B.A.

Arts(HISTORY) Core –III

UNDER CHOICE BASED CREDIT SYSTEM
2ND SEMESTER UNDER CBCS

Core Paper III

HISTORY OF INDIA-II (300BCE-750CE)

COLLECTED AND COMPILLED BY

DR. MADHAB CHANDRA SETHI

 Core Paper III
HISTORY OF INDIA-II (300BCE-750CE)

Unit-I: Economy and Society (circa 300 BCE to circa CE 300):

1. Expansion of Agrarian Economy: Production relations.

2. Urban growth: Trade & Commerce
3. Social stratification: Class, Varna, Jati, Gender
Unit-II: Changing Political Formations (circa 300 BCE to circa CE 300):
1. The Mauryan Empire: Chandragupta Maurya and Asoka-Conquest and
Administration
2. Post-Mauryan Polities: Kushanas, and Satavahanas
3. The Cholas
Unit-III: Towards Early Medieval India [circa CE fourth century to CE 750]:
1. Gupta Age: Agrarian Expansion, Land Grants, Graded Land Rights and Peasantry.
2. Varna, Proliferation of Jatis: changing norms of marriage and property.
3. The Nature of Polities: The Gupta Empire
4. Post- Gupta Polities - Pallavas, Chalukyas, and Vardhanas

Unit-IV: Religion, Culture, Philosophy and Society

1. Consolidation of the Brahmanical Tradition: Dharma, Varnashram, Purusharthas,
2. Buddhism: Hinayan and Mahayana
3. Jainism: It’s major Priniples
4. Development of Art and Architecture: Mauryan, and Gupta
Suggested Text Books:
1. D. D. Kosambi, An Introduction to the Study of Indian History, 1975.
2. A. L. Basham, Wonder That Was India, Rupa.
Reference Reading:
1. Romila Thapar, Early India: From the Origins to 1300, 2002.
2. Dharma Kumar and Irfan Habib, Cambridge Economic History of India, vol-I.
3. Romila Thapar, Ancient India.
4. K.M. Ashraf, Life and Condition of the People of Hindustan.
5. D.N. Jha (ed.), Feudal Social Formation in Early India.

Unit-I: Economy and Society (circa 300 BCE to circa CE 300):

There is a growing interest in the history of early India in general attracting the attention of
informed general public as well as specialists. General advance made in research on the
period has made it possible as well as necessary to make a synthesis of this ever expanding
knowledge base.
The spatial scope of this course is pan-Indian subcontinent (when there was no such notion of
a nation state) expressed by the term Bharatavarsha/Jambudwipa (used in the Puranic
accounts) or India (first used by Heredotus in the 6th Century); Shendu (the Chinese word
initially used to denote the Sindhu/Indua which gradually increased in the geographical scope
to cover the whole of Indian subcontinent) or Hindustan ( first used in AD 262 in the Naksh-i-
Rustam inscription of Sassanid ruler Shahpur I). The temporal scope based on the recent
trends avoid any particular categorization and focus on chronological brackets as ‘valid
temporal unit of historical study’ – to denote historical changes and processes which can be
clearly identified.
The period under consideration saw vigorous efforts in building up huge empires. It was not
simply territorial expansion – the administrative apparatus of a functioning state when taken
to/established in an erstwhile non-state region, had larger ramifications, wonderfully expressed
by the phrase ‘Lineage to State’. This process though initially started in the northern India –
Uttarapatha, was replicated in different parts of Indian subcontinent – albeit with regional
variations expressed by the term ‘secondary state formation’. The horizontal expansion of
‘state society’ occupies a major part of this course.
However construction/deconstruction of empire and discussion of polity is not a study of its
own. The empire(s) and their patronage to the Buddhist and Jain monastic establishment in
the earlier phase of the course and the eleemosynary grants to the Puranic religion in the later
part; the unprecedented growth of trade and commerce in the period between 200 BCE – 300
Ce and the patronage by the non-royal donors to the Buddhist and Jain establishments in
around the urban centres had larger ramifications. The sustained patronage resulted in
emergence of celebrated cultural centres.
There will be a thrust on primary sources as well as source criticism. A juxtaposition of field
archaeological materials many a time have dispelled or considerably modified the views
presented in the normative texts.
This course is meant to give a comprehensive treatment of the period which saw several
sharp and distinguishable changes in Indian polity and society.
The agrarian expansion, which began with the establishment of brahmadeya and a graham
settlements thf&ugh land grants to Brahma nas from the fourth century onwards acquired a
uniform and universal form in subsequent centuries. The centuries between the eighth and
twelfth witnessed the processes of this expansion and the culmination of an agrarian
organisation based on land grants to religious and secular beneficiaries, i.e. Brahmanas,
temples and officers of the King’s government. However, there are important regional
variations in this development, both due to geographical as well as ecological factors. 1.2.1
Geographical and Chronological Patterns Cultivation was extended not only to the hitherto
virgin lands but even by clearing forest areas. This was a continuous process and a major
feature of early medieval agricultural economy. There is a view prevalent among some
scholars that land grants started in outlying, backward and tribal areas first and later gradually
extended to the Ganga valley, which was the hub of the brahmanical culture. In the backward
and aboriginal tracts the Brahmanas could spread new methods of cultivation by regulating
agricultural processes through specialised knowledge of the seasons (astronomy), plough,
irrigation, etc., as well as by protecting the cattle wealth. However, this is not true of all regions
in India, for, land grants were also made in areas of settled agriculture as well as in other
ecological zones, especially for purposes of integrating them into a new economic order.

1.3 AGRARIAN ORGANISATION

The agrarian organisation and economy were highly complex. This can be understood on the
basis of intensive studies of the regional patterns of land grants and the character and role of
the brahmadeya and non-brahmadeya and temple . settlements. The growth and nature of
land rights, interdependence among the different groups related to land and the production
and distribution processes also help in a better understanding of the situation. IJ .1 Character
and Role of Various Types of Agrarian Settlements Brahmadeya : A brahmadeya represents a
grant of land either in individual plots or whole villages given away to Brahmanas making them
landowners or land controllers. It was meant either to bring virgin land under cultivation or to
integrate existing agricultural (or peasant) settlements into the new economic order dominated
by a Brahmana proprietor. These Brahmana donees played a major role in integrating various
socio-economic groups into the new order, through service tenures And caate arnuninm under
the Varna avatem. For ernnnle. the arowins peasantisation of shudras was sought to be
rationalised in the existing brahmanical Agrarian Economy social order. The practice of land
grants as brahmadeyas was initiated by the ruling dynasties and subsequently followed by
chiefs, feudatories, etc. Brahmadtyas facilitated agrarian expansion because they were: •
exempted from various taxes or dues either entirely or at least in the initial stages of
settlement (e.g. for 12 years); • also endowed with ever growing privileges (pariharas). The
ruling families derived economic advantage in the form of the extension of the resource base,
moreover, . by creating brahmadeyas they also gained ideological support for their political
power. Lands were given as brahmadeya either to a single Brahmana or to several Brahmana
families which ranged from a few to several hundreds or even more than a thousand, as seen
in the South Indian context. Brahmadeyas were invariably located near major irrigation works
such as tanks or lakes. Often new irrigation sources were constructed when brahmadeyas
were created, especially in areas dependent on rains and in arid and semi-arid regions. When
located in areas of intensive agriculture in the river valleys, they served to integrate other
settlements of a subsistence level production. Sometimes, two or more settlements were
clubbed together to form a brahmadeya or an agrahara. The taxes from such villages were
assigned to the Brahmana donees, who were also given the right to get the donated land
cultivated. Boundaries of the donated land or village were very often carefully demarcated.
The various types of land, wet, dry and garden land within the village were specified.
Sometimes even specific crops and trees are mentioned. The land donations implied more
than the transfer of land rights. For example, in many cases, along with the revenues and
economic resources of the village, humqja resources such as peasants (cultivators), artisans
and others were also transferred to donees. There is also growing evidence of the
encroachment of the rights of villagers over community lands such as lakes and ponds. Thus,
the Brahmanas became managers of agricultural and artisanal production in these settlements
for which they organised themselves into assemblies.
Secular Grants : From the seventh century onwards, officers of the state were also being
remunerated through land grants. This is of special significance because it created another
class of landlords who were not Brahmanas. The gift of land on officials in charge of
administrative divisions is mentioned as early as c. A.D. 200 (the! time of Manu) but the
practice picks up momentum in the post-Gupta period. Literjary works dealing with central
India, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Bihar and Bengal between the tenth and twelfth centuries make
frequent references to various kinds of grants to ministers, kinsmen and those who rendered
military services. The rajas, rajaputras, ranakas, mahasamantas, etc mentioned in Pala land
charters were mostly vassals connected with land. The incidence of grants to state officials
varies from one region to another. To illustrate, while we hear of about half a dozen Paramar
official ranks, only a few of them are known to have received land grants. But very large
territories were granted to vassals and high officers under the Chalukyas of Gujarat. The
available evidences suggest that Orissa had more service grants than Assam, Bengal and
Bihar taken together. Further, the right of various officials to enjoy specific and exclusive
levies—irrespective of the tenure of these levies—was bound to create intermediaries with
interests in the lands of the tenants. Devadanas : Large scale gifts to the religious
establishments, both brahmanical and non-brahmanical, find distinctive places in inscriptional
evidences. These centres worked as nuclei of agricultural settlements and helped in
integrating various peasant and tribal settlements through a process of acculturation. They
also integrated various socio-economic groups through service tenures or remuneration
through temple lands. Temple lands were leased out to tenants, who paid a higher share of
the produce to the temple. Such lands were also managed either by the sabha of the
brahmadeya or mahajanfts of the agrahara settlements. In non-Brahmana settlements als.o
temples became the central institution. Here temple lands came to be administered by the
temple executive committees composed of land owning nonBrahmanas. e.e. the Velalas of
Tamil Nadu the Okkalu Kammiln etc of Karnataka

Rights in Land An important aspect relating to land grants is the nature of rights granted to the
assignees. Rights conferred upon the grantees included fiscal and administrative rights. The
taxes, of which land tax was the major source of revenue, theoretically payable to the King or
government, came to be assigned to the donees. The reference to pariharas or exemptions in
the copper plate and stone inscriptions registering such grants indicate that what was
theoretically payable to the King was not being completely exempted from payment but the
rights were now transferred to the grantees. This was apparently based on the sanction of the
dharmashastras, which sought to establish the royal ownership of land and hence justify such
grants, creating intermediary rights in land. Although there is some evidence of a communal
basis of land rights in early settlements, the development of private ownership or rights is
indicated by the fact that the grantees often enjoyed rights of alienation of land. They also
enjoyed other hereditary benefits in the settlements. Land gifts were often made after
purchase from private individuals. Hereditary ownership seems to have developed out of such
grants, both religious and secular. 1.4 TECHNOLOGICAL IMPROVEMENTS During the early
medieval period there' was an increase in irrigation sources such as canals, lakes, tanks
(tataka, eri) and wells (kupa and kinaru). That the accessibility to water resources was an
important consideration in the spread of rural settlements is shown by regional studies. Keres
or tanks in south Karnataka, nadi (river), pushkarini (tank), srota (water channel) etc. in Bengal
and araghatta-wells in western Rajasthan used to be natural points of reference whenever
distribution and transfer of village lands had to be undertaken. Naturally, the concern for water
resources contributed to the extension of cultivation and intensification of agricultural activities.
Water-lifts of different kinds operated by man and animal power were also known. Epigraphic
sources record the construction and maintenance of such irrigation works between eight and
thirteenth centuries. Many of the lakes/ tanks of this period have survived well into the modern
times. Some of them were repaired, revived and elaborated under the British administration.
The step wells (vapis) in Rajasthan and Gujarat became extremely popular in the eleventh-
thirteenth centuries. They were meant for irrigating the fields as well as for supplying drinking
water. The increase in the number of irrigation works was due to an advance in irrigation
technology. There is evidence of the use of more scientific and permanent methods of flood
control, damming of river waters, sluice construction (with piston valve and cisterns) both at
the heads of canals and of lakes and tanks. Flood controkwas achieved gradually through
breaching of rivers for can Royal permission was accorded for digging tanks or wells, when
gifts were made to Brahmanas and temples. Land was demarcated for construction and
maintenance of canals and tanks, etc. Digging of tanks was considered a part of the privileges
enjoyed by the grantees and an act of religious merit. Hence, resourceful private individuals
also constructed tanks. No less significant were the improvements in agricultural implements.
For example, a tenth century inscription from Ajmer refers to “big” plough. Similarly, separate
implements are mentioned for weeding parasitic plants. Vrikshayarveda mentions steps to
cure diseases of trees. Water lifting devices such as araghatta and ghatiyantra are mentioned
in inscriptions and literary works. The former was specially used in the wells of Rajasthan in
the ninth-tenth centuries. The Krishisukti of Kashypa prescribed that the ghatiyantra operated
by oxen is the best, that by men was the worst while the one driven by elephants was of the
middling quality. Advanced knowledge about weather conditions and their use in agricultural
operations is noticeable in such texts as the Gurusamhita and Krishinarashwara. More than
one hundred types of cereals including wheat, barley, lentils, etc. are mentioned in
contemporary writings on agriculture. According to the Shiuiyapurana more than fifty kinds of
paddy were cultivated in Bengal. The knowledge of fertilizers improved immensely and the use
of the compost was known. Cash crops such as arecanuts, betel leaves, cotton, su'garcane,
etc. find frequent mention. Rajashekhara (early tenth century) tells us about the excellent
sugarcane of north Bengal which yielded juice even without the use of pressing instrument.
Commodity production of coconut and oranges assumed special importance in peninsular
India during this period.

URBAN SETTLEMENTS

After reading this Unit you should be able to explain the: • factors responsible for the rise of
urban centres, • various phases in the history of urbanism, • criteria for identifying settlements
as urban, • general pattern of the post-Gupta urban growth, • regional variation
NTRODUCTION

The study of urban settlements is an indispensable element in the understanding of socio-

economic history of the post-Gupta centuries. It should be taken as a complementary
component along with the agrarian economy. Recent writings have particularly focussed on
the place of urban settlements in the overall framework of Indian feudalism. This and the two
subsequent Units make an attempt to review the problems associated with such
developments.

Study of urban centres is an important aspect of socio-economic history. Urb^n centres in

early medieval India have generally been studied in two ways: j) As a part of economic history
i.e. history of trade, commerce and craft production, etc., and ii) as a part of administrative or
political history, i.e. as capitals, administrative centres, centres of major and minor ruling
families and fort towns. Hence the focus of urban studies has so far been mainly on types of
urban centres. Accordingly towns or cities have been listed under various categories such as
market, trade or commercial centres, ports, political and administrative centres, religious
centres, etc. However, there has been no sufficient attempt to explain the causes behind the
emergence of towns. In other words the form of an urban centre is Studied but not its meaning
or substance.

Early medieval towns and cities (c. eighth/ ninth to twelfth centuries A.D.). Amongst the
earliest attemptsrto define an urban centre one can easily mention Gordon Childe’s notion of
“Urban Revolution”. He listed monumental buildings, large settlements with dense population,
existence of such people who were not engaged in food production (rulers, artisans and
merchants) and cultivation of art, science and writing as prominent features to identify an
urban centre. Further; Childe laid great stress on the presence of craft specialists and the role
of agricultural surplus which supported non-food producers living in cities. Not all these traits,
which were spelt out in the context of bronze age cities, are to be seen in the towns of iron
age. There has been no dearth of urban centres with sparse population and mud houses. -
Though agrarian surplus collected from rural areas is almost indispensable for the existence of
a town, merely a settlement of non-agriculturists cannot be regarded as an urban centre. Early
medieval literary texts refer to towns inhabited by people of all classes surrounded by a wall
and moat and marked by the prevalence of the laws and customs of the guilds of artisans and
merchants. A recent study based on excavated data from 140 sites spread over the entire
Indian sub-continent (R.S. Sharma, Urban Decay in India, C.A.D.300-1000) focusses on: •
Quality of material life and the nature of occupations, and • need to study urban centres not as
parasites thriving on agricultural surplus but as centres integrally linked with rural hinterland.
Accordingly, some prominent traits of urban centres which can be applied to early medieval
settlements as well, are identified a s: i) Size of a settlement in terms of area and population.
ii) Proximity to water resources—river banks, tanks, ring wells, etc. iii) Presence or absence of
artefacts representing activities of artisans, e.g. axes, chisels, plough-shares, sickles, hoes,
crucibles, ovens, furnaces, dyeing vats, moulds for beads, seals, sealings, jewellery,
terracotta, etc. iv) Evidence of coin moulds signifying mint towns. The discovery of metallic .
money, when listed with the presence of artisans and merchants, certainly lends a clear urban
character to such sites. v) Presence or otherwise of luxury goods such as precious and semi-
precious stones, glassware, ivory objects, fine pottery etc. The possibility is not ruled but that
luxuries of ancient towns might become necessities for superior rural classes of early medieval
times. vi) Considering the moist, rainy climate of many alluvial plains such as the-middle
Ganga plain, baked brick (not just burnt bricks) structures on a good scale assume special
importance. Though in Central Asia towns consisting of mud structures are also not unknown.
vii) Streets, shops, drains and fortifications also give a good idea of the nature of the urban
settlement. At several places in the Deccan and elsewhere silos.

