Ibrahim Tuna

COLLEGE OF GRADUATE STUDIES
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND HERITAGE MANAGEMENT
A HISTORY OROMO IN THE AREA OF ARSI
(1600 -1880s)
By
Ibrahim Tuna
A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES,

DEBERE BERHAN UNIVERSITY, IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ART IN HISTORY
AND HERITAGE MANAGEMENT
JUNE 2002
Debre Berhan
June, 2018
COLLEGE OF GRADUATE STUDIES
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND HERITAGE MANAGEMENT
A HISTORY OROMO IN THE AREA OF ARSI

(1600-1880s)
By
Ibrahim Tuna
Advisor Deresse Ayenachew, PhD.
A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES,

DEBERE BERHAN UNIVERSITY, IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ART IN HISTORY
AND HERITAGE MANAGEMENT
Debre Berhan, Ethiopia

June, 2018
DECLARATION
I, Ibrahim Tuna, declare that the work presented in this thesis is originally
mine. It has never been presented to any other University or institution. All
sources of material used for the thesis have been duly acknowledged.
Ibrahim Tuna
Signed ………………………………….
Date …………………………………….
This thesis has been submitted with my full approval as the advisor.
Deresse Ayenachew (PhD)
Signend
Date June 5, 2018
Date of submission:______________
Approved by Board of Examiners:
Advisor: Deresse Ayenachew, PhD Signature
__________________
Internal examiner: Signature
___________________
External examiner Signature
____________________
i
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First of all I would like to thank Allah, for His endless gift and positive will to complete this
thesis. Next, I would like to express my deep gratitude to my Advisor Dr Deresse Aynachew, for
his unreserved advice, encouragements, assistance, valuable and constrictive comments,
suggestions and correction from the beginning of my thesis. Besides, Dr Deresse Aynachew
deserves special thanks for coordinating the researcher’s academic effort and by scheduling the
time resources starting from the development of proposal to the end of the work.
I would like to express my special thanks to my family for their moral supports. I owe great
thanks to Debre Berhan University and the Institute of Ethiopian Studies the institutions that
have contributed for the accomplishment of this. Additionally, my the special thanks deserve
many individuals: Selamon Ketama, Amara Kanno, Melaku Gurmessa Tammirat Kebada and
Negari Amsalu, people who contributed their intellectual and moral support. Finally, I would like
to thank the workers of Culture and Tourism of all Arsi zones who support me during my field
work.
i
ABSTRACT
This thesis is an attempt to reconstruct the history of the Arsi Oromo from 16th century to 19th
centuries that has not yet been studied. Geographically, Arsi is located in the southeastern
Ethiopia. Its territory extends from the Regional State of Somalia in the west to Sidama Zone in
the east and Borana in south. It constitutes an extensive demographic and geographic section of
Oromo. Arsi land has long been a home for Arsi Oromo groups, particularly, for Sikko. The
majority of these people settled there in the late sixteenth and sevetenth centuries and soon
became dominant society of the region. After they established themselves in Arsi, they continued
their socio-political and cultural identity until the end of nineteenth century by keeping their
interaction with different non-Arsi peoples living within Arsi land and its neighbors. One of the
centers of Arsi Oromo socio-cultural was the gadaa system. The gadaa system and other socio-
cultural expressions of Arsi had begun to decline with the expansion of Islam and the expansion
of the empire of Ethiopia in 1886. Thus, this thesis attempts to propose a better understanding on
the social, economic and political developments of Arsi Oromo from late 16th century to 19th
century. The data collection method of the study considered the use of primary and secondary
sources relating to the Oromo in general and Arsi Oromo in particular. Close examination both
for written sources and oral accounts of the Arsi people were consulted. Among primary sources
the traveler account and Chronicle were consulted. Secondary sources from books and Articles
were covered to reconstruct the history of this period. The result of the sources has come up with
the main finding of which can be considered as central themes of this thesis, that were the socio-
cultural, economic and religious activity of Arsi Oromo from 16th century to 19th centuries.
ii
Oromiffa Glossary
Aaloo Arsi…………………………..Arsi customary code

Aanaa………………………………..House hold
Aanoma………………………………Blood relation
Abbaa Alangee………………………Attorney general
Abbaa Bokku………………………..Father of scepter
Abbaa Caffee………………………..Father of legislative assembly
Abbaa Duulaa……………………….Father of the war in chief
Abbaa Muudaa………………………Father of anointment; the spiritual head of traditional
Oromo religion
Abbaa Sa’aa…………………………. Owner of livestock
Abbaa Seeraa………………………...Legal representative
Angafaa………………………………Eldest son
Arsoma……………………………….Arsi hood
Ateetee………………………………..Traditional Oromo female deity
Ayyana……………………………….Holiday /Oromo religion spirit
Balbala ……………………………….Descent group
Bulloko……………………………….Homemade traditional cloth
Butta…………………………............Gadaa class that wage war against non-Oromo people
every eight years in order to position Gadaa leader ship
Callee…………………………………A necklace usually worn by Oromo women
Gadamoojjii…………………………..Elders whose ages are above 80 years and retired from
Gadaa
Gosa…………………………………..Clan
Guma………………………………….Traditional conflict resolution mechanism
Handhuraa…………………………….Umbilical cord
Haadha………………………………...Mother
Mana…………………………………...House
Odaa……………………………………The sacred Sycamore tree
Qalluu ………………………………….Priest of Oromo traditional religion
iii
Qanafa………………………………….An ornament ties on forehead by a woman who
delivered a child.
Saafuu…………………………………..Moral code
Sinqee…………………………………...Straight thin stick
Soddooma……………………………….Relation through marriage
Shanan Sikko…………………………...Five Sikko
Torban Mando……………………….....Seven Mando
Tokkicha………………………………..One
Xunxo…………………………………..Traditional material which uses to hold milk
Waaqa ………………………………….The name of God in Oromo
Warra…………………………………...Family
Walane …………………………………A person who has a responsibility to complete
Guma
iv
TRANSLITERATION SYSTEM
The study adopted the transliteration system of Encyclopedia Ӕthiopic
v
vi
Table of Contents
Contents Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................................................................................................................... i
ABSTRACT.................................................................................................................................................. ii
LIST OF MAPS ......................................................................................................................................... viii
INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................................ 1
CHAPTER ONE ........................................................................................................................................... 5
PRE-ARSI OROMO SETTLERS OF THE AREA ...................................................................................... 5
1.1 Historical Background of the Study ........................................................................................................ 5
1.2 The Early Settlers in the Area of Arsi ….………………………………………............................11
1.2.1 Sultanate of Dawaro ....................................................................................................................... 15
1.2.2 Sultanate of Hadiya ........................................................................................................................ 18
1.2.3 Sultanate of Balli............................................................................................................................ 21
1.2.4 Sultanate of Sharka .................................................................................................................... ….23
1.2.5 Sultanate of Arababni .................................................................................................................... 25
1.2.6 Sultanate of Darra .......................................................................................................................... 25
CHAPTER TWO ........................................................................................................................................ 28
SOCIO-CULTURAL AND ECONOMIC HISTORY OF THE ARSI OROMO FROM THE LATE
1600 CENTURY TO 1880’s .................................................................................................................. 28
2.1 Historical Overview of Oromo ......................................................................................................... 28
2.1.1. Oromo Expansion in History and Arsi Oral Tradition.. ................................................................ 30
2.2. Ethnic Interaction and Integrations ................................................................................................. 32
2.3 The Socio-political Institution of Arsi Oromo .................................................................................. 33
2.3.1. The Gadaa System. ...................................................................................................................... 33
2. 3. 2. Arsi Oromo Clan Lineage Organization..................................................................................... 38
2.3.3. Moggasa and Guddifacha Institutions among Arsi Oromo. ......................................................... 44
2.3.4 The Atete Institution. ..................................................................................................................... 46
2.3.5 The Sinqe Institution...................................................................................................................... 48
2.3 6 Qanafa ........................................................................................................................................... 49
2.3.7 The Qallu Institution. .................................................................................................................... 50
2.3.8. Guma; Traditional Conflict Resolution Mechanism. ................................................................... 51
vii
2.4 Economic basis of Arsi Oromo ......................................................................................................... 53
2.4.1.1 Livestock Breeding ................................................................................................................. 54
2.4.1.2 Cultivation............................................................................................................................... 55
2.4.1. 3 Trade. ..................................................................................................................................... 56
CHAPTER THREE .................................................................................................................................... 58
RELIGION OF ARSI OROMO FROM THE 1600 CENTURY TO 1880’s.............................................. 58
3.1 Traditional Oromo religion; Waqeffanna.......................................................................................... 58
3.1.1 The Concept of Safuu (moral values)......................................................................................... 60
3.1.2 The Concepts of Ayyana (spirit) ................................................................................................ 61
3.1.3 Time and place of prayers in Waqeffanna ................................................................................. 62
3.2. Islam................................................................................................................................................. 65
3.2.1. The Role of Medieval Sultanate for the Introduction Islam in to ............................................ 65
Arsi Oromo ......................................................................................................................................... 65
3.2.2 The Contribution of Sheik Hussein Shrine ................................................................................ 67
3.3 Religion Syncretism among Arsi Oromo. .................................................................................... 70
Conclusions .................................................................................................................................. 73
BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................................................ 75
APENDICES ................................................................................................................................ 82
viii
LIST OF MAPS
Map 1: The present geographical location of east and west Arsi zones. ................................................... .10
Map 2: Medieval territories under Emperor Amdä Sǝyon (1314-44) including Muslim
sultanate…………………………………………………………………….…..…………………27
ix
INTRODUCTION
This thesis deals mainly with the history of Oromo in the Arsi area, from 16th century to 19th
centuries. In Oromo history in general and Arsi Oromo in particular the sixteenth century was
regarded as a turning point, because of ecocogical and demographic change they start to expand
in to different parts of geographical locations. Accordingly, in the 16th century when Arsi Oromo
expanded to today’s Arsi area, this area was occupied by different sultanates like Hadiya, Balli,
Sharka, Arababni and Darra.1 However, after the 16th century Oromo expansion, the situation in
the area was dramatically changed, since Arsi overwhelming the area. But a few of the former
non-Oromo peoples who were either adopted to them or left the area. Moreover, it is not easy to
get the source that discuss about medieval Ethiopia, since written tradition was not develop.
In fact that, we have no more written sources in medieval Ethiopia does not mean non-existence
of source at all. Nevertheless, there are some sources that use to reconstruct the medieval
Ethiopian history. For instance, the sources that are used to reconstruct the history of medieval
period of Ethiopia are oral traditions. Oral tradition were the main sources that help to
reconstruct the history of any society that has no written tradition and serve in order to cross
check the existing written sources. Nonetheless, oral traditions are by no means sufficient to
obtain reliable data of this period, when there are no additional relevant evidences to support the
reconstruction of the history of the period. In addition to oral tradition, there are other important
sources related to the period under discussion, such as Ethiopic and Arabic Chronicles.
Chronicles are one of the main corpuses of historiography of medieval Ethiopia; they narrate the
major events of the reigning kings. The second was reports of Arabic historiographers. These are
other sources which are helpful to understand geographical location and their interrelation among
Muslim sultanates and their relation with Christian kingdom. Moreover, the accounts of
European travelers were also our primary sources as some of them were has eyewitness of the
early 19th century historical events.2
1
J. Spencer Trimingham, Islam in Ethiopia. (London: Oxford university press), 1952, p.62.
2
Ulrich Braukämper, “Islamic principality in south east Ethiopia Between 13 th and 16th century,” Ethiopians Notes,
Vol. 1, No. 2, 1977, pp. 1-31.
1
In this thesis the sources mentioned before were consulted in one way or another. The expansion
and settlement of the Arsi Oromo in Arsi land in the late 16th to 19th centuries have highly
transformed the socio-political and demographic landscape of the area. Before 16th century, the
demographic and socio-cultural setting of the regions was dominated by many sultanates. Thus,
the previous ethnic and social heterogeneity of the region became more or less homogenous with
the gradual expansion and consolidation of Arsi Oromo. Arsi Oromo societies have their own
form of political authority of gadaa,3 and spiritual institution, Waqeffanna. Gadaa administration
played great role in determined social systems of Arsi Oromo up to its decline in the course of
19th century. These institutions played dominant role in developing a tendency of absorbing the
other non-Oromo groups into the Arsi Oromo through adoption. However, the early history of
the Arsi Oromo in Arsi land on one hand, and the life of non-Oromo settlements in the region on
the other hand, have not been extensively studied.
Moreover, in the last second half of the 20th century, especially from the 1960s onwards, a
number of scholars have developed their research interest in Arsi in the different specialty. 4
However, there is still a gap on the history of the Arsi Oromo in Arsi land that predate after
Oromo expansion. Most of these studies have been limited to the later period, after the 19th
century. Even though, Abbas Haji and Katabo Abdiyo have conducted inclusive and valuable
researches on the Arsi Oromo and established foot step for further study on socio-cultural and
3
P. T. W. Baxter, “Ethiopia's Unacknowledged Problem: The Oromo,” African Affairs: A Quarterly Journal of the
Royal African Society. 1978, pp. 283-296.
4
Alexsander Arne, Arne Alexsander. “The changing in Arsi lands some finding field study 1966-67.” (CADU
Publication, 1968, Baxter P. T. W, 1978, Abbas Haji, “The History of Arsi (1880-1935),” B.A Thesis: Addis
Ababa University: Addis Ababa. 1982; Abbas Haji. “Arsi Oromo Political and Military Resistance against the
Shoan Colonial Conquest (1881-6),” The Journal of Oromo Studies, Volume II, Number 1&2, 1995 , Ulrich
Braukämper, “The Islamazation of Arsi Oromo,” The proceeding of 8th International Conference of Ethiopian
Studies. Edited by Taddese Beyene, Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa University press, vol.1, 1984; John M. Cohen and
Nils-Ivar Isakson. “Villagisation in Ethiopia Arsi region”, The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 25, No. 3,
1987. Abdurrahman Kabeto, “Allo Arsi, the institution of Customary laws in the Upper Wabe Shabale Region,”
B.A. Thesis: Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, 1991; Ketebo Abdiyo, “A Historical survey of Arsi, 1910–
1974,” M.A. Thesis: Addis Ababa University, 1999; Hussein Badaso. Seraa Fudhaa fi Heruma Arsi (The Arsi
Oromo marriage custom). Addis Ababa: Commercial printing Enterprise, 2000; Jeylan W. Hussein. “The Function
of African Oral Arts: The Arsi Oromo oral arts in focus,” African Study Monographs, 26(1), 2005; “A Cultural
Representation of Women in Oromo Society,” African Study Monographs, 25(3), 2004. These scholars came up
with various knowledge with different degree of success even if most of their studies mainly focused on the time
after the 19th century.
2
religions activities of this people. However, they focus on modern history of Arsi Oromo rather
than medieval.5 In his work, Abbas Haji raises some aspects of the Arsi Oromo expansion,
settlement, socio-cultural and their political autonomy of gadaa. Even though, most of his work
is limited to modern history, he paves the way for further study. Likewise, literature dealing with
the whole of Arsi proper also gives only a passing reference to the history of Arsi in modern day.
Even those works dealing with Arsi are constrained by temporal limits; with a few exceptions
many of them do not deal with the period before 1880s.
Therefore, this thesis deals with the early history of the Arsi Oromo from the time of their early
expansion and settlement in the region. Accordingly, the thesis focuses on important events and
themes like overview to early settler of Arsi land, Arsi Oromo expansion, settlement, ethnic
interaction and integrations with others, socio-cultural and political institution, military
organization, and Arsi clan lineage, Moggasa and Guddifacha as well as their means livelihood
were discussed in this thesis. Geographically, the territorial extent of the study area includes
almost the present two administrative zones of Arsi. Generally, it covers the areas located to the
south of the Awash River in the north and northwestern Wabe.6
The period discussed in this thesis, holds major historical events concerning the people under the
study. The Arsi Oromo expansion and settlement was accompanied by the Arsi intense contacts
with various non-Oromo of both hostile and peaceful unlike the later stage that accomplished
with less or no resistance. The expansion and settlements was followed by development of
stabilized economy and society under the guide of traditional religion and gadaa system that
maintained throughout the 17th and 18th centuries. However, theses ways of life faced certain
stage of fragmentation and instability in the end of 19th century with various transformations in
Arsi region.
The sources used for this work has been collected both from written historical documents and
from oral traditions of study area. The first phase of reading related literature has been carried
out in the July and August of 2017. Besides primary and secondary written sources, oral tradition
5
Abbas Haji, 1982; Ketebo Abdiyo, 1999.
6
Charles J, Charles Johnston, M.R.C.S, Travel in Southern Ethiopia Through the country of Adal to the Kingdom of
Shoa, (London: J Madden and Co, Leaden Hall Street press), Vol. II, 1844, p.395.
3
was collected in order to support the reliability of other sources. The researcher conducted
separate interviews for each selected informants was collected in Arsi, interpreted and integrated
into the research inoreder to enrich the historical survey. This oral source collected during the
fieldworks carried out almost in the two selective administrative zones division of Arsi. The time
interview lasted for three months, from the September to November 2017/18. Though, the
researcher has produced this thesis through crosschecking of various theses, books, and
traditional sources.
In every work there is a limitation. Especially for the researcher’s limitation was a great
challenge to achieve their work. The researcher had some shortcomings. The limitation that
faced researcher was the shortage of written materials and availability of archives that deal with
the history of Arsi Oromo from 16th century to 19th. In addition to this, most of the materials
available are prepared in other language and translating them in English is a challenging one.
However, the researcher tries to construct this thesis, by cross checking the existing written
sources with oral tradition.
The research arranged thematically, based on relevant sources that discussed about Oromo in
general and Arsi Oromo in particular. It organized into three chapters. The first chapter deals
with the geographical background of study area and background of early settler of Arsi land.
Under this chapter, we discuss the early settlements of Arsi Oromo in Arsi land. The second
chapter deals with the introductory background which take into account the assessments of
literatures on the early history of the Oromo in general and that of the Arsi Oromo in particular.
Moreover, it also holds the purpose and inception of the general Oromo expansion and
settlements, and the interaction of the Arsi Oromo with non-Oromo people in the study area,
socio-cultural, political system and economy before 19th century. The third chapter unveils the
religious activities and their transformation in Arsi during the period under discussion.
4
CHAPTER ONE
PRE-ARSI OROMO SETTLERS OF THE AREA
1.1 Historical Background of the Study Area
This thesis covers a history of the Oromo in Arsi area, an area that covers one of the eastern
Oromo’s territories in southeastern Ethiopia. The Oromo of this area are composed of Arsi
Oromo clan and their ancestor extended as far as Balli and Sidama. Even though, the number and
territorial size of Arsi Oromo clan is very large, but all the Arsi Oromo groups in the Arsi land
and Balli have more or less similar socio-cultural and economic situations. However, issue like
etymological representation of Arsi, what its name represents and distribution of Arsi have not
been clearly represented in detail by scholars. For instance, one of the 16th century sources were
account of Abba Baḥrəy’s on the Oromo which is known as Zēnahu Lä [Oromo] (News of the
[Oromo]. He was a monk from the medieval kingdom of Gamo and wrote history of the Oromo
in 1593 A.D. This account deals with the origin, genealogical lineage, direction of expansion and
socio-political as well as religious institution of the Oromo. Nevertheless, in his discussion he
uses ‘Werenticha’ instead of ‘Arsi Oromo’.7 But, it’s not clear for what reason Abba Baḥrəy uses
this name, because Arsi Oromo does not call himself as Werenticha.
On the other hand, Aşmä Giorgis in his well-known work History of [Oromo] and the kingdom
of Shewa suggests the name Arsi is scarcely used in written sources.8 Ulrich Braukämper, a
prominent researcher in the German socio-cultural research in Northeast Africa wrote many
articles and books on south eastern Ethiopia. However, the fact his research focus on south east
of Ethiopia, he has given less attention to socio-culture and economic history of Arsi Oromo
rather than religion in some extent. He further argues, the name ‘Arsi’ appeared in written
documents relatively late not before the nineteenth century and it is not clear when Arsi, the
name of a person listed in the genealogies of Oromo.9 The author does not explain the term Arsi
and its representation.
7
Getatchew Haile trans., Abba Barley’s works and other documents concerning the Oromo, (Addis Ababa: Addis
Ababa University Press), 1996, p.196.
8
Bayru Tafla trans., Asme Giorgis and his work; History of [Oromo] and the kingdom of Shewa. (Stuttgart; Steiner
–Verlag- Wiesbaden), 1987, p.767.
9
Ulrich Braukämper, Islamic History and Cultures in Southern Ethiopia. In Collected Essays. (London: Lit Verlag
5
Moreover, different opinions were forwarded about the origin of the name ‘Arsi’. According to,
Ketebo Abdiyo argued that the name “Arsi started to be used before the 16th century Oromo
expansion as a result of the growth of the Oromo population and their further division and fission
in to clans”.10 Likewise, the name Arsi is the founder of the main clan Arsi Oromo.11 Therefore,
the opinion sorted by Ketebo is precise, because we can suppose that it’s not 16th century event
rather than before of this time, since the 16th century was not the birth of Oromo, rather than their
expansion.
John M. Cohen and Nils-Ivar Isakson state that, the early southern and eastern Ethiopia is
manifested by a complex movement of people searching for grassland, opening up trade route
and spreading Islam. Accordingly, resettlement is not new to Arsi land, because for hundred
years the area has been migrating pastoralist, agriculturalist, invaders, conquering clan’s men and
solders. Both authors suggest, after the sixteenth century, however, the area of Arsi land
dominated by Oromo and the Arsi land takes its name from particular group of Oromo; that were
Arsi.12 Alexsander Arne also supports the idea advocated by these scholars.13 The author
underlines the argument that the name Arsi was named after Arsi Oromo who forms the majority
of population of the area.
Nevertheless, according to Alemayehu Haile et al., explain the term “Arsi” in to two ways. As
the first explanations show that, Arsi was the name of women. Neverthless, in the Arsi Oromo
society the clan name did not named by mother rather than his father. So, this argument can not
be taken as plausible reason. The second explanations suggest, the name Arsi derived from the
name of the three children,14 of ‘Dhumuga’ known as Arusso. The Arsi oral tradition believes
that,15 the name Arsi is derived from his father name Arusso. The Arusso on other hand supposed
Munster), 2004, p.153.

