HERITAGE AND CIVICISM- DELHI’S NIZAMUDDIN AREA: A CASE

STUDY
CIVICISM

There are cities and more cities in the world today, and while we fear that globalization is
flattening out the particularities of cities into an identical look and feel, still we have all
experienced, admired and enjoyed (or perhaps, detested and deplored) what can be called the
‘ethos’ or ‘character’ of a city we have visited or dwelt in. Ethos can be defined as the
“characteristic spirit, the prevalent tone or sentiment, of a given people or community” (Oxford
English Dictionary). In other words, it is a set of values or outlooks that generally unite the
people of a city and attract others to that city. Cities inform and modulate the values and
lifeways of city-zens in various ways. However, there is a lack of theory, research and analysis
to locate cities as sites of self-determination, urban pride, and cosmopolitan communitarianism.
The word ‘patriotism’ applies to countries, and we are not even sure if there is such a word in
context of cities. It is possible to term it ‘civicism’ (Bell, de-Shalit, 2011).

Gemeinschaft ties with family and native communities as well as patriotic passion are
getting replaced by city identities as cities emerge as primary determiners of life ways for
people. The city of residence may not be the city of birth or even be in the country of birth in the
age of global mobilities. Global cities are more open to foreigners and historically marginalized
due to their dynamic economies. Cities today are huge and plural, yet they combine global and
local. They can have an ethos which is federally distinct. The more a city manages to hold out an
open and unique character, the more it is able to attract tourist footfall and residents’ affection.
Individuals need a locus and a matrix of social identification and belonging and cities provide it
in a more immediate and fulfilling and less polarized and violent manner than countries.
Civicism is not inversely co-related to nationalism. Rather, ‘civicism’ denotes how city-zens
relate to city ethos. City-zens nourish on and thus, nurture greatly the distinct feel and look of
the city. In this sense, the conscious collective psyches of city-zens prefer to protect the city
from the homogenizing effects of globalization. Of course, a vibrant ethos provides aesthetic
pleasure, motivates residents to have faith in cities and urban settlements, be dutiful and
responsible members of a recognized community and revives economies and improves sense of
well-being and material satisfaction. Bell and de-Shalit theorize about how cosmopolitan
communitarism leads to adoption of initiatives which help the city through residents’ enterprise
and participation- initiatives that would otherwise be difficult to conceive and implement at state
or national level. The discussion, however, only hints at a cause and consequence two-way
relationship between heritage management and civicism. They mention the importance of
flanérie and story-telling and knowing about and reading about cities in greatest details so as to
be dealing in proven particularities and not vague essentialization in their study of cities, but
they do not extend the value of this knowledge to heritage management, which in turn, enhances
the particularity of the city. This paper attempts to examine the dynamic inter-relationship
between heritage management and civicism. The contemporary theories of heritage and heritage
management significantly involve and mandate city-zen intervention while civicism as a practice
of belonging to and building upon city ethos provides motivation and framework of
understanding, creating, conserving heritage to city dwellers.

What is the simplest definition of ‘heritage’? ‘Heritage’ may be defined as “those

things which are inherited and provide cultural identity and continuity, or a link with the past”
(Albert, Ringbeck, 2015). It involves the process of remembering and forgetting, valuing and
rejecting. Aesthetics or politics defining heritage can change over time as does the relationship
of heritage object or practice to its landscape or ethos (Loulansky, 2006). Heritage is
conventionally divided into natural and cultural. In cultural, it is further sub-divided into
tangible and intangible (UNESCO, 2003). Apart from history and culture, perceptions of
heritage can also emanate from community and cult practices (Callaghan, Colton, 2007). Some
of the commonest contests underpinning the concept of ‘heritage’ originate from heritage vs.
development, connoisseur vs. layperson, heritage vs. history and local vs. national vs. world
community. Heritage Studies also examine the relationship between “doing” and “thinking”, i.e.
“identifying” and “conserving” heritage (Bowe, Carpeneti, Dull, Lipkowitz, 2013). ‘Heritage’
may be identified through a top-down approach, that is, classification and promotion of a place
as “official heritage” by the state as an embodiment of regional, national and international
values. But certainly there is a bottom-up approach as well, viz., relationship between people,
objects, places and memories forming the basis for creation of unofficial heritage (Bianchi and
Boniface, 2002). Contemporary critical heritage studies primarily examine a relationship
between the two.