THE GENERAL PATTERN

The post-Gupta centuries witnessed a new socio-economic formation based on the system of
land grants. The gradual expansion of cultivation and agrarian economy through land grants
(for details, see Unit 1) had an impact on the growth of towns and cities between the eighth
and twelfth centuries. Though the overall picture of the Indian sub-continent is that of revival,
of urban centres, there are some regional variations as well. Such variations are seen in the
nature, category and hierarchy of such centres due to operative economic forces, ecological
and cultural differences and the nature of political organisation. Regional studies of urban
centres are, therefore, essential for providing the correct perspectives. Such studies are
available only for a few regions like Rajasthan, Central India and South India.

REGIONAL VARIATIONS AND TYPES

In a vast country like India there are a lot of regional variations in the pattern of emergence
and growth of urban centres. In this section we will discuss some important variations. The
brahmadeyas and devadanas which are seen as important sources of agrarian expansion of
the early medieval period, also provided the nuclei of urban growth. The Brahmana and
temple settlements clustered together in certain key areas of agricultural production. Such
centres, Examples of such centres of urban growth are datable from the eighth and nineth
centuries and are more commonly found in South India. The Cola city of Kumbakonam
(Kudamukku-Palaiyarai) developed out of agrarian clusters and became a multi-temple urban
centre between the ninth and twelfth centuries. Kanchipuram is a second major example of
such an urban complex. While Kumbakonam's political importance as a residential capital of
the Colas was an additional factor in its growth, Kanchipuram too had the additional
importance of being the largest craft centre (textile manufacturing) in South India.

Market Centres, Trade-Network and Itinerant Trade

Early medieval centuries also witnessed the emergence of urban centres of relatively modest
dimensions, as market centres, trade centres (fairs, etc.) which were primarily points of the
exchange network. The range of interaction of such centres varied from small agrarian
hinterlands to regional commercial hinterlands. Some also functioned beyond their regional
frontiers. However, by and large, the early medieval urban centres were rooted in their
regional contexts. This is best illustrated by the nagaram of South India, substantial evidence
of which comes from Tamil Nadu and also to a limited extent by the existence of nakhara and
nagaramu in Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh respectively. The nagaram served as the market
for the nadu or kurram, an agrarian or peasant region. Some of them emerged due to the
exchange needs of the nadu. A fairly large number of such centres were founded by ruling
families or were established by royal sanction and were named after the rulers, a feature
common to all regions in South India. Such centres had the suffix pura or pattana. Nagarams
located on important trade routes and at the points of intersection developed into more
important trade and commercial centres of the region. They were ultimately brought into a
network of intra-regional and inter-regional trade as well as overseas trade through the
itinerant merchant organisations and the royal ports. Such a development occurred uniformly
throughout peninsular India between the tenth and twelfth centuries. During these centuries
South India was drawn into the wider trade network in which all the countries of South Asia,
South-east Asia and China and the Arab countries came to be involved (See also Units 3 and
4). The nagarams linked the ports with political and administrative centres and craft centres in
the interior. In Karnataka nagarams emerged more as points of exchange in trading network
than as regular markets for agrarian regions. However, the uniform features in all such
nagarams is that they acquired a basic agricultural hinterland for the non-producing urban
groups living in such centres. Markets in these centres were controlled by the nagaram
assembly headed by a chief merchant called pattanasvami. A similar development of trade
and market centres can be seen in Rajasthan and western parts of Madhya!Pradesh. Here,
the exchange centres were located in the context of the bases of agrarian production i.e.
where clusters of rural settlements occur. In Rajasthan these centres were points of
intersection for traffic of varying origins, giving rise to a certain measure of hierarchy. The
network was further elaborated with the growth of generations of well-known merchant families
in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. They are named after their places of origin such as
Osawala (Osia), Shrimalis (Bhinmal), Pallivalas and Khandelvalas, etc. The resource bases,
the main routes for the flow of resources and the centres of exchange were integrated through
the expansion of these merchant families. Rajasthan provided the main commercial links
between Gujarat, Central India and the Ganga valley. Such links were maintained through
towns like Pali, which connected the sea coast towns like Dvaraka and Bhrigukachcha
(Broach) with Central and North India. Gujarat, with its dominant Jain merchants, continued to
be the major trading region of Western India where early historic ports or emporium like
Bhrigukachcha (Broach) continued to flourish as entrepots of trade in early medieval times.
Bayana, another notable town in Rajasthan was the junction of different routes from different
directions. The range of merchandise started probably with agricultural produce (including
dairy products)! but extended to such high-value items as horses, elephants, horned animals
and jewels.

Social Stratification: Class, Varna, Jati , Gender

Objective
In this lesson, students investigate society of India through ages. Throughout the chapter,
stress will be on various aspects of Indian society from early days to present time. After
completing this chapter, you will be able:
 examine the structure of Indian society;
 describe the practice of untouchability which became prevalent in the Indian social
system;
 give an account of the institution of slavery as it existed in India;
 understand Purushartha, Ashrama and Samskara;
 assess the role of family and marriage in Indian Social System;
 discuss issues like caste system, and various substance in it etc.;
 assess the position of women in the Indian social structure; and
 examine the different issue of Indian society in contemporary period such as caste
system and communalism .
Introduction
The study of Indian society necessitates that we try to understand the basic elements which
provide the blueprint for thought and action. Indian society is extremely diverse in terms of
societies, cultures and social behaviour. Sociologists, however, point to caste system as an
organizing principle of Indian society. It is seen to be providing the basic frame around which
relationships across groups are organized. Legitimacy for the caste divisions is derived from
Hinduism the great religion of the Indian continent.
The Indian society has evolved through the ages and advancements have taken place in
diverse fields. You have also read in earlier lessons about social reforms in the Indian
society. However, in every society there are socio-cultural issues that need to be addressed
and tackled. Security of people, particularly of the vulnerable sections, such as women,
children and the elderly people is a major concern in the contemporary Indian society. In this
lesson, we will read about the major socio-cultural issues that need our immediate attention,
if we have to preserve our social and cultural values. Some of the important socio-cultural
issues that need to be addressed today are casteism, and communalism etc. The issues
discussed here are not comprehensive. There are many other issues faced by the nation in
general and regions and communities in particular, that all of us should think about.
Sociologists, however, also point out that earlier social science understandings were derived
from great Hindu texts that these act as the guiding principles for social behaviour. The
contextual realities vary a great deal. In the first section we discuss the blueprint for social
organization of Indian society i.e. varna system, belief system and its relevance in
understanding the system and subsequently this chapter also discuss the growth of
communalism in India and other contemporary issue of Indian society.
Varna System
In the Indian social system, Varna is only a reference category and not a functioning unit of
social structure, and only refers broadly to the ascribed status of different jatis. It is also a
classificatory device. In it, several jatis with similar ascribed ritual status are clustered
together and are hierarchically graded. The three upper levels-the Brahman, the Kshatriya,
and the Vaishya- are considered twice-born, as in addition to biological birth they are born a
second time after initiation rites. The Sudra, the fourth level, includes a multiplicity of artisans
and occupationally-specialized jatis who pursue clean, i.e. non-polluting occupations. Though
the Varna hierarchy ends here, but there is a fifth level which accommodates those following
supposedly unclean occupations that are believed to be polluting. They are Antyaja, i.e.,
outside the Varna system. They constitute what are known as the Dalit.
Origin of the Varna
There are several passages in the oldest Vedic literature dealing with the origin of the varnas.
The four orders of society are believed to have originated from the selfsacrifice of Purusha-
the creator, the primeval being. Purusha is said to have destroyed himelf so that an
appropriate social order could emerge. The oldest is the hymn in the purusha-sakta of the Rig-
Veda which says that the Brahmana Varna represented the mouth of the purusha,-which word
may be translated as the “the Universal Man”, referring perhaps to mankind as a whole, - the
Rajanya (i.e. Kshatriya) his arms, the Vaisya his thighs and the Sudra his feet.
But it has been shown that there are other passages, apart from the Purusha-Sukta, in which
the division of society into Varnas, though not in the rigid form of later times, is mentioned.
Thus, in Rig-Veda, the three varnas, the Brahma, Kshatam, and Visah are mentioned; while
in Rig-Veda, the four varnas are referred to thus: “One to high sway (i.e. Brahmana), one to
exalted glory (i.e. the Kshatriya), one to pursue his gain (i.e. the Valsya) and one to his labour
(i.e. the Sudra),- all to regard their different vocations, all moving creatures hath the Dawn
awakened. The original parts of the Vedas do not know the system of caste. But this
conclusion was prematurely arrived at without sufficiently weighing the evidence. It is true
that caste system is not to be found in such a developed state; the duties assigned to the
several castes are not so clearly defined as in the law books and Puranas. But nevertheless
the system is already known in the earlier parts of the Vedas, or rather presupposes. The
barriers only were not as insurmountable as in later times.
S.C.Dube gives the Triguna theory of the origin of the Varna system i.e. the philosophic
speculation of ancient India identified three gunas-inherent qualities-in human beings,
animate and inanimate objects, and in human actions: sattva, rajas, and tamas. Sattva
consisted of noble thoughts and deeds, goodness and virtue, truth and wisdom. Rajas, on the
other hand, were characterized by high-living and luxury, passion and some indulgence,
pride, and valour. At the bottom was tamas, with the attributes of coarseness and dullness,
overindulgence without taste, the capacity to carry out heavy work without much
imagination. Those with sattvic qualities were classified as Brahman, those with rajasic as
Kshatriya and Vaishya, and those with tamsic qualities as Sudra. Another third theory takes
account of ethnic admixture, culture contact, and functional specialization. Any of these three
components cannot singly explain the origin of the Varna. In the initial stage of the evolution
of Hindu society-the Vedic stage-race and complexion were important factors, but in its fully
evolved form it was only a make-believe phenomenon, not a biological reality.
Aryanization was the result of culture contact, but it was not a one-way process involving
donor-recipient relations. The Vratya pre-Aryan traditions asserted themselves and in the
process modified the Aryan scheme of social organization, rituals, beliefs, world-view, and its
ethos. Groups were incorporated en masse into the emerging social order, adopting some
new features, retaining some old characteristics, and imparting their imprint on the wider
society. Reverting to the Purusha-Sakta, an allegorical meaning is by the whole sakta with
reference to the Purusha and the creation of varnas from his limbs. The Purusha is described
as being himself “this whole universe, whatever has been and whatever shall be” Further, we
are also told that the moon sprang from his mind (manas), the Sun from his eyes, Indra and
Agni were created out of his mouth, and air or wind from his breath. Again, from his navel
arose the atmosphere (antariksham), from his head the sky, from his feet the earth (bhumi),
and from his ear the four quarters (disah); in this manner, the worlds were created. There is a
great deal of theorizing in the Epic and the Dharma-Sastra literature on the problem of the
origin and development of varnas; There were no distinct castes or classes of men in the
Krita Yuga, according to the Mahabharata At another place, the sage Bhrigu says that only a
few Brahmanas were first created by the great Brahman. But later on, the four divisions of
mankind Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra developed. The complexion (varnah) of the
Brahmanas was white (sita) that of Kshatriyas red (lohitah), that of the Viasyas yellow
(pitakah), and that of the Sudras black (asitah) - thus does the rishi Bhrigu explain his theory
of the origin of the varnas to Bharadwaja.
At first the whole world consisted of Brahmanas. Created equally by Brahman, men have, on
account of their acts, been divided into various varnas. The theory goes on to explain how the
four varnas and other castes (jatayah) arose out of the one original class of Dvijas (twice-
born). Those who found excessive pleasure in enjoyment became possessed of the attributes
of harshness and anger; endowed with courage, and unmindful of their own dharma, (tyakta-
sva-dharmah), those Dvijas possessing the quality of redness (raktangah), became
Kshatriyas. Those again, who, unmindful of the duties laid down for them, became endued
with both the qualities of Redness and Darkness (pitah) and followed the occupations of cattle
breeding and agriculture, became Vaisyas. Those Dvijas, again, who were given to untruth
and injuring other creatures, possessed of cupidity (lubdhah), who indiscriminately followed all
sorts of occupations for their maintenance (sarva- karmo’pa-jivinah), who had no purity of
behaviour (saucha-paribhrashtah), and who thus, nursed within them the quality of Darkness
(krishnah) Became sudras. Thus “divided by there occupations, the Dvijas, (who were, in the
first instance, all Brahmanas) due to falling away from the duties of their own order, became
members of the other three varnas. None of them, therefore, is prohibited from carrying out all
the activities of dharmas and yajnas. Further, those who, through their ignorance, fell away
from their prescribed duties and led a loose life (svachchandacharacheshtitah), endied in
reducing themselves to the various lower castes (jatayah), viz. the Pisachas (feinds), the
Raksasas (globilins), the Pretas (the evil-spirited), and the various mlechchha (barbarian or
outcast)jatis (castes).
The theory that the four varnas proceeded from the limbs of the creator is also held by Manu-
Smriti. And, in order to protect this whole universe (sarvasya), differential duties and
occupations have been assigned to the different varnas (prithak-karmani) by him. Manu then
goes on to eulogise the Brahmana varna as the supreme creation of God. He further
positively asserts that the Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaisya and sudra are the only varnas in
existence; there is no fifth varna; and with this, Yajnavalkya, Baudhayana and Vasishtha also
agree.
Manu’s theory of the origin of mixed castes is, in certain respects, different from that of the
Mahabharata. Sons begotten by twice-born men (dvijas, i.e. Brahmanas, Kshatriyas and
Vaisyas) of wives from the immediate lower class belong no doubt to the varna of their
fathers respectively but they are censured on account of the fauly inherent in their mothers
(matri-dosha). Such is the traditional (sanatana) law (vidhih) applicable to children of a wife
from a varna only one degree lower than her husband’s. The real mixture of varnas (varnas-
samkarah) therefore arises with offsprings born of a woman two or three degrees lower. Thus
the son born of a Brahmana father and a Vaisya mother would be called an Ambashtha; that
born of a Brahmana father and a sudra mother would be called Nishada, and so on. The
mixture of varnas takes place in other ways also. Of a Kshatriya father and Brahmana mother
spring issues belonging to the Suta caste; children born of a Vaisya father and Kshatriya
mother or a Brahmana mother belong to Magadha and Videha castes respectively; and so on
And, inter- marriages between these new castes give rise to newer and newer castes, so that
the process goes on multiplying. Here in this sloka, Manu has used the word Jati as distinct
from varna. This sloka opens the topic concerning off springs begotten on a woman of higher
varna by a man of lower varna. Thus, the Suta, the Magadha and the Vaideha are so named
according to their “jati” (jatitah). And, in the next sloka, Manu also uses the term Varna-
samkarah, mixture of varnas, in this connection. Though Manu refers to four Varnas only, he
mentions about fifty seven jatis, as a result of Varna-samkarah.
Duties of the Varna
The division into four Varnas is here correlated to the duties of each Varna. Their origin is a
symbolic representation of the rank and functions of the four Varnas. In the cultural body-
image the head, the arms, the thighs, and the feet are ranked in descending order, so are the
traditional functions.
The Purusha-Sukta has been interpreted as having an allegorical significance behind it from
another point of view. Thus, the mouth of the Purusha from which the Brahmanas are created
is the seat of speech; the Brahmanas therefore are created to be teachers and instructors of
mankind. According to Manu, a Brahman should always and assiduously study the Veda
alone and teach the Vedas. It is also the privilege of a Brahman to officiate as a priest and as
a means of livelihood permitted to receive gifts from a worthy person of the three higher
varnas. This is known as pratigraha. The arms are symbol of valour and strength; the
Kshatriya’s mission in this world is to carry weapons and protect people. Thus, defense and
war, administration and government were the functions assigned to the Kshatriya. It is difficult
to interpret that portion of the hymn which deals with the creation of the Vaisyas from the
thighs of the Purusha. But the thigh may have been intended to represent the lower portion of
the body, the portion which consumes food, and therefore the Vaisya may be said to be
created to provide food to the people. Trade, commerce and agriculture were the work of the
Vaishya. The creation of the Sudra from the foot symbolizes the fact that the Sudra is to be
the “footman”, the servant of other varnas. The Sudra ranked the lowest by serving others
though crafts and labour.
The whole social organization is here conceived symbolically as one human being the “Body
Social”, we may say – with its limbs representing the social classes based on the principle of
division of labour. The Mahabharata states the same thing thus: Our obeisance to That
(Purusha) who consists of Brahmanas in the mouth, Kashtras in the arms, Vaishya in the
entire regions, stomach and thighs, and Sudras in the feet.
Mobility of the Varnas
There seems to be a constant upward and downward social mobility between the different
Varnas. Yajnavalkya speaks of two kinds of such mobility. When a lower Varna changed into
a higher varna, it was known as jatyutkarsa or uplift of the caste. On the other hand, if a
person belonging to a higher varna gradually descended into a lower Varna, it was known as
jatyapakarsa or the degeneration of the caste. Provisions for both these processes of social
mobility in stratification were laid by different Dharmasastras with minor distinctions about the
conditions. It was particularly based upon two conditions, firstly, upon the following of the
vocation of some other Varna for five to six generations and secondly, marrying into different
Varnas for as much period. It may be easily guessed that in practice such mobility happened
only in exception, since the process had to be covered for several generations, but it is clear
that the Dharmasastras did prescribe change of Varnas by means of interaction between the
Varnas both upwards and downwards. This can be through marriage and education.
While varna dharma had to be followed in normal circumstances, in abnormal circumstances
the Dharmasastras prescribe what is known as Apad Dharma or that which is worthy of
following in exceptional circumstances. Manu enumerate ten means of maintaining oneself in
apad(distress) viz, learning, arts and crafts, work for wages, service i.e., carrying out
another’s orders, rearing cattle, sale of commodities, agriculture, contentment, alms, money-
lending. Out of these some cannot be followed by Brahmin or a Kshatriya when there is no
distress. The Dharmasastras maintained that Brahmins doing certain things are to be treated
as Sudras. Without studying the Veda but works hard to master something else is quickly
reduced to the status of a Sudra together with his family. Thus, Apad Dharma does not mean
the license to do whatever one likes to do in the times of trouble. There are numerous cases
of so many notable persons who refused to change their allotted duties even in the face of
extremely adverse circumstance. Again, even when such a change was permitted, it was
always looked down and never appreciated.
Ascending order of Responsibilities and Status
In the above mentioned fourfold classification of duties according to Dharmashastras, there
was an ascending order of responsibilities. While Brahmin was given the highest position he
was also entrusted with maximum responsibilities. The entire task of preserving Dharma was
mainly the responsibility of the Brahmin. The next social status in Varna hierarchy was given
to the Kshatriya as he had the responsibility of defending the nation in times of war and
administering law and order in the society. He provided social justice with the help of the
Brahmin scholar. The Vaishyas and Sudras had lesser responsibilities and therefore were
assigned lower status. The Sudra gradually came to be so much looked down upon that he
could not touch a Brahmin. The Sudra could not be initiated into the Vedic study and the only
ashram out of the four that he was entitled to, was that of the householder.
The abovementioned descriptions are largely derived from what is called as the ‘book view’ of
society that is from the great tradition or the scriptures. The ground situation or the ‘field view’
often does not correspond with these ideal notions and is quite flexible. The book view is also
said represent the brahmanical view of society not largely adhered by the so-called ‘lower
castes.’ In real life the operational categories are in fact not the varna but the jati or sub castes
who do have their own interpretations of caste hierarchy.

