is referred to as “a disease that should be nameless” and paedophilia is “a crime which
I cannot detail”. The major drawback of his books, for the reader with an academic bent, is that they all entirely lack
footnotes and sources, even with regard to the origin of their illustrations. Still, the factual reliability of the books is
*****
When he wrote about Jack the Ripper in his 1928 book Masters of Crime, Guy Logan had clearly moved on from his
1905 theory about the murders. Indeed, he sneers that ‘The late George R Sims was fond of declaring that, in the end,
the murderer’s identity was known to the police, that he was a doctor who had become insane, and that his body was
found in the Thames soon after his last exploit, but nothing to establish this story was ever put forward, and I regard
it as pure myth.’ Instead, Guy was the first theorist on the Ripper case to suggest that the murderer might have been
an American, and that after committing the Whitechapel Murders, he had returned to his native land. He speculated
that the American might have contracted syphilis from an East End prostitute, and that he had developed neurosyphilis
resulting in a murderous mania against the class from which he chose his victims. Not unreasonably, Guy found it likely
that the American had access to a secret lair in Whitechapel. Interestingly, he further speculated that there had been
those in London who knew about the murderer’s proclivities, but were too timid to denounce him.
It has been suggested that Guy Logan’s musings about the American Jack the Ripper may well have been inspired by
a letter sent to George R Sims by the Detective Chief Inspector John George Littlechild, formerly of Scotland Yard, in
1913. When Sims had been sniffing around for further information about the ‘Doctor in the Thames’, who he interestingly
referred to as ‘Dr D.’, Littlechild’s reply was a startling one:
I never heard of a Dr D. in connection with the Whitechapel murders but amongst the suspects, and to my
mind a very likely one, was a Dr T. (which sounds much like D.) He was an American quack named Tumblety
and was at one time a frequent visitor to London and on these occasions constantly brought under the notice
of police, there being a large dossier concerning him at Scotland Yard. Although a ‘Sycopathia Sexualis’
subject he was not known as a ‘Sadist’ (which the murderer unquestionably was) but his feelings toward
women were remarkable and bitter in the extreme, a fact on record. Tumblety was arrested at the time of
the murders in connection with unnatural offences and charged at Marlborough Street, remanded on bail,
jumped his bail, and got away to Boulogne. He shortly left Boulogne and was never heard of afterwards. It
was believed he committed suicide but certain it is that from this time the ‘Ripper’ murders came to an end.
After the leading ‘Ripper’ collector Stewart P Evans had purchased the Littlechild Letter in 1993, and realized
its considerable significance, he made sure that the antecedents of this
mysterious Dr Tumblety were properly investigated. It turned out that ‘Dr’
Francis Tumblety, an American quack, had been in London at the time of the
Whitechapel Murders. A native of Ireland, his family had emigrated to the
United States in the 1830s. He established himself as a prominent member
of America’s booming ‘herbal medicine’ industry, and earned a good living on
Tumblety’s Pimple Destroyer and other well-publicised nostrums. When one of
his patients died unexpectedly, quite possibly as a result of his ministrations,
he could afford a good lawyer, and got off scot free. A flamboyant character
with a liking for pseudo-military attire, the tall ‘doctor’ sported an over-large
moustache and was accompanied by a favourite dog. A practicing homosexual,
he was said to be known for his misogyny and his hatred for prostitutes. He
travelled incessantly, and more than once visited Europe.
It is a fact that Francis Tumblety was in London at the relevant time, since
we know that he was arrested on 7 November 1888 on several charges of
‘gross indecency’, involving homosexual practices with various young men.
Awaiting trial, he jumped bail and escaped to France using a false name,
before leaving for the United States. The problem was that the good ‘doctor’,
who was already notorious for his self-promotion and habitual untruthfulness,
had accumulated a good many enemies within the American newspaper press.
These individuals published articles about Tumblety’s escape from London,
hinting that his arrest had been connected to the Jack the Ripper murders, and
even untruthfully alleging that Scotland Yard was trying to get him extradited. Chief Inspector Littlechild
The discovery of Tumblety as a bona fide Jack the Ripper suspect has meant that the good doctor’s past life has been
put under the microscope, but just like for Montague Druitt, there has been a distinct scarcity of additional incriminating
evidence. Tumblety lied and bragged, and cheated people with his dubious herbal medicines, but he did not seem to
possess any violent tendencies. A very tall and broad-shouldered man with an enormous handle-bar moustache, he would
have stuck out like a sore thumb in the Whitechapel slums with his weak, effeminate voice and obvious American accent.
And as a homosexual, he would be almost unique in the annals of male serial killers of women.
Are there any other Ripper suspects that fit Guy Logan’s profile of the ‘travelling serial killer’? One was the abortionist
and serial poisoner Dr Thomas Neill Cream, who was said to have tried to confess to being the Ripper just before his
execution, but he is recorded to have been in an American prison at the time of the Whitechapel Murders. Slightly more
promising is the Hungarian Alois Szemeredy, once charged with murdering a woman in Buenos Aires, but evidence is
lacking that he was in London at the time of the murders. After the German seaman Carl Feigenbaum had been executed
for murdering his landlady in New York City in 1894, his lawyer gave press interviews pointing out his client as Jack
the Ripper. It has later been argued that a sailor visiting London occasionally on a German ship would have excellent
opportunities to commit murder during these visits, before taking refuge on board ship, but again evidence is lacking
that Feigenbaum was in London at the relevant time.
Another, more promising ‘travelling serial killer’ was Severin Klosowski, aka George Chapman, convicted for murder
in 1903. A violent man with a misogynistic streak, he left London in April 1891 and went to the United States. He
returned to London in 1893, took the lease of several pubs, and poisoned three of his mistresses. Chief Inspector
Frederick Abberline, Hargrave Adam and Superintendent Arthur Neal all considered Chapman a credible suspect, as
has leading modern Ripper author Philip Sugden. Chapman was the right age, had the right temperament, and knew
Whitechapel well. But on the other hand, it is strange for a serial killer to change his modus operandi so radically (ie
knives to poison); whereas Jack the Ripper murdered (presumably) unknown street prostitutes, Chapman murdered
women who were well acquainted to him. As Guy Logan put it in Masters of Crime, ‘Some where, some when, this
monster died, whether by suicide, in a lunatic asylum, or quietly in his own bed, and took with him his fearful secret.
The truth can never be known now.’
This is an edited and extended extract from The True History of Jack the Ripper (Amberley Publishing, 2013), by
Jan Bondeson and Guy Logan, available in a signed limited edition of 40 books at a reduced price of £15. See page 34.
1. The Escape
Half-way between the villages of Broxbourne and Hoddesdon in Herts, and standing in its own grounds, some
little distance off the main road was, in the year 1887, the private lunatic asylum of one whom, for the purposes
of this history, we will call Dr. Kent. Private asylums for the insane have not, since the revelations of the novels
Hard Cash and Valentine Vox been in very good odour in this country; but the establishment of Dr Kent was
exceptionally well favoured. To be a patient there was almost to be distinguished. None could be received at
that model abode whose relatives were not prepared to pay highly for the privilege. Dr Kent’s ‘Home for the
Mindless’, as it was termed, in that gentleman’s admirably drawn up prospectus, was only suitable as a resort
to those with more money by a great deal than brains, and that is how Mr Mortemer Slade became an inmate.
Two men were walking apart on the paths which skirted the boundary of the higher grounds. A high fence and
then a higher hedge divided the garden at this point from the high road beyond. It was about half-past six in the
evening, the sky was still clear and of a beautiful pale blue colour, while the air had all the peaceful balminess
and charm of early summer. Away in the distance, beyond a belt of trees, the madhouse stood on its prominent
hill. How little it seemed to have in common with the gay surroundings and the mild and pleasing air.
Slade paused for a moment in his walk, unlinked his arm from that of the friendly doctor, and proceeded to
light a cigarette. There was nothing in his aspect or demeanour to suggest the mental warp which had wrecked a
promising career. Insanity and genius, we know, are closely allied. The soul of Mortemer Slade hovered over the
borderland between the two.
‘Even now, doctor,’ he remarked in suave, even tones, ‘though I am, unhappily, a patient under the care of a
mental specialist, I feel that I am destined to become famous – or infamous. Which, I wonder?’
Dr Crosbie smiled. ‘When you have undergone our treatment a little longer, Mr Slade,’ he said, ‘neither fame
nor happiness should be beyond your grasp. You will be restored to your friends and fortune, and modern surgery
will have cause to rejoice thereat.’
Mr Slade smiled grimly. He had not a nice smile. His lips were thin, his teeth rather sharp and discoloured,
his eyes placed rather close together in his head. He had a fine, intellectual brow, and his face was pleasant in
repose, but the smile was sinister, and he never laughed.
‘The world shall yet hear of me,’ he said calmly. ‘I feel sometimes a moral elevation, doctor, which seems
to place me beyond and above the common wants, the likes and dislikes, of conventional humanity. Let us take
Alexander of the Great, St John the Divine of the very Good, and Nero of the very Bad. I could not hope to eclipse
the first two. But I, even I, might surpass the deeds of the Roman Emperor whose name posterity abhors.’
Dr Crosbie glanced at him unobserved. Slade seemed calm, dignified, intelligent as ever, but something in
his tone vaguely alarmed the doctor, and he determined to report this speech to his principal. The words had
been said lightly enough, but the tone was significant of much. They returned to the house together, and Crosbie
marked and called a game of one hundred up between Slade and a mad squire of considerable property, who,
At exactly twenty minutes past nine by his watch, Slade, looking cautiously around, gave a low whistle.
This he repeated two or three times. Then he lightened intently, and from the other side of the hedge came a
responsive whistle, somewhat shriller than his own. He approached closely to the hedge.
As noiselessly as possible a small ladder of the telescopic kind was placed on the top of the thick hedge,
and instantly secured by Slade. He placed it against the hedge, which was high and of dense thickness, and
proceeded to ascend it. On the other side a similar ladder was in readiness. In less than a minute Slade was in
the road standing by the side of Dagenham, a groom employed by Dr Kent, whom he had contrived to bribe to
assist his escape.
‘I’ve got the trap and horse ready, sir,’ whispered that worthy. ‘It’s a-waitin’ for us down at the Black Bull.
You’ll be in London inside an hour and three-quarters. Leave the turn-out at the place we appointed, and I’ll
look after it.’
‘I don’t think it prudent to go to the inn,’ he said. ‘The landlord has often seen me, and my appearance there
at this time would excite remark. He is one of those ignorant fools who think that every poor devil staying at
Grange House is of necessity a dangerous lunatic. Go you and fetch the conveyance. I’ll wait in the hollow of the
hedge there. How long will you be?’
‘When yonder wise-acres pronounced me mad,’ he muttered, ‘I there and then determined, in a spirit of pure
mischief, for I am saner than any of them, to justify their decision. The time is ripe. The moment has come! Let
the madman live up to his reputation. The whole world shall ring with the dread name I shall assume. I will flout
every protection which an effete civilisation has created for its own safe-guarding. The resources of all the forces
of detection shall not avail themselves against me. I will strike terror to every heart, and plunge this great ugly
London of ours – the home of vice, and filth, and crime – into a miasma of death and desolation. To the end of
time, humanity shall shudder at the name of–’ He stopped. Stealthy footsteps were rapidly nearing. He swung
round and made for the sombre aperture in the hedge. Too late! A dark figure sprang forward and confronted him.
‘Don’t you think, Mr Slade,’ said the voice of one he knew, ‘you had better return to the house with me?’
Slade replied with an angry snarl like that of a wild beast. The newcomer, who had arrived so inopportunely,
was a young medical man attached to the Grange House establishment. Slade had disliked him vigorously. This
young man had seemed to fathom the dark passions which animated the madman’s mind. Others – experts in
lunacy – had thought him nearly sane. Young Welman had never thought so, and Slade knew it.
‘I do not propose to return to Dr Kent’s,’ said the latter. ‘The farce has been played long enough. Stand aside,
sir, and permit me to pass.’
‘I have my duty to perform,’ said the other firmly, ‘and I shall not shrink from it. Come, sir,’ he added,
persuasively, ‘you are too sensible to perform foolish little tricks like this. Let us return to the house.’
He made a movement towards the gates. If he could but reach them, ring the great bell and thus give an
alarm! Slade understood. He remembered the bell. Its clings would arouse the two keepers in the lodge, the
stable-helps, and the employees in the servants’ hall. He strode past Welman and permitted that gentleman to
get nearer to the gates. But the doctor knew too much to turn his back on the other, or to remove his eyes from
his face. They continued to face each other. Suddenly the sound of wheels from behind Welman reached the
ears of both. A vehicle was approaching. Involuntarily, Welman glanced behind him. With a spring like a tiger,
Guy Logan had been active as a London journalist during the latter part of
the hunt for the Whitechapel murderer and established contacts with the
Scotland Yard detectives investigating the case. What revelations did he
have to make in his 1905 novel, when many people still remembered the
Autumn of Terror when Jack the Ripper stalked the Whitechapel streets?
JAN BONDESON is a senior lecturer and consultant rheumatologist at Cardiff University. He is the author
of The London Monster, The Great Pretenders, Blood on the Snow and other true crime books, as well as
the bestselling Buried Alive.
His father, known as Graham, a gifted poet, had described his marriage to Tony’s mother
on his website as an ‘insane decision’, adding that it had been filled with ‘turmoil’. In 1973
he married his second wife, Jean.
The relationship between father and son, as described by Tony Williams, comes across
as extremely strained. Tony recalled how he had bumped into his father in Swansea and
his father had said: ‘You know bugger all about me. Your mother marched you off as soon
as you could walk. You’re a liar, you always were. Look at you, you shifty little devil.’4
Tony also gives the impression of being intimidated by his father and of resenting him:
‘He was a man who would lock a six-year-old child away by itself because it had dropped
something’, he wrote of him in Island of Dreams. He added:
When I was about seven, I got a punchbag for Christmas. It was wrapped up, in the lounge, near the
tree, but it had my name on and I could guess what it was. My father came in from work and there was
a huge row. I was frightened.
I forgot the incident, until years later, my mother explained it. She said my real father was an amateur
boxer, and that’s why she’d bought the punchbag. I didn’t know what was going on. It was a coded
message only my father could read.
...
When I was on Takutea and started writing, everything I put down turned into a diatribe against my
father; once I got ten thousand miles away from him I could pour out all the resentment that had been
there for years.5
Besides the impact that his mother’s disclosure that the man Tony Williams had always known as his father was
not his real father may have had on a sensitive young man, it is worth noting that it disposes of the notion that
he was a descendant of Sir John Williams.
Tony left his home, where he’d lived with his mother and siblings, at about the age of 16, and married his wife,
Catherine, in 1980.
“Uncles”
Soon Tony Williams’s eye was caught by the life of Sir John Williams. An obstetrician to
royalty and the founder of the National Library of Wales, Sir John is a prominent figure
in Wales thanks to his saving many rare books written in Welsh. Yet this would not be the
angle that Tony Williams chose to take. Uncle Jack, co-authored by Humphrey Price, an
editor and now a notable ghost writer, was released in a blaze of publicity in 2005.
Back in 2005/06 I had identified several problems with Uncle Jack and written two
articles highlighting some of the most important ones. The book, I am now told by Professor
JDR Thomas (a relation of Sir John via one of his uncles), started with an inaccurate family
tree. I had already observed that Uncle Jack followed a somewhat dubious course in
outlining an ultimately weak case against Sir John; something of the truth had obviously
become lost in the telling of the story. The research conducted into the book at the time Sir John Williams
raised many questions, the answers to which have not been satisfactorily answered by
the authors to this day. The evidence that Sir John Williams had worked in Whitechapel was false and based on
a mistaken belief. His alleged connection to Mary Ann Nichols was predicated on an entry in a book that did not
match the other entries, did not seem to be in his hand and was seemingly not contemporaneous with the other
entries. The allegation that his 1888 diary pointed to his guilt could be proved inaccurate by the remaining pages
of the diary. The ‘Dear Morgan’ letter, with its odd provenance, was contradicted by the same diary. A letter that
Sir John had supposedly written in Welsh to a lover could not be found at the National Library of Wales, and the
reference the authors gave for it when confronted was incorrect. The ovariotomy operation mentioned in the
book was not similar to the mutilations inflicted on the Ripper victims. So did the list of problems go on, seemingly
forever. Sales of the paperback edition were not what the publishers, Orion, had hoped for, and the book was
quietly dropped from their list.