10
Ketebo Abdiyo, 1999, p.3.
11
Alemayehu Haile et al. History of Oromo to the 16th century. Addis Ababa: Artistic printing Enterprise, 2006,
p.203.
12
John M. Cohen and Nils-Ivar Isakson,1987, pp. 440-441, see also Asme Giorgis trans., 1987, p.883
13
Alexsander Arne, 1968, p.15.
14
The names of three children’s are Arusso, Assossa and Hawasso. Dhumuga were considered as the father of them.
So the name Arusso is correlated to Arsi general name of Arsi Oromo and the name of the founding father of the
main tribe. Alemayehu Haile et al., 2006, p.203.
15
Informants, Amino Eda’o, Curriso Wado and Nurella Waqayyo.
6
as Barentu son and the name Arsi derived from Arusso. Therefore, Arsi has two different
meaning. The first, Arsi is the name of sub-clan of Oromo. Second, Arsi is geographically
isolated areas to which Arsi Oromo used to live on; that is Arsi area.
On the other hand, different periods were given differently on the time when Arsi Oromo came
to present Arsi land. The first group of scholars argues that, the Arsi Oromo was come to present
Arsi land prior to the nineteenth.16 However, these scholars did not identify which period of time
before 19th century. Moreover, Alemehayu Haile et.al, suggest that, “Arsi Oromo were living in
their present settlement area before the 12th century”.17 However, we have no written source that
that justifies today Arsi land was settlement of Arsi Oromo during the period of 12th century
rather than, home of different Muslim sultanates.18 Even though, we cannot know the exact
demarcation of those sultanates. So, the argument Arsi Oromo were living on present settlement
around 12th century are not plausible at all, because, there was sixteenth century Oromo
expansion, in which Arsi Oromo was one participant, which led to gradual change on the area
that called Arsi land.
Therefore, it is better to identify the period when event of Oromo expansion took place, for the
reason that chronology play a great role in the history. Accordingly most scholars agreed that,
Oromo expansion took place in the sixteenth century in which Arsi were one part of them.
Among those scholars, Muhammad Hassan explain, Barentu (who were one group of Oromo and
in turn has different clan, Arsi were one of them) was one participant of sixteenth century Oromo
expansion.19 However, in his discussion the author did not explain about Arsi rather Oromo of
Gibe region. But, since Arsi Oromo were one clan of Barentu, we can say they occupied there
present Arsi land in 16th century.
On the other hand, Merid Welde Aregay suggests that, Oromo expansion took place during the
reign of Sarsa Dengel (1563- 1597) and Arsi Oromo [Werenticha] took area of Däwaro
16
John M. Cohen and Nils-Ivar Isakson, 1987, pp.440-441, see also Bayru Tafla trans., 1987, p.883
17
Alemayehu Haile et al., 2006, p. 233.
18
J. S. Trimingham, 1952, p.63.
19
Muhammad Hassan, 1990, p.4.
7
sultanate who was considered as more or less north part of today Arsi land 20 and north of Awash
River.21 Similarly, Alexsander Arne confirm, after 16th century there was great Oromo expansion
and the Arsi Oromo took possession of their present land around 1516.22 In addition Eike
Haberland a German scholar who studied on Oromo suggests, Arsi Oromo took possession of
their present land more than 450 years ago.23 Therefore, the explanation of these scholars is more
related to the event, rather than first scholars argument of 19th century and 12th century
respectively, since Arsi Oromo were one subgroup of Oromo and their occupation of present
Arsi land was second turn after Oromo expansion took place in the sixteenth century.
After 16th century, the Oromo occupy their present land. However, gradually the independently
existence of the Oromo was brought to an end by creation of modern Ethiopian empire during
and after 1880’s.24 Similarly, after nineteenth century the Arsi Oromo incorporated in to
Ethiopian empire, as a result all socio- political and administration system of Arsi Oromo was
changed.25 Starting from Emperor Haile Selassie period (1930-1974) to Dergue regime
particularly, after 1941 Arsi divide in to different ‘Ȧwurāğā’ and (sub-provinces). Accordingly
until 1947, Arsi had been divided into three Ȧwurāğā; those are Chilalao, Ticho and Kambata. In
1947 Arba Gugu Ȧwurāğā was created and the number of the Ȧwurāğā rose to four. However, in
1960, Kambata was detached from Arsi and incorporated into Šawa. Then, Arsi region was
divided into three administrative Chilalao, Arba Gugu and Ticho up to 1987.26
However, following the fall of the Dergue when a new administrative division was introduced
under Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Arsi became one of Oromia zones and in 2006
divided into two zones namely, eastern and western Arsi. The centers of two zones were Asalla
20
Emran M.Waber, trans., Islam Yesterday and Today. (Italy: Rome press), 1971, p.351; J. Spencer Trimingham
1952, p. 67.
21
Merid Wolde Aregay, “Southern Ethiopia and the Christian Kingdom 1508-1708, with the Special Reference to
the [Oromo] Migration and Consequence.” PhD, dissertation. School of oriental and Africa Studies, 1971, p.151.
22
23
Eike Haberland, [Oromo] Sud-Athiopiens. (Stuttgart: Kohl hammer), 1963, p.411.
24
Mohammed Hassan, The Oromo of Ethiopia a history 1570-1860. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1990, p. 1.
25
Teshome Amenu, “The rise and expansion of Islam in Bale of Ethiopia,” MA Thesis: Norwegian Teacher
Academy, Norway, 2008, p.31, see also Bayru Tafla trans., 1987, p.883
26
Desta Roba, “A History of Kofale Worada (District) 1941-1991”, M.A. Thesis: Haramaya University, 2013,
p.43, Informant Amino Eda’o.
8
and Shashamanne which were locate on a distance of 175 km and 230 km from Addis Ababa on
southeastern direction respectively. Eastern Arsi, the larger of the two, is further divided in to
twenty-six woradas. West Arsi zone has 17 woradas.27
In generally, Arsi Oromo are one of the largest branches of Oromo ethnic groups who live in
Arsi zones, and extended far beyond the boundaries of Arsi province’s which take their name in
to Bale and Sidama, even though they are beyond the scope of this study. 28 Geographically, the
inhabitants of Arsi area stretch to Tulama (Oromo clan in Shewa/ Šawa) and Ania (Oromo clan
in Hararge) in the north, Somali in the east, Borana in south and Sidama in the west.29
27
Informants, Kediri Jima and Amino Eda’o.
28
P. T. W. Baxter, 1978, p. 291; Abbas Haji, 1982, p.1; Teshome Amenu, p.31.
29
Hirut Terefe, Gender Relation, Female Genital Mutilation and Reproductive Health the Case of Arsi Oromo,
Ethiopia. (Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa University press), 2012. P.70; P. T. W. Baxter, P. 284; Alemayehu Haile et
al., 2006, p.203; John Markakis, Ethiopia Anatomy of Traditional policy. (Addis Ababa: Shame Books press),
2006, p.75.
9
Map 1: The Present Geographical Location of East and West Arsi zones.
Taken from GIS, 2007.
10
1.2 The Early Settler in the Area of Arsi
It is clear that, every society has their own history, origin, demographic and territorial size.
Accordingly, there was Muslim sultanate in Arsi land before Arsi Oromo occupation. However,
there were shortages of reliable historical findings related to medieval Muslim sultanates. In
Ethiopian history, particularly in medieval period, written traditions were not developed.
Regarding to this Braukämper suggests, “despite the availability of some sources,30 it is difficult
to reconstruct history of the period from thirteenth to sixteenth century because of two reasons.
One, during these periods the principalities of south-east Ethiopia did not exist concurrently
sometimes overlapped in time or, in certain cases, interchanged one another in historical
sequences.”31 The second reason that interrupts the sources of southern Ethiopia was the Oromo
expansion. As he explains, Oromo expansion in the second half of the sixteenth century sharply
discontinued the indigenous historiography concerning southern Ethiopia in both Arabic and
Ethiopic. Moreover, as his argument, the expansion of this people was the main factor why the
Islamic principalities were completely overwhelmed and their memory is only reserved in the
oral traditions.32 So in order to write history the period, one have to engage with different sources
that uses to reconstruct history of the period as seen before. Because, writing of history need to
be supported by evidence and determine by quality of sources on which the narrative is based.33
According to some written and oral sources prior to the coming of Arsi Oromo people to the
present day Arsi land; the area was occupied by different settlers. Moreover, as some sources
indicate, not only in now days of Arsi land, but also in south east of Ethiopia there was Islamic
sultanates since tenth century. Those are Ifat, Dawaro, Arababni, Hadiya, Sharka, Balli and
Darra.34 However, these Muslim sultanates have differences in their size and historical relevance.
For instance, like Mora, Arababni, and Darra are scarcely mentioned in the literature, and others,
30
Ulrich, Braukämper, 1977, p. 17.
31
Ibid.
32
. Ibid, p.18.
33
Tabor Wami, Partisan Discourse and Authentic History, (Addis Ababa: Artistic printing enterprise), 2015, p.1.
34
Mukerrem Miftah, At Issue: The “Muslims in Ethiopia Complex” and Muslim Identity: The Trilogy of
Discourse, Policy, and Identity, African Studies Quarterly | Volume 16, Issue 1 | December 2015, pp.71-92; see
J. Spencer Trimingham, 1952, p. 73.
11
like Yifat or Ifat, Hadiya, Dawaro and Balli, are documented as important states with long
continuous history.35
On the other hand, Ali Yassin also confirms the existence of those Muslim sultanates. According
to him, the main factor for the emergence of these Muslim sultanates was trade and Islam.36
These sultanates have their own common features in which they share each other, which are
described below.
The sultanates had many common features. These features include (a), their Population
consisted of Muslim communities; (b) their rulers exercised both religious and political
power; (c) Islam and trade were the main factors for their emergence; (d) most of the
sultanates were located in the southeastern lowland of the Ethiopian region; (e)
although some the communities practiced mixed farming, the economy of the sultanates
depended on trade and (f) sooner or later, the sultanates became tributes of the Christian
kingdom at different times.37
As seen, the main reason for emergence Muslim sultanates was trade. However, this trade later
resulted in conflict with Christian kingdom highland, because they compete to control trade
roots.38 Geographically, Muslims sultanates were located to the south east of Christian highland.
They controlled substantial trade routes which the Christian kingdom had by this time made
long, consistent and substantial use.39 Though, Christian highland kingdom went to control these
trade roots, which were very important for economic and political interest of the area.
Accordingly, Emperor Amdä Sǝyon (1314-1344) was first Emperor who made efforts to control
trade routes by invading Muslim-controlled areas of south east Ethiopia.40
As, stated earlier there was pre-settler in Arsi land before the area failed under of Arsi Oromo.
However, the history of pre –settler in Arsi land was not studied in detail by scholars rather than
they trace as passing mark. Both written and oral traditions provide different names of dwellers
35
Ulrich Braukämper, 1977, p.19.
36
Ali Yasin, “The deployment of Islamic education system in Ethiopia: Its features, relevance and influence on
Muslim culture with reference to south Wallo,” PhD dissertation, Addis Ababa University 2005, p. 92.
37
Ibid
38
Taddese Tamrat, Church and state in Ethiopia 1270-1527. (Oxford: Clarendon Press), 1972, p.132; J. Spencer
Trimingham, 1952, p.65.
39
Ibid.
40
Tadesse Tamrat, 1972, p.132; see also J. Spencer Trimingham, 1952, p.70.
12
in Arsi land before Arsi Oromo came to the area. For instance, according to Taddese Tamrat,
before the beginning of Oromo expansion, Arsi land was occupied by state of Balli, Hadiya,
Dawaro, Arababni and Shirka and which later this people have been captured by Muslim of
Hadiya and Sidama extraction.41 However, according to Desta Roba who did research on “A
history of Kofale District” in Arsi explains, the early occupants of Bale and Arsi land were the
Dawaro who later were kicked out by the Hadiyawhom the Arsi Oromo confronted during the
great Oromo population movement and expansion of the 16th century.42 Both authors explain the
existence of Muslim sultanates in Arsi land. But Habib Kassim argued that, before Arsi Oromo
came to the area, Hadiya had lived in Arsi land in which later they assimilated to Arsi Oromo
society.43 The author rejects the existence of other sultanates rather than Hadiya. So, Hadiya was
one of the early settlers of Arsi area.
Furthermore, J. Spencer Trimingham, who well noted 20th century British scholar on Islam in
Africa and producer of Islam in Ethiopia, had been one of the scholars who consider Dawaro and
Sidama people were in Arsi land.44 However, Alemayehu Haile, et al. explains, Arsi Oromo
settled over the region by evicting the Sidama and Hadiya peoples.45 Nevertheless, Haberland
suggest, by the time Arsi Oromo arrived in the present territory, the Arsi land was occupied by
the Guji and Hadiya pastoralist.46 Thus, the arguments of these scholars were, before Arsi Oromo
expanded to the Arsi land, the area was occupied by different ethnic groups like Dawaro,
Sidama, Hadiya and Guji. But according to oral Arsi tradition,47 and written source Sidama and
Guji were not in the area, nonetheless, Hadiya,48 and Dawaro,49 were assumed as early settler of
Arsi land, who later has been submerged into proper Arsi Oromo clan.
41
Taddese Tamrat, 1952, pp. 140-142.
42
Desta Roba, 2013, p. 14.
43
Habib Kasim, “A History of Zuway Dugda District from about (1880-1974),” B.A. Thesis :Addis Ababa
University, 2001, p.4 ;see also Ulrich Braukämper, 1984, pp.767-778.
44
J. Spence Trimingham, 1952, p.67; Desta Roba, 2013, p.15.
45
46
Eike Haberland, 1963, p.278.
47
Informants, Amano Ulate, Sadik Tola, Muhammad Jiru.
48
Muhammad Hassan, 1990, p. 5.
49
Bairu Tafla trans., 1987, p.905.
13
On the other hand, Abraham Alemu, C.F. Beckingham and G.W.B Huntingford were other
scholars in the field. As they state, before the great Oromo expansion at the beginning of the 16th
century, the present day Arsi dwelling were occupied by the states of Balli, Hadiya,Ganz,50
Dawaro, Waji,51 and Shirka, inhabitants were predominantly Muslims of Hadiya -Sidama stock,
and later absorbed and adopted the ethnic and cultural identity of their conquerors, the Arsi
Oromo.52 According to these scholars explanation, many sultanates were lived in Arsi land, but
later Hadiya and Sidama eliminated them and they start to live on the area up to the conquest of
Arsi Oromo.
Moreover, as seen above Shirka/ Sharka, Dawaro, and Waji are Muslim sultanates and province
respectively. But according to Alemaheyu Haile et.al, Shirka, Dawaro, and Waji are known to be
tribal names in the genealogy of Oromo. In deed while Waji and Shirka are Arsi clan, Dawaro
belong to the early settler living before the Arsi Oromo.53 On the other hand, Tabor Wami
explains, Dawaro and Balli, as Oromo clans.54 Moreover, those names are mentioned in both
explanations made by scholars. It is factual for both explanations, because there are sultanates
names in medieval as well as clans and places names in Arsi. Generally, even if different authors
give different explanation about pre-settler of Arsi Oromo in Arsi land, but Arsi oral tradition
confirm mainly the existence of Hadiya sultanates. Accordingly, Arsi oral tradition suggests
“Osoo Arsi gara amma irra jirata jiru kana hin babal’atin, ummanni Fandhedhero ykn Hadiya
jedhamu irra jiracha turaniru” (before Arsi Oromo expanded to today’s Arsi land the people
called Fandhedhero or Hadiya was lived on the area).55
50
The province of Gang was located directly to north of Hadiya, probably beyond the Wabi River, on the north
bordered by Gendaberat district of Shawa, and on the west on Damot and Janjaro. Gang extended west ward from
Awash River to either Nonno or the Darge, tributaries of Gibe river.(Merid Wolde Aregay, “Political Geography
of Ethiopia at the Beginning of the 16th century”. Congresso Internationale di Studi Ethiopic. April, 1972,
pp.613-631.)
51
Waji was a province that located west of Lake Zuway. ( Merid, Wolde Aregay, 1972, p.625)
52
Abraham Alemu Fanta, “Ethnicity and Local Identity in the Folklore of the South-western Oromo of Ethiopia: a
Comparative Study,” PHD, dissertation: Amsterdam University, 2006, p. 67. See also C.F.Backingham and
G.W.B Huntingford (eds), some Record of Ethiopia 1593-1646. Being extract from the History of High Ethiopia
or Abyssinia by Manoel de Almeda to gether with Bahrey’s history of the Galla, (London, 1954). p.112.
53
Alemayehu Haile et al., 2006, p.234.
54
Tabor Wami, 2015, p.70.
55
Informants, Abbu Kedir, Bonso Kumbi, Amano Ulate, Sadik Tola and Muhammad Jiru.
14
1.2.1 Sultanate of Dawaro
As seen, there are many sultanates in medial Ethiopia and these sultanates have their own history
in all features, however it well not documented. Accordingly, one of the Muslim sultanates that
were mentioned as pre-settler of Arsi area before Arsi Oromo was Dawaro sultanate.
Accordingly, one of the few works conducted in the subject area was article written by Merid W/
Aregay ‟Political Geography of Ethiopia at the Beginning of the 16th century” which was
published in 1972. The article addresses the major geographical location of 16th century. He
underline, it is by no means easy to define the extent of the Ethiopia Empire and to delineate its
boundaries at the beginning of the sixteenth century.56 This is also real to Dawaro sultanate’s
geographical location which was one part of it.
Asmä Giyorgis was other scholar who explains geographical location of Dawaro. According to
him, Dawaro located to the south east of the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia prior to the mid
sixteenth century and its area included which later named Arsi.57 However, he did not states
which part of Arsi area considered as Dawaro sultanate. On the other hand, Mohammed Hassan,
a historian who wrote on the history of The Oromo of Ethiopia, A history 1570-1860, Oromo and
Christian kingdom of Ethiopia 1300-1700 and “pre-16th century presence of the Oromo in the
medieval Christian kingdom.” The author made an important explanation about Dawaro location
in his article. As he describes the province of Dawaro was bordered by Adal in the north east,
Balli in the south, Hadiya and Sharka in the east, and by the country of Maya, 58 in the north-
east.59
Enrico Cerulli, book written in Italian, Islam in yesterday and today , was translated to English in
1972 by Waber is an important source on history of Islam in Ethiopia, tried to illustrate
geographical location of Dawaro, as he state Dawaro was bordered by Balli sultanate in south,
56
Merid Wolde Aregay, 1972, p.613.
57
Bayru Tafla, trans., 1987, p.905.
58
Maya were Cushitic- speaking nomadic people, who were feared and dreaded by their neighbors for their use
poisoned arrows. Geographically, Maya was located west and south of city of Harar and lived in and around the
region of Waji during the fifteenth and sixteenth century. (Mohammed Hassan, The Oromo and the Christian
Kingdom of Ethiopia 1300-1700. (USA: Georgia State University press), 2016, p.97.
59
Ibid.
15
east by Afar lowlands, southwest it bordered by Sharka and Arababni. To him Dawaro sultanate
extended from west of Awash to south60 of Webi.61 In other ways, Trimingham explains,
geographical location of Dawaro. He placed Dawaro south of Shawa, bordering with Ifat on the
wright bank of Awash River to south wards as far as the river of Webi which marked the border
with the neighboring state of Balli.62
The question of geographical location of Muslim sultanates generally and Dawaro sultanate has
been exposed in various studies. Braukämper stands in an important position in dealing with the
location of Dawaro in his book entitled as, Peoples and Cultures of Southern Ethiopia.
Accordingly, the author explains, Dawaro by locating neighbor Balli appears for the first time in
a description of Ethiopia under the Zagwe the pre-Salomonic dynasty, which ruled the Christian
kingdom from 1137-1269,63 and geographically, Dawaro bordered by Sharka in the north,
Hadiya in the west, Adal in the east and in the south by unidentified regions of Balli.64
On the other hand, in his article, “Islamic principality in south east of Ethiopia Between 13th and
16th century,” produced in 1977, explains Dawaro by locating south of Ifat, and northern portion
beyond the loop of the lower Awash River.65 As he explains, today this area roughly corresponds
to the land of the Ittu, son of Anniya, (Anniya was son of Barentu Oromo) and eastern Arsi.66
While as Taddese Tamrat, Dawaro situated south east of Ifat sultanate.67 However, he locates
only in one direction that is south.
On one hand in his account, Abba Baḥrəy’s explains, geographical location of Dawaro. As he
states, Dawaro was situated to the south of Shawa and Ifat, to east of Harar. On the other hand as
60
Emran M.Waber, trans., 1971, p. 351.
61
Wabi Shebelle is northern frontier of Balli province. (Muhammad Hassan, The Oromo of Ethiopia a history 1570-
1860. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 1990, P.22. Wabe is a river which rises from highland of
Sidama and flow north ward between Arsi and Bali down to ČarČar. (Bayru Tafla trans., 1987, p. 980.).
62
J. Spencer Trimingham, 1952, p.67.
63
Ulrich Braukämper, Peoples and Cultures of Southern Ethiopia: Collected Essays. Hamburg.2002, p.76
64
Ibid, p.81.
65
66
Ibid, p.20.
67
Taddese Tamrat, 1972, p.139.
16
Bahrey describe, there was a clash between Barentuma and Däwaro.68 However, he did not
explain which clan of Barentuma did war with Dawaro.
According to Merid Welde Aregay, Dawaro located to the west of Charchar Mountain (a
mountain locate in highland of western Hararge) along the right side of the Awash in to lowlands
beyond mountain of Hezalo (Ayelu),69 it stretched from the Awash up to Wabe Shabale River,
by which it was separated from province of Balli. It seems that, it included much of the Gugu
Mountains.70 Gugu is a mountain names locate in Arsi around Arba Gugu district today. On the
other hand, Trimingham support the idea advocated by Merid Welde Aregay, in which the author
underlines the argument that, Dawaro locate between Awash River to south wards as far as the
river of Webi which marked the border with the neighboring state of Balli.71
As explained earlier, historically Dawaro was one among seven Muslim sultanates in which
history of their formation was similar to other sultanates that was trade and also resulted in
conflict with Christian kingdom later. According to Muhammad Hassan, Dawaro was a small
sultanate and a member of the confederation led by the Ifat until the middle of the fourteenth
century, but after Ifat subdued to the king Amdä Śǝyon (1314-1344), he made war against
Dawaro at the time territory was ruled by governor called Haydara. Later on Amdä Śǝyon made
garrisoned in Dawaro to defend migrating and raiding parties’ from Adal sultanate.72
However, around 1540 Ahmed Graň entrusted its government to his son Nasraddin. But, he was
devastated by Gälawdewos (1540-1559) in September 1542 and died after the battle with the
Graň defeat and death at Woina Dega on February 1543 and the dissolution of his empire control
the area passed to Graň nephew Abbas b. Abon b. Ibrahim. He ruled for a short period of time
over Dawaro and the adjacent frontier provinces, but was defeated and killed by Gälawdewos in
October 1544, not a long after names wards, around 1547-48 he appointed Fanu’el one of his
68
Getatchew Haile trans., 1996, p. 204.
69
Āzalo is a high mountain in Adal at the top of which is high greater and foot of which Awāš river bend north
ward.( Bayru Tafla trans., 1987, p. 887)
70
71
72
Mohammed Hassan, 2016, P.99 see also Deresse Ayenachew, “Evolution and organization of the Čäwa military
regiments in medieval Ethiopia.” Annales ďĖthiopie, (29), 2014, pp. 60-72; Merid Wolde Aregay, 1972, p, 624.
17
principle commanders, as governor of Dawaro, and regions dependent on it. However, the rule of
Fanu’el was not last long, because Dawaro was overrun and devastated by the Oromo clans
already under the third chief of Luba Kilole,73 in late 1530s or early 1540’s and then again under
the four the chief Bifole, (1546-54).74 Asmä -Giorgis and Donald N. Levine, also confirm that,
Dawaro was overrun by the Oromo in the second half of sixteenth century.75
Generally, geographical location of Dawaro sultanate was considered as corresponds too roughly
to more or less what was known as present day Arsi region in southern Ethiopia.76 According to
Muhammad Hassan suggests, it is very difficult to locate the exact location of Dawaro in the
present Arsi region; however it probably stretched from the present Hamda Diksis town in
central Arsi including some part Hetosa, Doddota, Sire and most parts of Arba Gugu, Bosat and
Fantalle district today to the Charchar highland of Hararge.77 According to Arsi tradition and
some written sources, there are local name on which oral evidence and place names contradict in
northern Arsi, for instance Dawaro appears as a locality names at least twice around Doddota and
Fantalle district in Arsi and east Shewa respectively.78
1.2.2 Sultanate of Hadiya
As seen, Dawaro was one of pre-settler on Arsi land; in addition, Hadiya sultanate was other
sultanate that considered as pre-settler in the Arsi area. Historically, written records of Ethiopic
73
There are different name of Gadaa. Among that, Melbah Gadaa (1522-1530) is one, During this period Borana
Oromo invade Balli sultanate. The other is Mudana Gadaa (1530-1538), during this Gadaa, Oromo crossed Wabe
Shebelle River. Kilole Gadaa (1538-1546) coincided with drastically change the fortune of war between Adal and
Christian highland. Bifole Gadaa (1546-1554), the Christian emperor Gälawdewos (1540-1559) fought against
Borena and Barentu, since this time Oromo are on expansion. Michelle Gadaa (1554-1562), was real land mark in
the whole history of Oromo expansion, because of the power of both Christian and Muslim dramatically
decreased, while power of Oromo increased in the proportion. (Muhammad Hassan, 1990, pp.22-24)
74
J. Spencer Trimingham, 1952, pp. 91-93. See Paul Lester Stenhouse, trans., Futuh Al-Habaša (the conquest of
Abyssinia). Addis Ababa: Tsehai Publisher and Disturber, 2003, p.31, 126.
75
Bairu Tafla, trans., 1987, p.905; Donald N. Levine, Greater Ethiopia, The evolution of a Multi-ethnic society.
Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1974 p.78.
76
Abdurrahman Kebato, 1991, P. 3; Emran M.Waber, trans., 1971, p.351.
77
78
Muhammad Hassan, 1990, p. 5; Informants, Aman Tufa, Alo Abdullah and Irresso Dubee.
18
chronicle,79 Arabic historiographers as well as geographer’s,80 and other written source,81 were
mentions Hadiya dated as far as thirteenth century.
Moreover, there are different opinions on geographical location of Hadiya. For instance
according to Braukämper, a number of Muslim principalities existed in the Somali coast and
eastern escarpment of the Ethiopian highland. Hadiya was one of the western political units
connected in confederation which was named after its capital Zeyla on the northern Somali coast
and established as a sultanate on the Harar Plateau.82 But, gradually moved westward in the
direction of the lake region and established the westernmost of Islamic states.83 Later on, Hadiya
situated in the highlands to the south west of Christian kingdom and further west as far as
Sharka.84 The author states, Hadiya established itself as a sultanate on Harar plateau, later moved
to Lake Region, however he did not identify the name of lake, but it can be Lake Zuway, since
there is no other lake related to geographical location of Hadiya explained by him.
According to J. Spencer Trimingham, Hadiya covers territory between the river Awash and
Gǝbé.85 According to these scholars, location of Hadiya was between Awash River to Gǝbé
River including, Lake Zuway. However, even if it was difficult to locate exact location of Hadiya
sultanate during this period, no one support their explanation, since most written sources show
that, Hadiya located near more or less to days Arsi land,86 not beyond as far as Gǝbé region
79
The written record of 13th century was Kebrä Negast (Glory of Kings). Kebrä negast is probably the earliest
literary document, in which the name Hadiya is mentioned. It is mentioned in an occasion when the Ethiopian
King defeated the Hadiya sultanate. (E.A. Wallis Budge, trans., The Queen Sheba and Her only Son Menelik I.
(Cambridge: Ontario, 2000, p.141).
80
In addition with Kebrä Negast, Arabic historiographers and geographer’s report also traced the name Hadiya as far
as the 13th century. Urlich Braukämper, 2004, p.60.
81
Source in which the name Hadiya was mentioned is article of Taddesse Tamrat. In 1286/87 the name Hadiya was
mentioned. However, he did not identify in which source and for what purpose this name was mentioned.
Taddesse Tamrat, “The Abbots of Däbrä-Hayq 1248-1535”. Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. 8, No. 1, 1970, pp.
87-117.
82
Urlich Braukämper, 2004, p.60.
83
Ibid.
84
Ulrich Braukämper, “The Colorations of Oral Tradition and Historical Records in the Southern Ethiopia: A Case
Study of Hadiya/Sidama Past” Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. XI.No.2, 1972, pp. 29-50.
85
86
Most authors agree that, most parts of Arsi land, eastern Hararge, and eastern Shewa are considered as
geographical location of Hadiyā sultanate. (Urlich Braukämper, 2004, p.60.) The others confirm that, the original
inhabitant of much Arsi land were apparently Hadiyain which later the 16th century great Oromo expansion
19
rather than as far as lake Zuway. Since Lake Zuway is more relate to Arsi land rather than Gǝbé
region.
On the other hand, Taddese explains, geographical location of Hadiya by depending on al- Umar
in which he locates West of Balli sultanate.87 While Merid explains, Hadiya was a mountainous
province situated between Waji, Gurage, and Kambata.88 However, Merid does not explain
topography of Hadiya within border of its direction.
The other author who suggest about Hadiya was Francisco Alvarez in his account, The Prester
John of the Indies. Francisco Alvarez is a Portuguese chaplain who landed at Massawa in April
A.D.1520 and spent six years in Ethiopia mainly at the court of the King Ləbnä Dəngəl ruler of
Christian highland from (1508-1540). He described the country on the eve of the disastrous
invasion of the Muslim conqueror, the Imam Ahmed b. Ibrahim al-Gazi Grañ or left hand. He
produced one of the detailed accounts of the early 16th century with a focus on religious,
political, economic and social backgrounds. The concerns he had in his travel brought him to a
deep understanding of the royal politics and political culture of the time. As he explains, in the
beginning of the sixteenth century, Hadiya had extended from the middle of Adal to Wag and
almost as far as East Mogadishu (present day capital of Somali Republic).89 Since Adal was
considered as the other name of Harar in medieval period and Wag was a province located in the
area of Lake Zuway, his explanation was related with above argument. However, location of
Hadiya as far as Mogadishu was not supported by other author evidences.
While dealing with the geographical location of Hadiya, it is essential to study their history.
Historically, as a principality Hadiya seems to have existed between the 13th century to early 17th
century and Amdä Sǝyon (1314-1344) conducted his campaigns against Hadiya,90 after his
control Ifat and the king make tributary of the Christian empire. In 1332 the emperor fought the
changed the situation. (Muhammad Hassan, The Guna Pilgrimage Center from its foundation to 1974, B.A;
Thesis, Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, 1998, p.4.)
87
88
89
C.F. Beckingham and G.W.B Huntingford trans., The Prester John of the Indies: A True Relation of the Land of
the Prester John Being the Narrative of the Portuguese Embassy to Ethiopia in 1520. (Cambridge University
press), 1961, p.315.
90
Paul Lester Stenhouse, trans., 2003, p.295.
20
Hadiya leader Amano and forced him take refuge in Ifat. Later on, the territory of Hadiya
probably became an integral tax-paying part of the Christian kingdom.91
As Braukämper note that, during the 15th century Hadiya struggled repeatedly to obtain its
independence from Christian highlands kingdom. However, as Hadiya try to regain their
independence from Christian highland, in return the force of Ahmed b. Ibrahim al-Gazi of Adal
invaded them from the region of Dawaro in 1531/32 A.D. Since the majority of the population of
Hadiya was Muslim, they seemed to have joined conquers voluntary established intensive socio-
economic connections with them and supported their north ward incursion in to the heart land of
Christian Empire.92 In addition to conquest of Christian highlands kingdom and Ahmed Gran,
Oromo expansions to the area,93 also resulted Hadiya not gain independence. At the end Hadiya
was sharply declined in the sixteenth century and the area failed under Arsi Oromo. There are
indicators of Hadiya sultanate as their pre-dwellers of Arsi Oromo in Arsi land, like their name
94
Jilo, Ubo and early tombs which were found in many parts of Arsi land, area like Doddota,
Hetosa, Zuway Dugda, Gadab Asasa and Munessa district.95
1.2.3 Sultanate of Balli
As cited by Braukämper above, sultanates have differences in their size and historical relevance.
Some of them scarcely mentioned in the literature and others are documented as important states
with long history. This is true for Balli, Sharka, Arababni and Darra sultanates. According to
some historical documents, Sultanate of Balli appearance in a description of Ethiopia dates back
to the period of the Zagwe dynasty (1137-1269).96 As Muhammad Hassan explains, Balli
sultanate came in to the existence some times between the 11th and 13th century.97 However, as
Ceruli argued, Balli was a Muslim state from the 13th to 16th centuries.98 However, argument
91
92
Ibid.
93
Bairu Tafla, trans., 1987, p.926.
94
Habib Kassim, 2001. p.3.
95
Informants: Muhammad Jarso, Qubsa Jarra, Bonso Kumbi, Muhammad Jiru, Nurella Waqayo and Alo
Dekabo.
96
G.W.B. Huntingford (tran/ed), The Glorious Victories of Amda Seyon, (Oxford: Clarendon Press), 1965, p. 19.
97
Mohammed Hassan, 1990, p. 22.
98
Erman N. Waber, trans., p.413.
21
sorted by Ceruli was more related than Muhammad, because as many sources indicate that, many
Muslim kingdoms were exists in medieval Ethiopia during the time from thirty century to the
second half of sixteenth century.
Historically, the establishment of Balli sultanate is intimately linked with the history Sheik
Hussein, the great early the 13th century standard bearer in Balli. Sheik Hussein was Muslim
scholar of Arab, who played a great role in the spread of Islam in Balli. Since 13th century the
shrine of Sheik Hussein in Balli has been the center of Islamic diffusion and the rallying point
for all Muslim in southern Ethiopia. Accordingly, Islamic influence brought by the traders and
preachers facilitated the formation of this state.99
Similar with other sultanate, it is very difficult to locate the exact location of Balli. Nevertheless,
sultanate of Balli was widely extended between Ganale Rivers on the south and Wabe-Shabale
on the North,100 but others argued that, Balli sultanate bordered by Dawaro and Sharka, in the
North, Hadiya in the West, Adal,101 and huge grazing of ground Oromo pastoralist in south.
Know days, this area were northern most part of Arsi Oromo.102 Although other authors consider
Balli, as sultanate situated east of Shawa and Yǝfat.103 On the other hand, Deresse Ayenechew
locates south of Wabe River.104 Still, Hiroki Ishikawa stresses Balli to the South of the Christian
kingdom.105
Šihab ad-Din Ahmad bin Abd al-Qader's also known Arabi Faqīh was other author who locates
Balli near Wabe River in his work ‘Futūh al-Habeša’ or ‘conquest of Abyssinia’. Šihab ad-Din is
a Yemen author who has eye witness and describes war between Imam Ahmed b. Ibrahim al-
Gazi /Grañ or left hand and Christian kingdom. He produced one of the detailed accounts of the
99
Mohammed Hassan, 1990, p.22.
100
Taddese Tamrat, 1972, p.81; Bairu Tafla, trans., 1987 p. 891; Merid Wolde Aregay, 1972, p. 626.
101
Erman N. Waber, trans., p. 413.
102
103
G.W.B. Huntingford trans., 1965, p. 19; Braukamper, 2002, p.76.
104
Deresse Ayenachew, 2014, p. 64
105
Hiroki Ishikawa, "Northern Ethiopian Historiography during the Second Half of the Solomonic Period (1540-
1769)," Nilo-Ethiopian Studies, (2011), p. 3.
22
early 16th century with a focus on conquest Ahmed Grañ.106 The former Balli sultanate was
inhabited by Arsi Oromo.107
According to Terje Østebø, Balli sultanate was the largest of all Islamic sultanate of the
country.108 However, he did not explain geographical location of Balli sultanate in relation with
other sultanates. But Huntingford, as he has translated the work of Maqrīzī mentions that the
length of the kingdom of Balli is 20 days and the breadth of six.109 Generally, as many authors
frequently mentions the name of Wabi that can be clearly identified as the Wabe Shaballe River.
Therefore, its territory was not far from Wabe Shaballe River.
The medieval State Balli was invaded by different forces at different time. The most invader of
the region was Christian highland Kingdom,110 neighbor‘s Muslim State,111 and Oromo during
their expansion.112 Later on, the territory eventually became the possession of the Oromo people
that had begun settling during Mudana Gada (1530-1538), and Balli sultanates disappeared for
the end.113
106
Paul Lester Stenhouse, trans., 2003, p.107.
107
K.E., Knutson, Authority and Change: A Study of the Kallu Institution among the Matcha Galla [Oromo] of
Ethiopia (Guthenberg, 1967), p. 32.
108
Østebø Terje, A History of Islam and inter- religious relations in Balli, Ethiopia. (Sweden: Stockholm press),
2005, p. 12.
109
G.W.B. Hantingford, trans, The Book of the true knowledge of the history of the Muslim kings of Ethiopia
(London press, 1955), p.10.
110
Christian highland Kingdom conquered Balli during the time of emperor Amdä Sǝyon (1314-44) like
the other Muslim state of southern Ethiopia, and incorporated in to the south ward-expanding Christian kingdom
from 1330-1333. (Mohammed Hassan, 2016, p.103)
111
One of the neighboring Muslim sultanates was Adal. In second half of sixteenth most part of the country was
controlled under Adal leader Ahmed Ibin Ibrahim Al-ghaz. Accordingly, in 1531 Balli was occupied by Ahmed
Grañ. (Trimingham, 1952, p.81). Sultanate of Balli was one of sultanate’s which are affected by wars of Ahmed
Ibin Ibrahim of Al-gaz of Adal and Christian highland of 16th century. Ahmed Grañ wage war against Balli,
during this time Balli was under Christian highland kingdom, from the time king Amdä Sǝyon. (Paul Lester
Stenhouse, trans., pp. 107-108).
112
Østebø Terje, 2005, p. 12
113
23
1.2.4 Sultanate of Sharka
Sharka was one of the seven Muslim city states in the south-east of modern Ethiopia.
Geographically, Sultanate of Sharka situated west of Dawaro,114 and Balli, north-east of ancient
sultanate of Hadiya.115 According to Trimingham, Sharka located between Hadiya and
Dawaro.116 On one hand as Braukämper explains, sultanate of Sharka bordered by Hadiya,
Dawaro, and Balli, and length was three days and its breadth four. According to his explanations,
since the Portuguese travelers did not explicitly know Sharka, they missed to show on the maps
of sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.117 On the other hand, Maqrīzī who had some knowledge
of the Muslim sultanate of medieval period said that, the distance from north to south and from
west to east of Sharka is the three days travel on foot.118 According to Arabi Faqih, Sharka
location was not far from Dawaro sultanate,119 which was similar to above explanation Sharka
was beyond Dawaro and Balli sultanates.
Similar with other sultanates, Sharka sultanate also came under Amdä Sǝyon (1314-1344), after
he waged war against them. When war broke out between Adal and Christian highland, Sharka
was administered by Christian governor called Limu, who was killed by the Muslims in the
battle of Zalla in Balli. Later, the conquered area was then put under the command of the Adal
Garad Siddiq b. Ali, in spring 1531,120 but gradually the area conquered by Oromo, whom after
controlled the area.121
As Braukämper suggests, Sharka is mentioned in the oral tradition as a district more or less
belonging to Dawaro and its ancient population, later on absorbed by Oromo. According to him,
the people of Sharka were very similar in the life style and economic conditions to those of
Dawaro and Arababni. As he explains, know days the area of this sultanate related to present
114
115
Franz- Christoph Muth,” Sharka” Encyclopedia Ethiopica,Vol.2, 2003, p.542
116
117
118
W. B. Hunting Ford, trans., 1955, p.10.
119
Paul Lester Stenhouse, trans., 2003, p. 141.
120
Ulrich Braukämper, 1977, p.16, see also Taddese, p.140; Paul Lester Stenhouse, trans., p.141.
121
Franz- Christoph Muth,” Sharka” p.542.
24
Shirka in eastern Arsi.122 Similarly, Taddese Tamrat also associates Sharka with present region
Shirka or Sirka.123 It coincided with present areas like Lemmu, Bilbilo, Digalu and Tijo the area
that surround today Shirka in eastern Arsi.
1.2. 5 Sultanate of Arababni
The other Muslim sultanates which are considered as pre-settler of Arsi Oromo in Arsi area was
Arababni. According to Ulrich Braukämper and J. Spencer Trimingham, sultanate of Arababni
located between Hadiya and Dawaro.124 However, as source written on encyclopedia Ethiopic
show, Arababni was a small Muslim province in the region today’s Arsi, south of Awaš.
Geographically, sultanate of Arababni touched the kingdom of Hadiya and Dawaro and four
day’s journey,125 which is accurate to above explanation.
Similarly, Abdurrahman Kebato suggests, it seems that since Dawaro included west and east
Shewa, central and north Arsi it is therefore unlikely that Arababni was close to Dawaro. As he
explains, indeed in the region where Arababni locate there are many indication of the presence of
Islamic heritage, for example, the Arabic inscription found in Gadab Asasa on the grave stone. 126
But, as information from oral tradition of study area show, Arababni was not pre-settler of Arsi
Oromo of Gadab area rather than, they believe that early dweller of the area was Hadiya. Orally
there was also place known by Hadiya tombs. But, now days there were no tombs existed in the
area of Gadab, because they destroyed by natural and human phenomena.127
1.2.6 Sultanate of Darra
The last principality considered as pre- settler of Arsi Oromo was Darra sultanate. Accordingly
Braukämper, directly or indirectly mentioned the existence of Darra in the part of present Arsi
122
123
124
Ulrich Braukämper, 1977, p.17; see also J. Spencer Trimingham, 1952, p 65.
125
Franz- Christoph Muth, “Arababni” Encyclopidia Ethiopica, Vol.1, 2003, p.294.
126
Abdurrahman Kabeto, 1991, p. 8.
127
Informants: Muhammad Jarso and Qubsa Jarra
25
and western Hararge.128 Geographically, he located Darra near the bend of the Wabi Shaballe,
east of Balli and south of Dawaro.129 On the other hand, Trimingham explains geographical
location Darra by depending on account of Al-Umarī. According to him, Darra sultanate
bordered Balli.130 However, the author did not explain in which direction Darra bordered Balli.
Moreover, as the source gained from encyclopedia Ethiopic explains, Darra was a region south-
east of Dawaro and west of Balli and one the weakest and smallest of the seven Muslim trading
states. As a result, it was only a three days’ journey in length by three days in breadth, with an
army of no more than 2,000 cavalry and infantry. They had trade activity like in the neighboring
small principality of Balli in the west; in which their commerce was based only on barter
(exchange material with material in trading activity).131
As many authors agreed on, it’s very difficult to locate the exact geographical location of those
132
Muslim sultanates; in present day Arsi zone one by one, since we did not know its definite
geographical location within other natural phenomena of these sultanates, however the following
map shows some of those sultanates with their topography in relation with natural phenomena
like river and lake. Those Muslim sultanates are illustrated in the following map.
128
129
130
131
Franz- Christoph Muth, “Dära” Encyclopidia Ethiopica, Vol.2, 2003, p.97.
132
Taddese, p.81; Muhammad Hassan, 1990, p. 5; Bairu Tafla, trans., p, 905.
26
Map 1: Medieval territories under Emperor Amdä Sǝyon (1314-44) including Muslim sultanates
Source; Taddese Tamrat, 1972, p.133.
27
CHAPTER TWO
SOCIO-CULTURAL AND ECONOMIC HISTORY OF THE ARSI OROMO
FROM THE LATE 1600 CENTURY TO 1880’S
2.1 Historical Overview of Oromo
The main objective of this chapter is to discuss the socio-cultural and economic history of Arsi
Oromo. However, before deal with the Arsi Oromo history, it’s better to deal with the history of
Oromo in order to understand from historical point of view of the people. Regarding to the
Oromo history Muhammad Hassan suggests the Oromo history, way of life, political and
religious institution is ignored in Ethiopian historiography. This is due to luck of accurate
information from the Oromo viewpoint.133 According to this scholar, the ignorance of Oromo
history was due to absence accurate evidence from Oromo perspective. But, he does not identify
the time in which Oromo history is ignored. However, it is relatively earlier period. Because in
recent time, there are many studies that were conducted on the Oromo both by Ethiopian and
foreigners.
Historically, as many sources indicate, the Oromo were an ancient people of Cushitic family who
live both in Ethiopia and horn of Africa.134 Moreover, this people like other African nation have
their own socio-cultural and economic history.135 However, their history was transmitted through
means of oral tradition for long period of time;136 instead they have no writing culture.137
133
134
Muhammad Hassan, 2016, p. 7; Kuwee Kumsa, “The Siiqqee Institution of Oromo Women,” The Journal of
Oromo Studies, Vol. 4, No, 1 & 2, July 1997, pp. 115-152, Tabor Wami, 2015, pp. 49-52. Lambert Bartels,
Oromo Religion: Myths and Rites of the Western Oromo of Ethiopia- an attempt to understand, (Berlin: Reimer
Verlay), 1983, pp. 12-13; Tesema Ta’a, “The Political Economy of Western Central Ethiopia: From the Mid-
Sixteenth to Early Twentieth Century,” (PhD. Dissertation), Michigan State University, 1986, p.7; Jeylan W.
Hussein, “A Cultural Representation of Women in Oromo Society,” African Study Monographs, vol. 25(3). 2004,
pp. 103-147; John Markakis, Ethiopia; the last two Frontiers, (London: James Currey press), 2011, p.65.
135
Alemayehu Haile, Sirna Gadaa; Siyaasaa Oromo Tulamaa/ Gada; political system of Tulama, (Addis Ababa:
Berhan and Selam printing press), 2007, pp. 36-37.
136
Dirribi Demissie, Seenaa Eenyuma Oromo; History of Oromo people, (Addis Ababa: Ellen press), 2015, p.37;
Alemayehu Haile, 2007, pp. 38-39.
137
Bayru Tafla trans., 1987, p.49; Tesema Ta’a, p. 7.
28
Even though, writing of the history of Oromo is recent, however, historical record dealing with
Oromo history and their early settlements had begun to be written as far back to the 16th century.
Among the first written documents on the Oromo was produced by Abba Baḥrəy in 1593.138 This
document paved the way for Oromo studies even though it has its own limitation.
The other writer, who tried to write history of the Oromo people in the 20th century, was Asmä
Giyorgis Gabra Masih. His work uses as important source on the Oromo history and kingdom of
Šawan. Nevertheless, his work has a limitation to indicate the exact socio-culture and
geographical location of the societies.139 Similarly, Aleka Taye made an effort to write the
history of Ethiopia people. But, in similar manner, it has the same limitation with the work of
Asmä Giyorgis.140 Moreover, in his work he did not cite the page and the title of the book he
took from. Even though, the works of this author is useful as a source on Oromo history, their
works have a limitation to indicate the accurate history of the society. Regarding to the limitation
of writing Ethiopian history, Alessandro Triulzi note that, “Ethiopian traditional writings are
witnessed full of historical limitation and prevalence of social discrimination and
historiographical institutionalized between the great history of kings, battles and treaties and the
little history of peasants, squires and servants.”141 He argues that Ethiopians and foreign writers
describe the history the people to satisfy the interest of political power, which resulted for the
distortion and misconception history of the country.142
In order to avoid the distorted and misrepresentation of history, it’s in questionable to uses the
scientific method. Regarding to this Tabor Wami quoted “Unlike Qinnee and poetry, history
books are not based on personal heartfelt thoughts, evidentiary documentation is necessary to
138
Baḥrəy, Almedia, Huntingford and Beckingham, The History of the [Oromo] of Ethiopia: With Ethnology and
History of Southwest Ethiopia, Introduction by Donald Levine, (African Sun Publishing: Oakland
California), 1993, p.44.
139
Bayru Tafla trans., 1987, pp.51-52.
140
Taye Gabra Mariam (Alaqa), Ye Ethiopia Hizb Tarik (The history of Ethiopian People), (Asmara, Swedish
Mission press), 1922, pp. 33-34.
141
Alessandro Triulzi, “Social protest and Rebellion in some Gebar songs from Qellem Wollega,” Proceeding of the
fifth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies (Sophia Antipolice, 1977), p. 177.
142
Alemayehu Haile et al., History of Oromo to the 16th century. (Addis Ababa: Artistic printing Enterprise), 2006,
p.33.
29
write history. Often time’s interpretation is even more difficult than finding documentation.” 143
This shows that, in order to write accurate history of the people, it requires language ability and
professional ability in order to gather and analyze oral traditions. Because, as seen in chapter
one, oral traditions were by means in which any society history were written, mainly African
people who has no written tradition for long period of time.
2.1.1. Oromo Expansion in History and Arsi Oral Tradition
Here the intension of the topic is not to discuss about Oromo expansion rather than to show
historical chronology of Arsi Oromo society. Throughout Oromo history, the original home land
and the cause of 16th century Oromo expansion were controversial notion and issue of debate
among many scholars in which they give different explanations and arguments. These arguments
are two, the first one are those who consider Oromo as outsider of Ethiopian region and the
second scholars were those who explain Oromo as original inhabitant of the region. Among the
first scholars, Baḥrəy’s explains, “[Oromo] appeared from the west and crossed the river of their
country, Genale, to the frontier of Balli, in the time of Wenag Segged (Libna Dengel, 1508-
1540).”144 Nevertheless, in his explanation he did not explain the term west and for which
direction he used the west. On the other hand, Alaqa Taye explains, Oromo as outsider of
Ethiopia region and later they occupy Madda Walabu through Genale River. 145 Similarly, Asmä
Giyorgis explain, [Oromo] people have expanded from Asia to Madagascar and later to
Mombassa and finally reached Borana.146 However, there is no tangible evidence that support the
argument of these scholars.
On the other hand, there are scholars who argued, the original home land of the Oromo people is
southern Ethiopia,147 some-where in Arsi and Bale, but specifically in the cool highlands of Bale
around Madda Walabu.148 Similarly, Hirut Terefe also stated, the origin of Oromo people were a
143
Tabor Wami, 2015, p. 605.
144
Getatchew Haile trans., 1996, p.196.
145
Taye Gabra Mariam (Alaqa), 1922, p. 33.
146
Bayru Tafla trans., 1987, p. 51.
147
P. T. W. Baxter, 1978, p. 284.
148
Muhammad Hassan, 1990. p.4; Eike Haberland, 1963, p.772; John Markakis, 2011, p.65; Abbas Haji, 1982, p.2.
30
place called Fugug,149 which were located between the highlands of Bale and Arsi.150 As seen,
the question of original home land of Oromo has been discussed by many scholars, however the
argument of first scholars did not support by any written and oral tradition, but the second
scholars argument were supported by Arsi Oromo oral tradition. In which they say, uumeen
teechaa Walabu Baatee (our origin is a place called Walabu which were located in Bale).151
Arsi Oromo were one sub group of Oromo, regarding to this Braukämper note that, the Arsi
Oromo constituted the majority and the dominant people who played a leading political, social
and economic role in the Arsi area from the 16th century Oromo expansion to the advent of the
the formation of Ethiopian empire in the last quarter of the 19th century.152 Thus, the movement
of Arsi should was not different from the general Oromo movement.153 Likewise, their left of
their home land can be the reason for the split of the Oromo in to various groups, clans and
families. Consequently the Oromo spread out in all directions north, south, east and west which
could be a turning point in the history of Oromo.154
Besides, the original homeland of Arsi Oromo assumed as Bale, specifically mentions Baredu
Kurkuru, also known as Midhagdu Kurkuru in Bale as the original homeland of Arsi Oromo.155
Baredu Kurkuru, where not far from their Arsi Oromo Gadaa center, at Odaa Robaa, which
located in Bale.156
Though, there are different tradition were forwarded, why the Arsi Oromo left their original
home land. Regarding to these Abbas Haji states, the Arsi Oromo left their land because of the
presence of huge animal called “Hema Wayee” which would have eaten the people.157 This
149
The mount Fugug was located in the administrative regions of Arsi, the heart land of historical Balë. (Muhammad
Hassan, p.4)
150
Hirut Terefe, 2012. pp. 62-63.
151
Informants: Shambal Bazu, Curriso Wadoo, Bonso Kumbi, Gobe Fayyiso and Bonsamo Mi’esso.
152
Ulrich Braukämper, 2002, p.152; Ketebo Abdiyo, 1999, p.1; Abbas Haji, 1982, p.1.
153
Daniel Deressa , Continuity and Changes in the status of women: The case of Arsi Oromo Living
Adjacent to upper Wabe valley (Dodola), (M.A Thesis: Addis Ababa University, 2002), P. 24.
154
Eike Haberland, 1963, p. 772; Hirut Terefe, 2012, p. 63.
155
Muhammad Hassan, 2016, p.149; Informants: Bonso Kumbi, Kedir Jima, Sadiq Tola and Qubsa Jarra.
156
Mindaye Abeba, “The Oromo of Bale: A Historical survey to 1974.” M.A Thesis: Addis Ababa University,
Addis Ababa. 2001, p.22.
157
Abbas Haji, 1982. p.3.
31
statement was also supported by Arsi oral tradition; however, there was no agreement on it.
According to the second myth, the migration of the Oromo from their homeland was attributed to
ecological changes in Bale.158 It is said that there was a long period of drought followed by
absence of rain, which forced the Oromo to flee their homeland. The third reason attributed to
demographic rise of cattle and people. As a result of this increase, their original homeland was
not able to sustain the cattle and human populations. As a result they fled to new unexploited
lands.159 As seen, the second and the third reason were the conclusion of many scholars and it
can be the reason for Oromo expansion in different direction. However, the first argument is
unbelievable; since the Mando Arsi remained in Bale.
2.2. Ethnic Interactions and Integrations of Arsi Oromo with Other Ethnic
Groups
As it is already indicated, after the sixteenth century Oromo expansion, the Arsi Oromo
expanded to present Arsi land. However, before the 16th century the region presently occupied by
the Arsi Oromo was said to have been inhabited by people of the historical states of Balli,
Dawaro, Sidama,160 Hadiya, Ganz, Darra, Arababni, Waj, and Sharka (Shirka).161 Furthermore,
because of geographical proximity one ethnic group with other of ethnic groups they can share
many socio-cultural activities in which they made relationship with each other.
Accordingly, from 1537 onwards the relation between those (ethnic groups who were mentioned
above) and Oromo began by hostile ways, at first they overwhelm the province of Balli, which
was partly in habited by Christian settlers and the people of Hadiya. Though, Hadiya had been
devastated by the wars of Ahmed ibn Ibrahim of Adal; as a result it was apparently easy for the
Oromo to take over the area and inter within short period.162 Nevertheless, after 16th century the
158
Tesema Ta’a, 1986, p.12; P. T. W. Baxter, p. 284; Hirut Terefe, 2012, p. 63.
159
Donald N. Levine, 1974, pp.79-80; Abbas Haji, 1982, p.3; Hirut Terefe, 2012, p.65.
160
161
Taddese Tamtrat, 1972, p.142; Ulrich Braukämper, 1977, p.17.
162
32
area of Arsi land was dominated by Arsi Oromo and those ethnic were absorbed and adopted the
ethnic and cultural identity of Arsi Oromo.163
As Braukämper states, some of Hadiya and Sidama ethic groups adopted the ethnic and cultural
identity of the Arsi Oromo through the process called adoption.164 On the other hand, there was
military clash between the Hadiya and Arsi-Oromo in the region of the upper Wabe. In which
they confront each other at the battle called Bassa (Bochisa), located in today’s east Arsi in
Munessa district.165 As a result of this two reasons, Arsi Oromo able to integrate with Hadiya
people.166
Similarly, Habib Kassim states that, before Arsi Oromo came to the area, Hadiyapresent in Arsi
land in which later they assimilated to Arsi Oromo society.167 Even though, these clans where
live in Arsi, they do not call themselves as Hadiya clan rather than Arsi. Because, there was a
promise during adoption, not call as other ethnic group after adoption. Details over adoption
were discussed below. Generally, even if there was long history of interaction and integration
among the Arsi Oromo society and other ethnic groups, there was a shortage of written sources
which deals with the issue.
2.3 The Socio-Political Institution of Arsi Oromo
2.3.1. The Gadaa System
One of the main goals of this topic is to show gadaa system among Oromo in general and Arsi
Oromo in particular. During their long history of life, Oromo people developed a unique socio-
political system known as gadaa. Gadaa system is a traditional political organization of Oromo
clans that based on the age-set, with five grades lasting for eight years,168 before its final
163
Abreham Alemu Fanta, p. 66; Ulrich, Braukämper, 1977, p.17.
164
165
Ulrich Braukämper, 1973. Pp.29-50; Informants: Abdela Hindessa, Lellato Eda’o, Gobe Fayyiso, Nurella
Waqayyo and polici Mi’esso.
166
167
Habib Kassim, 2001, pp.3-4.
168
John Markakis, 2006, p.76; Bahrey, Almeida, Huntingford & Beckingham, 1993, pp. 22-23.
33
disintegration in the course of the 19th century.169 This institution governed the life of every
individual in the Oromo society from birth to death.170
According to Hussein Badaso, gadaa has two meaning, one is to show the year in which they
stay on power and second its political system which Oromo uses to rule each other. 171 But
according to different scholars’ explanation, the definition of the term gadaa is more than this.
The term gadaa defined differently by different scholars, it cannot defined in single word,
phrase, or sentence and it used for many varied concept of religious, political, economic and all
social life of every Oromo.172 These scholars underline the argument that the term gadaa has no
single meaning rather than it is a most complex word of Oromo social organization with multiple
meaning.
On the other hand, Alemaheyu Haile state that, gadaa goes with all Oromo life, particularly with
political system.173 In addition, Dirribi Demisie also apprises gadaa is a system of rule which has
democracy character,174 and represents a part that has taken power every eight year.175 According
to these scholars, gadaa is a system of governance that has a democracy character, in which one
party transfers his power every eight year peacefully.
According to Asmerom Legesse, who made a research on the gadaa indicated that, prior to and
during the 16th century the gadaa classes had been administrating the whole society of Oromo.
According to him, gadaa stands for several related idea. It is first of all, the concept of standing
for whole way of life, military, economic, political and ritual responsibilities.176 Moreover, the
author elaborates about gadaa. According to him, one gadaa class remains in power during the
specific term of gadaa which begins and ends with a formal power ceremony. Though, before
assuming the position of leadership, the gadaa class is required to wage against non-Oromo
169
Alemaheyu Haile, 2007, pp. 36-37.
170
Kuwee Kumsa, 1997, p.2.
171
Hussein Badaso, 2000, p.46.
172
Muhammad Hassan, 1990, p.9; Hirut, p. 67; Jeylan W. Hussein, 2004, p.105; Alemaheyu, 2007, p. 38.
173
Alemaheyu, 2007, p. 39.
174
Dirribi Demisie, 2015, p.148.
175
Asmerom Legesse, Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society. (New York: Free Press), 1973. P.
81; Dirribi Demisie, 2015, p.150.
176
Asmerom Legesse, 1973, p.81.
34
people. This particular war is known as “butta” and waged on schedule every eight years, then
after they had to retire and hand over their office to their successor.177
In the Oromo gadaa system, there was distribution of political authority among men in
leadership. The well-known gadaa officers were Abba Bokku,178 Abba Caffee (father of
legislative assembly), Abba Alangee (attorney general) Abba Sa’aa (“ministry of
economy/finance”), Abba Seeraa (“legal representative”), and Abba Duulaa (war leader).179 The
distributions of power indicate that, how gadaa party organize themselves and performed their
role.
Moreover, after the split of Oromo in to various branches, each section developed its own a
slightly modified original gadaa system, but it continued to serve in a similar purpose.180 Even
though they split in various clans; the Oromo clans in the highlands of Bale and the valley of
River Genale might have shared common institutions such as gadaa and Qallu.181 Accordingly,
before formation of Ethiopian empire and the introduction of Islam to Arsi area, both in the
second half of 19th century, Arsi social was dominated by kinship unit and the gadaa system,182
in which their gadaa was not different from other Oromo groups.183
Arsi Oromo governed by gadaa institution.184 However, unlike the other Oromo clan, Arsi
Oromo do not have a single person of the leader of the gadaa system, because the territory they
occupied was far too wide. Therefore, they divided up in to a number of gadaa areas each with
its own leader differing from one place to another.185 As a result, their gadaa practice has some
177
Asmarom Legesse, 1973, p .8.
178
Bokku was a wooden scepter, which was carried and used by reigning Abba Bokku to signify symbol of
authority and taking to succeeding ruler to signify the transfer of power. (Mohammed Hassan, 1990, p.203).
179
Jeylan W. Hussein, 2004, p. 107.
180
Asmarom Legesse, 1973, p.8.
181
Mohammed Hassan, 1990, p.4
182
K.E. Knutson, Authority and Change: A study of Kallu institution Among the Macca [Oromo] of southern
Ethiopia, (Gotenberg), 1967, pp.30-31.
183
Hussein Badaso, pp. 46-47; P.T.W, Baxter, p. 4, Abbas Haji, 1995, p. 4.
184
Tesema Ta’a, “The Place of' the Oromo in Ethiopian History,” The Journal of Oromo Studies, Vol.11, No, 1&2,
2004, pp. 1-11.
185
Eike Haberland, 1963, p. 784.
35
unique feature with other Oromo community, among these feature Arsi gadaa practices was that
each clan was autonomous and independent.186
The other unique feature was on gadaa names, it is impossible to construct fully the names of the
original gadaa grades, because after the expansion, the various groups adopted slightly different
name of gadaa grades.187 Gadaa is the name of five parties, which transfers authority or
leadership position to one another every eight years. For instance, in Mäččä Oromo gadaa grade
named as Birmaji, Horata, Duuloo, Melbaa and Robale.188 However in Arsi, gadaa grade named
as; Birmaji, Bultuma, Horata, Baharaa, and Roballe.189 The name of each grade had its own
meaning and interpretation in the society; in which on one way or other reflect the socio-political
and economic activity of the society. For instance, in Arsi Oromo, Birmaji is the part for defense,
Bultuma, for peaceful co-existence, Horata, for reproduction of people and animal, Bahara,
peace for people and animal, Robale, for continued availability of the rains.190 Even though,
there are variations in the name of the gadaa grades, it does not the causes for the differences in
the functions of the gadaa system in Arsi from other Oromo groups.191
As seen above, all male Oromo groups were member of gadaa party from birth to death;
similarly Arsi Oromo society was the member of gadaa party. Throughout their stay in one
gadaa grade, they were learned their natural and community situation from gadamojjii (the men
elders whose age are above eighty years and retired from the gadaa system). With the end of the
first age grade, they would join the second gadaa age grade together with new tasks, this was
after the celebrating the ceremony that marks the end of the first age grade and the beginning of
the second grade. This ceremony was held by the member of gadaa party to overhand the next
gadaa grade. This ceremony knows as butta ceremony, which took every eight years.192
186
Ibid, pp. 772-773
187
188
Dirribi Demissie, Oromo Wisdom in Black Civilization. (Addis Ababa: Finfinne S.C Press), 2011.p.212.
189
Abbas Hajji 1982, p. 18; Hussein Badaso, 2000, p. 57; Eike Haberland, 1963, p.441.
190
Tegegn Nureso, Oromo songs in praise of Cattle. (Zimbabwe: Commercial printing), 2011, p. 215; Hussein
Badaso, 2000, p.54.
191
Abbas Haji, 1982, p.11.
192
Informants: Amino Eda’o, Lenco Jiru, Bonsamo Mi’esso and Muhammad Jiru. see also Tolera Mekonnon, “A
History of Mäččä Oromo from late 16th century to 1840’s,” M.A Thesis: Debra Berhan University, 2017, p.70.
36
In gadaa party Abba Bokku was the head of gadaa parties, he elected from any clans of Arsi to
rule for eight years.193 To be Abba Bokku there are criteria to be fulfilled. Regarding to this,
Tolera Mekonnen suggest, “The candidates should have be knowledgeable about the history and
tradition of the society, earlier military successes with identifiable potential for coming
governance and should be a member of gadaa group.”194 As indicated above, there was some
difference on the name of gadaa party in the Oromo groups, but it’s not differences on the
criteria to be Abba Bokku. Accordingly, as oral tradition of study area asserts, the criteria listed
above were true to Arsi Oromo society.195
The Abba Bokku governed the society on the basis of ancient Arsi law and decision which was
ratified at Odaa Rooba in Bale. At the same time, he was responsible for the ratification and
amendment of laws in the line with Oromo law,196 as well as he has responsibility to solve
conflict between the Arsi and the various neighboring Oromo communities.197
Besides, a place where Arsi Oromo made transformation of gadaa was around Midhagdu at
Odaa Robaa in Bale. Odaa Robaa was a place where laws were enacted, rules and regulations
198
were amended and ritual practices carried out by the whole Oromo community in the region.
Generally, according to Arsi oral tradition indicates, the contact of Arsi Oromo with Christian
highland and introduction of Islam to Arsi were the main causes for the transformation of gadaa
and other customary laws.199
193
194
Tolera Mekonnon, 2016, p.71.
195
Informants: Amino Eda’o, Lenco Jiru, Bonsamo Mi’esso and Muhammad Jiru.
196
Abdurrahman Kabeto. 1991. p.14.
197
198
Hussein Badaso, 2000, p. 55; Muhammad Hassan, 2016, p. 150.
199
John Markakis, 2006, pp.73-76; informants: Amino Eda’o, Lenco Jiru, Bonsamo Mi’esso and Muhammad Jiru.
37
2.3.1.1. Arsi Oromo Military Organization
As seen, one of the elements of gadaa system was military group. In Arsi gadaa, Birmaji was a
part for military purpose and managed by Abba Duulaa (father of war).200 In gadaa system,
militarization is all about preparing young Oromo men for warfare through training. Warfare had
an important cultural aspect as bravery became the highest virtue among Oromo in general and
Arsi Oromo in particular. War produced heroes in whose honor boasting songs were sang. There
were two kind of these songs which known as, farsa and gerersa. Farsa were ‘poetical
expressions of the bonds which uses to unite the members of the clan. They were boasting songs
about single warrior ‘bravery,’201 this poem was initiate and strengths the members. Though, the
Oromo is animated with warrior spirit in the highest quality and they maintain their self-
government due to their bravery.202 From his childhood, the young Oromo, following the herds,
learns how to handle the spear.203 This shows how they prepare their children in their traditional
military defense.
Accordingly, gadaa system enabled Arsi Oromo to defend themselves against enemy. The Arsi
Oromo organized standing and well trained army under gadaa system. As Arsi oral tradition
asserts, Arsi Oromo creates army because of war with neighboring Oromo and non-Oromo
group,204 and to raid their cattle. The butta raiding might have helped the Arsi to undermine
fighting capability of the enemy. The gadaa system is in part of military organization that
furnishes leadership for offensive and retaliatory war.205
2. 3. 2. Arsi Oromo Clan Lineage Organization
Oromo society organized in to two ways those are by gadaa system and clan linkage,206 in which
for centuries were composed of clan or confederation of clans. The clans in their turn were
200
201
Muhammad Hassan, 2016, pp. 134-135.
202
Ayalew Kanno trans., An Ancient people Great African Nation; The Oromo. (Paris) 1901, p.308
203
Ibid, p.310.
204
Informants: Amino Eda’o, Abbu Kedir and Tassa Muhammad.
205
Ibid.
206
Alemayehu Haile, Seenaa Oromo hanga Jarra 20ffaa (History of Oromo to the 20th century), (Addis Ababa:
38
divided in to sub clans, the sub clans in to clans, and the clans into lineage.207 These linkages of
Oromo were from two confederacies of Borana and Barentu.208 Borana is regarded as an elder
while Barentu is a younger,209 who settled in the Arsi, Bale, Hararge, and Wallo regions, the
Borana on the other hand moved towards the northwest, leaving the lower Omo and Gibe river
basin.210
Moreover, there is controversy regarding to the clans who belonged to the Barentu confederacy.
According to Haberland, the Barentu Oromo include the Arsi, Itu and Humbana. 211 But, Asmä
Giorgis adds Akichu on list of Haberland.212 However, Muhammad Hassan, Bayru Tafla, Aleqa
Taye, Baḥrəy, Almeida, Huntingford and Beckingham stated that, Barentu Oromo consist,
Karrayu, Marawa, Arsi, Akichu, Itu and Humbana.213 Nevertheless, according to Alemayehu
Haile et al., Barentu branches has Marawa, Marawa in turn has Dhumuga. Dhumuga in turn has
Arsi.214 As his explanation Arsi were the son of Marawa, which were not supported by any
evidence. In the same source, Barentu has Karrayu, Dhumuga, Marawa, Humbana and Qallo,215
which were different to above explanation. To sum up, there are big differences between
evidence obtained from elder and written sources on the Barentu genealogy or descendent.
However, most of oral tradition of study area confirms,216 the list of second scholars, even
though there was difference on the name like Arsi replaced by ‘Werenticha’, in which the society
does not call him by this name and this name available only in old document.
Artistic printing Enterprise), 2016, p.17.