There are scholars who draw attention to what is termed as ‘heritage industry’. “There
is no such thing as heritage” (Smith, 2006). “There is actually “heritage industry” which
canonizes a version of past repackaged as heritage through sanitization and commercialization”
(Hewinson, 1987). It distracts interest from contemporary practices and critical culture to images
of culture sanctified and complete. It fosters false consciousness and nostalgia which serves as
official meta-narrative supplanting “real” and “local”. Heritage value is not “intrinsic” but
“attributed” for several reasons by several agencies like state, world organizations or policy
documents, heritage lists and registers, museums and tourism, in the wake of perceived threats
like loss, erasure, destruction, war or globalization for reasons ranging from economic benefit to
self-validation. Thus this branch of critical heritage studies emphasizes that since heritage is not
intrinsic but ascribed, hence objects of heritage should be constantly reassessed by social
customs, needs and aspirations. With societies becoming mobile and multicultural and trans-
national, the idea of ‘heritage’ has become even more complex. The concept of
“representativeness” substitutes rarity or outstanding for generic excellence, creative quality,
originality and authenticity and universality and common human appeal (Kalman, 2014)
resulting in the formation of the touchstone of “Outstanding Human Value” (OUV) for
identifying heritage. The paradigm that is installed through “representativeness” is of identifying
heritage as a ‘sample’ of a range of places, objects and practices of value and meaning not just to
a people but to peoples living in diverse world communities of today. Thus, the bottom-up
approach, attributive heritage, respresentativeness in heritage, and OUV paradigm- all call upon
the city-zens to comprehend, claim and conserve heritage. Civic pride proves to be an important
driver in this agenda.

DELHI AND HERITAGE

Delhi was nominated for the UNESCO World Heritage City tag by the Central Government on
the basis of a detailed report prepared by INTACH but the Government pulled out from the
nomination in 2015 months before its fate was going to be decided in Bonn session of World
heritage Committee. Reasons quoted were anticipated “restrictions” on development and
infrastructure projects (Verma, 2018). Experts feel disheartened as less than 2% area of Delhi
(Shahjahanbad and Lutyen’s Delhi) was nominated. Even here “representative” values had to be
preserved. A general apprehension and ignorance about heritage is responsible for knee jerk
reactions from governments. Earning a UNESCO tag is a huge incentive for tourism and
conservation efforts, but strong vested interests and hazy urban policies are responsible for
government’s reluctance. Claims of Delhi were ignored for the 40th Session of World heritage
Committee in 2016 at Istanbul, for which Ahmedabad was submitted as the formal nomination.
The four zones identified by INTACH and UNESCO India for World Heritage status were
Mehrauli, Shahjahanabad, Lutyen’s Delhi and Nizamuddin:
 It is Delhi's surviving historic urbanscape comprising of four precincts of Mehrauli,
Nizamuddin, Shahjahanabad and New Delhi that still have an outstanding universal
significance, that are being proposed for nomination as a World Heritage City.
(whc.unesco.org)

Justification of “universal significance” is based on:

1. Ancient yet inhabited settlements

2. Almost continuous imperial capital/ national capital status
3. Syncretic culture
4. Urban grammar integrating contemporary architectural, socio-cultural, economic
and environmental factors
5. Organic and assimilative growth
6. Impact of Sufism and its ethos of tolerance and spiritualism (whc.unesco.org)

Within Nizamuddin, the area proposed for nomination comprises of

1. The traditional settlement that developed around the dargah of the Sufi saint Hazrat
Nizamuddin Auliya (14th century) and his disciple Hazrat Amir Khusrau (1253 AD -
1325 AD)
2. The Nizamuddin precinct which saw considerable building activity in the form of
tombs and mosques, built in this area because of the aura of the Sufi saint. Many
ruling dynasties, the II Bari Turks (Slave dynasty), Khaljis, Tughlaqs Lodis, Surs,
Mughals all built in this small geographic area. The resulting ensemble differs in
material, visual and spatial aspects yet possesses a homogenous
cohesiveness (whc.unesco.org)

HERITAGE IN NIZAMUDDIN BASTI

The Dargah complex and the adjacent neighbourhood is a unique example of a historic
settlement that evolved around a religious shrine, over a prolonged period of time. In the
Nizamuddin Dargah complex, homes flank the narrow streets which are dotted with many
monumental burial places. Today, however, many of the houses have been renovated, yet the
settlement by origin is and bears the look of a medieval one. Sufism has contributed largely in
nurturing the values of religious tolerance in the world view of the sub-continent; and continues
to impart the same spirit even today. AKG Menon in his paper ‘Delhi as a World Heritage City’
explains,