Caste(or jati) Definitions of Caste

Caste may be defined as a hereditary endogamous group which decides the individual’s
status in the social stratification and his profession. Caste is also defined as an aggregate of
persons whose share of obligations and privileges is fixed by birth, sanctioned and supported
by magic and or religion. Ketkar(1909) defines caste as a social group having two
characteristics-memberships confirmed to those who are born of members and includes all
persons so born and the members are forbidden by an inexorable social law to marry outside
the group. Thus caste is a phenomena of social stratification and social restriction in Indian
society, where there is no scope of inter-marriage and inter dinning between different caste.
Origin of Caste in India
According to G.S. Ghurye, caste in India is a Brahminic child of the Indo-Aryan culture,
cradled in the land of the Ganges country. Abbe Dubbois first propounded the political theory
of the origin of Caste in India. However, the complex social structure based upon castes
appears impossible that the aim of caste system would have been to maintain the dominance
of the Brahmin priests over Hindu society. The traditional theory attributes the origin of the
caste system to the creator Brahma who created the four varnas. According to Hutton, the
caste system originated in the religious customs and rituals of the non-Aryan group
particularly the theory of Manu. The traditions of endogamy, untouchability etc. has their roots
in Manu. According to Majumdar, caste system was developed to save Aryan Race and
culture from intermixing with other races.
Characteristics of Caste
There are various characteristics which determine the caste of a person. These are
given
below:
Determination by birth: The membership of a caste is determined by birth. A
person

remains the member of a caste unto which they are born and this does not undergo change
even if change takes place in his status, occupation, education, wealth, etc.
Rules and regulations concerning food: Each individual caste has its own laws which
govern the food habits of its members. Generally, there are no restrictions against fruit, milk,
butter, dry fruit, etc. but kachcha food (bread, etc.) can be accepted only from a member of
one’s own or of a higher caste.
Definite occupation: In the Hindu scriptures there are mention of the occupations of all
varnas. According to Manu, the functions of the Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and the
Sudras are definite. The function of the Brahmins is to study the Vedas, teach, guide and
perform religious rituals, to give and receive alms. Sudras have to do menial work for all the
other varnas. Having developed from the varna system, the occupations in caste system are
definite.
Endogamous group: The majority of persons marry only within their own caste. Brahmins,
Kshatriyas, Sudras and Vaishyas all marry within their respective castes. Westermarck has
considered this to be a chief characteristic of the caste system. Hindu community does not
sanctify inter-caste marriage even now.
Rules concerning status and touchability: The various castes in the Hindu social
organization are divided into a hierarchy of ascent and descent one above the other. In this
hierarchy the Brahmins have the highest and the untouchables the lowest place. This sense
of superiority is much exaggerated and manifests in the south. The very touch and
sometimes even the shadow of a member of the lower caste is enough to defile an individual
of a high caste. The stringent observation of the system of untouchability has resulted in
some low castes of the Hindu society being called ‘untouchables’ who were, consequently,
forbidden to make use of places of worship, cremation grounds, educational institutions,
public roads and hotels etc., and were disallowed from living in the cities.
Caste Structure and Kinship
Caste structure is intimately related to the kinship system amongst the Hindus in India. The
sole reason for this relationship lies in the endogamous nature of caste system. Caste is
basically a closed system of stratification, since members are recruited on the criteria of
ascribed status. In other words, an individual becomes a member of a caste in which he or
she is born. Thus it is an ascribed status. Even if there is social mobility in the caste system
through the process of Sankritisation, urbanizations, etc it is only a positional change rather
than a structural change.
A person remains the member of his/her caste irrespective of his/her individual status. Any
movement in the structure occurs in the social mobility of the caste group in the local
hierarchy of the society, which is only a shifting of its position from one level to another.
Kinship is a method or a system by which individuals as members of society relate
themselves with other individuals of that society. There are two types of kinship bonds. One
is consanguinal and the other is affinal. Consanguinal ties are ties of blood such as, between
mother-daughter, mother-son, father-daughter, etc. Affinal ties are ties through marriage,
such as, between husband-wife, husband-wife’s brother, etc.
Kinship in India is largely an analysis of the internal structure of the sub-caste. Subcaste is
the largest segment of a caste and it performs nearly all the functions of caste like endogamy,
social control, etc. For example, the Brahmin caste has several subcastes like endogamy,
social control, etc. For example, the Brahmin caste has several sub-castes like the Gaur
Brahmins, the Kanyakubjis, the Saraswat Brahmins, etc. It is these segments of the main
caste of Brahmins which form the effective functioning group within which social interaction,
marriage etc. takes place. However, these segments are also subdivided and have a regional
connotation too, like the Sarjupari Brahmins of North India are those who originally lived
beyond the river Saryu or Ghaghara.
The effective caste group is the caste population of a single village while the effective sub
caste group within which marriage and kinship takes place is composed of the people
belonging to the region around the village having several scores of settlements. Due to the
practice of endogamy and restriction in social intercourse a person marries within the sub-
caste group, or at the most caste group in India; which extends generally, beyond the village
to a larger region. Kinship system found in various parts of India differs from each other in
many respects. However, generally speaking, we can distinguish between the kinship system
in the Northern region, the Central region and the southern region. North India is in it self a
very large region, having innumerable types of kinship systems. This region includes the
region between the Himalayas in the North and the Vindhyas in the South. In this region a
person marries outside the village since all the members of one’s caste in a village are
considered to be brothers and sisters, or uncles and aunts. Marriage with a person inside the
village is forbidden. In fact, an exogamous circle with a radius of four miles can be drawn
round a man’s village.
Hypergamy is practiced in this region according to which a man takes a wife from a clan,
which is lower in status to his own clan. That is, a girl goes in marriage from a lower status
group to a higher status group within a sub-caste. The effect of the hypergamy and village
exogamy is that it spatially widens the range of ties. Several villages become linked to each
other through affinal and matrilateral links.
The clans, lineages, and kutumbs are all part of the internal structure of the caste at the same
time being part of the kinship organisation. These groups are all the time increasing and
branching off with time. The organisation of family in the northern region is mainly patriarchal
patrilineal and patrilocal. The lineage is traced through the male, i.e., patrilineal system is
followed in this region. It is patriarchal because authority lies with the male head of the family
and it is patrilocal because after marriage the bride is brought to reside in the father’s house
of the bride-groom. Generally, in most of the castes the “four-clan” rule of marriage is
followed. Acording to this rule,
i) A man cannot marry in the clan to which his father (and he himself) belongs:
ii) To which his mother belongs;
iii) To which his father’s mother belongs; and
iv) To which his mother’s mother belongs
In the northern region, therefore, marriage with cousins, removed even by two or three
degrees is viewed as an incestuous union. In most parts of the region, as mentioned earlier,
village exogamy is practiced by most of the castes, especially the Brahmin, kshatriya and
Vaishya castes. This rule is known in Delhi, Haryana and Punjab, as the rule of Sassan.
In Central India which includes Rajputana the Vindhyas, Gujrat, Maharashr and Odisha we
find the general practice of caste endogamy. Hypergmy is most characteristic of the Rajputs
of this region and village exogamy is also found in this region. However, in this region
especially in Gujarat and Maharashtra amongst some caste communities we find cross-
cousin marriages being practised. Here there is a tendency for a man to marry his mother’s
brother’s daughter. But marriage with the father’s sister’s daughter is taboo. The preference
for a single type of cross-cousin marriage seems to move away from the taboo of marrying
cousins of any class in the northern region. Thus, in many ways this preference suggests a
closer contact with the practices of the southern region.
The southern region comprises states like Karnatak, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Kerala
where the Dravidian languages are spoken. This region is distinct from the northern and
central regions of India in the sense that here we find basically preferential rules of marriage.
Here a man knows whom he has to marry while in most areas in the north a man knows
whom he cannot marry.
Most of the parts of the Southern region except some, like the Malabar, follow the patrilineal
family system. Here also we find exogamous social groups called gotras. The difference
between the exogamous clans in the north is that a caste in a village is held to be of one
patriclan and therefore, no marriage is allowed within a village. Sometimes even a group of
villages are supposed to be settled by one patrilineage and marriage between them is
prohibited.
In the South, there is no identification of a gotra with one village or territory. More than one
inter-marrying clans may live in one village territory and practice intermarriage for
generations. Thus the social groups; which are formed due to this kind of marriage pattern in
the South shows a centripetal tendency (of moving towards a centre) as against the
centrifugal (of moving away from the centre) tendency of social groups found in north Indian
villages. In the South, a caste is divided in to a number of gotras. The first marriage creates
obligations about giving and receiving daughters.
Hence, within exogamous clans, small endogamous circles are found to meet interfamily
obligations and a number of reciprocal alliances are found in South Indian villages. Apart
from castes, which are patrilineal in the southern region, we also find some castes, such as
the Nayars of Malabar district who follow matrilineal system of kinship. Their household is
made up of a woman, her sisters and brothers, her daughters and sons and her daughter’s
daughters and sons. Amongst them, property passes from the mother to the daughter. But
the authority even in this system lies with the brother, who manages the property and takes
care of his sister’s children; Husbands only visit their-wives in this system. The Nayar
matrilineal house is called a Tharavad. Nayar is a broad category of castes of which not all of
them follow the same kinship system.
The relationship between the caste structure and the kinship system is so inter-twined that
we cannot understand one without understanding the details of the other. In this section we
have explained the regional variations found in the relationship between the caste structure
and related kinship pattern.
Sub-Caste
A sub-caste is considered a smaller unit within a caste. In the village setting usually we find
that there is only one sub-caste living there. A larger number of sub-castes indicate the late
arrivals to a village. Thus for all practical purposes a sub-caste represents the caste in the
village. In the wider setting of a region, however, we find many sub-castes. One example
from Maharastra is of Kumbhar (potters). The subcaste is the smallest endogamous groups
and it has some mechanisms like panchayats to regulate the behaviour of members in the
traditional setting. In a village, the difference between caste and sub-caste does not come to
the surface but in a region, the difference is visible. In the following section we shall discuss
the ideal life course prescribed for Hindus in the scriptures.
Changes in the Caste System
Studies by historians like Romila Thapar, A.R. Desai, and M.N. Srinivas have shown that
Indian society was never static. The main traditional avenues of social mobility were
sanskritization, migration and religious conversion. Lower castes or tribes could move
upward in the caste hierarchy through acquisition of wealth and political power. They could
consequently claim higher caste status along with sanskritising their way of life, by emulating
the life style and customs of higher caste.
Occupational association of caste has marginally changed in rural areas. Brahmins may still
work as priest but they have also taken to agriculture. Landowning dominant castes
belonging to both upper and middle rung of caste hierarchy generally work as supervisory
farmers. Other non- landowning lower castes, including small and marginal peasants, work
as wage labourers in agriculture. Artisan castes like carpenters and iron-smith continue with
their traditional occupations. However, migration to urban areas has enabled individuals from
all castes including untouchables to enter into non-traditional occupations in industry, trade
and commerce and services.
Inter-caste marriage is almost non-existent in rural areas. Restrictions on food, drink and
smoking continue but to a lesser degree because of the presence of tea stalls in villages
patronized by nearly all the castes. The hold of untouchability has lessened and distinction in
dress has become more a matter of income than caste affiliation. People migrate to cities and
bring back money which has changed the traditional social structure. Caste has acquired an
additional role in the operation of interests groups and association in politics since the
introduction of representative parliament politics.
Thus, we find that caste has undergone adaptive changes. Its traditional features, i.e.,
connubial (matrimonial), commensal (eating together) and ritual, still prevail in rural areas.
The core characteristics of the castes, which have affected the social relations, are still
operative. However, the status quo of the intermediate and low castes has changed due to
their acquiring political and economic power. The hegemony of the high castes has given way
to differentiation of these statuses in some regions of India so that high castes do not
necessarily occupy a higher class position or power.
Factors for Casteism
Casteism is partial or one-sided loyalty in favour of a particular caste. It is a blind group
loyalty towards one’s own caste or sub-caste which does not care for the interest of the other
castes and seeks to realize the social, economic, political and other interests of its own
group. The factors of casteism are as follows:
Sense of Caste Prestige: the most prominent cause of casteism is the desire of people
belonging to a particular caste to enhance the prestige of their own caste. In order to achieve
this objective every caste provides its members with all the possible privileges in order to
raise their social status.
Endogamy or Marriage Restrictions: Under the caste system the restrictions that apply to
marriage turn every caste into a monogamous group in which each individual looks upon
himself as related in some way to all the others and for this reason the solidarity within caste
group increases which in its turn encourages caste.
Urbanization: With the advent of urbanization it became possible for all caste to collect in
large numbers in towns and cities.
Modernization: Modernization has lead to better communication and better means of
transport which help in the spread of propaganda. This improvement has led to the
establishment of intimate relationships between members of a caste who were previously
separated because of distance. The feeling of casteism is also easily spread through the
medium of newspapers, journals and the internet.
The Four Stages of Life
It is the dharma of a Hindu to pass through four different ashram (stages) in their life. The first
Ashram is called brahmacharya ashram (the educational stage) from which the fourth Varna,
Sudra and women of the first three varna are barred. It ends at marriage. The second stage
of life is called the grihasthashram. During this a man rears a family, earns a living and
performs his daily personal and social duties. After this a man gradually enters the third stage
of life called the vanaprashthashram. During this stage the householder relinquishes his
duties in the household, and devotes his time to religious pursuits. His links with his family
are weakened. During this ashram a man retires into the forest with or without his wife
leaving behind the householder’s cares and duties. The final phase of Hindu’s life begins with
the stage known as the sanyasashram. In this stage one attempt to totally withdraw oneself
from the world and its cares by going to the forest and spending the rest of life in pursuit of
moksha. Like the Varna system, the varnashram is a model that is not compulsory but
recommended.
Sanskaras
Since eternity man has strived to improve his own self. This realisation, unique only to
mankind, has led him to think deeper about his physical, mental and spiritual well being.
Towards this end, the Vedic seers prescribed a set of observances, known as Samskaras.
The nearest English word for samskara is sacrament, related to the phrase 'rite of passage'.
In the Oxford English Dictionary, sacrament is defined as a "religious ceremony or act
regarded as an outward and visible sign of inward or spiritual grace." In classical Sanskrit
literature texts, such as Raghuvamsha, Kumarsambhava, Abhijnan-Shakuntal, Hitopadesha
and Manu Smruti, samskara is used to mean: education, cultivation, training, refinement,
perfection, grammatical purity, polishing, embellishment, decoration, a purificatory rite, a
sacred rite, consecration, sanctification, effect of past actions (karmas), merit of karmas, etc.
Purpose of Samskaras
Cultural: The variety of rites and rituals related to the samskaras help in the formation and
development of personality. In the Parashar Smruti it is said, "Just as a picture is painted with
various colors, so the character of a person is formed by undergoing various samskaras."
Thus, the Hindu sages realised the need of consciously guiding and molding the character of
individuals, instead of letting them grow in a haphazard manner. Spiritual: According to the
seers, samskaras impart a higher sanctity to life. Impurities associated with the material body
are eradicated by performing samskaras. The whole body is consecrated and made a fit
dwelling place for the atma. According to the Atri Smruti a man is born a Shudra; by
performing the Upanayana Samskara he becomes a Dvija (twice born); by acquiring the
Vedic lore he becomes a Vipra (an inspired poet); and by realising Brahman (God) he
becomes a Brahmin. The samskaras are a form of spiritual endeavor (sadhana) - an external
discipline for internal spiritual edification. Thus, the entire life of a Hindu is one grand
sacrament. The Isha Upanishad reveals that the final goal of the samskaras, by observing
the rites and rituals is "to transcend the bondage of samsara and cross the ocean of death."
To this we can add that after transcending the cycle of births and deaths, the atma attains
Paramatma - the Lord Purushottam. Although the number of samskaras prescribed by
various scriptures varies, we shall consider the sixteen that are a consensus among scholars:
Pre-natal Samskaras
Garbhadan (Conception)