207
Lambert Bartel, 1983, p.13.
208
Muhammad Hassan, 1990, p. 4; Bayru Tafla trans., 1987, p.137; Aleqa Taye, 1922, p.34; Baḥrəy, Almeida,
Huntingford and Beckingham, 1993, p. 22.
209
Asmarom Legesse, 1973, p.1.
210
Tesema Ta’a, 1986, p.21.
211
Eike Haberland, 1963, p.5
212
Bayru Tafla trans., 1987, pp.136-137.
213
Muhammad Hassan, 2016, pp. 150-151; Aleqa Taye,1922, p.34; Baḥrəy, Almeida, Huntingford & Beckingham,
1993, p.44.
214
215
Ibid, p. 240.
216
Informants: Sadiq Tola, Amino Eda’o and Shambal Bazu.
39
As any other Oromo ethnic groups, Arsi Oromo internally divide in to many gosa (clan) who
were live with each other.217 This society, like other Oromo clans, is based on dual tribal
structure and gadaa system.218 The members of gosa have rights and obligations for helping each
other in different situations of social activity.219 In Arsi Oromo, Arsoma (Arsi hood) has a great
socio-political and economic importance in the life of every Arsi society. According to oral
tradition, Arsoma is manifestation of unity and interdependence among the Arsi. They say
Arsomni qorsomaa (Arsi hood is like a drug) Arsoma is not only a social value but its obligation
to be fulfilled by each member Arsi clans. For whatever requested in the name of Arsoma, he
would be provided with any sort of assistance like shelter, food and get protection against enemy
where ever he went in Arsi.220 Arsoma was a concept of Arsi hood; it is about blood,
belongingness and loved.221 Moreover, it refers to the cultural homogeneity and the aaloo (the
customary code) of Arsi people.222
According to oral tradition, the concept of Arsoma was developed in Arsi due to several factors.
Firstly, the Arsi know that they are the ones related each other than other Oromo ethnic group;
they share the same historical, social tradition and cultural legacy, which mean belongingness.
Secondly, as Arsi Oral tradition assert, the Arsi have the problem of ethnic conflict with Oromo
and non-Oromo branches. Therefore, the Arsi would defend themselves against Oromo ethnic
group and non-Oromo like Sidama, Alaba, Kambata and Hadiya. Of course, these people where
neighborhoods of each other both in southeast and north east since 16th century on ward. Among
the Oromo ethnic branch they developed a sense of hostility with Karrayu and Jille Oromo.223 In
Arsi Oromo, the descent and kinship structures have Mana (house), Warra (family), Aanaa
(house hold), Balbala (descent group) and Gosa (clan).224 Of course, the Arsi Oromo
217
218
Alemayehu Haile et al., p.219; John Markakis, 2006, p. 75.
219
220
Arsoma is a culture for respect among Arsi Oromo. Everywhere in Arsi society, Arsoma has a term that every
Arsi uses to explain their belongingness, what thing everyone had made mistake, if he ask in the name of Arsoma,
he was gain.
221
222
Jeylan W. Hussein, 2005, p.26.
223
Informants: Tassa Muhammad, Amino Eda’o and Irresso Dubee.
224
Mana were the first and lowest kinship group organization is mana, which literary means house. It contains
Dhirsa, nitii fi Ijolle (husband, wife and Children). Warra is the second level of kinship group organization. This
groups usually consist of two or more man. It refers to the fathers, household, together with his marries sons house
40
interrelationship is more than this. According to Jeylan W. Hussein, Arsi are a patrilineal society,
which identify their relationships through aanoma (blood relation), soddooma (relation through
marriage). These two types of identifying relations together indicate the people’s system of
classifying warrooma (family relationship). The broadest forms of relationship in Arsi were
Arsoma as seen above.225 Moreover, the basic rules of gosa include descent through parental
line, marriage line, territorially defined area that bears name of particular gosa, separation and
combination giving birth to hundreds of gosa each with its own name,226 thus, all paved for Arsi
Oromo strengths and interconnection.
There are different opinions on Arsi Oromo sons. Most of the scholars agree that, Arsi were
227
divided in to two gosa or clan, Sikko and Mando.228 While the others suggest that Arsi has
three sons namely Sikko, Mando and Dorano/Dori,229 in the same time the others also add
Manna by omitting Dori, they forwarded different opinion about Dori, they argued that, after the
death of Dori, his widow was given as a wife to Mando and his children were named after
Mando. While Manna called for gadaa assembly, however he did not participate on assembly,
but the other participant agreed that we did not call as Arsi son who did not participant on
today’s gadaa assembly. Because, of his own different reasons like who wented to another
hold, warra refers to a relation to core fathers than cohabitation. On other hand, several warra organized to
gather from Aanaa- several house hold at different places which include many of closely related kin groups.
Balbala, several Aanaa is in turn form Balbala, which literary means door. In the Oromo society, the saying
Balbala ebelu is used to mean “so and so descent group”. Gosa, the group of Balbala forms Gosa/clan which is
the highest level of kin group organization among Arsi Oromo community. (Hirut Terefe, 2012, pp. 81-83). But,
Huntingford start from Warra in his explanation of Oromo kinship organization. (G.W Huntingford, 1983, p.33).
Which were not seen as first step of Arsi social organization. The kinship structure in traditional Oromo society in
general and Arsi Oromo in particular follows a similar conceptual pattern. It consisted of five steps; those are
from mana (house), warra (family), aanaa (relative), Balbalaa (door) and gosa (clan). Progressing from the level
of particular individual family to that the people or nation as whole. (Gemetchu Megersa, “Knowledge, Identity,
and the colonizing structure: The case of Oromo of East and North East Africa.” School of Oriental and African
Studies, (University of London, unpublished), 1994, pp.146-147).
225
Jeylan W. Hussein, “The Function of African Oral Arts: The Arsi Oromo oral arts in focus”. African Study
Monographs, 26(1), 2005 PP. 15-58;
226
227
228
Alemayehu Haile et al., 2006, p.203; Hussein Badaso, 2000, p.78, Abraham Alemu Fanta, 2006, p. 67; Jeylan W.
Hussein, 2005, p.26.
229
Habib Kasim, p.4; Informants: Curriso Wadoo and Aloo Daqabo.
41
place, or not participate in ant means, we did not call as Arsi sons. Starting from that time,
Manna was not known as Arsi son.230
As seen above, most authors and oral tradition agreed that Arsi had two sons Sikko and Mando.
In turn they divide into different clan like Shanan Sikko or five Sikko as well as Torban Mando
or seven Mando.231 In the same time, there are different opinions on the settlement area of Sikko
and Mando clan. The first opinion argues that most of the Sikko clans inhabit the present-day
Bale zone, while most of the Mando clans live in the present-day Arsi zone.232 However,
according to second argument suggest, Sikko lineage crossed the Wabe-shäbällē river from Bale
and settled in what is today Arsi during the Oromo expansion, most probably in the first half of
the sixteenth century while the descendants of Mando remained in Bale.233 But, according to oral
tradition, most Oromo who were live in Bale belonged to Arsi Oromo sons of Mando. While
Sikko were live in Arsi land,234 which is true to second argument.
Even though, Sikko and Mando Arsi was the inhabitant of Arsi land and Bale respectively, it
does not mean that, there were no Mando and Sikko sons in Bale and Arsi. As a result of, the
geographical proximity of these two regions Arsi and Bale, it is possible to find minority Mando
clans in Arsi land and those of Sikko in Bale.235 Genealogically, Sikko were the elder son of
Arsi Oromo, in which in turn has five sons. Bullala is the eldest of the five sub clans of Sikko.236
The remaining four sub clan’s succeeded each other with an order of seniority that appears in the
chart below.
According to some evidence from elders, around the 11th century one sub-clan of Bullala is said
to have crossed river Wabe River from direction of Dida’a and settled over an area, which it
named as “Bullala” later named as Arsi Dida’a. Consequently, most districts and villages of Arsi
230
Informants: Amino Eda’o and Lenco Jiru.
231
Abraham Alemu Fanta, 2006, p. 67.
232
Ibid.
233
Abbas Haji, p 1982.1; Eike Haberland, 1963, pp. 772-773.
234
Informants: Qubsa Jarra, Nasir Kedir and Muhammad Jarso.
235
Abbas Haji, 1982, p.17; Alemayehu Haile et al, 2006, p. 206.
236
Alemayehu Haile et al, p.205.
42
retained the names of Sikko clans and sub-clans.237 This explanation is also other evidence that
show Sikko clans were the early settler of Arsi of land. However, the period mentioned above
was not plausible, as seen above we have no evidence that show the presence of Arsi Oromo in
Arsi land before sixteenth century.
On the other hand, Mando is a younger son of Arsi Oromo and most of their members are settler
of Bale zone, beyond Wabe River.238 As a result of their common ancestor, the Oromo of Arsi
and Bale have closer socio-cultural and political organizations when compared with the other
Oromo groups.239 The following section presents a survey of Arsi Oromo sons on the basis of
authors and Arsi Oromo oral traditions, in which those clans have clans and sub-clan that call
themselves as Arsi Oromo.
Oromo
Borana Barentu
Arsi
Sikko Mando
Bullala Wuchale Jawwi Waji Ilani.240
Tijo Itaya Supa Jarsu Ada’a
Ara’a Boru Tuqa Warsu Rugus
Ogolcha Uttala Liban
Abuna Ali
237
Ibid, p.206.
238
Ibid, p.219.
239
240
Alemayehu et al., 2006, pp. 203- 205.
43
Gelinsha Halchaya
Abbu Folqa
Hauphanosa
2.3.3. Moggasa and Guddifacha Institutions among Arsi Oromo
The cultures of Guddifacha and Moggasa were held among all Oromo.241 Similarly, Arsi Oromo
like other Oromo groups integrated the non-Oromo people through Moggasa institution. The two
terms have different meanings. According to Arsi tradition, Moggasa or adoption was held at the
time when person was captivate,242 and the process was conducted by Abba Gadaa, in which
later he adopted in to Arsi clan.243 Moreover, the adopted one has equal right and privileges with
those who are genetically related.244
Historically, in Oromo the process of adoption was started in sixteenth century during the course
of Oromo expansion, in which they dominated the people of Balli , Hadiya, Dawaro and other
provinces,245 as a result the subjugated person called “Gabra” (slave),246 which later coined as
Moggasa or adoption. However, there is no written source that shows the period when the term
started to use in the place of “Garba”.
Before a person is adopted to Arsi Oromo, there was a ceremony prepared to well come a person
and introduces him to the society. On the ceremony an ox is slaughtered. Then the adopted
person and clan official including Abba Bokku put a knife in the blood of animal and touch it.247
This is done to show the assimilation of the adopted person in to Arsi clan and it’s to say “I fight
what you fight”. Moreover, the adopted person takes an oath by saying “I hate what you hate, I
241
Hussein Badhaso, 2000, p.63.
242
Informants: Amino Eda’o, Bonsamo Mi’esso, Aman Tufa, Nurella Waqayyo, Polici Mi’esso and Kedir Jima.
243
244
Hirut Terefe, 2012, p. 82.
245
246
Merid Welde Aregay, 1971, pp. 416-417.
247
Informants: Amino Eda’o, Bonsamo Mi’esso, Aman Tufa, Nurella Waqayyo, Polici Mi’esso and Kedir Jima; see
Merid Welde Aregay, 1971, p.420.
44
like what you like, and I fight what you fight and the like.”248 The Abba Bokku also announces to
the people about the adopted person and they also give cattle and other material support. An
adopted person or clan also received present from the members of the clan which known as
Handhura (umbilical cord).249
Moreover, a person is also expected to change his name. After adoption a person is called by his
new father name. The person became Arsi Oromo in all matters and no longer regarded as an
outsider. However, it does not mean that, he elected in gadaa leadership, because, since he was
an outsider, there is a fear one day, the adopted person can tell their secret, as a result he did not
elected in gadaa leadership.250
Guddifacha or fostering child was common in Oromo,251 which was held by everyone who has
no child. The person who has no child send to the owner of the child his belong family to ask the
child. Then, the process was conducted by elder.252 Adoption has its own rule, among that rule,
on the day of adoption, on the one hand the child came; on the other hand, milk, grass, ash,
honey and barley were prepared at the place where all his family and adopter were present. They
use these things in the time promise in front of the elder. Different promises were held among
participator, for instance, starting from that time it is forbidden to call the child by his father
rather than the adopter. The adopter came by catching Sinqe (straight thin stick) and Xunxo
(traditional material which uses to hold milk) and put the child she wanted to adopt. Later the
child called was by adopter name. On this ceremony five leader of gadaa were attend and
promise was done on them.253
Then after, the adopted son was looked up on as a real son and he enjoyed all right of true son.
Even if foster parent had a son of their own after they had adopted a son, the first remained
angafa (the eldest son) with all right and privileges.254 Thus, there is great difference between the
248
249
Ibid.
250
Informants: Muhammad Jiru, Aloo Abdullah, Sadiq Tola and Aman Tufa.
251
Kuwee Kumsa, p. 122.
252
Informants: Muhammad Jiru, Aloo Abdullah, Sadiq Tola and Aman Tufa.
253
Hussein Badaso, 2000, pp. 63-64; see also Muhammad Hassan, 1990, p.21.
254
45
two terms; in the case of Guddifacha a foster of child conducted by the person who has no child,
but in the case of adoption, the process was done on non-Oromo who were captivated.
2.3.4 The Atete Institution
Every society has its own history that shaped by many socio-cultural activity. Accordingly,
Oromo developed their own socio-cultural institutions for a long period of time. The
development of these pattern of institutions were as long process which begun far back in the
history at the time which cannot be dated. Among these cultural institutions, atete is one. Atete is
a meeting of women who assemble in order to celebrate their success in doing so in sang dances,
prayer, blessing and sacrifices, in which they express their cases in the word and gesture.255
There are two main objectives of atete ceremonies; one is to protect the right of women and the
second is the regulatory function of religion. Atete was annual sacrifices. On this ceremony a
number goats have been slaughtered to invoking Waaqa, the Oromo Supreme Being to grant
numerous progeny, lengthened year and abundant crops.256
Moreover, atete as goddess of fecundity appeased annually and practiced whenever natural
disasters fall, women gather and perform the ritual.257 However, atete is not only a divinity but it
is a flouring festive meetings held by women of neighboring against men who offended women
of their neighborhood. Effective membership of atete institution depend on the being wife or the
mother of any male resident in that neighborhood. The participant are only wives, unmarried girl
don’t participate in atete.258 According to Kuwee Kumsa explain, in religious ceremonies, when
women pray to Waaqa or to atete the female deity, they hold their Sinqe.259
Oromo women in general and Arsi Oromo in particular used to practice atete as a way of
strengthening their solidarity. In Arsi the fact that women have no participation in election of
255
P.T.W Baxter, “Atete in a highland of Arsi neighborhood,” Journal of north east African studies, vol.1, No.1-3,
1979, pp. 1-22.
256
C. W. Harris, The Highlands of Ethiopia. (London: Long man press), Vol. III, 1844. pp.49-50.
257
Jeylan. W Hussein, 2004, pp. 111.
258
P.T.W Baxter, 1979, p.1.
259
Kuwee Kumsa, 1997, p. 122.
46
gadaa leadership does not mean that women have no any right at all. For Arsi Oromo there was a
couples usually appeal for the Saddeetoo or saddeettan hanfalaa (committee of senior mothers)
that defend women right and arrange atete ritual for them.260 As a result, they are highly
respected and enjoy considerable social value. Atete institution is an institution which serves to
defend themselves against male offence and chauvinism.
On the atete ceremony, a great respect is given to a pregnant woman. They prepared banquets for
this occasion. They recite songs that praise, women, cows and mothers. The ceremony would
take night and days of festivity. As seen before, one aspect of atete is religion, so in the
ceremony they thank God for the good things accorded for them; for children, peaceful life,
cattle and fertility. During atete ceremony, husbands don’t instruct wives to do repetitive things.
Rather they serve the women by slaying animals killed for the occasion, decorating the house
and dooryard and jewel with callee (a necklace usually worn by Oromo women).261
A woman who had been offended calls atete by standing outside her house and ululating ill-ill-ill
loudly until, her immediate neighbors came and join. The offended women then either proceed
immediately at atete or more commonly agree on time and places for a subsequent meeting
which all the women can attend after they have made suitable house arrangements.262
Jeylan W. Hussein notes that, due to various factors, the atete ceremony and other historical and
cultural heritage are seriously endangered. According to him, Islam and Christianity are really
resulted for transformation of the Oromo culture in general and the atete ritual in particular. They
have caused a breakdown to valuable Oromo indigenous creeds as the atete ritual.263 Since most
of Arsi Oromo was followers of Islamic religion264, however, the Islamic laws and teaching were
not support the indigenous customs of Arsi Oromo society.
260
Jeylan W. Hussein, 2004, pp. 111-115.
261
Dirribi Demissie, 2011, pp.93-94.
262
Ibid.
263
Jeylan. W Hussein, 2004, p. 115.
264
J. Spencer Trimingham, 1952, pp.207-209
47
2.3.5 The Sinqe Institution
The other well-known institution in Oromo society was Sinqe institution. Sinqe institution
represents the over all aspects of Oromo women and it is the symbol of their authority as well as
marriage.265 Sinqe is a stick symbolizing a socially sanctioned set of rights exercised by Oromo
women and a symbol that can be used to organizing them.266 Dirribi Demisie note that the ways
Sinqe started to be used by depend on oral traditions. According to him, on the old day, some
active women ruled Oromo society which was known as Ankoo Manoyyee or Haadha
Sonkooroo. However, her power was taken by men later. During this time she managed to retain
some powers for themselves, one of the expressions of this matriarchal power is Sinqe.267
According to written source and oral tradition of study area, Sinqe is a straight, thin stick given
to a married girl by her mother on the day of her marriage, to indicate mother is not any more a
protector of the girl, that the daughter is able to handle things by herself. Though, beginning
from the day of her marriage, the girls assumed wifehood. On the other hand, even though, Sinqe
is literary described as straight stick, it is not used for drive cattle or not used as support for
walking. Since, it is used as a symbol of pride for a married woman and holds it on only special
occasion’s day. So, they give great respect for Sinqe. For instance, if a man comes across a
women carrying Sinqe, he does not directly confront/ interrupt her. In the same time, if a man is
on horseback, he debarks from the horseback until those women passes.268
Moreover, Sinqe is a ritual stick used for praying and institution of conflict resolution, which
considered symbol of cease fire in war situation. While strong fire is underway between clans,
and then women intervene by carrying their Sinqe, cease fire is immediate.269 On other hand, one
of the special functions is during gadaa power transfer ceremonies, the newly elected officers
265
266
Ibid, p.116.
267
Dirribi Demissie, 2011, pp. 171-172.
268
Informants: Amino Eda’o, Sadiq Tola and Muhammad Jiru. Dirribi Demissie, p. 124.
269
Dirribi Demissie, 2011, p.174; Kuwee Kumsa, 1997, p.118.
48
passed under Sinqe to receive their blessings.270 Thus, show the transfer of power from one
gadaa party to another gadaa parties through peaceful way.
To sum up, even though, Sinqe has socio-cultural value; various reasons were resulted for the
decline of this institution. According to written source and oral traditions, the occupation of
southern part of the country by Mǝnǝlik II and the spread of Islam and Christianity were
mentioned as main cause for disappearance of Sinqe and other socio-cultural activity of the
society.271
2.3 6 Qanafa
There are different socio-cultural activities performed among Arsi Oromo society. Qanafa were
one of socio-cultural activity held in Arsi society. According to Dirribi Demisie, qanafa is
common in Arsi Oromo.272 Qanafa is an ornament tie on forehead by a woman who delivered a
child. It is symbol of pride for woman who has got a child273 they wear qanafa for five months if
the baby was boy, four month if the baby was girl after delivery.274 A husband would not beat up
a wife who wears qanafa. However, if he beat, the abused woman would cry out for help and
women from the neighbor would come by carrying Sinqe and present the matter to saddeettan
hanfalaa (council of senior mothers).275
Moreover, the village women consider the crime committed against a single woman as violation
committed against them as a group. As result, no woman in the villages is excused from the
protest. A woman who disregards the request for protest is considered as one who has weakened
the group unity and usually penalized in various ways. The women gather in the compound of
the misbehaving husband and sing songs of resentment. They may also imprecate the husband
for the offense he has imposed on them.276
270
271
Kuwee Kumsa, 1997, p.133; Informants: Amino Eda’o, Sadiq Tola and Muhammad Jiru.
272
Dirribi Demissie, 2011,p.176;
273
Ibid, p.176
274
Dirribi Demissie, 2011, p.176; Jeylan. W Hussein, 2004, p. 113.
275
Jeylan. W Hussein, 2004, p. 113; informant: Amino Eda’o, Sadiq Tola and Muhammad Jiru.
276
Dirribi Demissie, 2011, p.176; Jeylan. W Hussein 2004, p. 113.
49
A man that abused a wife with qanafa would be ready to accept whatever the groups of Sinqe
impose on him. He would expected to slaughter an animal to clean himself from the sin he had
committed. However, if he is unable to give bull for them for slaughter, he would buy a cloth
locally known as bulloko (homemade traditional cloth) and give to wife he had hurt.277 In this
ways they punished the person who made crime on them. Generally, as any other cultural
activity of Arsi society, qanafa culture was also affected by teaching of Islamic law,278 which did
not support the activity. As a result of this and the other factor this activity was disappeared in
the Arsi society.
2.3.7 The Qallu Institution
Like other Oromo people who live in a different place, the Arsi Oromo have a ritual leader called
qallu and it service termed as qallu institution, in which most of its function was connect with
religion. In this section, my concern is not to assess about the Arsi Oromo religion, which will be
covered in coming chapter. But here, I discuss qallu institution how did it function in Arsi
society. According to Lambert Bartles, qallu is a person who leads religious concern among
society and “regarded as being near to [Waaqa] in special way such as those who have the gift of
prophecy or knowing the secret meaning of things that happen to other.”279 In saying so, he
further elaborates the function of qallu. Qallu served the societies during religious rituals by
providing them with a number of blessings, wishing peace, fertility and prosperity for the
society.280 Muhammad Hassan also confirms that, qallu was a high priest who was the spiritual
leader of Oromo traditional religion,281 and they interpreted the laws of Waaqa (the name of God
used by Oromo) and served as link between Waaqa and people.282 More over Asmerom legesse
states, qallu is men with the highest ritual authority, men of blessings and men of peace.
According to him, qallu are prohibited from bearing arms, shedding blood and making laws.283
277
Dirribi Demissie, 2011, p.176
278
Jeylan .W Hussein, 2004, p. 115.
279
Lambert Bartles, 1983, p.129.
280
Ibid, p. 133.
281
282
283
Asmarom Legesse, p.121.
50
According to Herbert S. Lewis and Muhammad Hassan, qallu was also called Abba Mudaa
(father of anointment) in which the name was earned in the recognition of the key role he plays
in the traditional political system of Oromo people gadaa.284 Moreover, Jeylan W. Hussein notes
that, the qallu gave to Abba Gadaa the Bokku as a symbol of authority.285 On the other hand,
Martial D. Salvaic explains about Abba Mudaa, he says Abba Mudaa is the effective center of
Oromo religion who link of the whole Oromo group.286 According to these scholars, qallu and
Abba Mudaa have no difference and they have a role in gadaa system and religious function.
Thus, where at the time when new gadaa party was voted, Abba Mudaa anoints them to show
that the power was given to them. In the past, both terms qallu and Abba Mudaa were used
interchangeable among various Oromo group.287
As Muhammad Hassan has indicated in his article “Pilgrimage to Abba Muudaa,” before the
incorporation of Oromo by Emperor Mǝnǝlik II in the end of the 19th century, the Oromo people
who live in different geographical areas had the tradition of visiting the qallu or Abba Mudaa
situated in the Madda Walabu, in the southeastern Ethiopia who located in Bale. 288 Similarly,
Arsi Oromo who geographically belonged to Madda Walabu goes to that area, however who
belonged to Dallo Baruk (a place located in Bale) go to Dallo Baruk or Debanu.289 Even though,
the Oromo was used pilgrimage to Abba Mudaa for religious purpose for long period of time,
however, it was abolished by Emperor Mǝnǝlik II in the end of 19th century.290
2.3.8. Guma; Traditional Conflict Resolution Mechanism
This topic is attempted to reflect traditional way of conflict resolution method, Guma or
compensation. Guma is a traditional conflict resolution mechanism that was used among Arsi
284
Herbert S. Laws, “Sprit possession in Ethiopia; An Essay in interpretation,” In the seventh Rubenson (edn),
proceeding of the seventh international conference of Ethiopian studies, institution of Ethiopian studies. Addis
Ababa, 1984. P. 419; Muhammad Hassan, 2016, p. 47.
285
Jeylan W. Hussein, 2004, p.113.
286
Ayalow Qanno trans., 1901, p.177.
287
288
Mohammed Hassan, “Pilgrimage to Abba Muudaa,” Journal of Oromo Studies, Vol. 12, No. 1 1nd 2. (Georgia
State University, 2005), pp. 142-158.
289
Muhammad Hassan, 1990. p.8; see also Jeylan W. Hussein, 2004, p.113.
290
Muhammad Hassan, 1990. p.8.
51
Oromo. According to oral tradition, almost all types of conflicts were resolved through Jaarsa
Biyyaa or elder on one hand and Abba Gadaa on the other hand. However, the case of guma was
completed by Walane (a person who has a responsibility to complete Guma), elders and Abba
Gadaa. In tradition, after a person murdered anyone, the killer and his relatives must leave the
area and move to another place. This was the custom of the society for the respect of the killed
clan members. Furthermore, the murder was isolated from ordinary people and located in what
locally called mana onaa (empty house) despite the fact that he did criminal.291 Consequently,
guma mechanism target is to solve a conflict by punishing the criminal a person or party. The
type of guma is different according to punishment of that person. For instance, guma for person
is different from animals; in the same case guma from person body like teeth, eye and leg has
differences.292
Moreover, the function of guma was mainly to avoid the revenge and to help the murdered
family. Guma for person is paid by cow, its one hundred cows. But if the family of the killer
agred, they give their girl to the familily who their son, to mean the killer sister was given to die
brothers. However, at first, the family of killer prepared old cow knows as Dullacha keraa,
second, they came with black ship. The family, killer prepared the girl with local drink known as
hexo. Later, the prepared ship was slaughter and the killer jump on blood at the same time the
girls through hexo on him. Then after, process was ended by walane through this method.293
On the other hand, there was a condition leading to the death of a person, like murdered for third
time as well as killer of one’s own mother, father, Abba Bokku and Qallu. In the same time,
killing based on the revenge was considered as the most serious crime and it resulted in a penalty
of about one hundred fifty cattle. The person generally regarded as nama guma or person of
compensation.294
In the process of Guma, there was Walane as well elders; they say the follow oath one after
another.
291
Informants; Bonso Kumbi, Amano Ulate, Muhammad Aman and Lellato Eda’o.
292
Ibid.
293
Hussein Badaso, pp.71.72.
294
Informants: Bonso Kumbi, Amano Ulate, Muhammad Aman and Lellato Eda’o.
52
Walane Elders
Yoo dhugaa jallise Yoo dhugaa jallise
If I divert the truth If I divert the truth
Yoo safu jallise Yoo safu jallise
If I am against norms If I am against norms
Yoo seera jallise Yoo seera jallise
If I divert law If I divert law
Yoo guma jallise Yoo guma jallise
If I divert law of Guma If I divert law of Guma
Guma naa dukaa haa galuu Guma naa dukaa haa galuu
Let guma go with me Let guma go with me.295
2.4 Economic Basis of Arsi Oromo
This section deals with the main economy of Arsi Oromo, on which the live of societies depend
since their settlement there. Among social activity of any community, economic activity was
mentioned in the first hand, because, economy were the main bases for life of any society.
Accordingly, Arsi Oromo economic situation after the 16th century were primarily herding
practice and gradually engaged in mixed farming. Historically, Arsi Oromo are familiar with
herding economy before and after their settlement over the area. Daniel Deressa note that, Arsi
296
life was depends on the animal product like milk, meat and butter, mainly those who occupy
lowland area;297 the other branches continued their semi- farming economy.298 The justification
295
Ibid.
296
Daniel Deressa, 2002, p. 24.
297
K.E., Knutson, 1967, p. 32.
298
Tesema Ta’a, 2004, p. 4.
53
sorted by these scholar show that the main economic activities of Arsi Oromo society after their
occupation of present areas was the product of cattle.
Thus, the post 16th century economic history of Arsi Oromo was witnessed with cattle economy.
However, according to Trimingham, in the end of 19th century Arsi adopted agriculture more
than they practice before. Moreover, a cattle breeder were not living in the permanent settlement
rather than they drive their cattle in search of grass land, they became increasingly in the south,
were the country is less suitable for agriculture.299
2.4.1.1. Livestock Breeding
As indicated earlier, the Arsi economy comprised of both herding of animals and sedentary
agriculture, however, from 16th century to 19th century, livestock breeding was mentioned in the
first hand. According to Tegegn Nureso, for Arsi Oromo cattle were the main source of income
and economic backbone of the society.300 As a result, they would move from place to another
place in search of good grazing land, since they had priority for their cattle.301
Arsi Oromo, like all other Oromo groups are cattle breeders,302 in which they had their own
indigenous system of livestock rearing. These is because, Arsi land is favorable for livestock
rising and considered as their original economy,303 which has high economic and cultural value
for the society, and the societies depend up mostly on animal and their product for survival.304
Moreover, as Hirut argued, Arsi land has different geographical feature. At each varied
geographical lands escapes and climatic condition, livestock seems to have been the main
economic of the society and different type of livestock were reared, among those cattle’s horses,
299
J Spencer Trimingham, 1952, pp. 207-209.
300
Tegegn Nureso, Oromo songs in praise of Cattle. (Zimbabwe: Commercial printing), 2011, p.13; Habib Kasim,
p.28.
301
Tegegn Nureso, 2011, p.49.
302
303
Eike Haberland, 1963, p, 411.
304
Ibid.
54
donkeys, goats and sheep are largely reared in both low land and highlands areas. 305 Moreover,
in relation with highland, low land was the richest in cattle husbandry particularly those who
occupy part of rift valley.306 As a result of this, animal husbandry plays an enormous role as well
as ranked the richest in the cattle rising.307
As seen, Arsi were predominantly cattle breeders, who were cattle had a great social, symbolic
and economic importance. For the Arsi, the cattle represented dignity, a source of pride,
prestige,308 and most loved domestic animal in Arsi culture.309 Therefore, they had well known
by possess of many livestock.310 As result, in Arsi tradition there was a term used to show their
possession of many cattle which was known as Kilaa Lixuu. Kilaa Lixuu is a process done at the
time when the owner of the cattle, on one day one hundred cow was born a child. All the society
around him was called, and all cows who born child were milked. The audience was prepared the
hole in which the milk is taken. Later, the owner of the cattle was putted in the hole that was
filled with milk in the front of the audience. This process called Kilaa Lixuu in Arsi Oromo
society. This is to show the possession of animal, starting from the time great respect was given
for that person.311
2.4.1.2. Cultivation
Economy of the Oromo in generally and in Arsi Oromo in particularly was known by herding
animals. But, gradually they started to practice agriculture.312 Haberland explicitly argues, the
Arsi Oromo are not exclusively cattle breeders,313 they also practice agriculture.314 Thus, in the
area under study, the main feature of activity is mixed farming. Though, in Arsi farming began
by hand and later expanded in to different part of Arsi land after Mǝnǝlik II incorporated the area
305
306
Habib Kasim, 2001, p. 6.
307
308
309
Tegegn Nureso, 2011, p.1.
310
G.W.B Huntingford, The [Oromo] of Ethiopia. (Osmania University Library), 1955, p. 25.
311
312
G.W.B Huntingford, 1955, p. 25.
313
314
Charles Johnston, 1844, p. 363.
55
in the end of 19th century.315 However, before the conquest of the Mǝnǝlik II, some of Arsi land
used for farming but most of the lands used for grazing. According to Haberland, the cultivation
methods of Arsi Oromo were backward and the implement used for digging were sticks and
hoes.316 According to this scholar, they had their own ancient method of cultivation in which
they used for farming. As a result, agriculture plays a role in their economy. 317
Regarding to geographically variation and Arsi climate Hirut Terefe elaborated as follows.
Geographically, the Arsi has three climatic zones which were suitable for agriculture:
like baddaa (highland), badda-daree (temperate middle zone or semi highland climate),
and gammoojjii (lowland). The badda, highland climate located roughly between 2200 to
4000 meters above sea level. This is where barley and wheat as well as other cereals
crops are grown. Badda Daree, the moderate climatic area where the main settlement,
farming and pasture lands was found. The climate of this area stretches between about
1400 to 2000 meters above sea level. On the other hand, the majority of the gammoojjii
(qola) climate below 1400 meters above sea level, they produced crops like sorghum,
maize, wheat and barley.318
Arsi have an agricultural economy, in which the farming communities of the surrounding Arsi
depend on the pattern of rainfall. However, there was difference of on the period of their
agriculture between the baddaa, badda- daree and gammoojjii.319 Thus, the variation of climatic
zones in Arsi enhanced the production of varieties of crops and agricultural items.
2.4.3. Trade
As indicated above, different scholars were discussed about economic activity of Arsi Oromo
from 16th century to 19th century. However, in their discussion they did not include the activity of
trade. But, as some sources there was trade activity among Arsi society. According to Abbas
Haji, in Arsi craftsman and trade are said to have not been encouraged by the Arsi people,
because it is regarded as the occupation of non-Arsi or the castes.320 Thus explanation argument
suggests that, an Arsi tradition was not support trade activity and trade was not considered as
economic base among them.
315
Informants, Tassa Kedir, Worqu Badane and Lenco Jiru.
316
317
318
Ibid, pp. 74-75.
319
Informants: Tassa Muhammad, Worqu Badhane and Abbu Kedir.
320
Abbas Haji, 1982, p. 6.
56
Nevertheless, in the period under discussion there was local trade activity in Arsi. This trade was
conducted among Arsi Oromo themselves and their neighbor, which resulted in the inter-clan
and interethnic exchange of the 16th century to 1880’s. The item in this trading activity was
cattle, butter, honey, barley and wheat. This exchange took by Barter method (Barter was a
method of exchange material by material, for instance honey with wheat or ox with some amount
321
of barley). Harris stated that, there was trade activity Arsi with Gurage people in the period
under discussion. The medium of their exchange was barter and salt. According to him, the
capital of Arsi during this time was Noora Hussein (a village near shrine of sheik Hussein in
which his name some time called Noora/Nura Hussein).322 Though, according to him there was
trade activity among people of Arsi and neighbor. Therefore, there was local market within Arsi
region. Moreover, according to Charles Johnston, in Arsi there trade activity in which they
produce coffee and red dye which exported from Berbera to India and Arabia.323
321
Informants: Curriso Wadoo, Hussein Muhammad and Asabal Abdi.
322
W C. Harris, The Highlands of Ethiopia. (New York: New world press), 1841. V. II, p.301.
323
Charles Johnston, 1844, p. 363.
57
CHAPTER THREE
RELIGION OF ARSI OROMO FROM 1600 CENTURY TO 1880’s
3.1 Indigenous Oromo religion; Waaqeffanna324
The Oromo developed their own religious institution as any other society. Religion is a means in
which an individual or the people understand their creator and believe in. Each society has their
own religion in which they understand the world, creator and creatures. 325 Therefore, religion is
one part of social phenomena that serve the society as means of seeing and understanding human
life and the natural environment with the expectation for the better in the blessing of Supreme
creator.326 Accordingly, different scholars were raised about Oromo religion in their works,
among that J. Spencer Trimingham, Muhammad Hassan, Jeylan W. Hussein, Teshoma Amenu
and G. W Huntingford. According to these scholars, before the expansion of Islam and
Christianity, the Oromo had developed their own indigenous religion called Waqeffanna to mean
327
the belief in Waaqa, (Oromo supreme God).328 Therefore, for the Oromo, Waaqa is the God
of all creation that exists on the earth and sky itself.329 The Oromo believe in Waaqa Tokkicha
(one God).330 And they belief the existence of Waaqa through identifying of His works “such as
324
The term Waqeffanna is derived from ‘Waaqa’, which means God, the creator of the universe. (Addisalem B.
Gemeda and KR Rajani, “Indigenous religion and being human: The case of ‘Waaqeffannaa’ religion of the
Oromo people” International Journal of Academic Research and Development, Vol.3, No. 2, 2018; pp. 566-574)
Muhammad Hassan state that, Waaqa is Cushitic term for God. (Muhammad Hassan, 2016, p. 23.) The use of
Waqeffanna in this study refers to the followers of Oromo traditional religion.
325
Addisalem B. Gemeda and KR Rajani, 2018, p. 566.
326
Alemayehu Haile et al, 2006, p. 26.
327
There are misunderstanding on term Waaqa, since there are two types of Waaqa, which written with the capital
“W” (Waaqa) and at the same time which written with the small letters “w” (waaqa). The first one with capital
letters is used to mean “God”, “Supreme being”, or while the latter is used to mean the vault of the
“Sky.” Therefore, in Oromo religion when we say Waaqa with capital letters, we mean the “Supreme Being”.
(Addisalem B. Gemeda, and KR Rajani, 2018, p.567). On the other hand, Waaqa, refers Sky on the one hand and
God (Supreme Being) on the other hand (Lambert Bartel, 1983, p.89). More of less the term Waaqa uses in
Oromo for God, (Supreme Being)
328
Muhammad Hassan, 2016, p. 19;Jeylan,W. Hussein, 2004, pp. 103-147; Teshome Amenu, The rise and
expansion of Islam in Balli of Ethiopia: socio-cultural and Political factors and inter- religious relations. M.A
Thesis, Norway University, 2008, p. 53; G.W.B Huntingford, 1955 p, 74.
329
330
Ayalew Kanno trans., 1901, p. 143.
58
the presence of various seasons, rain, sun, darkness, growing of crops, existence of water bodies,
mountains, trees and other living things.”331
Even though, Oromo developed their own indigenous religious institution as any other society,
however, there are no written sources that show the date of the Oromo started to practice this
religion, but there was a conclusion, the Oromo were the followers indigenous religion called
Waqeffanna, which assumed as an ancient Cushitic belief before monotheistic religion like
Christian and Muslim,332 since ancient time.333 Therefore this religion has long history with the
life Oromo society.
Moreover, the Oromo people believe that their Waaqa is black- Waaqni gurraacha,334 to mean
God is black.335 For the Oromo black is more than the color, it represent the concept of
cleanliness, reality, originality and divine master.336 In similar manner, oral tradition also
confirms the statement of this scholar, in which they say, Tokkicha Maqaa dhibba Gurracha
Gara Garba (one god with hundred names); this notion shows that, in Oromo God is only one
with many names, black and tolerant,337 which is similar to the hundred name of Allah in
Islam.338 However, Dereje Hinew suggests that, the Black giant sky (Gurraacha Garaa Garbaa)
symbolized the heaven in which the Oromo believe Waaqa lived,339 more than that. According to
him, Oromo believe that their Waaqa live in the sky. Moreover, in Oromo religion there is no
notion life after death.340 They do not believe that God would come in the feature to judge His
people and send the blameless to paradise and the sinful to hell.
331
Gemechu J. Geda, “Pilgrimage and syncretism: Religious Transformation among the Arsi Oromo of Ethiopia,”
PhD. Dissertation University of Bayreuth, 2013. p. 1.
332
Alemayehu Haile et al, 2006, p.26.
333
Addisalem B. Gemeda, and KR Rajani, 2018, pp. 566-574.
334
Alemayehu Haile et al, 2006, p.26; G.W. Huntingford, 1955, p.75; Lambert Bartels, 1983. p.90.
335
336
337
Informants: Qubsa Jarra, Irresso Dube and Lenco Jiru.
338
339
Dereje Hinew, “Historical Significances of Odaa with Special Reference to Walaabuu,” Science, Technology and
Arts Research Journal, Vol.1, No.2, 2012, pp. 81-90.
340
Addisalem B. Gemeda, and KR Rajani, 2018, p. 572.
59
In the history of Arsi Oromo, before their conversion to Islam, 341 like other Oromo group, they
were the followers of the indigenous religion “pagan”,342 in which Muslim followers called them
‘Awama’.343 These scholars explain that, Arsi were the followers of indigenous religion known
in the society as Waqeffata or followers of Waqeffanna. Jeylan W. Hussein, also support this
idea, “As other African societies, the Arsi Oromo were followers of indigenous religion
Waqeffanna (belief in Sky God) and only recently did they adapt Islam and Christianity. The
Oromo name for Supreme Being is Waaqa, as Yahweh of the Hebrews and Allah of
Muslims.”344
Moreover, the center of the Arsi Oromo worship is based on Waaqa ultimate creator, sustainer of
humanity and master of all elements in the universe.345 In which they express for the Supreme
Being is as Tokkicha mooye (the only and ultimate ruler).346 Moreover, there are different
concept of moral code were exist under Waqeffanna; one is safuu (moral code).
3.1.1 The Concept of Safuu (Moral Values)
It must be noted that, among Oromo in general and Arsi Oromo in particularly, Waqeffanna has
its own moral concept. Among these moral laws, one is safuu (moral code). Safuu is a moral
category about natural laws and the need to respect them. As well as save itself from committing
sin, it is all about giving prior respect to creator of God.347 Moreover, the concept of safuu is one
of the most important concepts in Waqeffanna religion.348 In Waqeffanna believe the things go
wrong because individual or their parent may go out of normal track which called safuu.349
Therefore, safuu is all about nature of laws, which were not change and breaking the safuu would
cause certain sort of misfortune.350
341
Teshoma Amenu, 2008, p.26.
342
W. C Harris, Vol. III, 1844, p. 258; J. Spencer Trimingham, 1952, p. 208.
343
Ulrich Braukämper, Islamazation of Arsi Oromo, 1984, p.768.
344
Jeylan, W. Hussein, 2005, p.29.
345
Gemechu J. Geda, 2013. p.49.
346
Jeylan, W. Hussein, 2005, p.28.
347
Alemayehu Haile et al, 2006, p. 30.
348
Gemechu J. Geda, 2013, p.56.
349
Dirribi Demissie, 2011, p.29.
350
Ibid, p.75.
60
Though, in Waqeffanna religion, one must respect each other accordingly children must respect
their parents, the younger their elders, youth and adolescents the elders that is safuu.351 Breaking
this order also assumed as safuu. So, in Arsi Oromo society, safuu is part of daily life, as a result,
safuu is all about the order in nature that was expected from any person who was followers of
Waqeffanna, and it is a code to be done and not to be done, its moreover doing and acting right
way. On the other hand, it assumed that Waaqa withdraw or directly punishing those who violate
or act against safuu; for instance “there will no longer be fertility, peace, good, health, material
well-being and so on.” However, those who act and respect safuu will rewards with blessings.352
3.1.2 The Concepts of Ayyana (spirit)
Furthermore, the other component of Waqeffanna is ayyana. Muhammad Hassan suggests, in

