TERM PAPER

WINTER SEMESTER 2023

CENTRE FOR POLITICAL STUDIES, SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES,

JAWAHARLAL NEHRU UNIVERSITY

From Promises to Realities: Analysing the Shortcomings of Political Parties in

KAMAL RATHORE

PO517: STATE POLITICS IN INDIA

DR. HARISH WANKHEDE

Introduction:

Madhya Pradesh, a state known for its rich tribal heritage and diverse indigenous communities, has
been a critical battleground for political parties seeking to address the concerns and uplift the lives of
tribal populations. The political landscape of the state has witnessed the dominance of major parties
like the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Indian National Congress (INC), both promising
development, representation, and empowerment for the tribal communities. However, despite decades
of political discourse and electoral promises, the reality on the ground suggests a persistent failure to
effectively address the deep-rooted issues faced by these marginalized groups.

Tribal communities in Madhya Pradesh have long grappled with a range of socio-economic challenges,
including land alienation, inadequate access to education, healthcare, and basic amenities, as well as
the erosion of their cultural identity. Given the gravity of these challenges, political parties in the state
have continuously presented themselves as advocates for change, vowing to bring about substantial
improvements in the lives of tribal people. The recent emphasis of the BJP on pro-tribal initiatives can
be attributed to various factors, but one particularly enlightening data point sheds light on the situation.
In the 2013 state election for Madhya Pradesh's 14th Vidhan Sabha, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)
secured victory in 31 out of the 47 seats reserved for scheduled tribes (STs). However, in the
subsequent 2018 election, the Indian National Congress won 30 out of the 47 seats. Following its
defeat in the 2018 assembly election, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Madhya Pradesh has
embarked on an ambitious tribal outreach program. The party has introduced new policies,
symbolically renamed the state's tribal welfare department from Aadim Jati Kalyan (primitive caste
welfare) to Jan Jati Kalyan (tribal caste welfare), and announced the commemoration of November 15,
the birth anniversary of Birsa Munda, as 'tribal pride day' and promoting existing policies. This
suggests that addressing tribal issues is the new political reality in order to secure electoral prospects
for political parties in the state.

This research paper aims to critically analyze the failures of the current BJP regime in facilitating
substantial changes in tribal communities' lives in Madhya Pradesh. By examining the political
strategies, policies, and implementation approaches of the ruling party, it seeks to highlight the gaps
and shortcomings in their tribal development agenda. Additionally, this study will explore alternative
appropriate approaches in addressing tribal issues, drawing upon the party's historical engagement with
tribal communities and its policy framework. It will also explore the role of key stakeholders, including
tribal leaders, civil society organizations, and grassroots movements such as Jai Adivasi Yuva Shakti
(JAYS), in shaping the discourse around tribal politics in Madhya Pradesh. This paper also seeks to

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draw attention to an important concern regarding the formulation of certain academicians who tend to
overlook the distinct issues and challenges faced by Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes
(STs) by treating them as homogenous communities. By highlighting this concern, I seek to emphasize
the significance of recognizing and addressing the specific socio-economic, cultural, and historical
contexts that shape the experiences of STs in India, particularly in the context of Madhya Pradesh.

Socio-economic conditions of tribal population in M.P.

Madhya Pradesh (MP), a state in India, has a significant tribal population. According to the 2011
census, the Scheduled Tribe (ST) population in MP is 15.2 million, which constitutes 21.1% of the
total population of the state. The state is home to more than 46 recognized Scheduled Tribes, each with
its distinct cultural heritage and traditions. Prominent tribal communities in Madhya Pradesh include
Gond, Bhil, Baiga, Sahariya, Kol, Korku, Bharia, and many others. These communities have their
unique languages, customs, rituals, art forms, and social structures, contributing to the state's diverse
cultural landscape. Tribal populations in Madhya Pradesh predominantly reside in rural and forested
regions, especially in the central and eastern parts of the state. These areas include districts such as
Mandla, Dindori, Balaghat, Jhabua, Alirajpur, and Betul, which have a higher concentration of tribal
communities.

Tribal areas in MP are divided into four zones based on physical features, social structure, and
economic needs: western, central, eastern, and southern zones. Different tribes are concentrated in each
zone. For example, Bhils and Bhilalas are predominantly found in the western zone, while Gonds,
Baigas, Kols, Korkus, and Pardhans are mainly located in the central zone (Pai, 2021). In terms of
religion, Hinduism is the predominant religion in MP, with 91.1% of the population being Hindus.
Among the ST population, 96.1% follow Hinduism. There are also tribes following other religions and
persuasions, accounting for 3.2%, Christians comprising 0.5%, and Muslims making up 0.1% of the
ST population. It's important to note that the information provided is based on the 2011 census data,
and there may have been changes in the tribal population since then.