OUV is a complex criterion to address... Though their contemporary appearance has

been altered to some extent due to the exigencies of history and contemporary pressures
of urbanization and development, the nomination dossier demonstrates that the
technical attributes that define the OUV – overall form and design, material and
substance, location and setting, and use and function – are authentic and still palpably
present, and that the conservation mandate is backed by strong administrative rules and
regulations (Menon, 2014).

He goes on to conclude that Nizamuddin precinct fell out of the race as

Only two of the heritage precincts: Shahjahanabad and Imperial New Delhi, the so-
called seventh and eighth cities of Delhi, (figured in the nomination proposal) because
these made the strongest case for the ‘Outstanding Universal Value’ required for the
Unesco tag (Menon, 2014).

Earliest settlement in the area was in a suburb Ghayaspur which developed during the reign of
Sultan Ghiyasuddin Balban (1200-1287). The River Yamuna took a turn near this area at that
time. The settlements near Mehrauli faced water crisis, so the emergence of Ghayaspur
inaugurated the trend of riverward development. Housing the bustling khanqah of Delhi’s most
venerated Sufi saint, Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya, the medieval alleys have been mute spectators
to more than 700 eventful years of history and rise and fall of some thirteen Sultans. At the heart
of the Basti lies the Dargah of Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya with the Tombs of the Peer Khwaja
and his shagird Khusrau which today draws mystics, devotees, visitors and scholars from all
over the globe. The Qawwali performances by stellar Qawaal gharanas recreate the Sufi sama
that has everyone entranced and enthralled. Spiritual legacy and architectural wonders here
include the ‘Urs Mahal’ where all the Dargah ceremonies are held, the ‘Chausanth Khamba’
(64-Pillared hall) - and unexpected discovery of a ravishing structure in white marble, Atgah
Khan’s tomb in the interior recesses of Nizamuddin Basti and the 14th Century Baoli which the
legend pronounces to be the nemesis of a city and its tyrant Sultan! This has never been a
residential area. It was only after partition that people came to live here. Before that, people only
wanted to be buried here. Today the humdrum and the holy co-exist peacefully in the lanes and
by-lanes of the Basti, where you can pick odds and assortments as conveniently as you can pick
time honoured poetry, life lessons and experiential intensity to last you a lifetime.
FUNERARY ZONES

From Mathura Road right up to Faridabad, graves of many kings and nobles are located. But the
Nizamuddin neighbourhood was a specially preferred location owing to its holy associations.
The Saint himself lies buried in his Hujra or the prayer room while the tomb of his famous
disciple Khusrau is at the southern end of the Hazrat Nizamuddin complex. Hazrat Inayat Khan,
who spread Sufism in the West, chose to be buried next to Hazrat Nizamuddin in 1927. While
we have gloriously built tombs like the Humayun’s tomb here, we also have the humbler relic of
the Mughal decline in the shape of white lattice jali marble tomb of Mohammad Shah Rangeela
(1719-1748). There is the simple grave of Begum Jahanara who wanted nothing but grass to
cover her grave. There are several open tombs. Among the nobles who chose to be interred here
were Azam-i-Humayun Isa Khan (warlord in Emperor Sher Shah’s cabinet), Khan-i-Jahan
Malik Maqbul Telengani (prime minister to Emperor Feroz Tughlaq), Bi Halima (courtesan-
courtier in Emperor Babur’s court) among others. With the Mughal Emperor Humayun buried in
a monumental imperial funerary complex in the 16th century, the area underwent a long lasting
transformation once and for all, ushering in a barrage of royal burials, that today are responsible
for Nizamuddin’s reputation as the country’s largest funerary zones. The area houses a
kaleidoscope of architectural and heritage gems in the form of architecturally magnificent tombs
such as those of Jahanara Begum, Muhammad Shah “Rangeela”, Mirza Jahangir (younger
brother of the last Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah “Zafar” II), Atgah Khan (General in Emperor
Akbar’s army and his foster-father), Khan-i-Khanan Abdul Rahim (General in Emperor Akbar’s
army and his foster-son), and Mirza Aziz Kokaltash (General in Emperor Akbar’s army and his
foster-brother). Humayun’s Tomb itself contains over 150 graves of his sons, brothers, wives
and descendants. The most renowned among them is Dara Shukoh (eldest son of Emperor
Shahjahan, executed by his brother Aurangzeb Alamgir in the bloody war of succession).