Oromo cosmology ayyana ‘appeared with the first rising of sun’ when Waaqa created ‘the
universe out itself’.353 According to him, ayyana emanate out of Waaqa as means of spirit, and
everything on earth including earth, mountain, animal and human being have their own
ayyana.354 This idea was also confirmed by Lambert Bartel who produces his work on Oromo
religion by focusing on Western Oromo.355 Therefore, Waaqa creates everything with its own
ayyana which is created in the universe and on the earth.
Moreover, different scholars explain differently on the concept of ayyana. According to Dereje
Hinew and Karl E, Knutson, in the Oromo religion, Waaqa is believed to have communicated
with people through intermediaries called ayyana. As a result ayyana is the ways in which the
God contacts his people.356 But, according to Gemechu J. Geda, ayyana has three meaning, luck,
spirit and holyday. According to his explanation, the people say this person has ayyana; it means
a person has a guardian that protects him from bad fortunes.357 On one hand, Addisalem B.
Gemeda, and KR Rajani states, ayyana is the power of Waaqa to control, guide and protect his
351
352
353
354
Ibid.
355
356
Dereje Hinew, 2012, p.82; Karl. E Knutson, 1967. p.53.
357
Gemechu J. Geda, 2013, p. 55.
61
creatures.358 On the other hand, ayyana also supposed as the days on which God has created all
creatures,359 and [Oromo] regard natural element like tree and mountain as natural spirit called
ayyana.360
Furthermore, Guluma Gemada states that, below Waaqa there was number of lesser spirits,
which called ayyana. Each individual/ family has his/her own guardian spirits, which called
ayyana. According to him, success and orderly social life is considered as a sign of the blessings
of Waaqa and the ayyana, while misfortune, social disorder and natural calamities like famine,
disease, are attributed to the lack of spiritual guidance.361 Even though, the above stated scholars
explain ayyana in different ways, however, it was seem like to have a sprit that connect the
people with their Waaqa or Super human being.
Dirribi Demissie also support above argument, ayyana is a spirit in charge of regulating
circumstance to occur and behave in line with God’s law honoring safuu.362 When a person does
something breaks a safuu Waaqa removes the protective ayyana, which indirectly means his
protection.363 Therefore, it is supposed that, when a person did something that was not part of
the norm and custom of the society. The ayyana turns its back upon a person means that the
person does not have a protector and as a result may easily be exposed to some problems and
lose respect.364
3.1.3 Time and Place of Prayers in Waqeffanna
The Oromo indigenous religious practices and ritual have a time and place of prayers. They pray
and praise Waaqa at anytime and anywhere, but mostly in the morning before leaving the house,
late in the evening and before and after meal.365 This prayer is done to ask Waaqa to help them in
358
359
360
361
Guluma Gemeda, “The Islamazation of the Gibe Region, South Western Ethiopia from.” 1830s To the Early
Twentieth Century. Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. 26, No.2, 1993.pp. 65. 63-79.
362
Dirribi Demissie, 2011, p. 126.
363
Gemechu J. Geda, 2013, p.53.
364
365
Dirribi Demissie, 2011, pp. 72-73.
62
their daily life, to praise Him for giving them a health, to give them harmony for their family.366
On the other hand, they pray when they faced with various types of catastrophes such as drought,
famine, conflict and flooding.367 Their prayers under take around Odaa (sycamore) tree,368 big
rivers,369 lake and mountain.370 Nevertheless, Muhammad Hassan explain, there was another
place of worship which known as galma. According to him, galma was the center of worship,
residence of Abba Mudaa, place of learning and prayer.371 But, Addisalem and Rajani reject his
explanation, they argued.
Unlike Christianity and Islam, Waaqeffanna does not require the construction of
religious houses for the veneration of Waaqa or for His thanks giving. Rather the Oromo
travel to natural Physical bodies such as rivers, lakes, forests, and mountains, which they
believe are created by Waaqa himself to thank their Waaqa and for prayer. Waqeffatta
ceremony held on the lake and river shores, and around mountains.372
This quotation forward that, Waqeffatta does not construct any place of worship like church and
mosque rather than goes to natural area like Rivers, lake and mountain, because, Oromo believed
those area as lucky place. However, performing sacraments around this area does not imply
worshiping in those natural phenomena. Rather, it is related to the belief in the closeness of the
promise of Waaqa to those beautiful and green places,373 and Oromo supposed those areas as
fortunate places.
The other thing that should rise under Waqeffanna was Qallu or Abba Mudaa. As any other
Oromo group, Arsi Oromo have religious leader called Qallu or Abba Mudaa. In Waqeffanna
religion Qallu or Abba Mudaa,374 is the most honored,375 which located at Dallo.376 As Muslims
366
Gemechu J. Geda, 2013, p. 59.
367
Ibid.
368
369
Dereje Hinew, 2012, p. 81.
370
371
372
373
374
J. Spencer Trimingham, 1952, p. 256; Merid Wolde Aregay, Southern Ethiopia and the Christian Kingdom 1508-
1708, with the special reference to the [Oromo] migration and consequence. PHD, dissertation School of
oriental and Africa Studies, 1971 p, 157. Tabor Wami, 2015, p.234.
375
Ayelaw Kanno trans., 1901, p.165.
376
63
and Christians revered the different God-sent prophets, the Oromo once looked up to Abba
Mudaa, their spiritual leader whom Waaqa selected to guide the people.377 Therefore, Qallu
assumed a prophet came with laws of Waqaa, rules of social order to teach human being.378
According to Merid, the Oromo uses mountain of Walabu as religious center ceremony and
home of the first Abba Mudaa.379 As seen in previous chapter, the Arsi Oromo spiritual leader
Abba Mudaa where located at different place like Madda Walabu, Dallo Baruk and Horro
Walabu (place located in Bale) which gradually replaced by cult of Sheik Hussein, 380 after they
convert to Islam. They use these different places, because of geographical proximity to their
location.
Moreover, there was a group who visited Abba Mudaa who located at Horro Walabu. Regarding
to this Muhammad Hassan suggest, in Waqeffanna religion, those who went to Abba Mudaa and
received his blessing and anointment were called Jila. Jila were considered the link between
spiritual father and nation.381 As, in Islam those who went to Mecca and returned from Mecca
was accorded Haji, similarly, the Oromo pilgrims accorded Jila.382 After they return from
pilgrims, Jila teach people about Waqeffanna laws, like to be justice, not allow forced labor and
not fight each other.383 However, to be Jila, there are different criteria to be fulfilled, among that;
he should be honest, free from crime and loyal.384 In Oromo society Jila were considered to be
‘men of God’ considered as men without sin.385
However, after the introduction of Islam to Arsi, most of Arsi pilgrimage site of Waqeffanna was
changed to Muslim sanctuary.386 And the Arsi Oromo those who fellow Waqeffanna gradually
adopted Islam and the name of their Waaqa was also transferred to Allah when they became
377
Jeylan. W Hussein, 2005, p.28.
378
Dereje Hinew, 2012 p.83.
379
Merid Wolde Aregay, 1971, p. 146.
380
Ulrich Braukämper, 1984, pp.768-778.
381
382
383
Ibid.
384
385
386
Ulrich Braukämper, 1984, p. 772.
64
Muslim.387 Even if, Islam and Christianity expanded to the Oromo in generally and Arsi Oromo
in particularly, there are also followers of their indigenous religions Waqeffanna.388
Therefore, it is important to note that Arsi Oromo did not develop another religion that shaped
the life of this society rather than Waqeffanna, until its gradual transformation by different
factors. Among those factors Muhammad Hassan states, after the conquest of Mǝnǝlik II
southern Ethiopia, it was forbidden to go to pilgrimage to Abba Mudaa, these was became fear of
political and national influence,389 in which later resulted for weak the Oromo social and political
intuitions, including their Waqeffanna religious practices.390 Jeylan W. Hussein, also argued, the
expansion of Islamic religion to the region were another factory, in which Islamic thought were
not support the activity of traditional religion, such as pilgrimage to Abba Mudaa.391
3.2. Islam; - Introduction of Islam into Arsi