The title would be picked up again in 2011, this time by the vanity press Pegasus Elliot Mackenzie, under the
title Uncle Jack: A Victorian Mystery, and without Humphrey Price’s input. As part of the publishing deal, Pegasus
agreed to release also Tony Williams’s novel Shadow of an Angel, which was published in 2011.
The articles I had written had clearly left an impression on Tony Williams. Speaking of Ripperologists in his
foreword to the 2011 edition, he noted: ‘The obsession of their lives is the case of Jack the Ripper and his victims,
and any book published on the subject is closely examined indeed’. He added ‘They read my book over and over
again, scrutinizing every section – how could they have missed him?’6
5 Mary Ann Nichols’s grave Taken same day as Uncle Jack, 2011
When The Fifth Victim came out, there was no indication as to whether the locket which appeared on the front
cover was the actual locket which Alexander found with a photograph of Sir John Williams in it, or if it was an
artistic illustration. Alexander’s interviews given to the newspapers The Western Mail and Daily Mail in September
were accompanied by a photograph of the locket. It showed the real locket being like that on the cover, but the
image of Mary Kelly was not in it. I assumed it must have been added by someone in the art department to show
the title character of the book on the cover. I knew the photograph which was inside the locket well. It had also
been in Uncle Jack (2005 edition). I wondered whether this was just a coincidence.
As I read the book I came across a sentence which caught my eye: ‘My first duty was to ask Tony Williams for
information relating to his ancestor,’ she wrote. ‘He was very helpful and emailed me tons of data.’7 Later she
added: ‘I knew everything I needed to know about John Williams thanks to Tony Williams’s research’.8 I pondered
whether the photographs had been supplied by Tony Williams as well.
In The Fifth Victim, Alexander recalls how she felt on learning that there was a connection between her
ancestress Mary Kelly and Sir John Williams, who had been linked to the Ripper crimes. On pages 27-28 she writes:
The feeling that I had discovered something that I was not meant to lingered with me for the next few
days. It made it harder to have a normal conversation with my family; at first, I did not want to tell
even my husband, Philip, what I had learned. But eventually the information I had bottled up inside me
had to come out. Not only did I need to tell him what I had found out, I also needed to have someone
question it. If he was convinced by my argument, then perhaps I would be convinced as well. Or perhaps
I wanted to poke holes in my findings; perhaps I wanted to be proved wrong. If so, I was wasting my
time. Philip was shocked at first, but then became as carried away by the story as I had been. Neither
of us knew much about the Jack the Ripper killings but we made it our business to find out. We read an
array of paperbacks from our local library; and nothing we read contradicted what little I knew about
it. But we also came up against a new problem; we now knew a lot about the Ripper, but comparatively
very little about my relative.
I thought about what I knew from Nan, and what she had told me about the man Mary had supposedly
had an affair with. I thought that if Mary had some kind of secret life, my first step must be to uncover
something about it, and maybe that would shed more light on whether or not my suspicions had any
foundation. I needed to find out exactly who this man was, and whether or not there could be any link
to my relative. But how to go about this? Although I had spent time researching subjects before, those
were fairly easy tasks; the books were in the library, nobody had anything to hide, it was all reasonably
straightforward to put together. This was going to be very different; I would have to work hard to find
the information I needed, and nowhere would this be true than in my own family.
The above passages show that Antonia Alexander, the author of The Fifth Victim, has told a story identical to
the story told by Tony Williams, the author of Uncle Jack. Both narratives are word for word the same, except for
a few changes of name, eg Cathy to Philip.
Both authors quote M Jeanne Peterson’s The Medical Profession in Mid-Victorian London. Peterson’s original
text reads:
pp. 84-85:
In his last year of medical studies a student was required to serve at least three months as a clinical
clerk to a hospital physician or a dresser to a surgeon. These posts involved the basic care of medical
and surgical patients in the wards under the supervision of the house physicians and surgeons, who
were in turn responsible to the senior staff. (See Appendix C for a chart of the organizational structure
of a hospital and medical school.) Such undergraduate posts provided essential care to in-patients and
important experience for the student. Clerkships and dresserships brought the closest relationships a
student had with the medical teachers. Students who came to the medical school with connections to
the staff often severed under those ‘friends’ during the period of practical work.
Beyond the immediate educational value of these posts, they often had far-reaching career effects.
Clerks or dressers serving under the same houseman became known as a ‘firm.’ They often kept close
ties, both personal and professional, long after medical school. Such friends could be a source of
patients or consulting work. As valuable as peer relationships may have been, connections with senior
staff could be even more important. When George Makins was in his fourth year of medical study he
became a dresser to Sir William MacCormac, Surgeon at St Thomas’s Hospital. ‘This appointment,’
Makins records, ‘was the commencement of a friendship which lasted the whole of MacCormac’s life and
materially influenced my entire career.’ Makins enjoyed patronage and assistance from the senior man.
His testimony reflects the experience of a number of medical students whose associations in medical
school paved the way to a prosperous future. On a less elevated scale, William B. Page enjoyed similar
assistance. Page served as one of Sir Astley Cooper’s dressers, and Cooper, when asked to recommend
someone for a junior post in a new hospital in Cumberland, nominated the young page. Senior men
recommended their dressers and clerks to military posts, private medical service with aristocratic
families, and a variety of other appointments that helped them start their careers.
It can be seen that the two books quote, as though it were one passage, the same elements of Jeanne Peterson’s
book. However, The Fifth Victim also contains the added segment: ‘In late July, they moved into 28 Harley Street
in the heart of London, and shortly afterwards, “John began doing Dr Hewitt’s work”.’ This was obviously not part
of Peterson’s text, of which I have a copy. Where had it come from? The answer can be found on page 52 of Uncle
Jack, which reads, ‘In late July, they moved into 28 Harley Street, in the heart of London, and shortly afterwards,
“John began doing Dr Hewitt’s work”.’
Comparison of the text used in The Fifth Victim with the text used in Uncle Jack
The table below shows the known instances where The Fifth Victim directly lifts text from Uncle Jack, and the
part of the latter from which the text is taken.
Chapter 1
Chapter 2 pages 1-26
Chapter 3 pages 27-28 pages 17-18 Chapter 2
page 28, para 3 to page 29, para 1 n/a
page 29, para 2 to page 38 pages 27-32 Chapter 4
page 38, para 4 to page 39, para1 n/a
page 39, para 2 to page 42, para 2 pages 34-36 Chapter 4
page 42, para 3 to page 44, para 1 pages 41-42 Chapter 4
page 43, para 2 to page 44, para 2 pages 39-40 Chapter 4
page 44, para 3 to page 45 pages 42-43 Chapter 4
page 46 (blank page)
Chapter 4 page 47 to 49, para 1 pages 43-44 Chapter 4
page 49, para 2 to page 51, para 1 pages 46-47 Chapter 4
page 51, para 2 n/a
page 52 (blank page)
Chapter 5 page 53 to page 57, para 2 pages 49-51 Chapter 5
page 57, para 3 to page 58, para 3
page 58, para 4 to page 61, para 4 pages 52-54 Chapter 5
page 61, para 5 page 52 Chapter 5
page 61, para 6 to page 62, para 3 pages 118-119 Chapter 10
page 62, para 3 to page 63, para 2 pages 54-55 Chapter 5
page 63, para 3 to page 67, para 3 pages 77-79 Chapter 7
page 67, para 4 to page 69 pages 55-56 Chapter 6
page 70
Chapter 6 pages 71-80 pages 67-74 Chapter 7
Chapter 7 page 81 to page 88, para 1 pages 56-61 Chapter 6
page 88, paras 2 and 3
page 88, para 4 to page 100, para 4 pages 80-83, 84, 85-88 Chapter 7
page 100, para 5 page 84 Chapter 7
It sounded familiar, and I knew why. In Island of Dreams, Tony Williams describes how he went to live on an
island in the South Pacific with his family. He writes of the sky:
There were no shades in it, no hesitations or doubts; it was endlessly, solidly blue, yet when you stared
up at it you could never find the source of the blueness, the part where the world ended and heaven
began. If you gazed at it for long enough your point of view changed and you were looking down from
the sky on yourself, a dun-coloured dot on the sand on an islet of coconut palms in a tiny atoll in a dark
ocean on a beautiful planet, slowly revolving.10
In Williams’s novel Shadow of an Angel, the lead female character, Alice, states:
On clear days the sky was completely blue - no shades, no hesitations or doubts, just endlessly, solidly
blue. Yet, when they stared up at it, they could never find the source of the blueness - the part where
the world ended and heaven began. Alice remembered staring for so long that her point of view changed
and she felt as though she was looking down from the sky at herself - a dun-coloured dot, insignificant,
yet surrounded by the most breathtaking scenery.
The text in The Fifth Victim was virtually identical to Tony Williams’s Shadow of an Angel, a work of fiction,
and his other books, Island of Dreams and Black Pearls, which were autobiographical.
Alexander describes her house:
The house was Victorian, most of the original features had been taken out when the owners had
refurbished it. The two bedrooms, large bathroom and living/kitchen area were all we needed for the
time being, although we had talked of maybe getting something a little bigger.12
It seems that Alexander’s house was almost identical to that of the fictional character Alice from Tony Williams’s
novel.
It was clear that passages from the first chapter of The Fifth Victim had been lifted from Tony Williams’s novel
Shadow of an Angel. But what about the rest of the information concerning Antonia Alexander?
Alexander provides information about herself in the pages of her book. She says she is a medical student. Her
husband Philip is seven years older than she is. They were married on a Greek island. Their children are Lana and
Maddie, the younger by two-and-a-half years. Alexander’s Nan, who told her the story of Mary Kelly, lives in La
Cala, a resort in southern Spain.
In the acknowledgements Alexander thanks her literary agent, Cate Lewis, ‘for
her help and understanding’. Given our shared interest in Sir John Williams, whose
biography I was now determined to write, I wondered if Alexander would agree to an
interview with me. First, I decided to Google her agent, but, oddly, I could find no
such agent. As I typed the name and its variations again something clicked into place
in my mind. Tony Williams had been married in 1980. As I looked through my notes
from previous research, I realised that his wife’s maiden name was Catherine Lewis.
I also discovered that Tony Williams’s wife listed the Royal Queens Hotel in Benidorm
as a previous workplace on social media sites. Then I noted that Benidorm was next
to La Cala and wondered whether this was just another coincidence.
I also found out that the middle name of Tony Williams’s youngest child, his
daughter Stacey, was Antonia. A little more research revealed that the middle name
of Stacey’s husband, Lee Miggins, was Philip. He was born in the last quarter of 1980,
making him seven years older than Stacey, whose birth was registered in June 1988.
In the dedication to Shadow of an Angel Tony Williams writes ‘for Blake, Brooke,
Antonia Alexander
Ebony, Alanna, Cody and Madison’. It didn’t take long for me to find out that these
were his grandchildren - the children of his two sons, Craig and Matthew, and his daughter Stacey. Furthermore,
it seemed likely that Alanna and Madison were the children of his daughter and not of his sons. I had established
that each of the other children belonged to one of his sons but Alanna and Madison did not. The similarity between
the names of Stacey’s children - Alanna and Madison – and those of Antonia Alexander’s children - Lana and Maddie
– could hardly be a coincidence. I further noted in The Fifth Victim that amongst Alexander’s friends on the hen
night were Ebony and Brooke - the names of two other of Tony Williams’s granddaughters.
On 18 September, Wales Online posted on their site an interview with Antonia
Alexander in the course of which she stated that she was a nurse - although in The
Fifth Victim she says she is a medical student. A quick search of the nurse register,
however, showed no results which matched her name. This was another instance where
odd similarities existed between Antonia Alexander and Stacey Miggins, Tony Williams’s
daughter. Stacey Miggins has several friends with degrees in nursing, but I couldn’t find
her on the nurse register either.
I compared the photographs in the Western Mail and the Daily Mail, first, with
photographs of Stacey Miggins as a child in Island of Dreams and The Forgotten People.
I thought there were similarities. I then compared the photographs to Stacey Miggins’s
Facebook profile photograph. I concluded that it was very likely that all the pictures
were of the same person, and this person was not really Antonia Alexander but rather
Stacey Miggins
Stacey Miggins, the daughter of Tony Williams.
Acknowledgements
I am grateful to the following people for their help: Professor JDR Thomas, relation
of Sir John Williams, who has been generous with his time and information about the
Williams family; and to Neal Shelden, Jon Rees, Mark Ripper, Eduardo Zinna and Adam
Wood – thank you all for keeping my secret research to yourselves until it was finished.
Also Lorna Mackinnon at John Blake who forwarded my blog questions to the author of The
Fifth Victim.
Bibliography
Alexander, Antonia (2013) The Fifth Victim, John Blake, London; Evans, Sophie Jane
(2013) ‘Has this locket finally unmasked Jack the Ripper? Descendant of fifth victim
claims tiny photo proves serial killer was Queen Victoria’s surgeon’, accessed at www.
dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2432987/Jack-Ripper-Queen-Victorias-surgeon-Sir-
John-Williams-claims-book-written-victims-descendant.html 26 August 2013; Jeanne
Peterson, M. (1978) The Medical Profession in Mid-Victorian London, University of California
Press, Berkley; Osmond, Adrian (2013) ‘Was Jack the Ripper a Welsh Surgeon?’ accessed at www.walesonline.
co.uk/news/jack-ripper-welsh-surgeon-6054929 18 September 2013; Servini, Nick (2000) ‘Paradise Lost, Pacific
family Flee TV Invasion’ reproduced from Daily Mirror, 15 January 2000, accessed at www.thefreelibrary.com/
PARADISE+LOST%3B+Pacific+castaway+family+flee+TV+invasion.-a060289284 15 August 2013; Williams, T Graham
(2013) ‘Biography’ accessed at www.cefnfab.co.uk/biog.htm 15 August 2013; Williams, Tony (2011) Shadow of
an Angel, Pegasus Elliot Mackenzie, Cambridge; Williams, Tony and Price, Humphrey (2005) Uncle Jack, Orion,
London; Williams, Tony (2000) Black Pearls, Genesis, Cardiff; Williams, Tony (1997) The Forgotten People, Gomer
Press, Ceredigion; Williams, Tony (1994) Island of Dreams, Signet, London.
JENNIFER SHELDEN has been interested in the Jack the Ripper murders for 13 years. She has
written and worked for several Jack the Ripper magazines, including Ripperologist. She gave
a talk at the 2005 Brighton Jack the Ripper Conference and the 2011 Cardiff Job, on both
occasions speaking about her research into the book Uncle Jack and Sir John Williams, a
Ripper non-suspect. She was part of the organising committee for the York Conference and is
involved with the upcoming 125th anniversary Conference to be held in London. In 2007, at
the Wolverhampton Ripper Conference, she met fellow Ripperologist Neal Shelden and they
married in December 2008.
Most of what we know about the last seventy-two hours of Catharine Eddowes’ life comes
from the inquest testimony of her partner, John Kelly. This is frequently supplemented by press
interviews—again, of John Kelly—and a few snippets from witnesses who are purported to have
seen and interacted with her upon her arrival back in Spitalfields, ostensibly on Thursday, 27
September, 1888.
The purpose of this essay is to try to reconstruct John and Kate’s movements from the time of their arrival in London,
supposedly from picking hops in Kent, until the time of her death in Mitre Square, usually fixed as just after 1.30am,
Sunday, 30 September. I shall also spend some small time on the immediate aftermath of that tragedy.
The vast tracts of land stretching away from London to the south and east, all the way to the sea, contain numerous
fields of hops.
1 www.hoppingdowninkent.org.uk
Hopping in Kent 2 www.hoppingdowninkent.org.uk/intro1.php
When was this situation first apparent? According to another Echo report, as early as 5 September, 1888, the hops
harvest was seen as a disaster. “The unfortunate people who have gone hop-picking this year seem to have had a
decidedly poor time of it. Many who went to the gardens in hope are walking back in despair, having got nothing to do.