POETIC ASSOCIATIONS

It is not commonly known is that Mirza Ghalib, one of the most celebrated poets of Hindustan
and a passionate lover and member of shurafa of Delhi, also chose to be buried in the lap of
Auliya whom he deeply venerated. His grave is located at the turn of the broader street leading
to the dargah. Ghalib Academy is also located in the neighbourhood of the tomb. Devoted to
Delhi’s great poet Mirza Ghalib, it has a museum and a library. Its auditorium regularly hosts
gatherings of Urdu poets. Opened by the then President Zakir Husain in 1969, it showcases the
world of a poet whose life, letters and poems chronicled a turbulent period of Delhi’s history.
The makeshift bookstall at the entrance sells poetry in hardbound editions. The museum on the
first floor has black and white photos of Shahjahanabad’s old havelis and neighbourhoods, as
well as portraits of eminent Delhiwallas, some of whom were contemporaries of Ghalib. The
delightful library on the top floor has ten thousand books in Urdu and Persian. The library
doesn’t have a membership system but anyone can come in to read. It has cubicles for solitary
reading. These cabins are very dusty and their windows look out on Ghalib’s tomb. The
Academy boasts of a publication section that brings out publications on Ghalib and his peers.
Some of is publications are very popular like Talmihat-e- Ghalib, Ghalib Aur Zaka Momin
Shakhsiat Aur fun, Ghalib aur Fan-e- Tanqeed, and Ghalib Aur Ahung -e- Ghalib. The Academy
has also curated a very artistic edition of Dewan- e -Ghalib on art paper. It also issues a bi-
annual literary journal “Jahan-e-Ghalib”. The Academy also manages a Centre for learning
Urdu language (this course is recognized by Delhi University), Urdu typing & computerized
calligraphy.

Amir Khusro is the father of the genre- qawwali- the poignant and mystical music associated
with Sufis. Legacy and pride of Sufi dargahs throughout the subcontinent, this devotional
musical tradition remains at the heart of the Sufi philosophy. Khusro mentored several gifted
singers, calling them “Qawwal Bacche” (Qawwal children). This tradition is carried forward by
the Qawwal Gharanas (Qawwali-performers) of today who claim lineage from the original
Qawwal Baccche. Two such groups of Qawwals are led by maestros Chand Nizami and Shadab
Nizami. The ardent adoration for the Khwaja and the intense spirit of rivalry resounds in their
notes when they recite Khusro’s verse to the rhythm of tabla and harmonium. The intoxicating
of the qawwalis can be experiences every Thursday and Friday evening at Nizamuddin dargah
as qawwali mehfils (soiree) congregate in obeisance of the great saint conducted in the central
courtyard located between the two muhajjars and the saint’s tomb. Grand qawwali events are
also held during celebrations like Basant Panchmi (celebration of arrival of spring) and Urs
Ghusal sharif (birth celebrations). In other words, qawwals share a patron-client relationship
with the shrine. They have a hereditary right to perform. They are bound to perform on
important occasions. They can sing compositions approved by the shrine management. They are
repositories of the poetic tradition associated with the shrine. At Nizamuddin, it is Khusros
poetry which dominates qawwali sessions and nights. Amir Khusro, along with many musical
instruments, ragas and talas, also introduced a novel feature to the Chishti sama- the qaul or a
saying in Persian. The qawwali in Persian, Hindawi or Urdu or a fusion of these languages at
Nizammuddin always opened or closed with a qaul.
CITY-ZEN INITIATIVES OF HERITAGE MANAGEMENT

Nizamuddin Urban Renewal Inititative by Agha Khan Trust for Culture (AKTC) “addresses
heritage conservation, socio-economic development and environmental issues”
(http://annualreport2015.nizamuddinrenewal.org/index.php). Operating in a densely populated
historic and heritage zone, AKTC enumerates the rubrics and accomplishments of the project as:

1. Heritage conservation in the Indian context can benefit from the living craft traditions
employed in India for over 3000 years.
2. Conservation, to follow the Urban Landscape approach and ensure the setting of the site
is as significant as the site itself ,requires joint action on the part of several government
agencies, in this case, the ASI, CPWD and the South Delhi Municipal Corporation.
3. Urban conservation can be coupled with socio-economic development measures. In the
Indian context it is important that conservation is seen to improve quality of life for the
city’s inhabitants.
4. Demonstrating culture as a tool for urban development, the Nizamuddin Urban Renewal
Initiative has led to over 30 monuments being conserved, almost 150 acres sensitively
landscaped, over 2000 individual craftsmen employed and clocked over 500,000 man-
days of work, 20,000 trees planted, almost 300,000 patients treated at the polyclinic,
community toilet complexes built and managed by established resident groups, 2750 jobs
have been created in the Hazrat Nizamuddin Basti fulfilling major government
objectives, 400 children from the Basti taught English in a 2 year intensive course,
several SHG’s created, an increase of 1000% in visitor numbers, amongst other things.
(http://annualreport2015.nizamuddinrenewal.org/index.php).

Culture is seen as a tool to urban development and not vice-versa. Urban development does not
integrate heritage, rather heritage conservation efforts bring renewed possibilities of livelihoods,
improvement in civic conditions and education and recreation. Thus, this is an India specific
story where heritage conservation is justified not for its own sake but for bringing the much
needed succour and upliftment to the city and its populace. Hope Project repeats the premise of
heritage conservation and economic empowerment through community programmes:

In the last 20 years the Hope Project has evolved from a simple milk distribution
program to a multifaceted community program addressing the health, educational and
livelihood needs of the community. Today it runs both curative and preventive health
care programs, a school, vocational training courses, a crèche and a women’s production
 unit. The German community has supported the Project in many ways through the
years…In its efforts to respond to the livelihood needs of the community, the Project
attempts to harness traditional skills and channel them into ventures that will bring in
money. There is no dearth of talent in the basti. All that people need are the
opportunities. Providing opportunities is what the Hope Project is all about.
(http://www.hopeprojectindia.org/html/pr_promotinglivelihoods.htm)

Hope Project highlights and draws on the Inayat Khan heritage of the place, bringing
overseas collaborations like German Collaboration in establishing a “Training Kitchen”.
Their “Shan-i-Nizam” heritage walk is very popular, conducted by NGO volunteers, and is
not Nizamuddin Awliya centric but more inclusive to bring out the diverse character of the
Basti. There are stories available of people who have been on these fascinating walks and it
becomes clear that the walks are personalised and interactive using anecdotal materials and
traversing Christian street and attar (fragrance) street with equal pride to provide not just
“holy” but holistic feel of the place. A heritage walk by Delhi by Foot that the Department of
English, Maharaja Agrasen College, undertook along with our students on 16 February 2016
turned out to be as immersive and informative. A report regarding the Walk submitted by a
student states:

The visit to the final resting place of patron saint of Delhi, Nizamuddin Auliya, and
the experience of the Qawwali performance at the Dargah by the descendants of the
legendary Sufi poet Khawaja Amir Khusrau helped the students to understand Sufi
mysticism and culture. Students were given various projects, some of which were
included in the exhibition ‘Dreams Deferred’ put up during the Conference City
Lives: Spaces and Narratives.

The Heritage Walk thus led to the creation of a person, department and institution specific
heritage comprising of assimilating Sufism at close quarters, linking the Walks to themes of
Department Conferences and evaluating the ‘Space’ in the context of lives and narratives
witnessed there in profusion.

LITERARY REPRESENTATIONS

Nizamuddin Basti is reclaimed and recreated in the literary space in a number of ways.
Khushwant Singh’s Delhi: A Novel recollects the ethos of the Nizamuddin Dargah in the chapter
titled ‘Mussadi Lal’ (Singh, 1990, p.50-86). The Sufi philosophy of love for human beings
before love for God, the haven of tolerance in bigoted times, acceptance of women in the
precincts, langars are all included along with the political and religious dilemmas of those times.
William Dalrymple in City of Djinns describes Nizamuddin (Dalrymple, 1993, p.274-290) thus:

Nizamuddin is a Muslim village not very far from Mrs. Puri’s house (Hauz Khas), on
the edge of Lutyen’s city. In contrast to the broad, tree-lined avenues of Imperial
Delhi around it, Nizamuddin is a warren of medieval shrines, mosques, mausoleums
and dervish monastries, all clustering around the tomb of Shaykh Nizam-ud-Din
Awliya, the greatest of all Indian Sufis (Dalrymple, 1993, p.275).