'Garbha' means womb. 'Dan' means donation. In this the man places his seed in a woman.
The Gruhyasutras and Smrutis advocate special conditions and observances for this, to
ensure healthy and intelligent progeny. Procreation of children was regarded as necessary
for paying off debts to the forefathers. Another reason for having progeny is given in the
Taittiriya Upanishad. When the student ends his Vedic studies, he requests permission to
leave from his teacher. The teacher then blesses him with some advice which he should
imbibe for life. One of the commands is: "Prajaatantu ma vyavyachchhetseehi..."
(Shikshavalli) "Do not terminate one's lineage - let it continue (by having children)."
Pumsavana (Engendering a male issue)
Pumsavana and Simantonayana (the third samskara) are only performed during the woman's
first issue. Pumsavana is performed in the third or fourth month of pregnancy when the moon
is in a male constellation, particularly the Tishyanakshatra. This symbolises a male child.
Therefore the term pumsavana literally means 'male procreation'. Sushrut, the ancient rishi of
Ayurveda, has described the procedure in his Sushruta Samhita: "Having pounded milk with
any of these herbs - Sulakshmana, Batasurga, Sahadevi and Vishwadeva - one should instil
three or four drops of juice in the right nostril of the pregnant woman. She should not spit out
the juice."
Simantonayana (Hair-parting)

In Gujarati this is known as Khodo bharavo. In this, the husband parts the wife's hair. The
religious significance of this samskara is to bring prosperity to the mother and long life to the
unborn child. It also wards off evil influence. The physiological significance is interesting and
advanced. Sushrut believed that the foetus's mind formed in the fifth month of pregnancy.
Hence the mother is required to take the utmost care for delivering a healthy child. Stipulating
the details, Sushrut enjoined the pregnant mother to avoid exertion of all kinds: refrain from
sleeping during the day and keeping awake at night, and also avoid fear, purgatives,
phlebotomy (blood letting by slicing veins) and postponing natural excretions.
Besides samskaras which affect the physical health of the foetus, ancient scriptures contain
examples of learning samskaras imprinted on it. From the Mahabharat, we know that Arjun's
son, Abhimanyu, learnt the secrets of battle strategy while in his mother's, Subhadra's,
womb. The child- devotee Prahlad of the Shrimad Bhagvatam, learnt about the glory of Lord
Narayan while in his mother's, Kayadhu's, womb. Just as a foetus can grasp good spiritual
samskaras from the external world, the opposite is also true. It can definitely be affected by
certain undesirable habits of the mother. Today we know that smoking, alcohol, certain
medications and drugs have a detrimental effect on the foetus. The Varaha Smruti prohibits
eating meat during pregnancy. Therefore, the Smrutis enjoined the husband to take every
possible care to preserve the physical, mental and spiritual health of his pregnant wife. The
Kalavidhan prohibits him from going abroad or to war, from building a new house and bathing
in the sea.
Childhood Samskaras Jatakarma (Birth rituals)
These rituals are performed at the birth of the child. It is believed that the moon has a special
effect on the newly born. In addition, the constellation of the planets - nakshatras - also
determine the degree of auspiciousness. If birth occurs during an inauspicious arrangement,
the jatakarmas are performed to ward off their detrimental effects on the child. The father
would also request the Brahmanishtha Satpurush for blessings.
Namkaran (Name-giving)
Based on the arrangement of the constellations at birth, the child is named on a day fixed by
caste tradition. In the Hindu Dharma, the child is frequently named after an avatar, deity,
sacred place or river, saint, etc., as a constant reminder of the sacred values for which that
name represents. In the Swaminarayan Sampraday, the devotees approach Pramukh Swami
Maharaj or the other senior sadhus to name their children.
Nishkrama (First outing)
In the third month the child is allowed agni (fire) and chandra (moon) darshan. In the fourth
month he is taken out of the house for the first time, by the father or maternal uncle, to the
mandir for the Lord's darshan(7) Annaprashan (First feeding) Feeding the child with solid
food is the next important samskara. For a son this is done in even months - the 6th, 8th,
10th or 12th months. For a daughter this is done in odd months - 5th, 7th or 9th months. The
food offered is cooked rice with ghee. Some sutras advocate honey to be mixed with this. By
advocating this samskara, the wise sages accomplished two important considerations. First,
the child is weaned away from the mother at a proper time. Second, it warns the mother to
stop breast feeding the child. For, an uninformed mother, many out of love, continue breast
feeding the child, without realising that she was not doing much good to herself or the child.
Chudakarma (Chaul) (Shaving of head)
This samskara involves shaving the head (of a son) in the 1st, 2nd, 3rd or 5th year, or when
initiating him with the janoi (Upanayan). According to Sushrut, the significance of this, together
with nail cutting, is to give delight, lightness, prosperity, courage and happiness
(Chikitsasthan). Charak also voiced a similar opinion. In the Swaminarayan Sampraday, the
son is first taken to Pramukh Swami Maharaj, or senior sadhus, who clip a tuft of hair. The
remaining hair is shaved off shortly afterwards. A tuft of hair (shikha, chotli) is left in place at
the top of the head for longevity. Sushrut points out its significance, "Inside the head, near the
top, is the joint of a shira (artery) and a sandhi (critical juncture). There, in the eddy of hairs, is
a vital spot called the adhipati (overlord). Any injury to this part causes sudden death"
(Sharirsthan Ch. VI, 83). In the course of time, the shikha was regarded as a symbol of the
Hindu Dharma and its removal came to be regarded as a grave sin (Laghu Harita IV).
Karnavedh (Piercing the earlobes)
The child's ear lobes are pierced either on the 12th or 16th day; or 6th, 7th or 8 th month; or
1st, 3rd, 5th, 7th or 9th year. Sushrut reasoned, "The ears of a child should be pierced for
protection (from diseases such as hydrocoele and hernia) and decoration (Sharirasthan,
Chikitsasthan. One sutra says that a goldsmith should pierce the ears while Sushrut
advocates a surgeon. For a boy, the right earlobe is pierced first and for a girl, the left. For
boys today, this samskara is only prevalent in some states of India. In girls, this samskara
has lost its religious
Educational Samskaras
Vidyarambh (Learning the alphabet)
This samskara is also known as Akshararambha, Aksharlekhan, Aksharavikaran and
Aksharavishkaran. It is performed at the age of five and is necessary before commencing
Vedic study -Vedarambh. After bathing, the child sits facing west, while the acharya (teacher)
sits facing east. Saffron and rice are scattered on a silver plank. With a gold or silver pen the
child is made to write letters on the rice. The following phrases are written: "Salutation to
Ganesh, salutation to Sarasvati (goddess of knowledge), salutation to family deities and
salutation to Narayan and Lakshmi." The child then writes, "Aum Namah Siddham". He then
presents gifts to the acharya, such as a pagh and safo (head adornment of cloth). The
acharya then blesses the child.
Upanayan (Yagnopavit) (Sacred thread initiation)
At the age of eight the son is initiated by the acharya with the sacred thread, known as janoi or
yagnopavit. Amongst all the foregoing samskaras this is regarded as supreme. It is the dawn
of a new life, hence dvija - twice born. The child enters studentship and a life of perfect
discipline which involves brahmacharya (celibacy). He leaves the guardianship of his parents
to be looked after by the acharya. This samskara is performed by Brahmins, Kshatriyas and
Vaishyas, for both boys and girls. Therefore, both the boy and girl received training in
discipline, truthful living and physical service. During the course of time this samskara ceased
to be given to girls, who thus failed to be formally educated. Today, the tradition of education
underlying this samskara has died out. Upanayan only functions to bestow dvijatva to the son.
Upa means 'near.' Nayan means 'to take (him) to,' i.e. to take the son to the teacher. Like the
parents, the acharya will mold the student with love and patience into a man of character. He
will inculcate in him the invaluable knowledge of the Vedas. This is the second meaning of
Upanayan. Among all the cultural systems of the world, none have advocated such a lofty
and stringent ideal for studentship than this Hindu samskara. If a student sincerely observes
this samskara, he will turn into a successful scholar. Added to this, during this period, he
receives from the acharya, a strong background for the householder's life he will later enter.
Today, it is obviously not feasible to stay at the acharya's house. But the next best equivalent
is to enter a chhatralay - boarding school. The discipline involved infuses in the student a
fortitude generally not possible at home. Whereas students wear one janoi, householders
could wear two; one for himself and one for his wife.
The three strings of the janoi denote the three gunas - sattva (reality), rajas (passion), and
tamas (darkness). They also remind the wearer that he has to pay off the three debts he
owes to the seers, ancestors and gods. The three strings are tied by a knot known as the
brahmagranthi which symbolises Brahma (creator), Vishnu (sustainer) and Shiva (leveller).
One important significance of wearing the janoi is that the wearer would be constantly aware
of the different deities which the threads represented. Therefore, he would be vigilant prior to
any action not in accordance with the Dharma Shastras.

Vedarambh (Beginning Vedic study)

This samskara was not mentioned in the earliest lists of the Dharma Sutras, which instead
listed the four Vedic vows - Ved Vrats. It seemed that though upanayan marked the
beginning of education, it did not coincide with Vedic study. Therefore a separate samskara
was felt necessary to initiate Vedic study. In this samskara, each student, according to his
lineage, masters his own branch of the Vedas.

Keshant (Godaan) (Shaving the beard)

This samskara is included as one of the four Ved Vrats. When the other three faded, keshant
itself became a separate samskara. 'Kesh' means hair and 'ant' means end. This samskara
involves the first shaving of the beard by the student at the age of sixteen. It is also called
Godaan because it involves gifting a cow to the acharya and gifts to the barber. Since the
student now enters manhood he is required to be more vigilant over his impulses of youth. To
remind him of his vow of brahmacharya, he is required to take the vow anew; to live in strict
continence and austere discipline for one year.

Samavartan (End of Studentship)

This samskara is performed at the end of the brahmacharya phase - the end of studentship.
'Sama vartan' meant 'returning home from the house of the acharya. This involves a ritual
sacrificial bath known as Awabhruth Snan. It is sacrificial because it marks the end of the
long observance of brahmacharya. It is a ritual bath because it symbolises the crossing of the
ocean of learning by the student-hence Vidyasnaatak - one who has crossed the ocean of
learning. In Sanskrit literature, learning is compared to an ocean.
Before the bath, the student has to obtain permission from the acharya to end his studentship
and give him guru-dakshina - tuition fees. Permission is necessary because it certifies the
student as a person fit in learning, habit and character for a married life. Obviously the student
is not in a position to pay fees. One Sutra describes the debt of the teacher as unpayable,
"Even the earth containing the seven continents is not sufficient for the guru-dakshina." But
the formality is a required courtesy and the acharya says, "My child, enough with money. I am
satisfied with thy merits." He would elaborate with the impressive statements, known as
Dikshant Pravachan, noted in the Taittiriya Upanishad. Those students who wished to remain
as lifelong students observing brahmacharya would remain with the acharya. Today, this
means accepting a spiritual guru – an Ekantik Satpurush and becoming a sadhu. The student
thus bypasses the next two ashrams, to enter sannyas.
Marriage
Vivaha
This is the most important of all the Hindu Samskaras. The Smrutis laud the gruhastha
(householder) ashram as the highest, for it is the central support of the other three ashrams.
Manu enjoins, "Having spent the first quarter of one's life in the guru's house, the second
quarter in one's own house with the wife, and the third quarter in the forest, one should take
sannyas in the fourth, casting away every worldly tie." (Manu Smruti). By marriage an
individual is able to achieve the four purusharths (endeavors) of life: dharma (righteousness),
artha (wealth), kama (desire) and moksha (salvation). He is also able to pay off ancestral
debt by having children. Procreation for children is also a primary purpose of marriage.
In addition to being a religious sacrament, Hindu marriage is also regarded as an important
social institution. For developing a stable and ideal society, marriage has been regarded as
an essential element in all cultures of the world. A society without loyal marital ties tends to
degrade. It is said that promiscuity was one reason for the downfall of the Romans. By
marriage, both an individual and society, while remaining within the moral norms, can
progress together. Simultaneously it does not cause harm to others nor infringe upon one's
independence.

Antyesthi (Death rites)

The rishis and Dharma Sutras were at a consensus regarding the final goal of life,
which they enjoined in the four ashrams - stages of life. The stalwart poet Kalidas in his
classic, Raghuvansha (1-8) stipulates: "Shaishave abhyastavidyãnãm yauvane
vishayaishinãm; Vãrdhakye munivruttinãm yogenãnte tanutyajãm." "One studies during
childhood (brahmacharya ashram), fulfills his desires during youth (gruhastha ashram),
renounces worldly activity for silent contemplation during old age (vanprastha ashram)
and then endeavors for God-realisation, after which he leaves his body."