One lad who, with three others, last week, walked to Maidstone informs us that he found the ‘home dwellers’ were able
to accomplish all the work there was to do, and his opinion is that Maidstone is the best place for hops this year; but
outsiders could get nothing to do. He went on to Yalding, and there discovered that, for the most part, the hops were
not considered worth picking. After trying many quarters for work, he started to walk back to London, having earned
nothing during his stay in the hop district. His experience seems to be that of a great many more.”4
Considering that year’s poor harvest, and that many were already heading back to London by the end of the first
week in September, one wonders why John and Kate stayed away from London an additional three weeks. What were
they doing for that time?
Another reason for doubting that John and Kate were in Kent until 27
September revolves around some points made by John in his Echo interview of
3 October, in which he indicated that, “When we got back here Kate could not
get any work, nor could I. Some days we did not have anything to eat at all, and
many a day we’ve only earned enough to pay for our bed at night.”5 Obviously,
if one takes “many a day” in its most robust sense, it is at loggerheads with a
mere seventy-two hour time frame.
On the other hand, there are three bits of evidence which may be read to
indicate Kate’s presence in the hop fields of Kent.
First, we have the condition of Kate’s apron. According to Walter Dew, Kate’s
apron appeared black at first6 and, as researcher Jane Coram argues, “Hop
picking initially stains your hands and clothes green, but it soon turns to black
and filthy from the juice.”7 So the claim that Kate had been picking hops in
Kent would fit with the condition of her apron. Unfortunately, at this distant
remove in time, we have no way of dating those stains to determine when they
occurred.
Second, Dr Brown noted of Kate that, “The hands and arms were bronzed.”8
One way to account for the dark colouration of her hands and arms is to posit
that she’d recently worked in the sun. Hopping with sleeves rolled up would Kate Eddowes
be congruent with that possibility. Of course, to be fair, her dark colour would
likely be the same whether she’d returned to London on the 27th or three weeks earlier. Moreover, any kind of sustained
outdoor activity would suffice to account for her obvious tan.
Last, we have Kate’s own words. According to James Byfield, Station Sergeant at the Bishopsgate Street Police
Station, “She said she had been hopping.”9 She did not, however, give the dates of her excursion, so far as we know.
So, were John and Kate picking hops in Kent until near the end of September? I shall leave that for the reader to
decide.
The Shoe Lane Casual Ward seems to have been associated with the workhouse located at 41 Shoe Lane, falling under
the jurisdiction of the parish of St Andrew Holborn.12 The workhouse was opened in June, 1727.13 By 1888, a casual ward
was attached to it, presumably at the same address. The location of this complex at Shoe Lane was about two miles
west of Cooney’s lodging house.14
The idea behind any casual ward was to provide temporary shelter for vagrants and others who were impecunious.
Hence, when John and Kate returned to London, penniless, it made sense to go to a casual ward in order to get a place
to stay for the night.
What was a casual ward like? When those wishing to spend time at a casual ward arrived, they were checked for
money, alcohol and tobacco. If any were found, it was confiscated. Next, they were issued a night shirt and their supper
of bread and gruel.15
It might be asked why John and Kate went to Shoe Lane rather than the casual ward in Whitechapel, but I can give
no answer to that. Whatever their reason for going there, John gave little details of their stay. Consequently, we must
pass on to Friday night, 28 September.
Friday night:
John at Cooney’s, Kate at Mile End Casual Ward
According to John Kelly’s inquest testimony, he had earned 6d on the afternoon of
Friday, 28 September.16 One presumes that he obtained this income “jobbing about
the markets.” That is to say, he likely picked up a job for a couple of hours at market
carrying wares or such and in consequence was paid the 6d indicated.
should use the money for food and drink.19 Kate, however, suggested that John take 4d
and use it as doss for Cooney’s, whilst she would go to the Mile End Casual Ward.20 (In a Frederick Wilkinson, Deputy of Cooney’s
slightly different version of this story, John suggested the converse—he to Mile End Casual
Ward; she to Cooney’s.21) Kate’s argument won, and they went their separate ways around 4.00pm.22
10 Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, p. 217.
11 Loc. cit.
12 www.workhouses.org.uk/CityOfLondon/parishes.shtml
13 Loc. cit.
14 Google maps.
15 www.workhouses.org.uk/vagrants/index.shtml#CasualWard.
16 Evans and Skinner, p. 217.
17 Loc. cit.
18 The Daily Telegraph, 5 October, 1888, accessed from Casebook.
19 Evans and Skinner, p. 217.
20 Loc. cit.
21 The Daily Telegraph, 5 October, 1888, accessed from Casebook.
22 Evans and Skinner, p. 217.
It is at this point that John Kelly’s story becomes fraught with difficulties.
According to him, Kate arrived at Cooney’s lodging house around 8.00am
Saturday morning.24 This is problematic for several reasons. First, at a
casual ward, one is expected to perform menial services in exchange for
one’s meagre room and board. Typical of this is to break rocks or to pick
oakum. If one is breaking rocks, one thousand pounds is expected to be
broken; if oakum, the tale is set at four pounds. Given such a workload,
these tasks often lasted until the afternoon.25 Consequently, Kate’s early
arrival at Cooney’s astonished John26—to say nothing of an unnamed juror
at inquest.27 To be fair, John explained that a “bother” had occurred
resulting in her early release. He did not, unfortunately, explain the exact
nature of that bother.
As we’ve seen, the distance from the Mile End Casual Ward to Cooney’s
lodging house was roughly two miles.28 If one walks at a good brisk pace of
four miles per hour, such a jaunt can be negotiated in a half hour. However,
a more leisurely pace of three miles per hour would require approximately Oakum picking
three quarters of an hour. It seems, then, that in order for Kate to arrive at
Cooney’s at around 8.00am, she must have left the casual ward between 7.00am and 7.30am. So, whatever the “bother”
at the casual ward was, it was an extremely early one.
By Saturday morning, John claimed that his penury was so severe that he and Kate decided to take his new boots,
bought from the money at hop picking, and pawn them.29 The pawning purportedly took place at Jones’s in Church
Street.30
But now John’s story becomes quite perplexing. As noted above, he claimed that the boots were pawned on
Saturday morning. A problem arises, however, since the pawn ticket indicated the transaction took place on Friday, 28
September.31 Indeed, although John claimed at inquest that, “I think it was on Saturday morning that we pawned the
boots,”32 this was called into question by Mr Crawford: “Is it not the fact that the pawning took place on the Friday
night?”33 John then emended his story to, “I do not know. It was either Friday night or Saturday morning.”34 When the
ticket was produced, it was marked Friday (vide supra)35 John then pled that he was “all muddled up,” presumably, as
a result of Kate’s death.36
23 www.workhouses.org.uk/vagrants/index.shtml#CasualWard
24 Evans and Skinner, p. 217.
25 William . Fishman, East End 1888, p. 113.
26 Evans and Skinner, p. 217
27 The Daily Telegraph, 5 October, 1888 accessed from Casebook.
28 Google maps.
29 The Echo, 3 October, 1888.
30 Ibid.
31 Evans and Skinner, p. 200.
32 The Daily Telegraph, 5 October, 1888, accessed from Casebook.
33 Ibid.
34 Ibid.
35 Ibid.
36 Ibid.
(I would be remiss in my scholarship were I not to point out that John seems
to have given two different versions of the story concerning the ticket for the
shirt and his dealing with it. In his Star interview, John claimed that, “We went
hopping together mostly every year. We went down this year as usual. We didn’t
get on any too well, and started to hoof it home. We came along in company
with another man and woman who had worked in the same fields, but who parted
with us to go to Chatham when we turned off towards Maidstone. The woman
said to Kate, “I have got a pawnticket [sic] for a flannel shirt. I wish you’d take
it, since you’re going up to town. It is only in for 9d, and it may fit your old man.
So Kate took it and we trudged along.”41 This is eminently plausible. Mrs Birrell
had pawned a shirt at Jones’s shop. She received 9d for the shirt along with a
ticket—just in case she wished to redeem the shirt. She didn’t, but thought the
shirt would fit John. Kate got the ticket and, if she could scrounge up 9d, plus
usury, she could have a nice shirt.
However, there is a second story in The Echo which runs like this: “About
three weeks ago, on the road, we picked up with another couple. They used to
live in London, and the woman made Kate take a pawnticket [sic] she had for a
flannel shirt that had been ‘popped’ at Jones’s in Church-street. It was only for
ninepence [sic], but Kate took it and we got the money.”42 Clearly, this is not
possible. Jones would not give 9d to Mrs Birrell and to Kate as well. Moreover, if
that had been the case, Kate would have needed to have surrendered the pawn John Kelly
ticket.) 43
Whether the boots were pawned in the evening or the morning, serious problems begin to emerge regarding the date.
In what follows, I shall examine the possible times disjunctively.
Let’s first suppose that John and Kate pawned the boots on Friday evening—just as the ticket indicated. In that case,
I find the following anomalies regarding John’s story.
1. According to the version of the inquest found in The Daily Telegraph, John was asked point blank whether he had
been drinking when the boots were pawned.44Astonishingly, he replied, “Yes.”45 This is truly amazing since,
according to the testimony he had given, he and Kate possessed only 6d after he had worked at a job that
afternoon. In fact, they had already discussed precisely how that money was to be divided and spent. To put it
succinctly, whence the money whereby John bought drink?
2. If the boots were pawned on Friday night, it seems scarcely credible that Kate would not have extracted a mere
2d—leaving 28d—and gone to sleep at Cooney’s with her partner. Instead, she opted to go to Mile End for shelter.
But suppose that the pawning took place on Saturday morning—as John preferred to explain it? Very well, at what
time did the pawning take place? Well, we know that John claimed that Kate met him at Cooney’s around 8.00am (vide
supra). Fred Wilkinson claimed that they were together between 10.00 and 11.00am at the lodging house48—presumably
having breakfast. So a sequence for events on this scenario might be: Kate’s discharge from Mile End Casual Ward
between 7.00 and 7.30am, arriving at Cooney’s around 8.00am when she met her partner, deciding to pawn the boots,
making the trek to Jones’s, pawning the boots, and returning to Cooney’s.
If, however, they were hungry, as seems likely—typical supper fare in the casual ward was one half pound of gruel and
one half pound of bread49—they would need to stop first at a chandler’s shop. Indeed, John acknowledged as much when
he accounted for tea, coffee and sugar in Kate’s possession when she was found dead.50
Where next? Well, John indicated, “We had been drinking together out of the 2s 6d.”51 Although it is not clear exactly
when this drinking took place, it seems one must assume that it was after both the pawning and their arrival back at
Cooney’s and subsequent spotting by Wilkinson, “I think it was on Saturday morning that we pawned the boots. She was
sober when she left me. We had been drinking together out of the 2s 6d. All of it was spent in drink and food.”52
If this is correct, and they had spent a good deal of their windfall drinking, this could account for part of the time
between Wilkinson’s sighting between 10.00 and 11.00am, and Kate’s departure from John in Houndsditch around
2.00pm.53 A slight puzzlement, however, involves John’s statement at inquest that, “She left me quite sober to go to her
daughter’s.”54 If they had expended a good deal of the 2s 6d drinking in a pub, it is difficult to see how Kate could be
“quite sober.” Of course, one could urge that John did the bulk of the drinking. This, however, seems to fly in the face
of Wilkinson’s pronouncement about John that, “Kelly was not in the habit of drinking, and I never saw him the worse
for drink.”55
46 Ibid.
47 Ibid.
48 Evans and Skinner, p. 200.
49 Fishman, p. 113
50 Evans and Skinner, p. 200.
51 The Daily Telegraph, 5 October, 1888 accessed from Casebook.
52 Ibid.
53 It must be noted, for the record, that in his Star interview, John claims that he left Kate from Cooney’s, not Houndsditch (q.v.)
54 The Daily Telegraph, 5 October, 1888 accessed from Casebook.
55 Ibid.
1. If the pawning took place on Saturday morning, it seems distinctly odd that the money should be spent in three or
four hours time, thus necessitating a trip to Bermondsey by Kate to obtain further funds. If one allows even 6d
for sugar, tea and coffee, and another 6d for food, it is unclear where the other 1s 6d went. If that were expended
at a pub, as suggested above, it is difficult to believe that Kate was quite sober.
2. In the broad daylight of morning, and given that John was just outside the shop, it would be natural for the
pawnshop’s agent to assume that John was Kate’s husband. Why would it be important for the agent not to know
that? I reproduce the following from Contract of Pawn, 1883:
At Common Law, a married woman can neither make a contract nor possess property, apart from her husband.
Hence a pledge by her and on her own behalf, was doubly invalid. Having no title to the chattel herself,
she could confer none upon the pawnee, from whom the husband might recover the pawn by action. And,
by reason of her own absolute incapacity to make or become bound by a contract, she incurred no liability
to fulfil the engagement the pledge was meant to secure. She will not lose the benefit of this personal
disability in any civil proceeding, even when she has induced the pawnee to enter into the contract by
fraudulently representing herself as a single woman, because, in her case, as well as that of an infant,
such a misrepresentation is implied whenever a person under disability professes to enter into a contract.
She may, however, bind her husband by a pledge made by her as his agent, when her power to bind him will
be determined by rules applicable in any other case of principal and agent. Express authority is general,
exercisable only within the limits which the husband, as principal, has prescribed. The extent of implied
authority will vary with the circumstances out of which it arises. Thus, as a wife whom her husband fails
to provide with maintenance suited to his quality, may pledge his credit for necessaries, it would seem
that money properly advanced to the wife to procure necessaries, and properly so applied by her, may now
be recovered in an action against the husband, and that money so advanced may be set off by the pawnee
in an action brought against him by the husband. Hence it would follow that a pledge properly made by
the wife for the purpose of procuring necessaries, and the proceeds whereof are properly applied, will
be good against the husband, unless the parties have voluntarily separated, agreeing upon an allowance
(sufficient or insufficient) which the husband has paid. And though a married woman is unable to bind
herself personally by contract, she may, if possessed of separate estate, or carrying on business separately
from her husband (c), so bind her estate or the assets of her business by a pledge, as to entitle the pawnee
or other contractee, to a decree charging her estate with the fulfillment [sic] of her obligation, unless the
same instrument which creates the separate estate imposes restraint on alienation or anticipation, when
the pledge will only be good to the extent of dividends and profits already accrued.56
Clearly, the strictures of this law could have a deleterious effect upon a shop’s margin of profit, and it would
behoove them not to take an unnecessary chance.
3. A more grave problem, however, with the Saturday pawning is to explain away the pawn ticket’s clear marking
of a Friday transaction. How to account for it? Well, it has been suggested that the ticket was deliberately
backdated. But such a dishonest manoeuvre seems opposed by the good record which Joseph Jones, the
pawnbroker, had with the police. In witness whereof, I submit the following compilation of testimony given by Mr
Jones at various Old Bailey trials:
August 1880
JOSEPH JONES, JUN. I am employed by Joseph Jones, of 31, Church Street, Spitalfields, pawnbroker—I
produce a signet ring pledged on the 29th June with me by the prisoner, Richard Wood, of 47, Lansdown
Road.
March 1884—
JOSEPH JONES. I am a pawnbroker, of 31, Church Street, Spitalfields—I produce a pair of girl’s boots
pledged on the 17th January by E. Lea for George Smith, 6, Fore Street.
November 1888—
JOSEPH JONES. I am a pawnbroker at 31, Church Street, Spitalfields—I produce a shawl pawned with me
on 23rd October, it was wrapped in this piece of table-cloth—this is the duplicate—I do not recognise
the girl—she gave the name of Ann Seed, 1, Vine Court.
February 1889
JOSEPH JONES. I am a pawnbroker, of 31, Church, Spitalfields—on 7th January, at 8.15am, the prisoner
brought me these boots to pawn, but being odd ones I refused them.”57
Note that:
i. According to these cuttings, Jones was likely asked by a barrister or solicitor for help identifying pawned
merchandise in these trials.
ii. Apparently he kept impeccable records, for he was able to supply some fine details about some of the
pawnings.
iii. In the Kotcher case (1887), Jones noted that there is a detailed procedure through which he goes in order to
ascertain whether the merchandise might be stolen.