The socio-economic conditions of tribals in Madhya Pradesh (MP) vary across different tribal
communities and regions. According to several reports, certain marginalized rural areas have
experienced deterioration due to limited access to land and forest resources. The slow pace of economic
growth and inadequate infrastructure, particularly in health and education, has hindered poverty
reduction efforts, especially among the poorer sections of the tribal population. The tribal population
also faces the problem of low expectancy rates in Madhya Pradesh. A study published in the
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) in March 2022 revealed that Madhya

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Pradesh has the lowest life expectancy among Scheduled Tribes (ST) in nine states. The study indicated
that the average life expectancy for men in Madhya Pradesh is 57.4 years, while for women it is 60.1
years. The other states included in the study were Assam, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Odisha,
Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, and Uttarakhand.

The literacy rate among tribal populations in MP is lower than the national tribal average, standing at
50.55% in rural areas, particularly among females and smaller tribes. MP ranks low on the Human
Development Index (HDI) with a value of 0.375, which is below the national average and places the
state at 20th position among 23 states (UNDP, 2011). However, some areas have witnessed certain
positive changes due to anti-poverty measures by the governments, but the overall impact on the lives
of tribals is limited throughout the state (Pai, 2021).

Historical analysis of tribal assertion in Madhya Pradesh:

A historical analysis of tribal assertion in Madhya Pradesh reveals a complex and evolving trajectory
of tribal communities' struggle for rights, recognition, and empowerment. Since the pre-independence
era tribal communities in MP, like in other parts of India, faced marginalization and exploitation under
colonial rule. Forest policies, land alienation, and exploitative labour practices negatively impacted
tribal livelihoods and culture. Therefore, several movements took place in the state with the aim of
preserving tribal culture and heritage and addressing the exploitative policies of the state. In the context
of Madhya Pradesh, Sudha Pai argued that the state witnessed movements by the Gond Community.
She categorized them into two phases. The first phase, starting in 1916, focused on sociocultural
movements to prevent the decline of Gondi values. During this phase, the Gond Mahasabha was
formed, and efforts were made to promote Gondi literature. In the second phase, which occurred in the
early post-colonial period, movements advocating for a separate state emerged in Nagpur and Bilaspur
districts before spreading to the Gondwana region (Pai, 2021). These movements for a separate tribal
state are not considered a single mass movement but incorporate various small regional struggles and
larger struggles aimed at achieving Gonds' socio-political objectives (Poyam, 2016). Scholars have
debated whether Gondwana is primarily a political or sociocultural reality.

With India's independence in 1947, the government recognized the need to address tribal issues. The
Constitution of India provided for special protections and reservations for Scheduled Tribes (STs). The
Gond movements underwent transformations during the colonial period and became marginalized after
India's independence, particularly as they were incorporated into the Indian state. The demand for a
separate Gondwana state has not received significant attention or discussion in the state assembly,
likely because it is perceived as a social movement rather than a political one. The formation of

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Chhattisgarh in 2000 by dividing M.P. did not address the earlier demand for a politically consolidated
and socially homogeneous Gondwana state (Pai, 2021). The division of Madhya Pradesh with the
formation of Chhattisgarh created a clear geographical separation between the two regions. The Gond
community, which is predominantly concentrated in central India, including parts of Madhya Pradesh
and Chhattisgarh, found themselves divided between the two states. This geographical division has led
to a fragmentation of the Gond community's demand for a separate Gondwana land, as their population
is now spread across two different political entities. It also led to political realignments and shifts in
power dynamics. Political parties, including those representing the interests of tribal communities, had
to redefine their strategies and alliances. Therefore, we could argue that the State Reorganization in
the area impacted the mobilization of tribal communities in both states of M.P. and Chhattisgarh.
However, political consciousness among the members of the Gond Community has not weakened and
their desire for political participation led to the formation of the Gondwana Gantantra Party (GGP),
which now focuses on political participation and raising the consciousness of their members about
their issues (Poyam, 2016).