3.2.1. The role of Medieval Sultanates for the Introduction Islam in to
Arsi Oromo
The Arsi Oromo settlement in Arsi land and their mix with different people had led to them to
lose their fundamental socio-cultural identity and religion. This is due to different reason. For
instance, different reasons were raised on the introduction and expansion of Islam into the
southern Ethiopia in generally and Arsi Oromo in particularly. As seen above, there are various
Muslim sultanates in the southern Ethiopia since 13th century to 16th century in which this area
controlled by Arsi Oromo after Oromo expansion. Among those sultanates, one was Hadiya
sultanate. As indicated before, there was ethnic interaction and integration between Arsi and
Hadiya sultanate, which had strong Muslim sediment; there was socio-politvical hierarchy of
Arsi with Hadiya.392
387
J. S. Trimingham, 1952, pp,257-258
388
P.T.W Baxter, 1978, p. 285.
389
Muhammad Hassan, 1990, p.8; G.W. Huntingford, 1955, p.83.
390
391
392
65
Historically, the original inhabitant of much of Arsi land was apparently the Hadiyawhich their
Islamazation history goes back to 13th century. However, the 16th century Oromo expansion
changed the existing situation.393 Arsi Oromo occupy Arsi land and in the process, the Arsi
Oromo assimilated some aspect of Hadiya religion Islam, with their own indigenous religion
belief Waqeffanna.394 Additionally, from the 16th -20th century, Hadiya population was left with
alternative either surrenders or adoption of ethnic and cultural identity of their conqueror of Arsi
Oromo and they resulted in the exchange religious activity.395
The other sultanate which supposed as the factor for introduction of Islam to Arsi was Balli.
According to Merid, Barentuma (who were one group of Oromo and in turn has different clans;
Arsi is one of sub- clans of Barentuma) expanded in to Balli , during the reign of Lebna Dengel
(1508-1540) Christian highland ruler and Muslim continued to wage war against each other, as a
result, Balli came to be completely occupied by [Oromo].396
However, after [Oromo] conquered Balli in the sixteenth century, they assimilated many of their
belief and practice. They start to amalgam of Islamic saint cult and Mecca pilgrimage ceremony
with their own religion Waqeffanna and [Oromo] Abba Mudaa. In which they gradually
assimilated Islam.397 Moreover, Terje Østebø state that, there was Islamic influence between the
Oromo people and Muslim sultanate of Balli. Historically, in Balli Islam dates back to the
thirteenth century, however, after the Oromo expansions into the area by the middle of the
sixteenth century, there was drastically transformed the religious and ethnic landscape. In which
earlier settler of Balli assimilated to the Oromo,398 specifically to Arsi Oromo.399
According to Guluma Gemeda, conversion to Islam or to any other religion involves the contact
between two groups of people: that is the carriers of a new faith and the recipients. As a result of
393
394
Habib Kasim, 2001 p.25.
395
396
397
J. S. Trimingham, 1952, p.253.
398
Terje Østebø, “Local Reformers and The Search for Change: The Emergence of Salafism in Bale, Ethiopia,”
Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 81, No. 4, 2011, pp. 628-648.
399
K.E., Knutson, 1968, p.32.
66
the contact of Arsi and Balli sultanate, Islam was made able to introduce to non-Muslim
communities.400 Trimingham also suggest that, the contact of Arsi Oromo and Balli sultanate
during their expansion, led Arsi Oromo to adopt Islam religion,401 and replaced the pilgrimage to
Abba Mudaa to shrine,402 of Sheik Hussein that was located in the southern parts of Bale.403
3.2.2 The Contribution of Sheik Hussein Shrine
According to Trimingham, “the shrine of Sheik Hussein is one of the most interesting religious
phenomena in north east Africa, which was founded during Muslim Sultanate of Balli by a
person named as sheik Hussein.”404 Sheik Hussein was assumed as the most important Godly
men of the Muslim sultanate of Balli,405 and his origin traced back to Mecca,406 in which he
came to Ethiopia through Somali coast around 1200 A.D.407 The shrine of Sheik Hussein was
founded during old Muslim of Kingdom of Balli,408 which is appropriate to the period of Balli
sultanate (13th century to the 16th century).409
According to the argument of different scholars, for the Islamazation of Arsi Oromo it was
believe that, Sheikh Hussein has played a prominent role in the introduction and expansion of
Islam in to Arsi and Bale areas.410 Furthermore, Braukämper state that, Arsi Oromo start to
penetrate to Dirrē Sheikh Hussein in the 16th century in which they assimilated the cult and
preserved sanctuary of Sheik Hussein. According to him, this cult was constructed by the end of
400
Guluma Gemeda, 1993, p. 63.
401
402
Shrines were among historical and archeological site in our country. The term shrine may be defined as any
man- made sanctuary (sometimes associated with a natural object) devoted to a saint (Waliyi). A pilgrimage to
shrine is properly known ziyara. (Ulrich Braukämper, 2004, pp. 113-114). The excessive honor paid to the saints
in their life time is continued to them after their death” in place of their shrine. (Marthin Lawing, What is
Sufism?, (Pakistan: Suhail Academy Lahore press, 2005, p. 22.).
403
Terje Østebø, 2011, p. 628.
404
405
Erman N. Waber, trans., 1971, p.420; Teshoma Amenu, 2008, p.31.
406
Erman N. Waber., trans., 1971, p. 436.
407
408
409
Erman N. Waber., trans., 1971, p. 413.
410
J. Spencer Trimingham,1952, p.254.Terje Østebø, 2011, p. 631; Gemechu J. Geda, 2013, p.66; Teshoma Amenu,
2008, p.31.
67
the 18th century by Abd-al Shakur the Amir of Harar from 1783 to 1794. It assumed that, the
constructions of Sheik Hussein sanctuary strength the Islamic mission of Arsi Oromo.411
Moreover, the construction this sanctuary strength the Islamic mission in Arsi, however, the
construction period presented by Braukämper were not more plausible, because as seen above,
Sheik Hussein is the person of 13th century and his sanctuary also founded during this period, so
it more better to say restoration rather than construction. Additionally, Muhammad Hassan
suggests that, through ethnic amalgamation and cult interaction, the Arsi was more and less
attracted to Islamic religion.412
Besides, the existence of many holy places of indigenous religion, which were easily converted
into Muslim shrines, is the other factor that facilitated the process of Islamazation of this
people.413 Therefore, as a result of the Arsi Oromo settlement in the present day Arsi and their
mix with different people had gradually led to lose their original religion Waqeffanna in the
sixteenth century and they start to adopted Islamic religion, because of the influence those ethnic
groups which have Islamic background. Consequently, as a result their contact, they can share
many socio-cultural and religious activities.
According to Hussein Ahmed and Abbink Jon, geographical location was another reason for the
expansion of Islam.414 Accordingly, after the decline of medieval Islam, eastern Arsi continued
to be bordered along its Muslim Somali, in which their Islamazation goes back to eleventh –
twelfth century,415 and later all of them adopted Islam through, the settlement of Yemen and
other Arabs in the coastal commercial centers, by the beginning of sixteenth century, 416 and as
well as Harar,417 who was the permanent center from which Islamic propaganda radiated over
411
412
413
414
Hussein Ahmed. Islam in nineteenth- century Wallo, Ethiopia. Leiden: Boston press, 2001, p. 56; Abbink Jon.
“An historical – Anthropological Approach to Islam in Ethiopia; issues of Identity and politics” Journal of African
Cultural Studies, Vol. 11, No. 2, 1998, p.112.
415
John Abbink, 1998, p.111.
416
417
68
southern Ethiopia.418 According to these scholars, geographical circumstance was one factory for
the expansion of Islam in to the hinter land of Arsi.
On the other hand, economic motive were other factor for the expansion of Islam in to Arsi. As a
result of commercial activity of Harar and Indian Ocean ports had played significant roles as
centers of Islamic expansion for centuries, also played an important role for the rapid expansion
of Islam among the Arsi.419 Therefore, the impact of Islam on Arsi Oromo is significant and can
be increase due to their involvement in trade,420 with the people of Harar.421 Consequently, the
influence of Islam on the Arsi Oromo is directly related to the extent of their commercial
interaction with the inhabitants of Harar, as well as the Somali, who had long been Muslims.422
Furthermore, there are indicators of Islamic presence in Arsi land for long period of time, on
which indicated on grave stone with Arabic inscription in northern Bale as early 13th century,423
and in Arsi around Munessa district.424 Though this gravestone bearing Arabic inscriptions from
the past would help us to trace how Islam descended on Ethiopia, in particular in southeastern
Ethiopia. In similar manner, the holy shrines were here and there in Arsi land suggest that the
cult of saints was a deep-rooted religious practice among the people,425 and Islam has long
history to this area.
Through gradual developments from the late eighteenth century there was a change in religious
in Bale. This revival greatly influenced by processes of Islamazation of the Oromo in the area of
Hararge and Arsi. This is because of general Sufi revival in the late eighteenth century, gradually
being molded within the localities of south-eastern Ethiopia.426 According to E. Cerulli, Islam
418
Teshoma Amenu, 2008, p.55.
419
420
Abbas Haji, “Islam, the Orthodox Church and Oromo Nationalism (Ethiopia)” (L'islam, l'Église
orthodoxeet le nationalisme Oromo en Éthiopie) Cahiers d'Études Africaines, Vol. 42, Cahier 165, 2002,
pp. 99-120.
421
422
Ibid, p.14.
423
424
François-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar and Bertrand Hirsch, “Muslim Historical Spaces in Ethiopia and the Horn of
Africa: A Reassessment.” Northeast African Studies, Vol. 11, No. 1, (2004-2010, pp. 25-53
425
Jeylan W. Hussein, 2005. p.31.
426
Terje Østebø, 2011, pp. 628-648.
69
made great progress among the Arsi during the second half of 19th century. He argued the
presence of Sheik Hussein sanctuary played great role,427 as seen above. As a result most Arsi
Oromo assumed as followers of Islam religion.428
3.3 Religion Syncretism Among Arsi Oromo
As indicated earlier, before the introduction of Islam religion in to Arsi Oromo, they have their
own indigenous religion. However, after the contact of Oromo people with medieval sultanate
specifically with Balli, in which there was indication specific practices radiating from the shrine
of Sheik Hussein of Balli in the Qallu institution.429 Moreover, the dissemination of Islamic
religion to the area, in turn has had influence on the Waqeffanna religion of Arsi Oromo,430
which termed as religious syncretism. But, what is the concept of religious syncretism. As Ulrich
Braukämper explains, syncretism refers to mixture of cultural elements, but mostly it is used in
joining of the sphere of religion, that occurs between two religions.431
Furthermore, Gemechu J. Geda elaborates about syncretism. To him, syncretism is a theological