Hence, it seems—at least on a prima facie perusal—that Jones was likely an honest pawn broker. And if an honest
pawn broker, it is not clear that he would knowingly have become engaged in deliberate misdating. (It is
interesting that, in the 1888 snippet, Jones apparently did not recognise the patron, although, presumably, he
had been asked about her. This compares to Kate, whom Jones could not identify;58 but, contrasts with the
Kotcher case (1887) in which Jones recalled even the fact that the patron was alone.)
4. But perhaps the gravest problem with a Saturday pawning arises when looking at John’s interview from The Echo,
3 October. John states that, “Saturday we did’nt [sic] know what to do. We had got nothing. I went into the
Spitalfields-market early in the morning, and earned 4d, but that’s all I could get. Towards the afternoon I told
Kate to take my boots and pawn them. She wouldn’t for a long time, and offered to pawn something of hers, if
I’d let her. I wouldn’t hear of that, so Kate took my boots and got 2s 6d for them.”59 He then indicated that from
the proceeds they were able to manage breakfast.
The question naturally arises, then, concerning John’s foray into the Spitalfields market. When did it occur?
Well, one possibility is that John arrived there when they opened around 6.00am. That would mean that he would
have located the work that paid 4d rather quickly and have discharged his duties, been paid and returned to Cooney’s,
ALL before Kate arrived at 8.00. Now, I grant that this could physically be accomplished. But it is puzzling why John did
not remain there seeking further employment. After all, according to his inquest testimony, he had made 6d there just
the day before—and had done so, in the afternoon.60
One might suggest here that he wished to be back at Cooney’s to greet Kate. But we need to recall that, in his
testimony, Kelly had indicated that he was not expecting Kate back at such an early hour.61
Moreover, this sequence must have been completed before 11.00—and perhaps as early as 10.00 – to dovetail with
Wilkinson’s sighting. And this sequence says nothing of John’s story about their having bought drink—presumably alcohol—
with some of the proceeds.
So, clearly, the interview with The Echo is difficult to harmonise with events on Saturday morning, especially if one
takes the pawning to have occurred then.
So, when were the boots pawned? I must leave that for the reader to decide.
Saturday Afternoon
This brings us to the last purported meeting between John and Kate. At inquest, John stated that, “I was last in her
company on Saturday last at 2 o’clock in the afternoon in Houndsditch. We parted on very good terms. She said she was
going over to see if she could see her daughter, Annie, at Bermondsey, a daughter she had by Conway. She promised me
to be back by 4 o’clock and no later. She did not return.”62
The question which naturally arises is, “Where did Kate go when she left John at 2.00pm in Houndsditch?”
Scenario One:
Kate Mooching
In the first scenario, Kate was supposed to be headed to her daughter’s residence in Bermondsey in order to solicit
funds. As I pointed out above, this is decidedly odd. If the boots were in fact pawned early that morning, it seems
incoherent that they could have spent two shillings, six pence in food and drink so rapidly, to say nothing of the 4d
earned at market. Of course, it is frequently urged by historians of the London East End poor during the Late Victorian
Period that they were simply not adept at money management—they let it slip through their fingers, as it were.63 Let us,
then, tentatively accept this explanation and proceed.
The distance from John and Kate’s location in Houndsditch to Bermondsey is roughly two miles.64 Consequently,
a round trip there and back should have taken somewhat over an hour. Add to this the time taken in exchanging
pleasantries, getting caught up on family news, applying for the funds and receiving them, and one could easily add
another hour or so to the errand. And Kate was not to return to where she parted from John but to Cooney’s lodging
house at 55 Flower and Dean Street. Hence, it would be prudent to allow Kate a good two hours in order to accomplish
her task. And this was precisely the time Kate herself estimated. She averred that she would see John by 4.00pm.
Now, there are two serious problems with this part of John’s story.
(An interesting story appeared in The Daily News concerning this. “Last night Eliza Gold, or Frost, the sister,
who lives at 6, Thrawl-street, Spitalfields, made the following statement. She did this with difficulty, as she
is suffering from a serious attack of illness consequent on the sudden discovery of her sister’s shocking end.
“...She was not married to Conway, but she went to live with him while in London. She has lived here almost all her life.
Her name was Catherine Eddowes. Conway was in the army, but I don’t know in what regiment. She had two or three
children by him. It’s rather strange - one of them, the girl that’s married [ie, Annie Phillips], came to me last week and
asked me if I had seen anything of her mother. She said it was a very long time since she had seen her; but it was a long
time since I had, too, and I told her so.””)68
Second, Annie stated flat out that she had not been visited by her mother in search of funds.69 In consequence, I
believe that we must reject scenario one. Let us now proceed to the second scenario.
Scenario Two:
Kate Soliciting
If Kate was not heading to Bermondsey to obtain money from her daughter Annie, then where was she and what was
she doing?
A fairly common tack here is to suggest that, given their situation of dire poverty, Kate made the decision to solicit
in Aldgate Saturday afternoon, and that John concurred in this.
So should we say that Kate spent the time from 2.00pm until roughly 8.30pm when she was found drunk by PC 931
Louis Robinson,70 first in soliciting, then in spending the proceeds in drink?
Let’s assume that this is precisely what happened and examine where this line of enquiry takes us.
For Kate to reach the level of intoxication which she evinced when discovered by the PC, it seems reasonable to
assume that she had three or four large glasses of gin. The cost of a large glass of gin would be, roughly, 3d or 4d.71 Now,
to obtain money for the proposed drinking spree, it would have been needful for Kate to have found and serviced three
or four clients—given, of course, that the usual fee for such a service was about 3d, or possibly 4d, as well.72
Now if we assume that Kate did not begin spending her windfall until, say, 7.00pm, that would give her nearly five
hours to locate, proposition, service and collect from the three or four clients suggested above. That seems more than
sufficient time to engage in those activities.
One suggestion to the contrary is that, had Kate spent the entire afternoon engaged as we have suggested above,
then, given the limited geographical area involved, she would almost surely have been recognised by someone who
would subsequently have testified to this at inquest.
Although this seems a likely counter explanation, it may well turn out that a person thus soliciting had become rather
adept at blending into a crowd and, subsequently, disguising her activities. Therefore, for the sake of argument, let us
suppose that this is exactly what happened—that Kate was soliciting clients and then servicing them from about 2.00pm
until 7.00pm, and that she had successfully avoided detection.
What were the signs of “connection”? The most obvious would have been to inspect the vaginal opening for presence
of seminal fluids. But this is misleading for two reasons.
First, it disregards alternative forms of sex—oral and anal. The latter, of course, can be checked in a manner analogous
to the way of checking for vaginal intercourse; the former, however, cannot be so easily detected.
Second, it disregards the most “popular” alternative to vaginal intercourse amongst Victorian prostitutes—namely,
inter-femoral (“between the thighs”) intercourse. Why was this so frequently engaged in during this, and subsequent,
periods by prostitutes? It is a simple fact that prostitutes wished to avoid insemination, whenever possible, and that for
two reasons. First, insemination could lead to pregnancy and that would be a nuisance for the lady who made a living
from providing sex. Second, full genital intercourse could lead to venereal infection, and such was to be avoided if at
all possible.
Would, or could, a medical examiner check for signs of inter-femoral intercourse? An interesting parallel can be
drawn with the case of Polly Nichols, the first “canonical victim” of “Jack the Ripper.”
When Polly was engaged in discourse with Jane Oram (aka Emily Holland), she indicated that she had her doss money
three times that day but had spent it.74 How did Polly obtain her doss money? It seems rather obvious that she obtained
it earlier in the day in the selfsame manner in which she was seeking to obtain it when she left the boarding house at
1.40—she sold sex.
Given that Polly had had sex three times that day, and assuming that she in fact had inter-femoral intercourse, were
there any signs of it? No. How can we be sure? Simply because Dr Llewellyn checked for that. How can such a check be
accomplished? Well, it seems rather obvious that the thighs are examined for dried seminal stains. But none were found
in her case. Indeed, the medical examiner was astonished by their extraordinary cleanness.75
Are we to assume, then, that Polly had not had inter-femoral intercourse the day of her death? No. Her thighs were
clean, but that makes it likely that she had bathed. After all, she was said by Jane Oram to be a clean woman,76 which
suggests that she washed fairly frequently—likely at some point subsequent to such intercourse.
Now, what about Kate? In her case, too, the thighs were checked for inter-femoral intercourse by the medical
examiner. He pronounced that there was no “...secretion of any kind on the thighs...”77 But could not Kate have adopted
a similar stratagem to Polly, hence obviating the seminal evidence? This is unlikely since Kate had no doss house in which
to bathe and, had she used Cooney’s, someone would have recognised her and that would have made its way to inquest.
And if john were there, obviously he would have known it.
The answer, then, seems clear—Kate had not engaged in inter-femoral intercourse on Saturday afternoon. Whence,
then, came her money for drinks? John testified that she had no money when they parted.78 It seems one must say, then,
that someone bought her drinks.
Kate was found in a neighbourhood easily accessible to three pubs. Those were The Three Nuns, The Bull Inn, and The
Essex.79 Of the three, Kate was found closest to The Bull Inn.80
1. According to John in his inquest testimony, Kate had no money when she left him in Houndsditch.84 This seems to
rule out number one, given the veracity of her partner.
2. If Kate had been selling sex, and had done so successfully, she may indeed have earned sufficient funds to have
become as inebriated as she was when found by PC Robinson. But, again, the signs of inter-femoral intercourse
were not there (vide supra).
3. If Kate had gone to Annie’s in Bermondsey, and she had consented, she would have had enough money for
some drinks—depending, of course, on the size of her daughter’s largesse. Unfortunately, Mrs Phillips did not live
in Bermondsey,85 nor did she give money to her mother.86 Hence, this option seems not to be viable.
4. It is possible that Kate could have found a spot of work on Saturday afternoon. It was pointed out at inquest that
Kate would sometimes obtain funds by charring for Jewish people.87 Such work would normally take place on,
or just before, the Sabbath. And, of course, Kate was trying to obtain funds on precisely the Jewish Sabbath—
Saturday. A slight problem arises, however, given the greatly truncated time frame in which Kate needed both to
locate and perform any such work. And this seems exacerbated given the amount of funds she would need to
achieve the level of intoxication she evinced. If, however, she were hawking, then that person by whom she were
employed, should surely have been aware of her tragedy and have reported to inquest. Note that such a person
would surely have nothing to hide by employing Kate to hawk his goods.
5. Could a poor friend, one of Kate’s own socio-economic class, have stood her treat at a pub? This seems unlikely
for economic reasons. Surely an acquaintance of Kate’s, given a similar financial situation, would be unable to
provide such a great deal of hospitality?
6. It was not unheard of that, someone with a windfall (eg, a sailor having recently been paid) would have a bit
of a party, and stand treat for others. According to researcher Neil Bell, one may draw a parallel between
Tom Sadler’s behaviour with Frances Coles and what happened in The Bull Inn on Saturday afternoon.88 Of course,
in Sadler’s case, he had expected some “compensation” for his generosity. And in Kate’s case, given her
incarceration, it may well be that she could not “reciprocate,” thus causing a bit of frustration for her benefactor—
given his motivation approximated Sadler’s.
81 pubshistory.com/LondonPubs/Aldgate/BullInn.shtml
82 Phillip Norman, Catalogue of Drawings of Old London, p. 8.
83 pubshistory.com/LondonPubs/Aldgate/BullInn.shtml
84 Evans and Skinner, p. 216.
85 Ibid., p. 208.
86 Ibid., p. 209.
87 Ibid., p. 200.
88 Neil Bell, “Did Jack kill only 3?” Post #416, accessed from Casebook.
Who bought the drinks? One cannot say. So I shall leave it to the reader to decide.
First, he claimed that she had informed him that she would be back at Cooney’s by 4.00pm. (vide supra.) Now
obviously a bit of tardiness here is no cause for alarm, but surely by, say, 5.00 or 6.00 John should have become
concerned? This would be especially true given the veracity of his remarks to Kate about “that knife.” (“She told me
she had made up her mind to go to her daughter’s in Bermondsey. I begged her to be back early, for we had been talking
about the Whitechapel murders, and I said I did not want to have that knife get at her.”)89 Notwithstanding, John never
went to check on Kate at this time.
Second, John took a single bed for the night at Cooney’s. He later gave as a reason for just ordering a single bed that
he’d heard about Kate’s incarceration from some older women in the lane.90 (The time given by Wilkinson about John’s
information is problematic. Fred claimed that, “When Kelly came in on Saturday night between half past 7 or 8 I asked
him, ‘Where’s Kate?’ He said, ‘I have heard she’s been locked up,’ and he took a single bed.”91 BUT, obviously, this could
not have been correct as Kate was taken into custody around 8.30 and arrived at Bishopsgate around 8.45.) According to
City of London police rules, a person gaoled for public intoxication could be released when judged sober enough to take
care of himself or herself.92 John seemed aware of this rule and expected her out of custody next morning.93 But when
the day wore on, surely he must have become concerned?
Third, John deflected this line by contending that he had thought that Kate had gone on to Bermondsey to her
daughter’s—again, to apply for funds.94 But even if we allow her the whole day at Annie’s—and the entire night to avoid
travelling in the dark—surely John should have been concerned by end of day Monday?
Finally, at end of day Tuesday, John is supposed to have discovered the truth about Kate’s demise and gone voluntarily
to the police.95 This seems hardly credible for a man who had claimed that he was concerned about his partner three
days previously.
According to his inquest testimony, John had worked on Friday afternoon and received 6d for his efforts. But that had
allowed him and Kate to get accommodations only. Nor is there a mention of his obtaining additional funds.
Granted this may have been inadvertently omitted from his inquest testimony; nevertheless, it is quite germane to the
investigation and reason dictates that his source of funding beyond Saturday afternoon should have been investigated.
Moreover, John, in his interview for The Star, claimed that, “I was out in the market all day [Saturday], but did no
good.”96 Furthermore, he stated—regarding Monday—that, “Yesterday morning I began to be worried a bit, but I did not
guess the truth until after I had come back from another bad day in the market.”97 So, if John had made some money on
Saturday or Monday, it must NOT have been at his usual place of business—given of course, his veracity in this interview.
So what was John doing for money on Saturday night, Sunday and Monday? I leave that for the reader to decide.
Summary
The time has now come to summarise our findings.
The most vexing question, to my mind, concerns where John and Kate had been during the bulk of September. John
clearly stated at inquest that he and Kate had come back to London on Thursday, 27 September. On the other hand,
many other of the London migrant workers had left Kent during the first week of September, having found no work in the
hop fields. The harvest was so poor that the locals were sufficient to do the work. Moreover, the Echo interview has John
talking about being without food and having only the price of a bed for many a day. This is difficult to reconcile with his
inquest testimony. This is quite puzzling.
A second serious problem arises concerning Kate’s stay at both The Shoe Lane Casual Ward and The Mile End Casual
Ward. In the first case, she and John seemed to be required by law to stay another night. But they did not. In the latter
case, Kate seems to have been discharged very early in the morning before performing her mandatory duties. John’s
explanation for this event is quite vague and unhelpful in establishing Kate’s whereabouts.
A third problem involves the pawning of the boots. John claimed a Saturday pawning; the ticket claimed otherwise.
But both times seem at loggerheads with the other purported events of Friday and Saturday.
A fourth problem deals with the couple’s financial situation as described by John. According to his testimony, he was
penniless upon arrival in London. He had worked at two small jobs—one Friday and one Saturday—paying 6d and 4d
respectively. Add to that the 2s 6d for the boots, and the sum is 3s 4d. But all was spent between Friday afternoon and
Saturday mid-day. And John claimed that he had no further income on Saturday or Monday. Yet, in spite of this, he was
able to stay Saturday, Sunday and Monday at Cooney’s and, one presumes, to have had a bite to eat as well.
A fifth problem includes Kate’s whereabouts on Saturday afternoon between her leaving John at 2.00 in Houndsditch
and her arrest at 8.30. Now obviously, the last hour or so of that time was likely spent in a pub, possibly The Bull Inn,
but where was she before that?