The picture of tribal political participation changed drastically in the later years of Independence. From
the 1960s onwards, tribal communities in Madhya Pradesh started mobilizing themselves for asserting
their rights and addressing their grievances. Various tribal movements and organizations emerged,
advocating for land rights, protection of forest resources, cultural preservation, and greater political
representation. Today, voter participation among tribals in MP is high. Approximately one-fifth of the
assembly constituencies in MP (48 out of 230) are reserved for tribals. The number of reserved seats
dropped to 41 after the creation of Chhattisgarh in 2000 but increased to 48 after the delimitation of
seats before the 2008 assembly election. The Gond community holds significant influence in the
Mahakoshal region, impacting results in Balaghat, Mandla, and Shahdol. The Bhils have a sizable
presence in the Malwa-Nimar region. Tribal groups also hold significant influence in several
parliamentary seats (Pai, 2021). In the 2018 assembly election, the tribal-dominated Jhabua district
had the highest voting percentage in the state, followed by Harda and Dewas.

This period also saw the emergence of Jai Adivasi Yuva Shakti (JAYS) representing the voice of the
Bhil Community in M.P. JAYS, a youth-driven political organization, has gained momentum and
influence by mobilizing and advocating for the rights and interests of the Adivasi community. Its rise
has brought a fresh perspective to tribal politics, challenging established political parties, and offering
an alternative platform for tribal empowerment and representation. Its focus on addressing socio-
economic disparities, land rights, and the overall welfare of Adivasis has resonated with many in the
tribal community, leading to increased political engagement and shifting dynamics in the state's

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political arena. The JAYS slogan has been ek teer ek kaman, saare adivasi ek saman (one bow, one
arrow, all tribals are equal) under which they want to unite and fulfill the basic needs of the entire tribal
population. In this way, the JAYS is seen by many scholars as an effective counterforce against the
dominant political parties in the state namely BJP and Congress. JAYS' active participation in the
elections and their focus on Adivasi issues contributed to shaping the political discourse in Madhya
Pradesh. Their presence compelled other political parties and candidates to engage with Adivasi
concerns and incorporate them into their campaigns and policy platforms (Bisht, 2018).

Discontentment with big political parties in the state and tribal resistance:

Historically, the Congress party had the support of Dalits and tribals in the post-independence period
in the Hindi heartland. Some argue that the trajectory of backward castes and SCs/STs in Madhya
Pradesh differs from the rest of India due to the actions of former Congress chief ministers, such as
Arjun Singh and Digvijáy Singh. They contend that the Congress party pre-empted the self-initiated
upsurge of these groups in the 1980s by implementing state-sponsored social reforms, thus meeting
their aspirations before they could mobilize independently. However, critics argue that this approach
was merely a continuation of the Congress party's repressive and cooptive strategies. Digvijay Singh's
tenure as chief minister was controversial and elicited both appreciation and criticism. His government
implemented several programs, but opinions on their success vary. Some consider them an impressive
developmental record, while others argue that they brought no real change at the grassroots level. In
the context of a traditional and feudal society dominated by upper castes/classes, Digvijay Singh
played the role of an upper-caste/class "reformer" introducing change from above and seeking the
support of subaltern groups, rather than a lower/middle-caste leader responding to strong democratic
upsurge from below (Pai, 2010).

Despite these criticisms, the Congress has historically been adept at mobilizing subaltern groups,
forming what was referred to as a "rainbow coalition." Scholars have differing views on the Congress
party's mobilization strategies for subalterns. Myron Weiner argued that the Congress party
implemented an "open elite system," allowing aspiring social groups to gain power within the party
early on (Weiner, 1967). In the recent 2018 assembly elections, JAYS influenced the results in several
districts through en masse and tactical voting after contesting on Congress party’s tickets. This shows
that the tribal communities in M.P. bestow some trust in the party.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its ideological parent organization, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak
Sangh (RSS), have also adopted a similar approach, emulating the Congress party's strategy of
cultivating OBCs, tribals, and Dalits. The BJP's success in the 2000s can be attributed to grassroots

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mobilization efforts by organizations such as the Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad, an affiliate of the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), and the Hindu Mahasabha. These organizations, along with the RSS,
Vishva Hindu Parishad, Vidya Bharati, and Seva Bharati, played a significant role in areas such as
health, education, and livelihoods. Through their initiatives, they influenced cultural, religious, and
political consciousness. The distribution of Hanuman idols and trishuls (symbols of faith) and their
focus on conversion activities led to an amendment in the anti-conversion law in the state (MP Freedom
of Religion Act, 1968). As a result, polarization between Hindus and Christians became deeply
ingrained in tribal society and politics (Gupta, 2009, p. 3139).