idea, to mean mixing of religious tradition with religion by adopting elements of one religion
into another religion.432 Likewise, the argument of these scholars, syncretism is all about
merging one religious orthodox with other religious orthodox and mixing of one religious culture
with other religious culture. Moreover, Gemechu J. Geda explains historically chronology of
syncretism.
Syncretism is theological controversies that took place during the reformation of the
seventeenth century, when a certain Lutheran theologian, Georg Calixtus, proposed that
the different Protestant factions should be integrated and finally merge with the Catholic
Church. His proposal was, however, met with different reactions. Some Calvinists
427
E. Cerulli, The Falk Literature of [Oromo] of Southern Abyssinia, Cambridge: Harvard University press, 1922,
p. 88.
428
Harris W. C, Vol. III, 1844, p. 258.
429
430
Muhammad Hassan, 2016, p.19; Ulrich Braukämper, “Aspect of Religious Syncretism in Southern Ethiopia”
Journal of Religion in Africa, Vol.22, No. 3, 1992, pp. 194-207.
431
432
Gemechu J. Geda, 2013, pp.37-38.
70
supported it, but it was opposed fiercely by Orthodox Lutherans and the elites of the
Catholic Church.433
The author's narrate the events which took place during the seventh century between two
religions that is Protestant and Catholic. So, syncretism is the idea that emanate from two
different religions concept, and also merging of the notion of those two religions.
According to Hussein Ahmed, in both central and southern Ethiopia there were reaction in the
mixing of Islam and indigenous religion.434 This religious mixing was seen in Arsi after they
accepted Islam as their own religion.435 Moreover, after they started to contact with Islam, many
things gradually displaced their original political, social organization and religious institution;
however, personal element continues to exist in Islam without exception. For instance, the law of
[Oromo] family changed according with Islamic Sharia, but at the same time the “pagan”
transition rite at birth, circumcision and so on are retained but linked with Islamic festivals as to
make later hardy seem Islamic at all.436
Moreover, Trimingham elaborated as follows.
Three stages in the assimilation of Islamic culture may be observed in “pagan” society
subjected to Islamic radiation, Muslim material culture like form of dress, ornaments and
food habits. The second stage involves the assimilation of actual religion element of
Islamic culture with Waqeffata belief. The third stage of assimilation which has an
initiate number of gradation is characterized by genuine belief in the efficacy of Islamic
sanctions and involve the actual change in the custom and habitual conduct such thing
are marking out of sacred prayers place, the occasional performance of ritual prayer
observance of Ramadan, orientation of the grave to ward Mecca and taboo of animal
food containing blood.437
This statement tells a how Islam exposes on the Waqeffanna religion, starting from life style to
custom of the society as whole. So, the expansion and consolidation of Islam also affected the
Oromo traditional religion and religious practices. Particularly, the expansion of Islam in in the
Arsi who were follower’s traditional religion was greatly influenced by the practicing of the
433
Ibid, p.39.
434
Hussein Ahmed, 2001, p.42.
435
436
Ibid, p.257.
437
Ibid, pp.271-272.
71
Oromo traditional religion and religious practices.438 For instance “many Arsi Oromo who
embraced Islam also dropped their Oromo names and started to pick Islamic and Arabic names.”
439
As well as, Arsi Waqeffatta who goes to Abba Mudaa later after expansion of Islam, they
exposed by Islamic ideas emanate from the shrine of Sheik Hussein of Bali.440
Moreover, the Muslim built monument of Sheik Hussein of Bale at a place called Karra Milki /
luck gate or Dirre Mudaa place of Waqeffanna,441 in which in one way or other influence the
follower’s traditional religion. Therefore, Arsi Oromo who were follower Waqeffanna go to
Abba Mudaa which central part of their life, however, those who adherent of Islam went to visit
tomb of Sheik Hussein which situated in Bale. Even though, they are Islam believers, some of
them went to Abba Mudaa.442
But, there was traces of Waqeffanna rites are visible in the Islam of Arsi people. There are
followers of Islam in Arsi who went pilgrimage to sacred mountains like of those Waqeffanna
who make pilgrimage to the Abba Mudaa of Dallo.443 On the other hand, oral tradition of study
area also confirms, there are followers of Islam who went pilgrimage to Abba Mudaa in vice
versa, there are also followers of Waqeffatta went to Dirre Sheik Hussein.444 To sum up, there
was religious syncretism in Arsi.445
438
Addisalem B. Gemeda, and KR Rajani, 2018, p.573.
439
Ibid, p.573.
440
441
442
Hirut Terefe, 2012, p.88.
443
Gemechu J. Geda, 2013, pp.37-38.
444
Informants; Muhammad Aman, Muhammad Jarso and Alo Dhaqabo.
445
John Abbink, 1998, p.120.
72
Conclusion
Most of the study that was conducted on the Oromo was focus on the origin of Oromo and their
expansion of the 16th century. But, the sup-group of Oromo history is almost left untapped
subject. Accordingly, the Arsi Oromo people are lived in the southeastern part of Ethiopia who
has got less attention mainly during the medieval period of Ethiopia. During the period Oromo
expanded to Arsi land, Arsi Oromo did not get barren land rather than different sultanates.
Nevertheless, the 16th century Oromo expansion changed the demographic and political history
of the Arsi land through interaction and integration during and after the course of the expansion.
As a result of interaction and integration, many socio-cultural and religious activities were
changed.
This thesis, which covers the history of Arsi Oromo from the late 16th century to 1880s in in Arsi
land, confirms that Arsi Oromo’s ancestors lived in southeastern Ethiopia centering their socio-
cultural in the Walabu on the eve of the 16th century. Thus, Walabu took exceptional implication
for the Oromo in holding highly organized socio-cultural and political system and served as
center of the 16th century expansion. It was the result of this century expansion that enhanced the
Arsi Oromo to expand over Arsi land and other part of their territories in unprecedented success
and within short period of time.
The Arsi Oromo expansion and settlement was followed by continuation and consolidation of
gadaa system. This system played great role in the socio-cultural activity the society. The
peoples with whom Arsi Oromo faced either lived within the Arsi Oromo sphere of influence or
lived the area to another area. The people who lived in Arsi were assimilated by a method called
Moggasa institutions that promoted economic and socio-cultural linkage among the Oromo and
non-Oromo societies. Nevertheless, Hadiya were thoroughly absorbed and integrated with the
Arsi Oromo. This extensive ethnic integration between Oromo and other non-Oromo community
was largely achieved through the Arsi socio-cultural system of adoption process.
73
The durable gadaa system that Oromo had already been involved in the beginning and during
their large-scale of enlargement had not been evicted them in new settlement areas. The
foundation of Arsi Oromo gadaa centers and ritual centers at different places like Odaa Rooba
and Horro Walabu respectively. Since the 16th century, their traditional religion started to replace
by Islam in gradually process. In the course of 19th century, however, gadaa system and other
socio cultural activity of the society came to decline as a result of the expansion of Islam and the
conquest of Arsi by the Christian kingdom, of King Mǝnǝlik II forces in 1886. As we have seen,
the history of Arsi is one of a complex regional historical course in Ethiopia and the researcher
proposes that further study will be carried out for better understanding of the history of this
people.
74
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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81
APENDICES
List of Informants (Oral source)
No Name of Age Place of Date of Remarks