A final problem considers Kate’s ability to fund her alcohol consumption just before her arrest. Who provided it? She
was penniless at 2.00 according to John’s inquest testimony, and yet by 8.30, she had been on a drinking binge. And if
she had earned the money in the oft-suggested way, there were certainly no signs of it.
Here, then, are some of the conundrums involved in reconstructing Kate’s final hours. I am certainly not the first
researcher who has noted these difficulties, nor do I claim to have found a suitable solution. I hope, however, that I
have piqued the curiosity of others to research further and supply a plausible explanation for some of these lacunae.
Acknowledgements
I wish to acknowledge the following people whom have contributed to this essay: Neil Bell, Howard Brown, Jane
Coram, Roy Corduroy, Peter Higginbotham, Don Souden, Tom Wescott and Simon Wood.
LYNN CATES lives in Pflugerville, Texas. He teaches classes in Logic, Philosophy, Humanities and
Freshman Orientation for three different institutions of higher education. He lives with his wife of 24
years, Deborah, and his son John Calvin, aged 20.
In mid-1888, von Tresckow applied to the Polizei-Präsidium, the Police Headquarters, in Berlin for a position as a
police-officer candidate. He started his training on 15 January 1889. First of all, he was sent to familiarise himself with
the work of police stations. In his memoirs, Von Fürsten und Anderen Sterblichen2, an account of the most interesting
cases of his career which remains an important source of information to the present day, he observed that the work of
policemen at a police station was quite complicated, for people habitually turned to them whenever they had any sort
of problem. He quoted one of his colleagues as saying: ‘If a wet nurse runs out of milk, people call a constable.’
1 The One-Year Volunteer Enlistee (Einjährig-Freiwilliger) programme In Imperial Germany was a voluntary short-term form of
active military service open to enlistees up to the age of 25. Such volunteers were usually high school graduates who served a
one-year term rather than the regular two or three-year conscription term. They could choose their military service branch and
unit, but had to equip themselves at their own cost and provide for their subsistence. One-Year Volunteers were usually officer-
material sons from affluent families. For more information, see German Army Volunteers, One-Year Men From The Universities,
Promotions and Social Distinctions, New York Times, New York, NY, USA, 10 July 1881, p.9.
2 Tresckow, Hans von: Von Fürsten und Anderen Sterblichen, Erinnerungen eines Kriminalkommisars, (Of Princes and Other Mortals,
Memoirs of a Police Inspector), F. Fontane & Co., Berlin 1922.
A few weeks after von Tresckow passed his examination, a position fell vacant in the Criminal Investigation Department
and he was appointed as police inspector. He earned as much as a circuit judge and enjoyed several perquisites: he
did not pay for public transportation, could benefit from free seats reserved for police officers at various theatres and
had a telephone line installed in his flat. In addition, he made some money writing crime and hunting stories for the
newspapers, although he had to sign them with a pen-name; police officers were actively discouraged by their superiors
from writing for the newspapers. Now financially independent, Von Tresckow could afford to start a family. In 1894 he
married Gertrude Reiser (1874-1945?). The couple had two daughters, Margarete (1895-1976) and Hildegard Gertrude
Dorothee (1896-1917).3
During the first few years of his career, von Tresckow worked under the authority
of senior inspectors. He was given his first responsible position in the Erpresser-und
Homosexuellendezernat (Extortion and Homosexuals Department). In the late 19th century,
the homosexual community in Germany was numerous, prosperous and prominent. In
Psychopathia Sexualis,4 Richard von Krafft-Ebing observed that homosexuality in Germany
was steadily in the increase. Von Tresckow concurred specifically with him. In his memoirs
he remarked: ‘At the present time in Berlin, there are for certain more than one hundred
thousand persons who are addicts of this practice. They are closely banded together and
even have their own paper, Die Freundschaft, which appears regularly and defends their
interests.’
Although von Tresckow’s statements reflected the prevalent position at the time, he did not overtly condemn
homosexuality. In his memoirs he compared the persecution of homosexuals to the witch trials of the Middle Ages.
In time, he became an expert in the field and was involved in the investigation of many important cases, such as the
Harden-Eulenburg affair of 1907-1909, which revealed the influence of homosexual noblemen on the court of Kaiser
Wilhelm II, and the apparent suicide of steel industrialist Friedrich Alfred Krupp in 1902.
3 Dobler, Jens: Hans von Tresckow (1866-1934). Archiv für Polizeigeschichte, Lübeck, vol. 10(28). 1999. p.48.
4 Krafft-Ebing, Richard von: Psychopathia Sexualis: eine Klinisch-Forensische Studie (Sexual Psychopathy: A Clinical-Forensic Study),
Verlag von Ferdinand Enke, Stuttgart,1886 and subsequent editions.
Most of the time von Tresckow’s work as a policeman required him to stay in Berlin or travel within Germany, but
he also made several journeys abroad during his career. In 1897 he was sent to London to investigate a blackmail case.
Von Tresckow described it in the chapter of his memoirs entitled ‘Trip to London’. Von Fürsten und Anderen Sterblichen
is generally considered reliable and free from sensationalism as regards contemporary German events and cases. We
can therefore assume that von Tresckow did not embellish the facts of his trip to London either. At the same time, the
reader will on occasion discern a certain irony in his remarks about his London colleagues. Some of the most interesting
passages concerning his stay in London and his excursion to London’s East End as seen through the eyes of a German
police officer follow.
On 10 April 1897, Grand Duke Friedrich Franz III, the ruler of the Grand Duchy
of Mecklenburg-Schwerin in northern Germany, died in Cannes in mysterious
circumstances. Conflicting reports about his death appeared in the press. First, the
newspapers stated that the Grand Duke, delirious with high fever, had commited
suicide by throwing himself off the parapet of a bridge. Later, the official account of
his death said that he was in his garden when he experienced breathing difficulties
– he suffered from asthma - staggered giddily and fell over a low wall into the
street.5 He was succeeded by his son, Friedrich Franz IV, the last Grand Duke of
Mecklenburg-Schwerin. Since the new Grand Duke was under age at the time of
his father’s death, his uncle, Duke Johann Albrecht zu Mecklenburg, the late Grand
Duke’s younger brother, was appointed regent.
Soon the regent received letters from London asking for a large sum of money
to be sent to their author under a special code care of general delivery. If the
money were not paid, the blackmailer would publish letters in his possession which
contained evidence of the late Grand Duke’s homosexuality. As proof that he indeed
had these letters, he enclosed part of a letter in the Grand Duke’s handwriting
whose authenticity was beyond question.
Grand Duke Friedrich Franz III
Duke Johann Albrecht sent his adjutant, General von Maltzahn, to Berlin.
His mission was to ask Ludwig von Windheim, the Polizeipräsident (Police
Commissioner), to send a suitable police officer to London to retrieve the letters
from the blackmailer. Von Windheim entrusted von Tresckow with this assignment.
First of all, von Tresckow spent some time acquiring some knowledge of the case
and of the blackmailer, who called himself Nowack. He soon discovered that Nowack
was often in Berlin, where he frequented criminal circles. His best friend was a
tailor called Rode, also a blackmailer, who was currently serving time at the prison
built in 1895 at Wronke (today Wronki, Poland), in the eastern part of the German
Empire.
Von Tresckow went to Wronke to interview Rode. At first, Rode did not want
to talk about Nowack. But as soon as von Tresckow mentioned the Grand Duke’s
letters, Rode became furious and told him that the letters were in a trunk that he
had given to Nowack for safekeeping. He did not want to add anything else and von
Tresckow was forced to leave for London with little background information.
5 The Grand Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin Shown to Have Committed Suicide, New York Times, New York, NY, USA, 13 April 1897;
The Grand Duke of Mecklenburg Schwerin Did Not Commit Suicide, New York Times, 15 April 1897.
Next morning, Herr Cliet came to my hotel and made quite a good impression on me, except for his red nose,
which was evidence of his predilection for whisky and brandy. Cliet agreed to search for Nowack, saying that
finding his address would be a trifle. He asked for payment of one pound per day. I found the sum rather high
but approved it with the remark that he should not expect to continue to get his remuneration for weeks on
end without giving me any information. His work should not take more than three days and he would get an
extra five pounds as soon as he produced the information required. I also gave him the address of the pub that
Nowack frequented. Cliet agreed to the conditions and promised to report back in the evening.
6 Belgian-born British subject Sir Polydore de Keyser (13 December 1832 - 14 January 1918) founded the Royal Hotel, later to be
called the De Keyser‘s Royal Hotel, and ran it personally from 1856 to 1887. The De Keyser‘s Royal Hotel had approximately 400
rooms and was mostly used by foreigners. While not in the very best class of London’s hotels, it none the less enjoyed a splendid
reputation. ‘Next comes a somewhat more moderate class, though still with excellent accomodation, such as... De Keyser’s Royal
Hotel at the corner of Blackfriars-br...’, Hotels, Dickens’s Dictionary of London 1888, p.130. It is worth noting that Polydore de
Keyser was Mayor of London from October 1887 to November 1888, that is to say, for most of the period during which the
Whitechapel murders took place.
Ripperologist 134 October 2013 46
But Cliet only showed up two days later saying he
had not been able to find Nowack’s whereabouts. He
asked for his money but Von Tresckow did not believe
he had been working hard enough and decided to follow
him.
7 Wilson Street marks the western edge of the Broadgate area of the City of London. The street begins at Eldon Street and runs
north, crossing Lackington, Sun, Earl, Christopher and Dysart Streets, and becomes Paul Street at the junction with Worship
Street. St Mary Moorfields Roman Catholic Church is round the corner from Wilson Street at Eldon Street. Finsbury Square is nearby
and Bunhill Fields, the dissenters’ cemetery where William Blake, Daniel Defoe and John Bunyan are buried, is slightly farther
away.
Ripperologist 134 October 2013 48
I had no reason to doubt this man’s word. What he told me sounded plausible and Nowack’s description tallied
with the personal description I had found in his criminal record. I pondered whether I should tell Inspector
Bartels that I had found Nowack and ask him for a constable to accompany me. A visit to such a violent man
as Nowack was not without danger and I was not familiar with London customs. On the other hand, I needed
to accomplish my mission with as much discretion as possible; the presence of a third person might hinder my
discussion with Nowack. For this reason I decided to go alone. I located Wilson Street in the map, dressed as
plainly as possible and slipped a revolver with the safety catch released into the right pocket of my coat. At
about 9 am I climbed a narrow, well-trodden staircase in an old, dilapidated house at number 103. When I was
already upstairs I ran into a shabby old woman. I asked her whether Mr Nowack lived there. She looked at me
distrustfully and pointed at a door without saying a word. I knocked on the door and opened it at the same
time; it led into a small room on the street side of the building. The furniture consisted of only one chair and
a narrow bed. A man who had been lying on the bed sat up quickly, looking at me with surprise and hostility. I
identified him as the man I sought by the scar on his cheek. I gave him no time to show his astonishment and
greeted him with the words: ‘Good morning, Nowack. I’ve come for the letters.’
‘My name is not Nowack and I don’t know nothing about no letters, so piss off.’
‘Lying won’t help you. Be reasonable and let’s talk quietly. If you give me the letters willingly, you won’t lose
anything, for my employer has authorized me to give you some money for them, although not as much as
you had asked for in your blackmail letters. If you behave like a fool, you’ll have to bear the consequences.’
‘What consequences?’ he asked, sitting on the edge of the bed. I realized that he had been lying in bed fully
dressed.
‘I’ll have you arrested for extortion and theft. You have been long enough in England to know the punishment
for people like you. Not even the strongest man can survive walking the treadmill in gaol for five years.’
Before I had finished talking he jumped out of bed and locked the door.
‘We’ll see about that. I’ll kill you before you report me to the police.’
He stood before me menacingly, glaring at me as viciously as a trapped animal. I took my revolver from my
pocket and walked slowly to the window, watching him carefully. I thought I knew how to render him as meek
as a lamb.
‘Come here and look out of the window. Those two men walking on the other side of the road are from
Scotland Yard. All I have to do is whistle and they’ll come upstairs and arrest you.’
I was speaking quietly and convincingly. Nowack did not come to the window but sat on his bed, staring ahead.
I left him to collect his wits for a moment and then I took the chair and sat close to him. I was convinced
that he was no longer dangerous. When a criminal realises that he has no way out, he accepts his fate and,
if treated right, turns to putty in the hands of the criminal investigator. He was sitting quietly and did not
say a word. He looked thin and forlorn, for he probably had not eaten properly for days. I offered him ten
pounds for the letters and promised not to press charges if he gave them to me immediately. I had to repeat
what I said many times until he believed me. The threat of the treadmill had sent shivers down his spine.
He pulled his trunk from under the bed, opened it and showed me a batch of papers tied together with a
string. A brief look sufficed to convince me that these were the letters I sought, for the handwriting was
the same as in the specimen sent previously. Since I was not sure whether there were other letters hidden
somewhere else, I searched the room thoroughly. It was not too much of a chore because there was only the
bed in the room. Nowack had to pull apart the bed in my presence and I felt every cushion but found nothing.
After that I also searched Nowack’s clothes with the same result. He had nothing on his person but for a
grimy diary, some obscene pictures, which criminals of his kind like to carry with them, and a sturdy knife
in a leather sheath. I returned his belongings and gave him ten pounds. I placed the letters in an envelope
which I had brought for them, closed it and sealed it with my official seal.
Nowack watched my actions with interest and looked pleased; indeed, he helped with the sealing. I wanted
to learn more about him, and since I knew that a man whose stomach is empty is not in a good mood, I
asked him to have breakfast with me saying: ‘Let’s go have breakfast together. You have certainly not eaten
anything for some time.’ His mistrust returned and he asked anxiously: ‘You won’t have me arrested, will
you?’ I assured him that there could be no question of it since I had achieved my objective of retrieving the
Acknowledgements
I should like to thank my husband, Milan, and my son, Emil, who remained supportive and sympathetic while I pored
over musty old books on crime and criminals in search of background information for the present article. I should also
like to thank Eduardo Zinna for his assistance with the completion of this article for publication.
MICHAELA KORISTOVA studied history at the university of Brno, Czech Republic, with a focus on the history
of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. She lives in Brno with her husband and son.
We are delighted to announce the launch of a new occasional series, Suspects in Short, in which
readers are invited to submit those ideas, observations or snippets of information which might
not yet be formed into a full article. If you have a theory which you would like to share with our
subscribers, please get in touch: contact@ripperologist.biz
We begin the series with a look at Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec by Greg Alexander, in a summary of
the theory outlined in his unpublished book “Jack the Ripper: The Case Solved”.
Lautrec had painted a picture on the same theme, called À Montrouge - Rosa
la Rouge, sometime in 1886, in which a prostitute lingers in an open doorway. The
subject for the painting, Carmen Gaudin, quickly became Lautrec’s favourite model
as a result of her red hair, of which Lautrec was enamoured. Coincidentally, 1886 was
the same year when Lautrec and Gaudin parted company, and rumours of Lautrec’s
venereal disease started circulating around Montmartre. There was another rumour
in circulation that the same prostitute who had infected Lautrec had come to an
untimely end. Lautrec’s friend, Thadée Natanson, had expressed the opinion that
the unfortunate woman who had infected Lautrec was ‘most likely already dead”.
But how could he have known such a thing? That this woman’s health was in such a
bad condition that she was close to dying anyway would seem extremely unlikely
under the circumstances. So what had Lautrec’s friend been referring to exactly?
The question must be asked therefore whether it is possible somebody close
to Lautrec had taken offence at his infection with syphilis and taken the law into
their own hands? Given the artist’s popularity in Montmartre at the time and his
aristocratic background (he was descended from the historic Counts of Toulouse),
it is likely that many would have found the rumours both disturbing and upsetting.
1 Had Kelly got into trouble while working in a Parisian brothel and had a vengeful pimp or hired hit man then
been sent to track her down?
2 Had she offended an important individual while employed in one of these brothels and had this individual
or someone close to them then hired the services of the professional killer?
3 Had it been a case of mistaken identity that led to the deaths of Catherine Eddowes, who gave her name
as “Mary Kelly” on the night she died, and the two other victims Mary Ann Nichols and Annie Chapman?
It has to be admitted that the crimes committed in Whitechapel were audacious as well as cold and calculating.