Antyeshti is the final samskara in a Hindu's life. Yajur Veda regards vivaha as the sixteenth
samskara while Rig Veda considers antyeshti. Though performed after the death of a person
by his relatives, it is of importance because the value of the next world is higher than that of
the present. The final rituals are performed with meticulous care with the help of Brahmin
priests.
Conclusion: Samskaras like ours have their parallels in the world's other religious
denominations-baptism, confirmation, holy matrimony in Christianity; barmitzvahs, and
circumcision in Judaism; navjot in Parsis; and circumcision in Islam. These have significance
in their own way in the lives of the members of these religions. In the past the sixteen Hindu
samskaras formed an integral part of Hindu life. Today, with the encroachment of modern
living, especially in urban India, only a few of them have survived: chaul, upanayan, vivaha
and antyeshti. Yet these samskaras, with their spiritual import, holistically 'samskarize' (edify)
all aspects of an individual's life. Since each samskara ritual makes the individual the focus of
the occasion, he/she is psychologically boosted. This strengthens the individual's self-esteem
and enriches interaction with those around. The samskaras bring together family members,
close relatives and friends, hence increase the cohesiveness of the family unit. Therein the
unit harmonizes and strengthens the social structure. The consequence of this is a healthy
society with a strong cultural identity which easily refines, boosts and perpetuates its
traditional beliefs, customs, morals and values. This has been one of the key reasons for the
Hindu Dharma withstanding the rigors and onslaughts of foreign incursions and upheavals
through the ages. The ancient rishis and sages enjoined the sixteen samskaras for the eternal
benefit of mankind through their direct experience with the Divine. They wove them as into the
fabric of daily life of the Hindu. They are 'outward acts,' from pre-birth to postdeath, for inward
or spiritual grace. Today, the key samskara which will determine the cohesion and
perpetuation of Hindu traditions anywhere in the world is vivaha, if observed sincerely with its
pristine and lofty sentiments.
1.1.4.1. Purushartha
The Hindu scriptures declare four goals in human life and they are called the purushartha.
The term purushartha not only denotes what the objectives of life should be but it also means
what the objectives of life are as the result of the psychological tendencies of the individual.
The purushartha consists of dharma, Artha, Kama and Moksha in the same order.
First, every human being needs to obey the law of nature by strictly following dharma.
Dharma is the stability of the society, the maintenance of social order, and the general
welfare of mankind. And whatever conduces to the fulfillment of this purpose is called
'dharma'.
Artha is the acquisition of wealth, is regarded as the primary purpose of life, as without it,
human existence is impossible. One has to live before one can live well. Artha is the
foundation upon which the whole structure of life has been built and all the other purushrtha-s
can be achieved only by the fulfillment of this primary purpose in life. The acquisition of
wealth is through dharmic
actions and wealth needs to be used in the preservation of dharma.
Kama means desires, desires of varying degrees. It is from dharma that artha and kama
result. Man recognises here that artha and kama satisfy the psychological tendencies of man
and they form essentially the two fundamental aspirations of every individual. It is implied
what one desires need to be within the threshold of one's wealth and within dharmic values.
Now the word moksha means the ultimate freedom from birth and death or the
deliverance of the soul from bondage. From the advaitic point of view, moksha results from the
extinction of false knowledge (ignorance). The self-knowledge is the aim and end of man's
misery and bondage. In support of the realization of Self, the Upanishads outline several
additional explanations. The universe has the natural tendency to guide the realization by the
human soul. The natural forces of the universe maintain the balance between the material
objects, living plants, conscious animals, and intelligent human beings. The transition from
human consciousness into divine (transcendental) consciousness is a long and laborious
process. Ordinarily, within the span of a single lifetime, it is not feasible to transit from human
to divine. Life is a continuous journey, carried over and continued through the succeeding lives
till the attainment of Self realization.
Thus, for the Hindu, the individual’s relations with the ultimate principle of the Universal or
Primal Cause defines his relations with other men, with his family, with the group or society in
which he lives or with which he comes in contact, with his village and his country;-and, indeed,
with the entire animate and inanimate creation. The whole of the life of an individual is, for the
Hindu, a kind of schooling and self discipline. Now, during the course of this schooling and self
discipline, he has to pass through four stages,-four grades of training, as it were-called the
Ashrams. And, in regard to the Ashrams, too, every item and stage and phase has to be
defined in terms of the already defined relations between man and God. Here, therefore,
practically we start with supernatural basis; upon this we erect the superstructure of man’s
earthly career. The earthly existence has thus to be defined primarily in terms of dharma; and
dharma has to be interpreted in the concrete in terms of karma. The ashram scheme,
therefore, defines our dharma in and through a life of worldliness, of samsara, before it, and
beyond its pale; and, in practice it seeks to delineate the implications of dharma in terms of
karma. This scheme of transition from one stage to another is prescribed for men of upper
castes only, women are supposed to help and support their husbands in proper fulfillment of
these goals.
In the opinion of Manu, the good of humanity lies in a harmonious management or co-
ordination of the three (trivarga), viz, dharma, artha and kama. Says he: “ some declare that
the good of man consists in dharma, and artha; others opine that it is to be found in kama and
artha; some say that dharma alone will give it; while the rest assert that artha alone is the chief
good of man here below(on earth). But the correct position is that the good of man consists in
the harmonious co-ordination of the three”. Thus, on the whole, the purusharthas are
concerned both with the individual as well as the group. They enunciate and justify the kinds of
relation between the individual and the group; they define the just relations between activities
of the individual and those of the group; they also state explicitly and by implication, the
improper relations between the individual and the group with a view to enabling the individual
to avoid them. Thus, the purushartha control both the individual and the group, and also their-
relations.
Here, it is to be remembered that when we refer to artha and kama as purusharthas, we refer
to them in their proper proportions, that is to say, only in the best sense of these words. Artha
refers to the problem and activities connected with the finding, making, gathering, conserving
and organizing of the material necessities of life and all that accompanies the same. Similarly,
kama refers to the sex and the reproductive aspect, its understanding, its right functions, its
functioning, its organization and management both with reference to the individual and the
group. As we have pointed out above, Kama in the wider sense refers to all the innate desires
and urges of man.
Dharma seems to be the arbiter, the conscience keeper, the director, the interpreter, of the
properties that govern the right functioning and management of the relations between the
inner man and the outer man and between the individual and the group. Dharma is,
therefore, the holder of the balance in terms of which artha and kama have to be dealt with
weighed, practiced and apportioned. Moksha, on the other hand, seems to be concerned
mainly with the individual. It refers, perhaps, to the appeal of the inner man to the individual,
unaffected by the group. It is perhaps too personal an outlook that defines the struggle and
hope and justification within the individual for moksha. But, from the Hindu’s point of view, we
must also remember, that the inner personality of the individual, at its best, is identified by
him not only with the group, nor only with the society, nor with the nation, nor the race, nor
even with he entire human race, but with the whole creation, animate and inanimate, seen
and unseen, which includes all these and is still much more than all these. In the light of
these considerations, the goal of moksha does not possess the narrow individual outlook, for
the Hindu nor is it to be pursued exclusively and directly by an individual unless and until he
has duly satisfied all his social debts (rinah) or obligations.
Family in India
The traditional Indian family is a large kinship group commonly described as joint family. A
joint family is one in which two or more generations live under one roof or different roofs
having a common hearth. All the members own the immovable property of the line in
common. This family is generally patriarchal and patrilineal, that is, the father or the oldest
male member is the head of the house and administrator of the property and the headship
descends in the male line. In modern towns a large number of nuclear families exist which
consist of wife, husband and the children. Such families are also partiarchal and patrilineal.
But there are many regions where families are matrilineal in which the headship descends in
the female line such as in Kerala and the northeastern region of Nagaland and Meghalaya.
Whatever be the nature of the family it is the primary unit of the society. The members of
the family are bound together by ‘shraddha’, the rite of commemorating the ancestors.
‘Shraddha’ defined the family; those who were entitled to participate in the ceremony were
‘sapindas’, members of the family group. The bond between the members of the family gave
a sense of social security to its members. In distress a man could rely on the other members
of the extended family. At the time of festivals and marriages, the responsibilities were shared
reinforcing the family bond. Traditionally the family in India is governed by two schools of
sacred law and customs. These are based on ‘Mitakshara’ and ‘Dayabhaga’. Most families of
Bengal and Assam follow the rules of ‘Dayabhaga’ while the rest of India generally follows
‘Mitakshara’. The sacred law made provisions for the break-up of the very large and
unmanageable joint families. Such break-ups took place on the death of the patriarch. The
joint family property did not include individual properties of the members at least from
medieval times onwards and hence such properties could not be divided. In the post-
independence period the Constitution provided that each religious community would be
governed by their religious personal laws in marters of marriage, divorce, inheritance,
succession adoption, guardianship, custody of children and maintenance. Thus, the Hindu,
Buddhist, Sikh and Jain communities are governed by the codified Hindu Acts of 1955-56.
The Muslim and Christian and Parsi families have their own set of personal laws based on
religion.
Joint family is a group of kins of several generations, ruled by a head, in which there is joint
residence, hearth and property and whose members are bound with each other by mutual
obligations. The chief characteristics of joint family are common residence, common kitchen,
joint property, common worship, rule of the pater familia and consciousness of mutual
obligation among family members. Joint family has been viewed as one of the enduring units
of the Indian society which has been undergoing change over time.
According to I. Karve, “A joint family is a group of people who generally live under one roof,
who eat food cooked at one hearth, who hold property in common and who participate in
common worship and are related to each other as some particular type of kindred.” Not only
parents and children, brothers and step-brothers live on the common property, but it may,
sometimes, include ascendants, descendants and collaterals up to many generations.
A joint family may consist of members related lineally or collaterally or both. A family is
essentially defined as “joint” only if it includes two or more related married couples who may
be related lineally (as in a father-son relationship or occasionally in a father-daughter
relationship), or collaterally (as in a brother-sister relationship). Both these types refer to the
compositional aspect of the patrilineal joint family. In matrilineal systems, found in south west
and north east India, the family is usually composed of a woman, her mother and her married
and unmarried daughters. The mother’s brother is also an important member of the family; he
is the manager of the matrilineal joint family affairs. The husbands of the female members
live with them. In Kerala, a husband used to be frequent visitor to the wife’s household and
he lived in his mother’s household.
1.1.14.1. Characteristics of a joint family
The characteristics of a joint family are as follows:
Commensality: The joint family is characterized by a common hearth; members cook and
eat food from the same kitchen.
Common Residence: Members of a joint family have not only the same hearth but share the
same dwelling place.
Joint Ownership of Property: Members of a joint family have joint ownership of property
and this may be regarded as the most crucial factor in legal terms for the characteristic of a
joint family.
Cooperation and Sentiment: In a joint family, the ownership, production and consumption of
wealth take place on a joint basis. It is a cooperative institution, similar to a joint stock
company in which there is a joint property, and the head of the joint family is like a trustee
who manages the property of the family with a view to deriving material and spiritual benefit
for the members of the family. I.P. Desai (1964) and K.M. Kapadia (1958) point out that
jointness should be looked in functional terms. A functionally joint family lays stress on
fulfillment of obligations towards kin. They identify themselves as members of a particular
‘family’, cooperate in rituals and ceremonies, render financial and other kinds of help; and
they cherish a common family sentiment and abide by the norms of joint living.
Ritual Bonds: The ritual bonds of a joint family are considered to be important component of
jointness. A joint family, thus, is bound together by periodic propitiation of the dead ancestors.
The members perform a ‘shraddha’ ceremony in which the senior male member of the joint
family propitiates his dead father’s or mother’s spirit, offering it the ‘pinda’ (ball of cooked rice)
on behalf of all the members.
Common deity Worship: Another ritual bond among joint family members can be common
deity worship. In many parts of South India, each joint family has a tradition of worshipping a
particular clan or village deity. Vows are made to this deity in times of joy and trouble. The
first tonsure, donning of the sacred thread, marriages etc. are celebrated in or near the deity’s
temple.
1.1.5.2. Advantages of the joint family
The advantages of the joint family are as follows:
Economic advantage: The joint family system has several economic advantages. It
prevents property from being divided. Land is being protected from extreme subdivision and
fragmentation. The joint family also assists in economic production where the male members
do such work as furrowing, sowing and irrigation while the women assist at the harvest,
children graze the cattle, collect fuel and manure. The cooperation of all members helps to
save money which would otherwise be paid to a labourer.
Protection of members: the joint family can provide assistance to not only the children but
to the old, insane, the widows and helpless. The joint family is capable of providing
assistance at times of pregnancy, sickness etc. If a person dies, his wife and children are
looked after by the other members of the joint family, and their honour,
wealth, and prosperity are protected collectively.
Development of personality: In a joint family the members are able to develop the ideal
qualities of a person. The elders care for the children and see to it that they do not engage in
undesirable and antisocial behaviours.
Co-operation and Economy: the joint family fosters co-operation and economy to an extent
achieved by few, if any, other institution. A sense of cultural unity and an associational feeling
exists among the members. There can also be much economy in expenditure.
Socialism in wealth: according to Sir Henry Maine, the joint family is like a corporation the
trustee of which is the head of the family. Everyone in the family works according to his
capacity but obtains according to his need and in this way achieves the socialistic order from
each according to his ability, to each according to his needs.
1.1.14.2. Changes in the joint family
In recent past the joint family has undergone various changes. This can be attributed to the
following factors:
Economic Factors: Monetisation (the introduction of cash transactions), diversification of
occupational opportunities for employment in varied spheres, technological advancements (in
communication and transport) are some of the major economic factors, which have affected
the joint family system in India. With the opening of employment in government services and
the monetization people left their traditional occupation and moved to cities or towns where
jobs are available. Thus they break away from their ancestral place taking their wives and
children with them. Since independence opportunities for and diversification of occupations
have increased. With a constitutional commitment to promote equality between the sexes,
women are being emerged into varied kinds of occupation and role relationships are changed
which affects the joint family.
Educational Factors: With the coming of the British opportunity for higher education
emerged in which all castes and community had access to the facilities provided by them.
Some educated people began to question the Hindu customs and practices relating to child
marriage, denial of rights of education to women, property rights, and ill treatment of widows.
Marriage for both women and men were desired at a much later age by the educated and this
affects the nature of the joint family.
Legal Factors: Legislations regarding employment, education, marriage, and property have
affected the family system in many ways. Labour laws, Child Marriage Restraint Act and the
Hindu Succession Act affected the joint family in a great way.
Urbanisation: The process of urbanization has also affected the pattern of family life in India.
There is a shift from agricultural to non-agricultural occupations. Population pressure on land,
education and the prospects for better jobs, medical care and better means of living has led
to the migration from rural to urban areas which has affected the joint family.
Changing gender equations: Over last one century gender equations have witnessed major
shifts. Traditional joint families had little space for women’s autonomy. Women had to bear
the brunt of maintaining household work as well as social relations. With expanding horizons
of women’s education and employment women especially from upper caste families have
entered the public sphere with little time for household work and investment in interpersonal
relations. Smaller family size also contributes to this phenomenon.
Though the joint family system has seen various changes K.M. Kapadia (1972) has observed
that those who migrated to the cities still retain their bonds with their joint family in the village
and town. They families may set up residence separately but still retain their kinship
orientation and joint family ethic. This is evident in the performance of certain role obligations
which include physical and financial assistance to kin members. The industrialization has
served to strengthen the joint family because an economic base has been provided to
support it or because more hands are needed in a renewed family enterprise or because kin
can help one another in striving for upward mobility. Thus, the joint family may seem to be
breaking up but it still retains a bond between its members among certain kin groups.
The Marriage in India
Marriage is one of the most fundamental and ancient social institutions. From times
immemorial, it has been maintaining order and discipline in human society. Its form, nature
and process vary from society to society. Irrespective of these differences this institution has
several universally common elements and functions. According to Edward Westermarck,
Marriage is a “relation of one or more men to one or more women, which is recognised by
custom or law and involves certain rights and duties both in case of parties entering the union
and in case of the children born of it.” In its essence, it refers to a set of rules and regulations,
which determines, who will marry whom, how the marriage union will be established under
what conditions and when marriage will take place, what will be the rights and duties of the
persons entering into such union and finally how the union will be dissolved. It fulfils the
physical, social, psychological and spiritual aims and objectives of both the wife and the
husband. Marriage is a socially recognised and normatively prescribed relationship between at
least two persons-one female and other male- that defines and estabilishes sexual, economic
and other rights and duties which each owes to the other. Marriage gives social and legal
recognition to woman and man as wife and husband and their relationship. The children born
out of marital relationship are recognised as legitimate children in society. In India different
socio-religious and cultural groups have their own traditional concepts, norms and customs of
marriage. Let us see some of the most notable forms:
Hindu Marriage in India
A distinction has to be made of the book view and field view of marriage. The marriage system
of Hindu community has a uniqueness of its own which makes it distinct from other
communities. Hindu marriage is not merely a union between a female and a male which is
sanctioned by society.
Alongwith the social sanction, it has a religious and divine aspect. What is more important in
Hindu marriage is that it is a sacred bond, a religious sacrament. Its aim is not only to secure
physical pleasure for the individuals but also to advance their spiritual development. K.M.
Kapadia says that—“Hindu marriage is a socially approved union of man and woman aiming
at dharma, procreation, sexual pleasure and observance of certain obligations.” According to
P.H.Prabhu the primary object of marriage is the continuity of the family life. Marriage binds
the wife and the husband into an indissoluble bond which lasts beyond death. Sociologists
have noted the relative stability of marriage relationship in India.
Aims of Hindu Marriage
Sociologists and Indologists have discussed about the following aims of Hindu
marriage in India.