However, tribal communities have anger towards the decade-old rule of Chauhan due to their
dissatisfaction with the government’s handling of education, healthcare, and developmental projects
in tribal-dominated regions. Sudha Pai argues that Tribals faced challenges in accessing government
welfare schemes due to difficulties in obtaining Aadhaar cards. In remote areas with poor connectivity,
filling out forms accurately and updating details posed problems. Fingerprint authentication failures
hindered access to their own money, forcing them to rely on middlemen who charged high processing
fees. Further, the issue of compensation and rehabilitation following land acquisition for the Kharak
Dam affected the Barela tribals. Despite court orders for rehabilitation, the issue remained unresolved
before the elections (Pai, 2021). Tribal communities in the state are also aware of the polarisation
practices of the BJP on religious lines so, they do not want to come under the blanket of Hindutva
forces which could divide their struggle for political participation. Furthermore, another important
grievance among the tribal communities is related to the effectiveness of the Forest Rights Act (FRA).
The Forest Rights Act (FRA) seeks to acknowledge the land ownership of Scheduled Tribes and
traditional forest dwellers who have lived in the forests for generations. However, the data from the
Tribal Affairs Ministry reveals that less than half of the applicants have been granted titles under the
Act. Unfortunately, Madhya Pradesh stands out with the highest rate of title claim rejections,
surpassing 57% as of August 31, 2020 (Bhakto, 2022).

Virginius Xaxa’s concept of Forced Inclusion and Tribal Resistance fits aptly in this context. It
would mean the efforts of the RSS and the BJP to incorporate tribal communities into their political
agenda and ideological framework without necessarily addressing the unique needs and aspirations of
these communities. It involves imposing their policies, ideologies, and development models on tribal
populations without adequately consulting or considering their perspectives. The RSS and the BJP
have strategically increased their presence in tribal politics in Madhya Pradesh, recognizing the
electoral significance of tribal communities. This presence often manifests through targeted outreach
campaigns, political mobilization, and attempts to co-opt tribal leaders and organizations. There is a

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concern that the BJP's political agenda may prioritize assimilation rather than respecting tribal
autonomy and self-governance.

Tribal resistance to this forced inclusion can be observed in the form of protests, mobilizations, and
the assertion of tribal identity and rights. The latest example of this resistance could be seen at the
“Adivasi Hunkar Yatra” organized by the Jal-Zameen-Jeevan Bachao manch in Bhopal on the issue of
tribal’s rights to waters, forests, and FRA. Moreover, since 2012, the Barela tribals, led by the JADS,
have been demanding compensation and rehabilitation following the land acquisition for the Kharak
Dam, which resulted in the submergence of over 300 villages. In July 2016, the high court recognized
their right to rehabilitation, and in January 2017, the Supreme Court categorically ordered their
rehabilitation under the most favorable provisions of the MP Rehabilitation Policy of 2002 and the
Narmada Valley Development Authority policy of 2008. However, despite these court orders, the issue
of compensation and rehabilitation for the tribal population remained unresolved prior to the election
(Pal, 2018). The result of this agitation was that BJP got fewer seats in Tribals areas which contributed
to its defeat in the 2018 elections.

Alternative strategies: A way forward.

This paper highlights certain key alternative strategies which could be undertaken in order to provide
effective measures to the rising grievances of tribal communities in the state. Firstly, there is a need
for separately recognizing issues of Schedule Castes and Schedule Tribes by both academicians and
the government. Most of the time their issues get intertwined with each other and thus significant issues
of the tribal population remain unaddressed. For example, Sudha Pai in her works treated both groups
as a single category demanding homogenous policies and strategies by the state (Pai, 2010, pg. 03).
Sudha Pai's formulation overlooks the distinct historical backgrounds and social experiences of SCs
and STs. SCs have historically faced caste-based discrimination and social exclusion, while STs have
encountered marginalization due to their tribal identities and the dispossession of their ancestral lands.
Further, SCs and STs have different cultural practices, languages, and traditions. By treating them as a
single entity, Sudha Pai disregards the importance of preserving and protecting the diverse identities
and cultural heritage of both groups. It is essential to recognize and respect the distinctiveness of their
customs and traditions. Thus, such formulations can have adverse policy implications. The Congress
government in 2002 presented a Bhopal document in which the government failed to recognize the
issues and problems of both SCs and STs as distinct and heterogeneous. Therefore, while the Bhopal
document may provide valuable insights and perspectives on development and empowerment, it is
necessary to recognize and address the distinct issues faced by SCs and STs separately. This

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understanding allows for more targeted and inclusive approaches that can effectively address the
challenges faced by these marginalized communities.