The killer had committed his atrocious acts in the open street without apparent fear of being discovered. He
seems to have behaved with a cool professionalism that belies the image of a frenzied sadist bent on satisfying
depraved desire.
If the crimes committed in Whitechapel had indeed involved the name of Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec then how
could we finally prove this contention once and for all? If Lautrec had painted a picture of Kelly (which seems
highly likely if a relationship had existed between the two), then there is just the slightest possibility of being
able to identify her from this painting using modern forensic techniques. And from there, who knows what other
evidence may emerge which could finally unmask, once and for all, the man responsible for the Whitechapel
murders.
1 The Letters of Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec edited by Herbert D Schimmel, 1991 Oxford University Press.
GREG ALEXANDER is an author on ancient history with an interest in criminology. He says: “The Jack the Ripper
case has always fascinated me because it was completely unsolved. I have always had a spooky feeling about
Lautrec but it is only comparatively recently that I decided to fully research the lead. I also found that the
nineteenth century is a far richer source of information than the ancient history books are. Fortunately I also
have a passing interest in Modern Art and Impressionism.” Greg’s other interests include computer chess and
fossils. He currently lives in Yeovil, Somerset.
On a week-by-week basis, the Devil and his acolytes walked through the
pages on human feet where stories seldom had a happy ending. Far from being
moralistic yarns where the unlucky protagonist would end up learning a well
deserved lesson and live to tell the tale, they would frequently meet their maker
in a spectacularly memorable fashion, and often for quite innocently being in
the wrong place at the wrong time.
Monsters both human and otherwise would entertain the morbid child, ‘Misty’
including a vignette by none other than Adolf Hitler himself. Though the story
I happened upon contains another cameo by an equally memorable, though as
yet faceless monster, Jack the Ripper. Entitled ‘Hunt the Ripper’, it appeared in
the issue dated 17 February 1979.3 Here the Ripper goes head to head with the
monarch of the un-dead, Count Dracula, which ends in what would appear to be
mutual destruction.
Ably penned by, as far as I am aware, veteran Spanish comic artist Enrique
Badia Romero, this is another one of the innumerable yarns that, although not
getting us any closer to the holy-grail of Ripperology (just who was the Ripper?),
it makes for another interesting footnote in the vast Ripper mythos. The peculiar
and whimsical story which appears on the following pages also seems to imply
that the vampire was an able ventriloquist!
Adolf Hitler appears in ‘Prisoner in the Attic’, published in the 7 April 1979 issue of‘Misty’.
*****
The title Misty and all associated characters and artwork are copyright
Egmont Inc and are used here for review and non-profit purposes only.
All opinions expressed here are entirely those of the author and no
other.
COLIN SAYSELL is a practicing pathologist, who, having performed numerous Coronial autopsies, can attest to the
difficulty one may experience when attempting to remove a kidney or a uterus, especially in the dark and in a hurry!
Read into that what you will.
The East End, nor London, was by no means the only area of the UK where one
found these want-to-bes pounding their chests and bellowing out bloody oaths that
they were the Ripper.
It appears that a fine of five shillings was the established standard if these cases
are typical of misdemeanors of this degree... except if the momentary madcap
verbally assaulted a constable and not a housewife.
Northern Echo
13 November 1888
Edward Larmonth, a pauper and vagrant, who terrified the inmates assembled in the Auckland Workhouse dining-hall
on Saturday by declaring himself to be “Jack the Ripper”, and using execrable language, was yesterday taken before
the Bench and committed to hard labour for three weeks.
Reynold’s Newspaper
27 October 1889
MURDER AT HALIFAX
An inquest has been held at Halifax on the body of Margaret Brett, wife of Frederick Brett, labourer, who was found
dead with her throat cut, in a bedroom. The evidence showed that Brett and wife, who lodged with James Hindley, in
Mile Thorn-yard, Gibbet-street, had a quarrel, arising from the former’s jealousy. On Sunday they drank a good deal
of beer. At night the woman was heard to scream, and the landlord found her with her throat cut. The husband told a
neighbour that he had been acting “Jack the Ripper.” The jury found him “Guilty” of wilful murder.
Liverpool Mercury
15 September 1891
Yesterday, at St Helens Police Court, a seafaring man named James Malone was brought up as a lunatic found
wandering at large - Constable Wilkes stated that at three o’clock that morning he saw the prisoner conducting himself
in a strange manner in the streets and he took him to the police station. On being asked where he was going he said
he did not know, but he knew that a lot of people were
after him. Inspector Goodall afterwards ascertained that
Malone had a sister living in Tontine-street and on the
prisoner being taken there the sister said she was very
much afraid of him.
Cheshire Observer
27 October 1888
BROXTON
ANOTHER “JACK THE RIPPER.”
At the Court House, Broxton, on Tuesday last, before Mr J H Leche, John Foy, an Irish labourer, was brought up in
custody under the following cicumstances. Simon Rowland, labourer, Tilston, said about half-past three on thee previous
afternoon the prisoner came up to him at Tilston village, and picking up a handful of stones, threw them at him, using
bad language to all who passed. He threw stones at a person with a bassinette - PC John Hunt (Tilston) said about a
quarter to three o’clock on the previous afternoon his attention was drawn to the prisoner by Rowlands. A nurse from
Tilston Rectory was passing with a bassinette with a child in it, and prisoner picked up a stone and deliberately threw it
at her, nearly striking her. Prisoner was drunk. He went off towards Wetlane and witness followed and apprehended him.
He had previously had several complaints respecting prisoner’s conduct. He had stopped several women and terrified
them by proclaiming that he was “Jack the Ripper,” at the same time using filthy and abusive language. Prisoner was
very abusive all the way to the station, brandishing a clasp-knife and saying he would not mind giving him (witness) a
“dig” with it; he also threatened to break the windows of several houses as they passed if he could get stones; he also
made two or three attempts to strike witness. When searched 7s 8½d and a knife were found on the prisoner. - He was
remanded till the next sessions.
A LIVERPOOL SCARE
John Solomon Jones, slate merchant, Port Madoc, was fined 10s and costs in Liverpool yesterday for being drunk and
disorderly. On Thursday night he was running about the streets in a drunken condition followed by a mob, yelling that he
was the Whitechapel Murderer and threatening to have the lives of those following him. He now said he knew nothing
about it. On the previous day he was fined 5s for being drunk and disorderly.
Cheshire Observer
13 October 1888
YESTERDAY (FRIDAY). - Before R Frost, George Dickson, H T Brown, and W Parish, Esqre.
ANOTHER “JACK THE RIPPER.” - Patrick Gallagher, a young man, living at 3 Allen’s-court, was charged with being
drunk and riotous in Boughton on the previous night. PC Stokes, in proving the case, said the prisoner was making use of
very obscene language and calling himself “Jack the Ripper.” - Prisoner, who it was stated had been before the court on
a previous occasion, was fined 10s and costs, or in default 14 days with hard labour.
Cheshire Observer
28 June 1890
A CRUEL HUSBAND
Thomas Nield, gardener, Little Budworth, appeared in answer to a summons charging him with assaulting and
neglecting the maintenance of his wife, Mary Nield. the wife, a delicate looking young woman, told a sad story of
neglect and cruelty. She had three children, the youngest only six weeks old: she had been very ill, and had nothing to
eat except what the neighbors brought her and even that her husband ate when he could get it. In consequence of his
conduct witness was obliged to go and live with her mother, and when she went on Thursday week for her children’s
clothes the defendant thrashed her, leaving black marks on her body. She had often previously been afraid to sleep, for
the defendant had stood over her saying he would, “Jack the Ripper her”.--The Chairman told the defendant he had
treated his wfe in a most brutal manner and had ill-treated her in many ways. He would have to pay 5s and costs for the
assault, a 6s a week for the maintenance of his wife and children.
The Courier
19 January 1889
The Barnsley magistrates this week committed for trial Thomas Roebuck, a collier, for wounding Mary Marsden, his
mother, with a large carving knife. The prisoner, returning home at nearly midnight, drunk, attacked his mother with a
large knife, swearing he would do for her, and “Jack the Ripper” the whole family. He proceeded upstairs, placed the
knife close to his niece’s breast, and attacking his brother in bed, ran the knife through the clothes into the mattress.
Considerable commotion was created in Church-street last night by a man who stood in the middle of the thoroughfare
and shouted at the top of his voice that he was “Jack the Ripper from London”. A crowd gathered round, but as the
fellow was evidently drunk, his ravings excited nothing more serious than ridicule.
PC Taylor shortly came upon the scene and marched him off to the lock-up, where he gave the name of Benson Hilton,
describing himself as an artist from Bradford. He was brought up this morning before the County Bench, and after having
expressed regret for his conduct was fined 2s 6d and costs or seven days for being drunk and disorderly. The money was
paid.
Yesterday morning, at Chorley, a stranger giving the name of John Williams was brought before the magistrates under
singular circumstances. On Saturday night he went into a public-house, and drawing a sharp knife from a sheath, boasted
that he wss “Jack the Ripper”, and that he had polished four off and meant to do another. A paper was found on him
showing that he had recently travelled in the neighbourhood of London.
Press Trawl
The Daily Mail
2 December 2006
***
Last week, in an absorbing Channel Five television documentary, three criminologists attempted to apply
modern forensic science to put a name and face to the most notorious serial killer in criminal history. For more
than ten weeks in the terror stricken autumn of 1888, an unknown solitary assailant stalked the noisome alleys of
Whitechapel, in London, killing and mutilating five prostitutes, and possibly 13 other women.
He has entered folklore as Jack the Ripper. Yet after 118 years of concentrated investigation, millions of
words, more than 200 suspects, and every sort of conspiracy theory and myth imaginable, we are still no nearer
to discovering his identity.
Last week’s ingenious attempt (by Laura Richards, a behavioural psychologist with the violent crime directorate
at New Scotland Yard, John Grieve, formerly head of the Yard’s murder squad, and Dr Kim Rossmo, of the
Department of Criminal Justice in Texas) to find out who he was, ended in failure.
A shawl allegedly taken from the butchered body of the Ripper’s fourth undoubted victim, Catherine Eddowes,
failed to render DNA - either her own or her killer’s. The door appeared to have slammed shut on the last chance
of solving the greatest unsolved crimes of all time.
Despite this, I found myself watching the documentary transfixed, and with an overwhelming morbid fascination.
Some of the content in the documentary startled me and forced me to confront an alarming possibility that I
had rejected and pushed to the back of my mind for almost 30 years. Could Jack the Ripper have been a member
of my own family?
I was 37 and living in a flat opposite the Royal Mews in Buckingham Palace Road in 1978, when I first heard this
astonishing story from my half-sister, Doreen Gillham, who was 25 years my senior, and the child of my father’s
first marriage.
She told me: ‘Grandpa was a rather funny man - funny peculiar. Very peculiar in fact. Grandpa was a man who
had secrets.
‘When I was 16, I remember Granny telling me once: “Len has a dark side to his life.” And for a long time she
would never tell me what she meant.
‘Then, one day, not long before she died, it all came out. They had married for love, but the first years of their
marriage were really difficult.
‘There were differences between them - sexual differences, also religious differences. Then, three years after
they got married, Grandpa was investigated by the police, who thought he was Jack the Ripper.’ ‘He was never
charged, but Granny suspected it was true, and I am convinced of it.
Doreen was sometimes given to bold statements, but this time I thought she had lost the plot.’ I asked
incredulously: ‘You think our grandfather was Jack the Ripper?’ She looked back at me with a calm, unblinking
stare. ‘Yes,’ she said.
Doreen was 63 at that time and I attributed this pronouncement to the ageing process.
On a Perilous Mission
It was the night of Oct. 2, 1888, that I left the Globe Theatre, where I was playing, and started on my perilous
but extremely fascinating undertaking. It was 10:30 o’clock, and King and Elliott, fellow Americans whom I have
mentioned, were with me. I was fully equipped. My revolver I could feel pressing against my thigh at every step.
I reached through the slit I had made in my dress and found the revolver ready for use. It was arranged on a
swivel, by which I could turn it in any direction and shoot through my skirt in such fashion as I pleased, and at a
moment’s notice.
I cannot quite describe my sensations. I was all excitement through holding myself down and displaying no
trepidation. I knew the great risk I ran. I was to become a target. I was going out to be killed - unless I should
prove quicker with my revolver than the “Ripper” was with his knife, and his awful swiftness and certainty with
that weapon were indisputable.
Followed by Friends
My friends, dressed as roistering sailors and playing the parts with great effect, were always within forty or
fifty yards of me, but they could not keep me every moment in sight. There were sharp angles to turn, and I must
turn them, else be detected in my masquerade. I realized how easy it would be, unless I proceeded with unusual
caution, to be struck down from behind, from overhead, maybe, or by some dark imp springing from out the gloom
beneath one of the wagons that crowded the courts.
The women of the district were full of gossip and all sorts of wild guesses concerning the mysterious murderer.
It was pretty generally agreed, however, that the fiend was a man called “Leather Apron,” who had suddenly
appeared at various times to several women and given them awful frights. No definite description could be had of
him, beyond the statement that he wore a leather apron reaching down from his chin to his knees. The fact that
he had been seen in various parts of the district on the same night gave strength to the theory that he was the
“Ripper,” and you may wager that I kept especially keen watch for anything that looked like leather.
Well, we worked hard, we three Americans. Every night after my work at the theatre, I put on my slum togs,
my friends did the same, and we started on our zigzag saunterings through Whitechapel. It was hard work, for we
seldom left the field of our efforts before dawn began to send its murky white shafts down among the sleeping,
blear eyed, carousing denizens.
“In the midst of life I woke to find myself living in an old house
beside Brick Lane in the East End of London.”
These are the words of The Gentle Author, whose daily blog at spitalfieldslife.com has captured
the very essence of Spitafields since August 2009. We at Ripperologist are delighted to have The
Gentle Author’s blessing to collate these stories and republish them in the coming issues for your
enjoyment. We thank the Gentle Author and strongly recommend you follow the daily blog at
www.spitalfieldslife.com.
“I’ve heard there is a window cleaner in Spitalfields who sees ghosts,” I said, to broach the delicate subject
as respectfully as I could. “That’s me,” he confessed without hesitation, colouring a little and lowering his voice,
“I’ve seen quite a few. Five years ago, at the Society for the Preservation of Ancient Buildings in Spital Square, I
saw a sailor on the second floor. I was outside cleaning the window and this sailor passed in front of me. He was
pulling his coat on. He put his arms in the sleeves, moving as he did so, and then walked through the wall. He
looked the sailor on the Players Navy Cut cigarette packet, from around 1900 I would guess, in his full uniform.
“I was cleaning the windows of a house in Sheerness, and I looked into the glass and I saw the reflection of an
old man right behind me. I could see his full person, a six foot four inch very tall man, standing behind me in a
collarless shirt. But when I turned round there was no-one there.
I went down to the basement, cleaning the windows, and I felt like someone was climbing on my back. Then I
started heaving, I was frozen to the spot. All I kept thinking was, ‘I’ve got to finish this window,’ but as soon as
I came out of the basement I felt very scared. Speaking to a lady down the road, she told me that in this same
house, in the same window, a builder got thrown off his ladder in the past year and there was no explanation for
it.
As Bill confided his stories, he spoke deliberately, taking his time and maintaining eye contact as he chose his
words carefully. I could see that the mere act of telling drew emotions, as Bill re-experienced the intensity of
these uncanny events whilst struggling to maintain equanimity. My assumption was that although Bill’s experience
at the Society for the Preservation of Ancient Buildings might be attributed to a localised phenomenon, what
happened in Sheerness suggests that Bill himself is the catalyst for these sightings.
“I feel that I have opened myself up to it because I’ve been to the Spiritualist Church a few times,” he revealed
to me. “I do expect to see more ghosts because I work in a lot of old properties, especially round Spitalfields. I
don’t dread it but I don’t look forward to it either. It has also made me feel like I do want to become a Spiritualist,
and every time I go along, they say, ‘Are you a member of the church?’ But I don’t know. I don’t know what can
of worms I’ve opened up.”