(1) As a sacrament Hindu marriage aims to fulfil certain religious obligations. During the
course of marriage the wife and the husband take an oath to live together. A traditional
Hindu passes through four Ashramas or stages of life called Brahamacharya (student
life), Grihastha, (family life), Vanaprastha (retired life) and Sannyasa (renunciation). At
the commencemnt of each such Ashrama, a Hindu undergoes a sacrament and takes a
vow. As a result of this, one becomes purified in body and mind. Marriage is a gateway
to Grihastha Ashrama.
(2) It is very essential for a Hindu to be married for the fulfilment of religious duties like
dharma (practice of religion), praja (procreation) and rati (sexual pleasure). The foremost
purpose of Hindu marriage is to practice dharma in accordance with ‘varna’, ‘jati’ and
‘kula’ norms.
(3) The Hindus consider vivah or marriage as one of the Samskara or sacraments
sanctifying the body. It is doubly essential for a woman because marriage is the only
significant samskara for her.
(4) A Hindu Grihastha is expected to perform daily fire sacrifies such as Deva Yajna, Bhut
Yajna, and Pitriyajna by daily chanting vedic mantras, offering ghee or clarified
butter in fire, giving some portion of food to different creatures, extending hospitality to
guests and by performing shraddha or offering of pinda or rice balls Hindus believe in
a concept of three religious debts or Rinas. These are Pitri Rina, Daiv Rina and Guru
Rina. Marriage is essential for repaying Pitri rina and the individual repays it by being the
father of a son. Role of a wife is essential for the completion of Grihastha Dharma and
perform religious rites. The wife among the Hindus is called Ardhangini.
1.1.6.3. Forms of Hindu Marriage
Hindu scriptures discribed eight forms of marriage. Which are as follows:
Bramha Vivah: This is the most ideal and the most sought after marriage among the Hindus.
In this form of marriage the father of the bride invites for marriage the most suitable groom, in
terms of learning capacity and character for his daughter who is given to the groom in
kanyadaan. These days it is called samajik vivah or Kanyadaan vivah as well.
Daiva Vivah: The father of the bride offeres his daughter in the hand of the priest as
Dakshina and Yajna, which has been officiated by him. It was considered as an ideal form of
marriage in ancient times but has become irrelevant today.
Arsha Vivah: This was the sanctioned procedure of marriage for sages or renunciators, in
case they wanted to lead a family life. They used to gift a pair of cow and a bull to the father
of a girl of their choice. In case the father of the girl was in favour of this marriage proposal he
accepted the gift and marriage was arranged. Otherwise, the gift was respectfully returned to
the sage.
Prajapatya Vivah: This is a modified, less elaborate form of Brahma vivah. The
main difference lies in the rules of sapinda exogamy.