Anjolie Ela Menon (Menon, 2011, p. 23) mentions Nizamuddin in her memoir:

Yet we live in Delhi now, out of choice. Sometimes we wonder why. It seems to get
hotter and dirtier … In my studio in Nizamuddin West I work in the shadow of the
great dargah of Nizamuddin Awliya, part of the continuum of the hoary history of the
city. When I walk around Humayun’s tomb at dawn, a dust storm gathers, bringing
the smell of wet earth. A koel screams its brain fever song from a neem tree growing
against ancient walls. This is where I want to be.

Raza Rumi, a writer and development profession from Pakistan, visits India in search of his
identity as a south Asian Muslim. In his travelogue Delhi by Heart (Rumi, 2013), Rumi writes
about Nizamuddin:

This is a traditional Muslim area … The stereotype of the marginalised Indian

Muslimseems somewhat obvious here … Surrounded by old buildings and congested
houses, the tombs of amir Khusrau and Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya keep the twelfth
century alive in the heart of a teeming metropolis. This is a sort of homecoming even
though I do not belong. The predominantly Muslim locality reminds me that this part
of the city is at the core of my cultural heritage. … I am there, yet not there. Elemental
yet separate. (Rumi, 2013, p. 6)

CONCLUSION
From the eclectic accounts above, and from the diverse approaches of AKTC, Hope Project and
Heritage Walks organizers and visitors, we can really say that there is no such thing as heritage.
Heritage depends on what it stands and signifies for us. For India and Delhi, it means more in
urban renewal terms. Inayat Khan silsila is a diasporic story. Khushwant Singh, an entitled elite
inheritor of Delhi defeated by its chaotic and conflicted sprawl, privileges notions of tolerance
and serenity. Dalrymple as British historian in New Delhi writes back to his colonial legacy and
western audience focusing more on the experiential potential and Sufi hotbed character of the
site. Anjolie Ela Menon typifies the civicism dilemma of Delhi residents who almost every day
have to define why they continue to live in Delhi and places like Nizamuudin underscore the
biggest reason- this concrete jungle of today is also a repository of history, faith and continuity.
Rumi is a case of locating his Muslim roots in India and Nizamuddin presents itself as a neutral
site above passports and riots. Thus from diversity to Islam to the West to modern Delhi,
Nizamuddin means differently to different people. “There is no such thing as heritage” does not
obliterate heritage but puts the responsibility back on each one of us. More important than top
down approach, i.e, earning a World Heritage City tag, is to define, forge and identify local
connections. How bottom is the bottom in bottom-up approach- the answer I think is all of us
who search and value heritage as a foremost and integral part of our urban pride. It is this city-
zen awareness, valorization and intervention that really creates, claims, and conserves heritage.
Civicism is not just urban pride but also involves urban praxis of space, involving as Goldberg
(1975) explains multifarious media, like constructed space, power fields, natural space, body
space, spectator space, public space, private space and work space. The sense of space as
developed through so many myriad lenses most certainly produces as many experiences,
memories, perspectives and motivations. Accordingly, civicism results in pluralized people’s
expressions and initiatives that are the most enriching and interesting parts of heritage not just
from the conservation perspective but also in contemporizing that heritage. Heritage of
Nizamuddin is not just built heritage but all processes that touch it on-site and off-site. It does
not stop with buildings, museums, memorials, projects, fairs, walks that we find there, but must
also include literary and lived narratives emanating from that space. In Snyder’s words:

It is facile to say that the dargah and the basti are mutually sustaining, and neither
does it capture the full complexity of their relationship. The dargah, I can say with
certainty, was the generative force behind the Nizamuddin basti, whatever we may
regard as the first form of that neighborhood. From that time, the man and the
ideals enshrined there have persisted in the basti, in its continued Muslim
character, in its pride in communal harmony, its openness to like-minded visitors,
and its resistance to unwelcome external forces, be they political or otherwise. It is
my contention that, even if residents of the basti no longer constitute the primary
community of the Saint’s devotees, it is through their deep sense of connection, to
 their land, to their history, and to their community, that the Saint’s teachings
continue to live (Snyder, 2011).

The literary and lived immortal stories as we have seen add that “universal value” to heritage
bearing testimony to its perennial, complex, cultural and renewed meaning in the human world.

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