Bill’s testimony was touching in its frankness – neither bragging nor dramatising – instead he was thinking out
loud, puzzling over these mysterious events in a search for understanding. As we walked together among the
streets of ancient dwellings in the shadow of the old church in Spitalfields where many of the residents are his
customers, I naturally asked Bill Crome if he has seen any ghosts in these houses. At once, he turned reticent,
stopping in his tracks and insisting that he maintain discretion. “I don’t tell my customers if I see ghosts in their
houses.” he informed me absolutely, looking me in the eye,“They don’t need to know and I don’t want to go
scaremongering.”
In the intervening years, an earthquake happened. The Co-op Dairy was bought by Express Dairies, then Kevin
worked for Unigate until that was sold to Dairy Crest, next working for Express Dairies until that was also sold
to Dairy Crest, and finally working for Hobbs Cross Farm Dairy until they went out of business. Quite a bumpy
ride, yet Kevin persevered through these changes which included a dire spell in the suburbs of Chingford. “They
complain if you put the milk on the wrong side of the doorstep there!”he revealed with caustic good humour,
outlining a shamelessly biased comparison between the suburb and the inner city streets that were his first love.
While we drove around in the dawn yesterday, Kevin told me his life story - in between leaping from the
cabin and sprinting off, across the road, through
security doors, up and down stairs, along balconies,
in and out of cafes, schools, offices, universities
and churches. No delivery is too small and he will
consider any location. Yet it is no small challenge to
work out the most efficient route each day, taking
into account traffic and orders that vary daily. Kevin
has two fat round books that describe all the calls he
must do, yet he barely opens them. He has it all in
his head, two hundred domestic calls (on a system of
alternating days), plus one hundred and thirty offices,
shops and cafes. “A good milkman knows how to work
his round,” stated Kevin with the quiet authority of a
seasoned professional.
But, returning to East End, Kevin discovered his customers had become further apart. Where once Kevin went
door to door, now he may have only one or two calls in a street, and consequently the round is wider. Between
three thirty and eleven thirty each morning, Kevin spirals around the East End, delivering first to houses with
gardens and secure locations to leave milk, then returning later to deliver milk to exposed doorsteps, thereby
minimising the risk of theft, before finally doing the rounds of offices as they open for business. During the day
Kevin turns evangelical, canvassing door to door, searching for new customers, because many people no longer
realise there is a milkman who can deliver.
Kevin is a milkman with a mission to rebuild the lost milk rounds of the East End, and he has become a local
personality in the process, celebrated for his boundless energy and easy charm. Now happily settled with his new
partner, whom he met on the round, he thinks he is delivering milk but I think he is pursuing life.
With a restless spirit and a fearless nature, Terry has always been
open to the opportunities that life offers and, as a consequence, he
has been granted an enviable breadth of experience and knowledge –
as I quickly discovered when I sat down for a chat with him yesterday.
“I was born at 5 Treby St, Mile End, and lived there until I was
four. John, my dad, was a Painter and Decorator for Stepney Borough
At the church, she met someone. George’d not long come from Jamaica on the Windrush. He was a bus
conductor on the number eight route. She and George got married, and all her family disowned her and all her
family disowned us too. The church wrote and said that now she had a husband we must get out. But we read it
as because she had married a black man. They gave her one week’s notice.
I never liked school from day one. The only subjects I engaged
with were Carpentry, Geography and English – and that was because
you could write stories. I had an argument with a teacher who pulled me up to the front of the class and told me
to bend over, and he kicked me and he caught me underneath which resulted in me having to have an operation.
Three months later, I got out of hospital and went back and bashed him up. Then I got suspended and stayed
suspended, I left school at thirteen years and four months. By then, I was working for a local butcher, going down
to Smithfield at three o’clock in the morning and loading lorries up. I went back to school at fifteen but left after
three months and started as a trainee butcher in Bethnal Green at West Layton Butchers at £3 a week.
They played pranks on me, sending me to walk all the way to the Roman Road and back buy wire mesh gloves
when such things didn’t exist. At the time I thought it was funny, so what I decided to do was to throw a bucket of
livers’ blood over them through the grille at the side door, while they was putting the rubbish out. Unfortunately,
two old ladies walked past. One had just had a blue rinse and it was covered in blood, so she went into the shop
to complain and I was sacked on the spot.
I couldn’t get another job in butchery because I couldn’t get the references, so I worked five years in the rag
trade and then I went into the building game at eighteen, until I was twenty years of age when I got a job worked
as a mobile caretaker for the Greater London Council. I became resident caretaker in the Ocean Estate, Stepney.
I was courting then and a maisonette became available in Bethnal Green, so I put in for it – only the local office
didn’t like the fact that my girlfriend was living with me and I was told to get married. We married in St Matthews
Bethnal Green on 29th March, 1980. After two years, my son Daniel was born in Barts Hospital, two years later my
son Steven was born and twelve months later my son Frankie was born.
I became a member of Stepney and Bethnal Green Labour Party and went to Nottingham to support the miners,
I was on the picket line in Wapping for a year and I was in Dover supporting the P&O workers. I even stood for
election in Weavers’ Ward but got a disappointing six hundred votes.
While working for the Council, I attended Hackney Building College in my own time and did a City & Guilds in
Painting and Decorating. I had three children and a wife, and rent to pay, so once I lost my job I went out and did
Painting and Decorating. I also did decorative effects and I used to sell furniture and fireplace surrounds and then
I’d marbleise them. I took a workshop in the Sunbury Workshops in the Boundary Estate but the recession kicked
in and I couldn’t afford it. I was approached by a printer called “Johnny the Ace” who was looking for a little
workshop to share for printing leaflets and flyers and he would pay 80% of the rent. So I partitioned the unit, and
I could do my furniture at the front while he was doing his printing at the back.
A couple of months went by and I discovered he was printing money. I was faced with the option of going to the
police and face the consequences of being revealed as a grass, so I decided not to say anything. But the workshop
was wired and I was charged with conspiracy to produce counterfeit goods. The printer “Johnny the Ace” was
working for the police, and it was a complete set up and there was nothing I could do about it.
I pleaded my innocence and told them I’d been set up, but I was advised by my barrister to go guilty and seek
leniency. I received three years of which I served eighteen months. I’d been going to Tower Hamlets College
doing an Access Course to go to University with a view to becoming a Probation Officer. I studied English, Maths,
Sociology, Economics, Law and Politics. I went to London Guildhall University where I was studying for an Honours
Degree in Law and Politics.
When I come out of prison, they approached me to return to University but I said ‘No,’ and I went back to
Painting and Decorating. I’d like to give something back and I’d like to teach young people Painting and Decorating
and decorative effects. My eldest son works with me as as Plasterer, I taught him Painting and Decorating. All my
children work, they’ve got a sense of responsibility and they’ll never forget where they’ve come from.
Now we live in North Chingford and it’s not as friendly as Bethnal Green, but there’s this politeness here.
People say, ‘Good morning’ and they thank the driver when they get off the bus. It’s taken me ten years to get
used to it.”
The nature of the sweep’s profession, going into people’s homes to sweep their chimneys and seeing all the
diversity of human life, yet at the same time being reliant upon no-one, encourages a propensity to free-thinking
and breeds an independence of spirit, and David is the unapologetic possessor of both. “People don’t tell me what
I can and can’t do,” he informed me unequivocally.
On the day David Dupre left school, he came home in his school uniform at midday and his father was waiting
for him in the kitchen to ask, “What are you going to do, David?”
“At twelve o’clock, I was in my school blazer, by one o’clock I was in my dirty overalls – and I never looked
back.” declared David recklessly, with a crazed grin, after he had swept my chimney yesterday. “He was a hard
“I made a lot more money in the eighties and nineties than now. In 1987, I was making a couple of grand a
week. I could do ten or eleven chimneys in a day if the calls were close together…” recalled David, his eyes
shining in swanky delight, “I’ve been in grand homes that chimney sweeps built in the nineteenth century. They
were loaded! Before central heating existed to heat water, all the fires were going all the time and they used to
sweep chimneys every three months. People have no idea now, they think you don’t ever need it done again.”
Relishing his distinguished pedigree and status as a free agent, David also appreciates the social mobility that
goes with it. “I’ve swept the chimneys in Buckingham Palace and Kensington Palace, lovely places and the Royal
staff are very pleasant people.” he confided to me in a whisper of patriotic veneration, “I remember going to
the grand house of an Admiral in Whitehall with my father and they treated him with such respect. It was ‘Mr
Dupre this’ and ‘Mr Dupre that.’ I’ve worked for multibillionaires and for those who are so poor I’ve given them
money. But, if you see me out of my overalls, you wouldn’t think it was me. I drive a nice big yankie car and I
wear expensive clothes, because I’ve earned it myself.”
Possessing the necessary diminutive stature and tenacious energetic nature for a sweep, David ran up the stairs
in my house with his brushes in an old golf caddy. Once he had slotted all the poles together, he asked me to go
outside and check the brush was sticking out. And, sure enough, when I reached the pavement and peered up at
the stack, there was David’s brush, like a strange cartoon flower growing out of my chimney pot. Climbing the stairs
again, I found that David had made short work of the job, which he had completed with strenuous determination
and was already cleaning up when I returned. “My father designed the screen I place over the fireplace, most
sweeps use a cloth,” he told me as he worked. “And all my brushes are specially made – I’m very particular about
what I use. I’ve got the Inland Revenue to pay. I’ve got my advertising to pay, they stole the magnetic signs off
my van – why would they do that? I’m just a chimney sweep.” he mused. Then, before I knew it, he tossed the
THE BOOK OF SPITALFIELDS LIFE. When I set out to write my daily stories of Spitalfields Life
in 2009, I had hardly written prose before and I did not know where it would lead, but it
was my intention to pursue the notion of recording the stories that nobody else was writing.
Although it was not in my mind that this would become a book, over time many readers wrote
asking for a collection of these stories and then, in the Summer of 2010, several esteemed
publishers came over to Spitalfields to discuss the notion of publication in print. Buy a copy at
spitalfieldslife.com/the-book
18th October
Book retails at £25
FUTURE OF METROPOLITAN POLICE MUSEUM NOT SO BLACK? As we reported in our last issue (Rip 133, August 2013), the
London Assembly Conservatives had called for a three-month exhibition of artifacts currently held at Scotland Yard’s
Crime Museum, producing a report called History’s Life Sentence in which it was estimated that £4.5million could be
generated from visitors. The idea appears to have snowballed and it has been reported that talks are underway between
London’s Mayor Boris Johnson, the Office for Policing and Crime and the Museum of London to create a permanent
museum, possibly on the site of the former Bow Street Magistrates Court. It is proposed that the museum would reach
further than a publically-accessible Crime Museum, instead taking exhibits from the Met’s archive warehouse in Charlton,
its Heritage Centre in West Brompton, the Thames River Police in Wapping, the Mounted Branch Museum in Thames Ditton
and the Metropolitan Police Historical Vehicle Collection in Hampton. Neil Paterson, Curator of the Heritage Centre,
Robert Barr was born in Glasgow on 16 September 1849. His father, also named Robert, was a
carpenter, and his mother, Jane Watson, a housewife. A few decades earlier, he would have had
little option but to take up his father’s trade; in the second half of the nineteenth century, his
choices were significantly broader. He would become a journalist, a novelist, an editor, a socialite,
a bon vivant and a friend of the rich and famous. Others have matched his achievements, but few
have followed such a circuitous route.
In 1854, the Barr family migrated from Scotland to Canada, where they settled on
a farm in Muirkirk, Ontario. Robert was educated in Dunwich and became a teacher
in Kent County. In 1873 he entered the Toronto Normal School. He was already a born
raconteur who could turn any personal experience into a good story. Years later he
would recall that, in his daily trip to and from school, he used to pass an office above
which hung a sign reading ‘Luke Sharpe, Undertaker’ - which he found oddly amusing.
He never forgot the sign or the incongruous name written on it. After obtaining a
teaching certificate from the Normal School, Barr taught in Walkerville. In 1874 he was
appointed Principal of the Central School of Windsor, Ontario. For a while he seemed
destined to a distinguished career in his chosen profession.
To while away the free time his teaching job allowed him, Barr wrote sketches,
essays and short stories. Soon he was contributing to Canadian publications such as
Grip, a satirical magazine published in Toronto, and to the Detroit Free Press, then
as now the largest newspaper in Detroit, Michigan, United States. He did not sign his
work with his own name but as ‘Luke Sharp’, a pseudonym he had derived from the
Robert Barr
undertaker’s sign he had seen in Toronto.
In 1876, Barr abandoned teaching, crossed the border into the United States and joined the Detroit Free Press
as a reporter. He soon became a columnist and eventually the newspaper’s exchange editor. In 1881, the Free
Press sent him to Britain to launch a weekly edition of the newspaper leaning more towards entertainment than
to news, in contrast with the more sober British newspapers. The American edition of the Free Press – and its
editor – did very well indeed, both professionally and financially. Barr settled down in Surrey and never returned
to live in Canada, although he travelled back and forth regularly across the ocean.
Having secured his financial independence, Barr looked for new horizons in the publishing industry. In 1892
he joined forces with Jerome K Jerome, the journalist, playwright, novelist and author of Three Men in a Boat,
to found and co-edit the monthly illustrated magazine The Idler. Jerome’s collection of essays, Idle Thoughts
of an Idle Fellow (1886), provided the title and the format of the new magazine. Despite its name, The Idler
did not cater to the indolent but to the discerning gentleman with leisure at his disposal. It published serialized
novels, short fiction, poetry, memoirs, interviews, travel sketches, sporting notes, book and theatre reviews,
and a regular column entitled the ‘Idlers Club’, where several authors set forth their views informally on a given
topic, as though they were talking convivially in front of the fire. Its contributors included Rudyard Kipling, Sir
Arthur Conan Doyle, H G Wells, Israel Zangwill, Max Beerbohm, William Le Queux, W W Jacobs and American
In some natures there are no half-tones; nothing but raw primary colours. John Bodman was a man who
was always at one extreme or the other. This probably would have mattered little had he not married a
wife whose nature was an exact duplicate of his own.
Doubtless there exists in this world precisely the right woman for any given man to marry and vice versa;
but when you consider that a human being has the opportunity of being acquainted with only a few hundred
people, and out of the few hundred that there are but a dozen or less whom he knows intimately, and out
of the dozen, one or two friends at most, it will easily be seen, when we remember the number of millions
who inhabit this world, that probably, since the earth was created, the right man has never yet met the
right woman. The mathematical chances are all against such a meeting, and this is the reason that divorce
courts exist. Marriage at best is but a compromise, and if two people happen to be united who are of an
uncompromising nature there is trouble.
In the lives of these two young people there was no middle distance. The result was bound to be either
love or hate, and in the case of Mr and Mrs Bodman it was hate of the most bitter and arrogant kind.
In some parts of the world incompatibility of temper is considered a just cause for obtaining a divorce,
but in England no such subtle distinction is made, and so until the wife became criminal, or the man
became both criminal and cruel, these two were linked together by a bond that only death could sever.
Nothing can be worse than this state of things, and the matter was only made the more hopeless by the fact
that Mrs Bodman lived a blameless life, and her husband was no worse, but rather better, than the majority
of men. Perhaps, however, that statement held only up to a certain point, for John Bodman had reached a
state of mind in which he resolved to get rid of his wife at all hazards. If he had been a poor man he would
probably have deserted her, but he was rich, and a man cannot freely leave a prospering business because
his domestic life happens not to be happy.
When a man’s mind dwells too much on any one subject, no one can tell just how far he will go. The
mind is a delicate instrument, and even the law recognises that it is easily thrown from its balance.
Bodman’s friends - for he had friends - claim that his mind was unhinged; but neither his friends nor his
enemies suspected the truth of the episode, which turned out to be the most important, as it was the most
ominous, event in his life.
Whether John Bodman was sane or insane at the time he made up his mind to murder his wife, will never
be known, but there was certainly craftiness in the method he devised to make the crime appear the result
of an accident. Nevertheless, cunning is often a quality in a mind that has gone wrong.
Mrs Bodman well knew how much her presence afflicted her husband, but her nature was as relentless
as his, and her hatred of him was, if possible, more bitter than his hatred of her. Wherever he went she
accompanied him, and perhaps the idea of murder would never have occurred to him if she had not been so
persistent in forcing her presence upon him at all times and on all occasions. So, when he announced to her
that he intended to spend the month of July in Switzerland, she said nothing, but made her preparations
for the journey. On this occasion he did not protest, as was usual with him, and so to Switzerland this silent
couple departed.