Asura Vivah: In this form of marriage, the bridegroom pays bride price to bride’s father or
her kinsmen and marries the bride. Marriage by exchange is also permitted within this
marriage.
Gandharva Vivah: It was the traditional form of contemporary love marriage. It was a
sanctioned form of marriage in exceptional circumstances and among certain classes but it
was not considered as an ideal in the tradition.
Rakshasa Vivah: This is that form of marriage which is known marriage by capture among
the tribals. This type of marriage was widely prevalent during the ancient age among the
kings as the prizes of war or the machanism to improve relations with the defeated people. It
was sanctioned but not an ideal form of marriage.
Paisacha Vivah: This is the least acceptable form of marriage. The man cheats the girl and
thereby forces her to marry him. The woman, having lost her chastity, has no other
alternative but to marry him. Recognising this form of union as marriage was an attempt to
protect the rights of the cheated woman. It also gave legitimacy to the children born of such
unions.
Rules of Mate Selection
To maintain the purity and distinctive identity of groups in society, the Hindu law-givers have
laid down detailed rules and regulations regarding the choice of a partner for the marriage
union. These laws are based on two principles i.e., the endogamic rule and the exogamic
rules.
(a) Endogamy
While selecting a mate, a person has to choose from her or his own sub-caste and/or
caste.
 (i) Caste Endogamy: This rule prescribes marriage within one’s own caste and
prohibits the members of a caste to marry outside their own caste. The violation
of this rule would result into severe social and economic punishments by the
‘caste council’ or ‘panchayat’ amounting to isolation and denial of all sorts of
social help and co-operation.
(ii) (ii) Sub-caste Endogamy: Each caste is sub-divided into many small groups, the
members of which have feelings of superiority over the others. Each such unit is
an endogamous group, directing its members to choose their mates only from
that sub- caste. For example, Brahmanas are also having some sub-castes like
Saraswat, Gaur, Kanyakubj, etc. All these groups are endogamous groups.
(b) Exogamy
In exogamy a person is supposed to marry outside one’s own group. Though endogamy and
exogamy seem to be two contradictory rules, in Hindu society both these rules are practised
simultaneously, of course, at different levels. There are two types of exogamous rules in Hindu
society:
(i) Sagotra Exogamy: Gotra (sagotra or same gotra) is a clan or family group, the
members of which are forbidden to marry each other. It is believed that sagotras
or persons with the same gotra have originated from the same ancestor and are,
therefore, related by blood. But, this rule has been made legally ineffective by
the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955.
(ii) Sapinda Exogamy: Sapindas are supposed to be blood relatives. Sapindas are
those who are related to one another in ascending or descending order, by five
generations from the mother’s side and seven generations from the father’s side.
One cannot select life partner from one’s own Sapindas. Though the Hindu
Marriage Act, 1955 prohibits Sapinda marriage in general, it allows this in the
form of crosscousin marriages as a peculiar custom of the South India. Sapinda
exogamy indicates the prohibition placed on inter - marriage of sapindas.
Sapinda represents the relationship between the living member and dead
ancestors. The term sapinda (saman pind) means (1) Those who share the
particles of the same body, and (2) People who are united by offering pinda or
balls to the same dead ancestor. The Hindu law-givers differ in their definitions
of sagotra. The Hindu marriage act, however, does not allow marriage within five
generations on father’s side and three generations on mother’s side.
Inter-Caste Marriage
It means the marriage between a woman and a man who belong to two different castes. For
example, when a woman of Brahman caste marries a man from the caste of, say, a weaver
that is known as an inter-caste marriage. According to the custom such marriages are not
preferred, although in the urban areas this custom is not strictly followed.
Other Rules of Marriage
(i) Hypergamy or Anuloma : Hypergamy is that form of marriage in which the ritual
status of a man is higher than that of his prospective wife.
(ii) Hypogamy or Pratiloma : Hypogamy is that form of marriage in which the ritual
status of a woman is higher than that of her prospective husband. The inter-
caste marriages have however, been legalised by legislations such as Special
Marriage Act 1954, Hindu Marriage Act 1955, Hindu Marriage Laws
(Amendment) Act 1976 etc. in Indian society.
Position of Women in Indian Society
Any study of civilization is incomplete without study the status and position of women in it.
Women constituted the keystone in the arch of Indian civilization. Indian civilization based on
the spirit that women’s cause is men; they rise or sink together, dwarfed or godlike, bond or
free. One of the best way to understand the spirit of civilization and to appreciate its
excellences and to realize its limitations is to study the history of the position and status of
women in it. As far as education is concerned, the Ancient Indian Women enjoyed deny them
the right to education.
Women enjoyed freedom and participation in public life show that the sense of justice and its
play developed in a community. The laws of marriage and customs serve as guide to
evaluate partner. His co-operation was must for the happiness and success of the family. The
extent to which women were freedom to choose their partners in life. Her management of
their household as also the recognition of their proprietary rights indicates man’s capacity to
control the natural love of self, pelf, power and possession, which is so deeply implanted in
the heart of every human being. The position and status of women did not remain constant
through the period of our study. Gods are pleased with where women are held at honour
remained merely an ideal and in actual practice she was treated as Sudra. She was under
the influence where she is given of her parents, as an adult, of her husband and as a widow
of her sons. The freedom of women is also circumscribed. If she is girl and a young women
or even by an aged one she cannot do anything independently even in herown house. There
was gradual deterioration in her status and position. Ancient Indian society was found
wanting in establishing the footing equality of man and woman. There was greater erosion in
her status and position in medieval and modern period. Those countries which don’t respect
women have never become great. The main reason why our race is so much degraded is
that we have no respect for these living images of Shakti. If we do notraise the women who
are living example of the Divine mother, don’t think we have another way raise.
A debate is going on regarding the status of women in primitive communities. The ideas that
the primitive people were barbaric have led some to conclude that women had been
subordinate to men. In early uncivilized societies the communities had not yet emerged from
barbarism and there hardly existed any checks on the tyranny of men over women. In
primitive life the muscle was an indispensable element in success and the man was stronger
in it than women. Physical power, bodily vigour and muscular strength thus naturally
established man’s permanent superiority over women. So the position women occupied in
Hindu society at the dawn of civilization during Vedic age is much better than what we
ordinarily expect it to have been.
During Vedic period the society had certainly left behind the state of food gathering and
hunting. Women held a position of honour because of her participation was found to be
necessary in the production process. During this, the husband and wife are called dampati. It
is indicative of the society in which relations between the sexes were based on reciprocity
and autonomy in their respective spheres of activity. They took equal part in the sacrificial
rites, pressed the Soma, rinsed and mixed it with milk and offered adoration to gods. A
woman frequently associated themselves with folk assembly and participated in its
deliberations, but in modern time situation is so deteriorate that on Panchayat level
government gave thirty three percent reservations to women but after elected by pubic they
do not utilize their power, their husband cherish their power and take the decisions, and
participate in folk assembly.
If we look in the period of the later samhitas, woman on satisfactory position. A woman was
considered as an equal partner with man in the responsibilities and duties at home. She was
initiated into Vedic studies after her upanayana (Initiation Ceremony). Sita was described as
offering sandhya prayers, i.e. ritual prayers which were offered with mantras in the morning,
noon and evening. She was not an obstacle in the path of religion and her presence and co-
operation were absolutely necessary in religious rites and ceremonies. At the beginning of
500 B.C. upanayana came to be discouraged for girls and it was declared that marriage was
the substitute disastrous consequences on the general status and dignity of women.
The participation of women in productive activity such as agriculture, manufacture of cloth,
bows, arrows and other war materials was at the root of freedom and better status of women
in the Vedic age. Their position began to deteriorate when the cheap or forced labour of the
enslaved population or of the Sudras became available to the society. The lowering of the
marriageable age of women from 16 or 17 to 18 or19 and practice of Sati were obviously the
consequences of the deterioration in their status. The deterioration in the status and
position of women began from 300 B.C. onwards. They come to be considered as fickle-
minded, who could be easily, won over by one who is handsome and can sing and dance
well. In the Anusasana Parva of the Mahabharata we are told that Yudhisthira prayed to
Bhishma to enlighten him regarding the nature of women. He prefaced his prayer with the
statement. It is said that women is the root of all evils and she is narrow minded. Bhishma
agreed and lures. She is not endowed with strength of will enough to resist temptation. She is
always stands in need of protection by men. Elsewhere in the Mahabharata we find Bhishma
extolling them. Women should always be adored and treated with love. For where women are
treated with honour, the very gods are said to be propitiated. Where women are not adored,
all acts became fruitless. If the women of a family, on account of the treatment they receive,
indulge in grief and tears, that family soon becomes extinct.
Those homes which are cursed by women meet with destruction such homes lose their
splendor, their growth and prosperity would cease. This contradiction in Mahabharata shows
society’s lack of confidence in the nature of women. Though it was forthright in ideal sing
women hood and recognizing women as symbol of purity, righteousness and spirituality. Tara,
Sita, Draupadi, Ahalya and Mandodari are the five ideal and revered women. The attitude of
Buddha, a born democrat, was in no way different though he granted to women the rights to
the monastic life and found an order of Nuns. A moral feminine in equality is pointed out in the
Jalaka stories. According to the Jatakas “of all the snares of the senses which ignorance sets
before the unwary, the most insidious, the most dangerous, and the most attractive is women.”
The want of sympathy by Buddhism towards women was based on the belief that a woman is
nearer to the world than man. Even by founding the order of Nuns, the Buddha does not
indicate that he was broad-minded enough to establish the equality of sexes.
Education: In the Rig Vedic Period women took part in the intellectual life of the society.
After Upanayana ceremony, this took place as regularly, as that of boys. They devoted their
time, till their marriage, to specialize in Vedic theology and philosophy. After marriage both
husband and wife took equal part in the sacrificial rites. The authorship of some Vedic hymns
is ascribed to women and in fact there are twenty such Women authors. These celebrities
attained great eminence as philosophers. In the Upanishadic period there are references to
women of high intellectual attainments. Gargi Vacaknavi is one of the example. Maitrey, the
wife of Yajnavalkya is represented as holding with her husband philosophical discussion on
the relationship of the universal soul (Paramatma)to the individual soul. These examples
demonstrate the height of intellectual and spiritual attainments to which as women could rise.
Some ladies took teaching carrier and they were known as Upadhyayas. The new term had
to be coined to denote lady teacher’s shows that Women teachers were numerous. The
Puranas also speak of lady teachers and Bhagavata refers to two daughters of Dakshayana
as experts in theology and philosophy. This high note about the education of women was not
to continue for long. After 300 B.C. the situation changed and the right to study came to be
denied for women. It is possible that girls in the well to do families were not denied of
educational opportunities. Since higher education was not permissible for girls, they were
given training in fine arts like music, dancing and painting from early times. In fact they were
recognized as feminine accomplishments.
The ganikas or the courtesans and nautch girls had a recognized place in the social life in
South India. They were proficient in fine arts like music and dance. They were even honoured
by village assemblies for their public benefaction. In course of time they looked down upon
when the dancing girls attached to the temples (devadasis) fell into immorality and these fine
arts came to be regarded as fit only to such girls. Some women went in for military and
administrative training. Kautilya speaks of a female body guard and directs that the king on
getting up from bed shall be received by troops of women armed with bows. Around the
beginning of the christen era the doors of Vedic knowledge was closed to women.
Marriage: Hindu writers attach great importance to the marriage of a woman. Womanis the
very source of purusharthas, not only Dharma, Artha and Kama, but even Moksa. It was a
social and religious duty and necessity. It was obligatory for girls as there will be more pit falls
in the path of an unmarried woman. Thinking is same in modern period. Although the society
is change, ways of working and living is changed. In the Vedic age girls were normally
married after puberty. The Mahabharata favours the marriage of well-developed and grown-
up girls. Draupadi, Kunti, Sita, Uttara, as also Devayani were fully grown-up at the time of
their marriage though in the early times it was usual for girls to be fully adult before the
marriage. There is tendency in the sutra texts to lower the age of marriage for girls. Around
200 A.D. the child marriage was gradually coming into vogue. Marriage usually took place
among the couple of the same class and caste but sagotra, sapravara and sapinda marriage
were prohibited, as the demands arise in this modern time, the Khap-Panchayata demands
the changes in Hindu marriage act 1957 which allows same gotra, and marriage in same
village. The sutras permit anuloma (male of higher caste marrying a lower class female) and
Smirtis regards such marriages a legal. The progeny of anuloma unions inherited the caste of
the father. Marriages were generally arranged by the parents of the couple though there are
references to love marriages. Perfect harmony and happiness was expected in conjugal life.
Right to Property: The study of the evolution of the proprietary rights of women is both
important and instructive. It is important because the evolution unfolds before us the
economic independence and prosperity that women enjoyed in the society. It is instructive
because with the gradual decline in her status in the society. The couples were the joint
owners of the household as well as the property. At the time of marriage the husband declare
that he would not violate the rights and interest of his partner in the economic matters. The
joint possession secured her numerous rights and privileges. It gives her an absolute right of
maintenance against the husband. By and large the Hindu jurists never made a sincere effort
to secure women an absolute equality with their husbands in the ownership of the property of
the family. Free India has however corrected this grave injustice to Women. The lawgivers
have recognized the claims of wife to Sridhana(Women’s Special Property) which consisted
of the bride-price, gifts given by the husband even subsequent to the marriages. Later landed
property came to be included in the Sridhana. The law relating to the inheritance of Sridhana
varied from region to region. If a women died childless and if her marriage was not according
to approved forms, the Sridhana devolved on her parents or brother; otherwise it was
inherited by her children. In Eastern India brother less daughters were entitled to patrimony.
The situation changed after 300 B.C. sisters having brothers denied a share in the patrimony.
In free India according to Hindu Succession Act. daughter have equal share in the property
inherited from their forefathers. But due to some social pressure and people make the mind
set of girls is like that they did not take herown share from the property. This is situation in
Middle class of Indian girls in 21st century.
Divorce: The sacred law states that the marriage union was indissoluble once the seven
steps had been taken together. There was no place for divorce. An errant wife was denied of
most of her rights; still the husband had to maintain her, if demanded. However, she could
not remarry. Careful examination of the dharma sutra literature suggests that abandoning of
wife/husband was permitted well before the beginning of the Christian era under certain well
defined circumstances. Manu does not blame a wife if she left her a husband who is
impotent, insane or suffering from an incurable or contagious disease. Manu permits
remarriage of such wife. Kautilya is more liberal to women in matters of marriage, contract
and divorce. A woman can remarry when her husband was abroad for long time, if he
suffered from incurable disease or was sterile, if he had become an out caste, if he was bad
in character or was guilty of high treason or was dangerous to her infertility or if she failed to
give birth to sons. Divorce on the ground of ill feeling was also possible by mutual consent
but not of the will of one party alone. Manu permits the wife to contract a second husband
under the defined circumstances, appears to be unsympathetic to the cause of the wife. The
above all rules completely forgotten by Gupta time when divorce becomes almost impossible
for the people of higher classes. In Moderntime divorce is easily possible. Indian Panel Code
gave such rights to women but Indian Middle class society consider the divorce women
inferior in categories and faults lies on her head.
Prostitution: Ancient India contained one class of women who mixed freely with men. They
were free from restrains which matrons had to observe. They are called as ganikas
(Courtesans) and Vesyas (prostitutes). In the literature the prostitute is depicted as beautiful,
accomplished and wealthy women enjoying a position of fame and honour. She was to be
thoroughly trained in sixty four Kalas (arts). These included music, dancing, singing and
acting etc. the ganikas or the courtesans enjoyed a great social standing and they had
nothing in common with such women in modern industrial cities. They were particularly
proficient in fine arts like music and dancing. They were honoured by the people for their
expertness in those arts as also for their public benefactions. Typically of such respected and
honoured courtesans was Ambrapali, the noted courtesan of Vaishali: She was immensely
wealthy, highly intelligent and famous throughout the civilized portions of India. She was one
of the most treasured possessions of her city, and mixed on equal terms with princes. She
was a Sri-ratna (jewel of a woman). South Indian inscriptions record the role that the ganikas
played in contemporary society. They suggested how by their charms and wiles the ganikas
enslaved and disturbed the courts and cities. The records of the chalukyas, cholas and other
dynasties show the been interest the ganikas showed in charities. By the time of the Mauryas
the institution of prostitution had come to stay.
We learn from the Arthasastra of Kautilya a prostitute noted for her beauty, youth and
accomplishments was appointed superintendent on a salary1000 pans per annum. She not
only looked after the welfare of the prostitute but arrange for their education in the relevant
arts. Prostitutes were employed by the state as spies. They had to carry a license from the
state to carry on their profession by paying two days earning a license fee to the government.
They attended the court regularly and also worked in the royal household on a fat salary. As
in Indonesia prostitution is legally permitted in modern time. Secular view was favorable to
prostitution. The religious view regarded it as an evil and disapproved it.
Widows: A cultured society regarded widows as almost nonentities, humiliated them, and
consider their very look an inauspicious. Sati system is disgraceful for living. It is true that
they were permitted to holdproperty in their own right, but this did not improve their position.
The evidence in the Rig Veda regarding the widow is too meager to form any idea of her
position. If the position enjoyed by women in general is any guide, then it can be said that the
position of widow was much better. The discussion on the question of widow remarriage and
upholding the right of widows in her husband’s property is further proofs to the nonprevalence
of sati in the Vedic period. The custom of sati was not vogue in India down to 400 B.C. There
is no reference to the custom in the Buddhist literature and the Arthsastraof Kautilya.Stray
references to sati occur in the Mahabharata. Four wives of Vasudeva and five wives of
Krishna committed sati, but Satyabhama, another wife of Krishna retired to the forest.
Similarly, Madri, the second wife of Pandu, committed sati, but not Kunti.
The custom of sati began to gain popularity among the ruling classes from around 400 A.D.
and some smritkaras make mention of it, though they do not hold it as an ideal for the widow.
Even then, itwas not that widespread. Queen Prabhavati Gupta of the Vakataka dynasty did
not commit sati, while Yasomati, mother of Harsha did. During the first half of the seventh
century A.D. contemporary social thinkers and writers abhorred the custom become evident
from the following statement: “To die after one’s beloved is most fruitless. It is a custom
followed by the foolish. It is mistake committed under infatuation. It is a reckless course
followed only on account of haste. It is a mistake of stupendous magnitude. Some thinkers
like Angirasa, Harita extolled the custom of sati and it began to gain popularity in north India.
All along the practice was confined to the ruling classes; a few of the brahmana families
began to follow it around 1000 A.D. A reference has been made to the practice of Niyoga in
the Vedic period. The Vedic literature and the dharma sutras allow remarriage of widow
generally those who opposed this were not against the remarriage of child widows. According
to Smirtis, a woman can remarry with the recitation of the sacred. Women have contributed to
the progress of humanity in every age. They are the agents of change. They have contributed
significantly towards nation making. The status of women is a significant reflection of the
social justice in the society. In modern Indian society, there are many constitutional
guarantees and legislative measures to protect them; but the literacy rate of women is not so
high and work participation for women is also low.
The constitution of India has incorporated some special provision for increasing the status of
women in India. From 1950 with the introduction of the democratic constitution, it has granted
equal social and political rights to women. There are certain constitutional provisions: i. Article
14 guarantees that the State shall not deny equality before the law and equal protection of
the laws, ii. Article 15 prohibits discrimination against any citizen on the ground of sex: and
Article 15 (3) empowers the state to make positive discrimination in favour of women and
child, iii. Article 16 provides for equality of opportunity in matter of public employment. iv. The
State to direct its policy towards securing for men and women equally the right to an
adequate means of livelihood (Article 39(a)); and equal pay for equal work for both men and
women (Article 39(d)), v. The State to make provision for securing just and humane
conditions of work and for maternity relief (Article 42), vi. To promote harmony and the spirit
of common brotherhood amongst all the people of India and to renounce practices derogatory
to the dignity of women (Article 51(A) (e)), vii. Not less than one-third (including the number of
seats reserved for women belonging to the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes) of
the total number of seats to be filled by direct election in every Panchayat to be reserved for
women and such seats to be allotted by rotation to different constituencies in a Panchayat
(Article 243 D(3)). viii. Not less than one- third of the total number of offices of Chairpersons
in the Panchayats at each level to be reserved for women (Article 243 D (4)). ix. Not less than
one-third (including the number of seats reserved for women belonging to the Scheduled
Castes and the Scheduled Tribes) of the total number of seats to be filled by direct election in
every Municipality to be reserved for women and such seats to be allotted by rotation to
different constituencies in a Municipality(Article 243 T (3)). x. Reservation of offices of
Chairpersons in Municipalities for the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes and women in
such manner as the legislature of a State may by law provide (Article 243 T (4))
Legislative Provisions: Various legislative measures intended to ensure equal rights, counter
social discrimination and various forms of violence and atrocities and to provide support
services especially to working women have been enacted by the Govt. to uphold constitutional
mandate. Women may be the victims of crimes such as ‘Murder, ‘Robbery, cheating etc, the
crimes which are directed specifically against women, are characterized as ‘Crime against
Women’ which are classified under two categories viz,’ The crimes identified under the Indian
Panel Code like Rape, Kidnapping or abduction for different purposes, Nomicide for dowry,
Dowry deaths, or their attempts, Mental and physical torture, Molestation, Sexual Harassment
and Importation of girls etc and (ii) The crimes identified under the special law like: -
Employees State Insurance Act, 1948, The plantation labour Act.1951, Family Courts Act,
1954, The special Marriage Act, 1954, The Hindu marriage Act, 1955, The Hindu succession
Act, 1956, The Maternity Benefit Act, 1961, Dowry Prohibition Act, 1961, Medical Termination
of pregnancy Act, 1971, The Contract Labour Act, 1976, The equal Remuneration Act, 1976,
The child Marriage Restraint Act, 1979, Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 1983, The Factories
(Amendment) Act, 1986, Indecent Representation of women (Prohibition) Act, 1986 and
Commission of Sati(Prevention Act,1987and Protection of women under domestic violence
Act, 2005.
Special Initiatives for Women: Some special initiations have been taken in recent years in
this regards viz: i. National Commission for Women In January 1992, this statutory body with
a specific mandate to study and monitor all matters relating to the constitutional and legal
safeguards provided for women, review the existing legislation to suggest amendments
wherever necessary was set up. ii. Reservation of women in Local Self Govt. The 72nd and
73rd constitutional Amendment Acts passed in 1992 by Parliament ensure one-third of the
total seats for women in all elected offices in all Rural and Urban Local Bodies. iii. The
National Plan of Action for the Girl Child (1991-2000 AD) The Action Plan is to ensure
survival, protection and development of Girl Child with the ultimate objection of building up a
letter future for the girl child. iv. National Policy for Empowerment of women, 2001. The
Department of Women and Child Development in the Ministry of Human Resources
Development has prepared a ‘National policy for Empowerment of Women in the year 2001.
The goal of this policy is to bring about the advancement, development and empowerment of
women.
At present a number of women’s organizations have created a sense of consciousness for
gender equality but rape, dowry deaths, humiliations, Honour Killing domestic violence and
other atrocities against women have become common in our society today. Women
constitute half of the population and their contribution to the country’s economy is
tremendous. But their number in the parliament is just around 8 percent which is highly
minimal. Now the government of India has been implementing various schemes and