Secondly, tribal parties and organizations in Madhya Pradesh have been facing the issue of internal
division and fragmentation. Such fragmentation can weaken the collective strength of tribal
organizations. When tribal groups are divided into multiple smaller organizations, their ability to
advocate for common interests and effectively address the concerns of tribal communities may
diminish. This can lead to a loss of cohesive representation and reduced influence in decision-making
processes. Further, the fragmented nature of tribal organizations can hinder their ability to build
alliances with other social and political groups. Collaborative efforts and coalitions are often essential
in advocating for policy changes and addressing systemic issues. Here, the role of Jai Adivasi Yuva
Shakti (JAYS) is significant as it emerged from the grassroots level and aims to unite tribal scattered
tribal movements and associations in the western and central parts of the state. Furthermore, JAYS can
actively engage with existing tribal associations and organizations in MP, establishing partnerships and
collaborations. This can involve reaching out to tribal leaders, community representatives, and activists
to foster relationships and create a united front. It should focus on organizing events such as
conferences, seminars, workshops, and cultural festivals that bring together tribal associations from
different regions of MP. This organization can effectively shape the tribal discourse of the state and
emerge as an important forum for addressing tribal issues.

Moreover, JAYS and other tribal parties could form alliances with like-minded political parties for
greater representation in the state assembly, as electoral gains are necessary to make their voice heard
at the national and state level otherwise efforts by organizations and associations remain futile.
However, it is essential for tribal parties and associations to maintain their autonomy and ensure
adequate representation of tribal interests within the alliance. They should strive to preserve their
unique identity, agenda, and ability to advocate for the rights and welfare of tribal communities. In the
case of MP, tribal parties such as GGP were criticized for losing their autonomy and co-opted by the
Congress party. Therefore, association with major political parties should be based on a shared vision
of tribal empowerment and development. Tribal parties and associations should assess whether the
alliance provides opportunities for meaningful participation, decision-making power, and the ability
to shape policies that directly impact tribal communities.

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Some concluding remarks:

In conclusion, addressing tribal issues in Madhya Pradesh (MP) requires recognition of the unique
challenges faced by Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) as separate and distinct. While
the Bhopal document may have overlooked this distinction, it is crucial to acknowledge the
heterogeneous nature of tribal communities and their specific concerns. It is essential to recognize the
importance of engaging with both SCs and STs in a comprehensive manner. By understanding their
unique needs, promoting their cultural identity, and addressing their socio-economic challenges, efforts
to unite tribal associations can contribute to the overall development and well-being of tribal
communities in MP. Moving forward, it is crucial for academicians, government bodies, and
organizations like JAYS to work together in a concerted and inclusive manner. This will require
ongoing dialogue, collaboration, and empowerment to ensure that tribal associations are unified, and
their voices are heard, leading to positive change and greater social justice for all tribal communities
in the state.

References.

Bisht, A. (2018). As Madhya Pradesh prepares for polls, an Adivasi group plays spoiler for BJP and
Congress. Scroll.in, 19 May. Retrieved from https://scroll.in/article/899734/as-madhya-pradesh-
prepares-for-polls-an-adivasi-group-plays-spoiler-for-bjp-and-congress.

Bhakto, A. (2022). Tribals at the receiving end in Madhya Pradesh. The Frontline, 18 May. Retrieved
from https://frontline.thehindu.com/the-nation/human-rights/tribals-at-the-receiving-end-in-madhya-
pradesh/article65666370.ece.

Gupta, D. (2009). Social bases of politics in Madhya Pradesh. The Indian Journal of Political Science,
70(1), 31–39.

Noronha, R. (2020). Wooing the tribals. India Today, 16 May. Retrieved from
https://www.indiatoday.in/magazine/nation/story/20201221-wooing-thetribals-1748597-2020-12-1

Pai, S. (2010). Developmental state and the Dalit question in Madhya Pradesh: Congress response.
New Delhi: Routledge.

__________ (2013). Handbook of Politics in Indian States. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

__________ (2021). Emerging Pattern of Tribal Politics in Madhya Pradesh. In Jagannath Ambagudia
and Virginius Xaxa (Ed.), Handbook of tribal politics in India (pp. 356-369). New Delhi: SAGE
Publications.

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Pal, S. (2018). Four years on, tribals in MP still await compensation for Kharak dam construction: The
protest by tribals in Madhya Pradesh’s Khargone has entered the 10th day amidst the silence of the
authorities. Newsclick, 17 May. Retrieved from https://www.newsclick.in/four-years-tribals-mp-still-
await-compensation-kharak-dam-construction.

Poyam, A. (2016). Gondwana movement in post-colonial India: Exploring paradigms of assertion,

United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). (2011). Madhya Pradesh: Economic and human
development indicators. New York, NY: United Nations.

Weiner, M. (1967). Party Building in a New Nation— The Indian National Congress. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.

Xaxa, V. (2008). State, society, and tribes: Issues in post-colonial India. New Delhi: Pearson Longman.

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