There is an hotel near the mountain-tops which stands on a ledge over one of the great glaciers. It is a
mile and a half above the level of the sea, and it stands alone, reached by a toilsome road that zigzags up
the mountain for six miles. There is a wonderful view of snow-peaks and glaciers from the verandas of this
hotel, and in the neighbourhood are many picturesque walks to points more or less dangerous.
John Bodman knew the hotel well, and in happier days he had been intimately acquainted with the
vicinity. Now that the thought of murder arose in his mind, a certain spot two miles distant from this
Reviews
JA
CK ER
THE RIPP
This book doesn’t help him much. Part of it is a continuation of the author’s 21st Century
Investigation and if you’ve read that or his posts to www.jtrforums.com you will have a pretty good
idea of what to expect. Marriott has long chapters about the victims and the suspects. Marriott brings
nothing new to the table and sometimes he brings a smile to one’s face, as when he proudly claims to have written to
the Queen to tell her that he was actively trying to exonerate Prince Albert Victor. In return, according to Marriott, Her
Majesty “was most helpful instructing the Royal Archives to forward me ...a detailed list of the whereabouts of Prince
Albert Victor, Duke of Clarence and Avondale at the time of the murders.” The Queen, if she ever saw Marriott’s letter,
which is highly doubtful, must have felt quite bewildered by his wish to exonerate an ancestor who had already been
exonerated some thirty or more years earlier by the very list of PAV’s whereabouts that the Royal Archives provided.
Marriott’s bete noir seems to be the Swanson marginalia and Aberconway version of the Macnaghten Memorandum,
and each gets a chapter. With the Swanson marginalia, Marriott questions the authenticity of the handwriting and he
hired a handwriting expert who contacted him very soon after receiving the handwriting samples he had provided.
“There were significant differences...” she said. Marriott had been strongly advised not to use a graphologist. They
may take themselves seriously and have the trappings to go with it, but it takes mere minutes on the internet to see
that graphology is generally regarded as a pseudoscience like palmestry or reading tea leaves. So, who was Marriott’s
expert? She was Diane Simpson (www.nyc.co.uk/diane.hmtl), a member of the British Institute of Graphologists and the
Graphology Society, and the author of Graphology with Diane Simpson and Your Handwriting and You. No offence to Ms
Simpson, but was her opinion to be preferred to that Dr Christopher Davies, MA, Dphil, (www.forensic-access.co.uk),
who joined the Metropolitan Police Forensic Science Laboratory in 1981 and worked there until 2010?
In the remainder of the book Marriott details his efforts to get a Special Branch “file” opened to public inspection.
I’m not sure how meritable these efforts were, but they came to nothing, as Marriott describes at great length. This
Marriott did manage to uncover three new “suspects”, but try as he might he can’t elevate their significance above
that of the average drunk who confessed at the local police station. Potentially far more important was a name he was
told about but did not actually see. Marriott was told that the “files” contained another entry which read, “perpetrator
of the Whitehapel murders. R Churchill”, and it was suggested that this was Lord Randolph Churchill, the father of
Winston Churchill. Marriott acknowledges that Lord Randolph had already been connected with the Ripper and he says
he was mentioned in Mike Holgate’s Jack the Ripper: The Celebrity Suspects. Marriott seems wholly unaware that Lord R
was also mentioned by Melvyn Fairclough in The Ripper and the Royals (1991), Fairrclough’s source being Joseph Sickert.
If the “files” do indeed contain a reference to R Churchill as the perpetrator, then Lord Randolph has to be reassessed,
as does Joseph’s story!
Marriott’s grammar and punctuation is appalling. The writing is dreadful. The trouble with this is that from time
to time you don’t know what he’s talking about. Overall, unless you want a long and detailed account of how Trevor
Marriott failed to open some closed files, this book is a waste of time.
Helena Wojtczak’s long-awaited study of George Chapman is a major work of biography. Her research
has been extensive and painstaking, not just into Chapman’s life and criminal career but the lives of
his victims and their families. It offers a gripping narrative on perhaps the most sensational case of
criminal poisoning from the late Victorian and early Edwardian age, and sheds new light on these dreadful murders and
the man who committed them.
Between 1897 and 1902, George Chapman worked as a publican in Bishop’s Stortford and London. With him was a
succession of women who appear to have been content to masquerade as his wife in feigned marriages. He liked his ladies
slightly on the plump side, otherwise glowing with teenage high spirits and vitality - all the better to malnourish and
waste away. Chapman’s poison was tartar emetic, a yellowish-white powder containing the toxic substance antimony.
His three victims died slowly and horribly, and in excruciating, lingering distress. Ms Wojtczak does not spare us the
queasy details - the sickroom stench of vomit and diarrhoea is never too far away. Chapman was also an abortionist,
using his favourite green rubber syringe to force chemicals into the womb of nineteen-year-old Maud Marsh, who
more than anything wished to become a mother. There is a goosebumps moment – the book is full of them – when we
catch sight of Chapman washing his syringe and steeping it in a half-pint tumbler of water on the kitchen windowsill,
demonstrating far more concern for the servicing of his poison equipment than he ever showed for the well-being and
sexual health of the women in his life.
The fact that Chapman managed to evade suspicion for so long attests to the failure of the medical profession not
only to detect his criminal acts but to even consider the possibility of malefaction in the first place. In his summing-
up at Chapman’s trial, Mr Justice Grantham rightly castigated a procession of local practitioners and the staff at
Guy’s Hospital for their abominable dereliction of care. And yet, as the doctors themselves protested, what were they
expected to do? Chapman was a consummate gameplayer, devious, calculating, charming and always plausible, who
acted the role of distraught, grieving husband to perfection. He succeeded in fooling not only the professionals and the
Accordingly, the fascination of this case lies as much with the individual psychopathology of Chapman as with the
insights it gives us into the care and treatment of female patients at the turn of the nineteenth century. While the author
accepts that we may never truly understand the motives for Chapman’s murders, I found her analysis and interpretation
of events to be startlingly original and very convincing. We only have to compare Ms Wojtczak’s careful arguments
with the nonsense from previous commentators about three-in-a-bed romps and dismembered human remains beneath
floorboards, to realise there is an altogether sharper intellect at work here.
The author traces the course of Chapman’s life from his humble origins in rural Poland through to the beer cellars of
fin de siècle Southwark. Almost every page contains new research or a fresh idea, a correction to the historical record
or a debunking of a trusted and respected authority who has failed to check his or her facts. The author comments: “I
have yet to read an account of [Chapman’s] life, no matter how brief – and no matter how eminent the writer – that
is correct in every detail.” She shows how misinformation about Chapman began at his trial with unreliable witness
evidence and racist counsel, and how it has been sustained ever since through wild press conjecture and the outpourings
of memoirists and true crime writers who have unquestioningly passed on lies and errors. Several contemporary authors
are singled out for especial censure.
She discusses at length the theory that George Chapman was Jack the Ripper. Inspector Frederick Abberline was the
first person of note to espouse this theory in a series of interviews with the Pall Mall Gazette in 1903. But afterwards he
fell quiet on the subject and never mentioned it again. One imagines he was simply embarrassed by his earlier advocacy.
After reading Jack the Ripper At Last?, surely the definitive biography, I suspect there are going to be many more pundits
similarly embarrassed by their published pronouncements on Chapman.
It is a real delight to come across a work of such unarguably superior merit and significance.
Sir John is an absolute non-starter as a suspect. First advanced by Tony Williams in a piece of nonsense called Uncle
Jack which was exposed as utter rubbish in a magazine article by Jenny Shelden, Tony Williams has since volunteered
no new information, but Sir John has refused to die and appears in a piece of taradiddle called Hand of a Woman which
claimed that Jack wasn’t Sir John but his wife.
All three books have a similar “feel” about them, the plotting and writing are pretty much the same, and if you didn’t
know better you’d be forgiven for thinking that all three books were by Tony Williams. Anyway, The Fifth Victim reeks
of a con and if it is then it’s sad to see Blake caught up in it.
The book kicks off with an essay by Clare Smith on the the way Inspector Abberline has been
depicted on screen, principally by Michael Caine and Johnny Depp.
Other contributors include Mickey Mayhew on the Royal Family, Andrew O’Day on Richard Mansfield, Alfred Beadle
on Carrie Brown (the author was actually William Beadle. I have no idea why the book calls him “Alfred”), and George
Fleming considers how the murders tainted Sir Charles Warren. Groups of people are the subject of Adrian Morris, who
looks at the Irish, Jacqueline Murphy, the Jews, Yasha Beresiner, the Freemasons, and Ted Ball, innocent bystanders.
CRIME
The Peculiar Case of the Electric Constable: A Tale of Passion, Poison, & Pursuit
Carol Baxter
London: One World Publications, 2013
391pp., illustrated
£12.99 / $17.95
Here’s a tricky trivia question: who invented the electric telegraph? If you answer Samuel Morse
you get an “A” for name recognition, but an “F” for historical accuracy. Morse’s telegraph was the
first successful American instrument. However, it was presented publicly in March 1844 in Washington,
DC. Earlier, in 1837, Charles Wheatstone and William Fothergill Cooke presented the first successful
telegraph in London, England. Wheatstone and Cooke have been unfairly overshadowed by Morse
because he also invented a signalling code that is still in use. Also his telegraph was simpler. But
the Wheatstone and Cooke deviced operated with growing but slow acceptance for seven full years.
There was public curiosity but nothing meriting fascination with the invention. It was somewhat
cumbersome and also incomplete: it did not use all the letters of the alphabet.
This changed forever on 1 January 1845. On that day a woman known as “Sarah Hart” was found by a neighbor dying
in agony in her house at Salt Hill near the town of Slough, England. The neighbor had run into a man leaving Ms Hart’s
home who was wearing the traditional costume of a Quaker. As soon as a local physician acknowledged that Ms Hart
was dead (and it looked like it could be murder) this mysterious Quaker was sought for questioning. He was eventually
traced to the local train station, but had just departed. Desperately his pursuers decided to use the Wheatstone and
Cooke telegraph. A message was sent to Paddington Station to detain this individual. The lack of the letter “Q” forced
The capture of this man, one John Tawell, has been mentioned in passing through many books on criminal history. It
is the 19th Century’s version of the arrests of Dr Hawley Crippen and Ms Ethel Le Neve in 1910 with the aid of wireless
telegraphy. But there are many books on Dr Crippen (the latest being Thunderstruck by Eric Larson). There has not been
an individual study on Tawell. This has been rectified by the Australian criminal historian Carol Baxter with her excellent
The Peculiar Case of the Electric Constable. Ms Baxter is in a great position to write a detailed account of Tawell’s
career. Tawell was like a shooting star - rising up and gleaming through the heavens, but falling to earth as a burned out
meteor. A clever man - possibly too clever for his own good - he was a sharp witted go-getter with a mind for business.
However he wanted business success and respectability. He was also deeply impressed by the Quakers who seemed to
embody all he wanted by their simple style of living and their frequent financial success. He was accepted but he was
thrown out in 1814 when he committed an attempt at forgery of bank notes. This was punishable by death in 1814, but
Tawell got transported to New South Wales. Ironically this piece of misfortune was his good luck. Tawell (as a salesman
for drug concerns) knew about pharmacology, and eventually set up the first drug store in Australia. He branched out
and invested in land as well. Eventually he made a small fortune. After his term in prison ended he returned to England.
He hoped to gain readmittance to the Quakers, but despite his good works in general and for the Quakers he was not
officially readmitted (he was allowed to pray at their meetings with them).
It is the Australian career of Tawell that has prevented a full account of him to appear so far. Ms Baxter, an expert
on Australian crime, research, and geneology, was placed by geography in a position to show what Tawell’s Australian
years were like. In fascinating detail she shows his rise from convict to clerk to entrepreneur to merchant prince and
land owner and model citizen. He would create many firsts in Australia, including being the first man to give veterinary
medicine to a horse. Public spirited, he would donate the property for the first Quaker Chapel in Australia. He also would
do a well known publicity moment to preach abstinence from alcohol by dumping liquor he had purchased into Sidney
Harbor in 1836.
But the bulk of the story ties up the successful ex-convict with the poisoning death (by prussic acid, apparently) of
Sarah Hart. She was Tawell’s former servant, then mistress, and mother of his two illegitimate children. With lucid and
skillful prose Ms Baxter builds up the story of Tawell after he was returned to Slough and faced a far more serious charge
than forgery. The author shows how even today there are problems with Tawell’s trial. Was the evidence of poisoning in
the trial of 1845 adequate for the level of proof a jury would require in 2013? Did prosecution witnesses lie at the trial?
Was Tawell’s defense team (an expensive one) good or poor at their job? Did the Judge misdirect the trial jury? Finally
was there a confession that actually gave the lie to the prosecution’s “scientific” case? All these points are brilliantly
discussed by Ms Baxter, and leave the reader satisfied by her conclusions. This is a book well worth reading for a crime’s
impact on technology and on the early days of forensic science.
With the 125th Anniversary Conference fast approaching, it’s appropriate that one of the speakers,
Neil R Storey, has resurrected the concept and assumed the (unwieldy) mantle of Compiler of Criminal
Compendiums. A veteran of approaching twenty books on crime, his series The Little Book of... began
innocently enough in 2011 with The Little Book of Norfolk, followed by The Little Book of Great Britain
The Little Book of Murder is a joy. As Mr Storey comments in his introduction, the book can be read from cover to
cover, or dipped into when a few spare minutes present themselves. Obscure cases sit side-by-side with those more well-
known such as the Whitechapel murders, Crippen and the Boston Strangler in chapters including ‘Murderous Britain’,
‘Poisoners’ and ‘Dismemberment and Trunks’, all generously illustrated and packed with information, despite each case
being outlined in two pages and often less.
The final chapter, ‘A Date with Murder’, presents a calendar of crime starting with The Pimlico Mystery of 1 January
1886 and ending with the murder of Isabelle Cooke on 28 December 1957. In between are dozens of dark deeds spanning
a period of 150 years, written in bite-sized chunks guaranteed to increase your knowledge of criminals, their crimes and
their victims. Despite its title, The Little Book of Murder earns a big recommendation.
A CASEBOOK ON JACK THE RIPPER. Whittington-Egan (Richard), MYSTERIES OF POLICE AND CRIME. VOLS I, II and III. Griffiths
£250.00 (Major Arthur), £85.00
AN EYE TO THE FUTURE. THE WHITECHAPEL MURDERS. Cory PUNCH, OR THE LONDON CHARIVARI. VOLS. 93-96 (1888),
(Patricia), £150.00 £120.00
I CAUGHT CRIPPEN. Dew (Ex-Chief Insp. Walter) Memoirs of, THE JACK THE RIPPER A TO Z. Begg/Fido/Skinner, £60.00
£450.00
THE KILLER WHO NEVER WAS: A RE-APPRAISAL OF THE
IN THE FOOTSTEPS OF THE WHITECHAPEL MURDERS, Plimmer WHITECHAPEL MURDERS OF 1888. Turnbull (Peter), £140.00
(John F), £80.00
THE LIGHTER SIDE OF MY OFFICIAL LIFE. Anderson (Sir Robert),
JACK THE MYTH: A NEW LOOK AT THE RIPPER. Wolf (A P), £100.00 £250.00
JACK THE RIPPER. Farson (Daniel), £60.00 THE NECESSITY FOR CRIMINAL APPEAL AS ILLUSTRATED BY THE
MAYBRICK CASE AND THE VARIOUS JURISPRUDENCE OF VARIOUS
JACK THE RIPPER, A NEW THEORY. Stewart (William), £1,600.00 COUNTRIES. Levy (J H ) Ed. by, £500.00
JACK THE RIPPER: OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS. Colby-Newton WHO WAS JACK THE RIPPER? A COLLECTION OF PRESENT-DAY
(Katie), £60.00 THEORIES AND OBSERVATIONS. Wolff (Camille) compiled by,
£200.00
JACK THE RIPPER IN FACT AND FICTION. Odell (Robin), £50.00