Informants Interview Interview
1 Amino Eda’o 60 Asalla 20/11/2017 He can narrate about socio-
economy of Arsi Oromo.
2 Bonso Kumbi 75 Doddota 24/11/1017 He is elder and has knowledge
to narrate about socio-culture
and Däwaro sultanate occupied
the area of Doddota and origin
of Oromo.
3 Qubsa Jarra 80 Hasasa 4/12/2017 He is elder and has the
knowledge to remember pre-
settler in today’s Arsi land and
Oromo religion
4 Muhammad Jarso 84 Hasasa 4/12/2017 He has ability to construct and
narrate past event as they
occurred.
5 Muhammad Aman 75 Lode 7/12/2017 He is elder and religious
Hetosa teacher. He narrates about
religious syncretism in Arsi.
6 Muhammad Jiru 81 Doddota 11/12/2017 He told me the ways Däwaro
people submerged to Arsi
Oromo, religious syncretism in
Arsi and Gadaa system.
7 Sadiq Tola 78 Doddota 11/12/2017 He told me the ways Hadiya
people submerged to Arsi
Oromo and socio-culture.
8 Alo Dhekabo 74 Hetosa 13/12/2017 He narrates about Hadiya as
82
early settler of Arsi Oromo in
Arsi land, as religious
syncretism.
9 Lenco Jiru 62 Hetosa 13/12/2017 He is elder and ability to narrate
past event. He told to me about
Oromo religion
10 Abbu Kedir 55 Hamda 15/12/2017 He is elder and can narrate
Diksis about the Däwaro sultanate.
11 Tessa Muhammad 58 Hamda 15/12/2017 He remembered economic
Diksis history of Arsi.
12 Worku Bedane 80 Hamda 15/12/2017 He has ability to construct and
Diksis narrate past event as they
occurred.
13 Asabal Abdi 95 Hetosa 24/11/2017 He told me about pre-settler of
Arsi Oromo in Arsi land.
14 Gobe Fayyiso 65 Munessa 2/12/2018 He narrates the original place of
Oromo.
15 Nurella Waqayo 67 Munessa 2/12/2018 He told me about pre-settler of
Arsi Oromo in Arsi land.
16 Polici Me’isso 55 Munessa 2/12/2018 He told me the ways Arsi
Oromo occupy Arsi by
overwhelming Hadiya.
17 Abdella Hindessa 60 Munessa 2/12/2018 He narrates about gadaa system
in Arsi.
18 Lellato Eda’o 62 Munessa 2/12/2017 He told me about Guma,
conflict resolution.
19 Bonsamo Mi’esso 75 Shasham 5/12/2017 He told me about gadaa system
anne in Arsi.
20 Nasir Kedir 70 Hasasa 4/12/2017 He narrates about Arsi Oromo
genealogy.
83
21 Aman Tufa 60 Doddota 11/12/2017 He narrate about Däwaro
sultanate occupied the area of
Doddota and Moggasa
institution.
22 Alo Abdullah 67 Hetosa 13/12/2017 He narrate about Däwaro
Doddota.
23 Irresso Dubee 65 Hetosa 13/12/2017 He narrate about Däwaro
Doddota and Oromo religion.
24 Kedir Jima 75 Doddota 24/12/2017 He told me the government
system of Arsi and Moggasa
institution.
25 Curriso Wado 67 Shirka 22/11/2017 He told me about origin of
Oromo and history Shirka.
26 Shambal Bazu 58 Shirka 22/11/2017 He told me about the origin of
Oromo.
27 Hussein 85 Shirka 22/11/2017 He told me about history of
Muhammad Shirka.
28 Amano Ulate 78 Hetosa 24/11/2017 He told me the ways Hadiya
people Submerged to Arsi
Oromo.
84

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COLLEGE OF GRADUATE STUDIES

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND HERITAGE MANAGEMENT

A HISTORY OROMO IN THE AREA OF ARSI

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES,

A HISTORY OROMO IN THE AREA OF ARSI

Advisor Deresse Ayenachew, PhD.

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES,

Debre Berhan, Ethiopia

Deresse Ayenachew (PhD)

Date June 5, 2018

Advisor: Deresse Ayenachew, PhD Signature

Internal examiner: Signature

External examiner Signature

Aaloo Arsi…………………………..Arsi customary code

The study adopted the transliteration system of Encyclopedia Ӕthiopic

Munster), 2004, p.153.

Taken from GIS, 2007.

1.2.2 Sultanate of Hadiya

1.2.3 Sultanate of Balli

1.2. 5 Sultanate of Arababni

1.2.6 Sultanate of Darra

Source; Taddese Tamrat, 1972, p.133.

2.1 Historical Overview of Oromo

2.1.1. Oromo Expansion in History and Arsi Oral Tradition

2.3 The Socio-Political Institution of Arsi Oromo

2.3.1. The Gadaa System

2. 3. 2. Arsi Oromo Clan Lineage Organization

Artistic printing Enterprise), 2016, p.17.

Bullala Wuchale Jawwi Waji Ilani.240

Tijo Itaya Supa Jarsu Ada’a

Ara’a Boru Tuqa Warsu Rugus

Ogolcha Uttala Liban

2.3.3. Moggasa and Guddifacha Institutions among Arsi Oromo

2.3.4 The Atete Institution

2.3.7 The Qallu Institution

2.3.8. Guma; Traditional Conflict Resolution Mechanism

Yoo dhugaa jallise Yoo dhugaa jallise

If I divert the truth If I divert the truth

Yoo safu jallise Yoo safu jallise

If I am against norms If I am against norms

Yoo seera jallise Yoo seera jallise

If I divert law If I divert law

Yoo guma jallise Yoo guma jallise

If I divert law of Guma If I divert law of Guma

Let guma go with me Let guma go with me.295

2.4 Economic Basis of Arsi Oromo

2.4.1.1. Livestock Breeding

3.1 Indigenous Oromo religion; Waaqeffanna324

3.1.1 The Concept of Safuu (Moral Values)

3.1.2 The Concepts of Ayyana (spirit)

Furthermore, the other component of Waqeffanna is ayyana. Muhammad Hassan suggests, in

3.2. Islam; - Introduction of Islam into Arsi

3.2.2 The Contribution of Sheik Hussein Shrine

3.3 Religion Syncretism Among Arsi Oromo

Furthermore, Gemechu J. Geda elaborates about syncretism. To him, syncretism is a theological

Moreover, Trimingham elaborated as follows.

Modern African Studies, Vol. 25, No. 3, 1987.

No Name of Age Place of Date of Remarks

8 Alo Dhekabo 74 Hetosa 13/12/2017 He narrates about Hadiya as

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