programmes for the welfare and empowerment of women in the area of Poverty, Alleviation,
skill up gradation, development and sustainable income generation, education. Health
services, awareness generation, legal literacy and support services. Development and
empowerment of women has been a thrust area in five year plan. But even after so many
implementation and provisions position of women is not satisfactory. Recently the Gang Rape
in Delhi, after it gang rape in Mumbai, we heard in news every day at least one news of gang
rape, no preventative measure is present in the society. Aarushee Murder Case, Naina Sahni
Murder Case, Honour Killing in Rohtak is the taint on humanity. If we consider legal
provisions are sufficient to control the crimes against women and it provides safety, security
and status to the women then we say modern society is retrogressive on the pole of women
status not progressive. Out of universe of 137 countries, India’s gender related development
ranks 103rd. Life expectancy at birth is 60.7 as compared to 60.7 of males.
As for gender empowerment, India ranks 93rd out of a universe of 174 countries. It
had 8.01
% women in the last parliament and the proportion of administrators and managers is only
2.3% while the professional and technical workers are 20.5%. In Indian society, there is very
little value for the fact that in the totality of things, men and women have different qualities,
they are complementary to each other and their relationship should not be one of superior
and subordinate.
As compared to man's greater muscle power, women have greater capacity to care and
nurture. Women live longer and can withstand more stress; they have more patience,
perseverance and tenacity. They have fewer egos, and more capacity to give service, and
these are attributes which form the essence of being.
Conclusion: Women have equal participation in human development. She is half of the
human race. But she lack in society. Women is not treated with respect as in the ancient
Indian society. Lot of crime against women is seen in modern society. Constitutional
provisions are not sufficient to get the respectable position in society. Some certain changes
inside mind-set of women as well as man is required. Everybody tries to understand that
there is division of labour in society some essential role is played by every pole in society so
why we consider women is secondary to men. In Modern times technology developed,
globalization and commercialism come in to existence but the status and position of women
is rather deteriorated.
Communalism
Indian society is pluralistic from religious point of view. Here, we have the followers of all the
great religious systems. Hindus constitute the bulk of the population and they inhabit in all
parts of the country. Muslims constitute the largest religious minority. But the adjustment
between the Hindus and Muslims has been a failure several times, resulting in violent
communal riots. In the communal riots during the period of independence millions of people
were rendered homeless while millions of others lost their property. Communalism was
responsible for the division of the country into India and Pakistan. The partition was expected
to resolve the riddle, but it failed. There is, yet, to develop the neighborhood living pattern
between Hindus and Muslims.
Meaning of Communalism
Communalism, as we understand it in our country is blind loyalty to one’s own religious
group. It is described as a tool to mobilize people for or against by raising an appeal on
communal lines. Communalism is associated with religious fundamentalism and dogmatism.
In other word it can be defined as a social phenomenon characterized by the religion of two
communities, often leading to acrimony, tension and even rioting between them. Or
Communalism is a political doctrine which makes use of religious and cultural differences to
achieve political ends.
Thus, communalism refers to a politics that seeks to unify one community around a religious
identity in hostile opposition to another community. It seeks to define this community identity
as fundamental and fixed. It attempts to consolidate this identity and present it as natural -as
if people were born into the identity, as if the identities do not evolve through history over
time. In order to unify the community, communalism suppresses distinctions within the
community and emphasises the essential unity of the community against other communities.
One could say communalism nurtures a politics of hatred for an identified “other”– “Hindus” in
the case of Muslim communalism, and “Muslims” in the case of Hindu communalism. This
hatred feeds a politics of violence.
Communalism, then, is a particular kind of politicisation of religious identity, an ideology that
seeks to promote conflict between religious communities. In the context of a multi-religious
country, the phrase “religious nationalism” can come to acquire a similar meaning. In such a
country, any attempt to see a religious community as a nation would mean sowing the seeds
of antagonism against some other religion/s.
Defining communalism poses a complex problem for historians in contemporary India. On the
one hand is the barrier posited by the communal tradition itself, which has endeavoured, with
considerable success, to reduce the ‘nation’ to the ‘community’. The partition of India and the
long history of Hindu Rashtravad (Hindu Nationalism) express the formidable successes of
this tradition. On the other hand, there is a historical confusion between ‘nation’ and
‘community’, which underlies the evolution of the modern nation-state and the subjective
reactions to the Industrial Revolution. For instance, Bipan Chandra’s definition-“Simply put,
communalism is the belief that because a group of people follow a particular religion, they
have, as a result, common social, political and economic interests” could be rephrased to
define the phenomenon of nationalism as well, leaving us none the wiser. Third, the object of
our study distorts and challenges our chronological sensibility.
The substance of communal ideology is historical memory, manifested in myths, symbols and
atavistic emotion. The function of communalism is mass mobilization for the authoritarian
reconstruction of the state in crisis. This state is a precipitate of a medieval and a colonial
past, but is also the organizer of capital accumulation in the context of a world economy. As
ideology, communalism achieves the fusion of archaic and modern elements (mythologized
memory and Rousseauesque notions of popular sovereignty). The state, too, expresses the
fusion of the age-old specialization of power with the modern despotism of capital. A state
driven by crises of legitimacy can quite easily and naturally turn to communal institutions and
movements to secure an authoritarian popular base. When communalism achieves state-
power, the distinction between community and nation seems to vanish, and the task of critical
comprehension becomes even more difficult.
A Brief history of Communalism in India
The decay of Buddhism and the imperial traditions with which it was associated was
accompanied by the gradual resurgence of the Brahmin priesthood. This stratum, for all its
pioneering work in assimilation of food-gathering or pastoral tribes into settled agriculture,
also contributed to the proliferation of ritual, rule by superstition, caste exclusiveness, and the
localisation and autarky of material culture. D.D. Kosambi recounts the process related in
some Puranas, known as the hiranya-garbha (golden womb) ceremony, by which petty
chieftains and kings would acquire high-caste status, agree to maintain the chaturvarnya (the
four basic castes) and convert the rest of their tribe into a new peasantry.
Counter posed to this priestly culture was the body of differentiated heterodoxy knows
as shramanism (asceticism), whose innate hostility to the former grammarian Patanjali (cc
2nd century BC) likened to the enmity between the snake and the mongoose. The shramanic
ethic tended to be Universalist, even though it’s lay following fell victim to the caste system.
The Bhakti movements, which spanned a long period from cc 500 AD onwards, were, in
Romila Thapar’s view, the inheritors of, the shramanic tradition, and were popular among the
‘low’ castes. Although they differed widely depending upon time, place, social roots and types
of worship, many of them were distinctly opposed to caste divisiveness and the notion of
renunciatory salvation, and preached in the vernacular.
Meanwhile, with Islam had arrived the notion of the just and pious Sultan. In theory the
Sultan could not be absolutist- he was subservient to and obliged to uphold the divine law
(shariah). In practice, since the Sultanat was neither personal property, nor communal
property religious law failed to ensure continuity on the basis of de-jure principles, and had
perforce to postulate de-facto sovereignty.
Furthermore, the Holy Scriptures enjoined social equality, while orthodoxy at the same
time upheld the principle of the supreme leadership of the learned ones; this despite the fact
that Islam had never sanctioned a church or a clergy. Having no direct authority in scriptural
matters, the ruler could only legitimise his rule by claiming to enforce the shariah; and this
could only be done through the ulema. The latter had no means of inducing acceptance of
their theological credentials except through the king. A symbiotic interest developed of a
state-oriented clergy, who were also tied to the monarch through charitable grants. The
tradition of a factional and ambitious ulema, bent upon inculcating among poorer classes of
Muslims nothing more than a sense of conformity and inherent superiority, blended well with
a culture already engrossed with status and ritual pollution. Orthodoxy, unable to establish
the shariah as a normative principle, “made religion a poor dependent of politics and
converted a source of moral nourishment into a parasite”
However, establishmentarianism did not go unchallenged. An independent ulema also
existed which refused to associate with the institutions of power. The mystics (Sufis) were
even further removed from the legalistic tradition. Basing themselves on monistic concepts
such as wahdat-ul- wujud (the oneness of being), and the union of the self with God, they put
forward a more earthy and appealing rendering of the Islamic message. Whereas the orthodox
ulema represented the authority of the state and of dogma, the Sufis could provide spiritual
sustenance to ordinary people. In so doing, they also had to provide room for belief in the
miraculous.
Whereas the state-oriented clergy could quote religious injunctions in favour of
obedience to the ruler, equally could their critics use the precepts of conditional obedience,
social equality among the faithful, and hostility to ostentation to express their rebellious
instincts. An example of this was the Mahdawi movement begun by Saiyyad Mohammad of
Jaunpur (1443-1504). The jealous ulema, unable to worst him in discursive combat,
concentrated on his messaianic claims. Continual orders of exile, coupled with the Mahdawi
accent on hijrat (migration) as a proselytizing mission, led to the setting up of a number of
egalitarian ‘dairas’ (circles) in several parts of western and northern India. The cult lasted till
the late sixteenth century, dogged by orthodox and state persecution, which was natural, for if
its teachings were to be accepted, the existing social and political system would have to be
renounced as subversive of Islam.
Let us now consider developments under Britannic imperialism. The mercantilist interaction
with India was already over a century old when colonial conquest began. The latter process
took another century, in the course of which the political fragments of the moribund Mughal
empire and various predatory polities were brought under a single new political and economic
dispensation. Given the highly complex social hierarchies that existed in different areas, the
long period of social pacification, the staggered pace of institutional change, and the fact that
Britain herself underwent drastic historical transformation during this period, it is not
surprising that the reaction to this whole process was highly differentiated.
Conquest of India by the British ended the glorious rule of the Mughals. During the Great
Revolt of 1857, the revolutionaries proclaimed Bahadur Shah II as the Emperor of India. With
the suppression of the Revolt, the British authority considered the Muslims, their traditional
enemy. The Government tried to deal with the Muslims with scorn and contempt. So,
communalism emerged among them for their self-protection and survival.
In order to bring awakening' among the Muslims, Sir Slayed Ahmad Khan started the Aligarh
Movement. To educate the Muslims, he established Anglo-Mohammedan Oriental College at
Aligarh which was later on converted to the Aligarh Muslim University. He envisaged that to be
safe, the Muslims should back the British rule. That is why; he wanted to unite the Muslims
which made communalism strong.
William Hunter, a British administrator in his book, The Indian Muslimappealed the Britishers
to bring a change in their attitude towards the Indian Muslims. On the other hand, Mr. Beck,
the principal of the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh, advised the Muslims to
support the British Government for their safety. He also generated anti-Hindu feelings in the
minds of the Muslims and told them to oppose the Indian National Congress. Thus, the British
and the Indian Muslims came closer and it contributed to the growth of communalism.
The British policy of 'Divide and Rule' was largely responsible for ' the growth of communalism
in India. For gaining the favour of the Muslims, Lord Curzon partitioned Bengal in 1905 and
created a Muslim-dominated Province. This policy of Lord Curzon continued with vigor in the -
forthcoming years in several ways by the British Government or make the Muslim
communalism strong.
Communalism among the Hindus also served as a background for the growth of Muslim
communalism. In 1870s, the Hindu landlords, money-lenders and middle-class professionals
generated anti-Muslim sentiments. They demanded that seats should be reserved for the
Hindus in the Legislature and government services. This brought the Muslims closer to the
British Government and made communalism strong.
In 1906 Sir Agha Khan headed a Muslim delegation and met Viceroy Lord Minot. He
convinced the Viceroy that the Muslim minority should be given separate electorate. In the
forthcoming elections that was granted to the Muslims. The Morley-M*into reforms and the
Montague Chelmsford reforms gave vent to this communalism.
Nawaz Salimulah Khan established the Indian Muslim League in 1906. It aimed at generating
better opportunities for the educated Muslims in polities and to put a check to the growing
influence of the Indian National Congress. With the gradual march of time, the Muslim
League demanded separate electorate and other facilities from time to time and the British
Government fulfilled them. The League was instrumental in spreading communalism among
the Muslims.
Muhammad Ali Jinnah was an educated Muslim leader who preached that Congress was the
Hindu-dominated organisation and it would fail to protect the interest of the Muslims. So, he
wanted the partition of the country and gave a clarion call to the Muslims on 16th August,
1946 by saying 'larker lunge Pakistan' (We will take Pakistan by force) and that day was
famous as the 'Direct Action Day'. Thus communalism reached its zenith with the demand for
Pakistan. In the wake of independence large scale massacre took place in India. Millions of
people fro oth Hindu and Muslim communities were butchered.
In free India we have numbers of communal riots. From demolition of the Babri Mosque at
Ayodhya to Godhra incidents and subsequent communal riot are shame for humanity.
Nature of Indian Communalism
Communalism is the Indian version of fascist populism and racist nationalism. First, it
opposes to the time of the present its own ideal time which is an amalgam of the past and the
future- both merging to one another in the myth of communal potency. Muslim communalists
spoke of the period of ‘Muslim sovereignty’ as if the medieval Sultanat was the property of
every Muslim. Sikh communalists harked back to the reign of Maharaja Ranajit Singh,
misrepresenting it as the rule of ‘the Khalsa’. And Brahmanical fascists, armed with the
doctrine of Hindu Rashtra, dreamt of a new and fantastic monolith the ‘majority community’,
which, as their political property, would enable them to bludgeon all their enemies into
submission.
Second, communalism located an internal enemy, deemed to be sapping the strength of the
chosen, and makes it the target of mass hatred. In South Asia, since India and Pakistan
remain internal to each other’s ideological self-consciousness, it could be said that Partition
disproved the Two Nation Theory. Thus, for Pakistan, the wickedness of Bharat and the
Hindus is the necessary condition for its own existence-Bengalis and Ahmadiyas come a poor
second. For Brahmanical fascists in India, the internal enemy are the ‘minorities’, primarily the
Muslims, who are seen as biologically anti-national, Pakistani agents and an unclean element
in the body politic. Pakistan is the externalised form of the internal enemy; the Indian Muslims,
the internal shadow of Pakistan.
Third, communalism subverts all humanistic rationality and replaces it with romantic, death
worshipping cults of unreason whose political functions are the creation of murder squads,
the militarisation of civil society and the inculcation of a fragmented morality based on the
racist reduction of the hate objects into sub-humans.
Fourth, communalism, like fascism, is capable of using pseudo-radical slogans to mobilize
mass support; and of using democratic institutions to seize power and destroy democracy
from a position of strength. The numerous occasions on which various brands of
communalists made themselves useful to the colonial authorities show up most clearly this
anti-democratic nature of communalism, The very early as well as the late history of the
Muslim League is an example.
Finally, communalism politicises the underworld, links together goondas and politicians,
legitimises criminal violence and institutionalises all these phenomena in stable
organizations, creating the symbiosis between the state and the bestial personality which is
the hallmark of fascism. Its principal victim is humanity itself.
 Causes of Communalism:
There are a number of causes which are responsible for the prevalence of
communalism.
Some of two important causes of communalism are discussed below.
Tendency of the Minorities: The Muslims fail to be intermingled in the national mainstream.
Most of them do not participate in the secular nationalistic politics and insist on maintaining
tor separate identity the elite among the Muslims have failed to generate the appropriate
national ethos.
Orthodoxy and Obscurantism: The orthodox members of minorities feel that they have a
distinct entity with their own cultural pattern, personal laws and thought. There are strong
elements of conservatism and fundamentalism among the Muslims. Such feeling has
prevented them from accepting the concept of secularism and religious tolerance.
Design of the Leaders: Communalism has flourished in India because the communalist
leaders of both Hindu and Muslim communities desire to flourish it in the interest of their
communities. The demand for separate electorate and the organization of Muslim league
were the practical manifestations of this line of thought. The British rule which produced the
divide and rule policy, separate electorate on the basis of religion strengthened the basis of
communalism in India Ultimately the partition of the country into India and Pakistan provided
further an antagonistic feeling towards each other.
Weak Economic Status: A majority of Muslims in India has failed to adopt the scientific and
technological education. Due to their educational backwardness, they have not been
represented sufficiently in the public service, industry and trade etc. This causes the feeling
of relative deprivation and such feelings contain the seeds of communalism.
Geographical Causes: The territorial settlement of different religious groups especially
Hindus Muslims and Christians causes in them wide variation in the mode of life, social
standards and belief system. Most of these patterns are contradictory and this may cause
communal tension.
Historical Causes: The Muslims, all over the subcontinent, are converts from Hinduism,
which was facilitated due to the caste-hate relations and under the compulsions of Muslim
rulers. The problems of social segregation, illiteracy and poverty that had set apart the low
caste people remain unresolved for them, as the foreign elite that rubbed never shared power
with them. Their work ended with the conversion of the Indians and the converts began by
imitating the masters in thought, speech and dress. It caused their alienation. Gradually,
elements of communalism entered in the Muslim community. The separatist elements in the
Muslim community, from the very start of the national resurgence had discouraged others of
their community, from associating themselves with it. As a result Muslim league was formed
which demanded partition of the country.
Social Causes: Cultural similarity is a powerful factor in fostering amicable relations between
any two social groups. But the social institutions, customs and practices of Hindus and
Muslims are so divergent that they think themselves to be two distinct communities.
Psychological Causes: Psychological factors play an important role in the development of
communalism. The Hindus think that the Muslims are fanatics and fundamentalists. They
also believe that Muslims are unpatriotic. On the contrary, the Muslims feel that they are
being treated as second rate citizens in India and their religious beliefs and practices are
inferior. These feelings lead to communal ill-feeing.
Provocation of Enemy Countries: Some foreign countries try to destabilize our country by
setting one community against the other through their agents. Pakistan has played a role in
fostering communal feeling among the Muslims of our country. Pakistan has been
encouraging and promoting communal riots by instigating the militant sections of Indian
Muslim community. Kashmir youths are trained by Pakistan to destabilize India’s internal
security by spreading communal venom.
Negative Impact of Mass Media: The messages relating to communal tension or riot in any
part of the country spread through the mass media. This results in further tension and riots
between two rival religious groups.
Communalism and threat to Indian Society
India is a secular State. Secular means non-religious, but in the context of Indian polity. It
means the co-existence of all religions without any kind of discrimination. Though our
constitution safeguards for the minorities, the actual implementations of the provisions is a
complex one. Indian people are generally known for their non-violence, tolerance,
brotherhood character, that is why number of religion has flourished in India society. After the
traumatic partition and bloodshed, during the partition, has given the political parties, several
inflammable issues for exploiting communal passions for their political gains. Not only the
politicians, but also the religious heads of minorities and majority community instead of trying
to mitigate the communal frengy, flared it up with their speeches and actions. The destruction
of Babri Masjid and burning alive the Hindu Kar Sewaks in Godhra (Gujarat) and the
incidences of violence in Gujrat after Godhra Massacre, have torn the Secular Fabric of
Indian Democracy to uncountable pieces. One incidence after another creates more hatred,
more incidences, more communalism in the country.
In India, throughout the past century, communal forces have tried to capture the political
centre stage. By various means. They have sought to disrupt the unity and integrity of the
country,. Tried to gnaw at the very secular foundations of India culture and history. But
overtime they have failed. Yet, the consequences of such thought have often been traumatic.
One has to but mention the holocaust of 1947, assassination of Mahatma Gandhi demolition
of the Babri Mosque at Ayodhya and the riots accompanying it etc. to get a feel of the trauma.
The Muslim fundamentalists have made it an issue of their identity and existence. The Hindu
fundamentalist are also not behind inciting the gullible masses, to rise against the Muslims,
by making them believe that Hindus in Hindustan are being treated as second class citizens.
All groups, whether Hindu or Muslim, which encourage narrow communal identities are
adding to the problem. The reality is that real people’s identities are fluid and complex,
whereas the project of ethnic nationalism requires the construction of narrow identities, and
then the use of those identities to mobilize people. In this way, the apparently innocent
encouragement of religious identity can be part of a process which culminates in violence.
Riots are rarely spontaneous events. Probably the most incorrect caricature of the recent
violence is of spontaneous tit for tat violence. To highlight the organized nature of violence is
not to brush away the difficult questions of where exactly mass violence and mass sexual
violence comes from and how these are connected with authoritarianism and sexual
repression.
The religious right in India exploits to a great extends its multiple faces, from the more
respectable to the more extreme. The key point to recognize is that the differences between
the organization are tactical rather than ideological. There are no golden pasts. History,
especially the pre-British history of India, has become a battle-ground with Hindu Nationalist
reminding us of an apparently beautiful pre-Islamic era, and secularists attempting to counter
this with examples of peace, progress and cohesion achieved during the time of Mughal rule.
The reality is that such simplifications of history are always dangerous. All empires, pre-
Islamic, and post-Islamic have been born though brutal conquest and expansion hand have
seen great social injustices. Many have also had their times of relative peace and stability, and
social progress. Today it is probably more useful to question the overall way the history is
caricatured, rather than getting bogged down in detailed debate.
In a country like India, with so much plurality and diversity, talking of Hindu state, or
Hindustan for Hindus, shall be a dangerous sign, totally the well-established, secular fabric of
Indian Constitution. The un-secular forces organizations must keep in mind that
communalizing
India will bring horror in the country and the people will eat other and time is near that we will
be again under foreign rule. Unless an all-out attempt is made to contain the communal
forces, the very unity of India is in danger. A total ban on all types of communal organizations
must be put forth. A social and cultural movement should be launched to awaken the people
about the reality of the communal violence and their effects on them and on the country as a
whole. The process has to start from top. All political parties and religious organizations must
stop delivering inflammatory speeches and inciting the general masses in the name of
religion. A wrong action on the part of a community cannot be equalized by another wrong
action by another community. For the survival of the country, secularism has to survive for
the survival of secularism, religious friendship, togetherness and tolerance is must.
Communalism can only destroy the unity and integrity of the nation, it can’t help in creating
friendship, fraternity or togetherness.
Summary
 India is a country of multiple identities based on region, language and religion, each
having more or less distinct social structures which have been evolving through the
ages.
 Tribes, one of the earliest identifiable social organisations, can be traced to the Vedic
period.
 The initial differentiation was based on the colour of the skin which later developed
into a complex ‘varna system’ with tribes being divided into ‘Brahmana’, ‘Kshatriy’,
Vaishya’ and ‘Shudra’ categories.
 ‘Varna/Jati system’ underwent further changes in the post-Vedic societies with the
rise of Buddhism and Jainism and later with the arrival of new people in India such
as the Shakas, Kushanas, Parthians, and the Indo Greeks.
 Caste system has its regional variations due to the formation of regions and
regional consciousness after the eighth century AD and it became more and more
complex, multiplying into a number of castes and sub-castes due to a number of
factors.
 Untouchability, the most obnoxious practice, took roots during the last phase of the
Vedic period and crystallised into a separate identity in the age of the Buddha
 Slavery existed in India though it was different from the classical Greek and Roman
slavery,
 ‘Purushartha’, ‘ashramas’ and ‘samskaras’ are inter-linked concepts.
 The ‘Jajmani system was an important institution of complementary relationship
between groups of dominant peasant castes on the one hand and service and
artisan castes on the other, which continued till modern times in Indian rural society,
but is now breaking up under the impact of monetisation, urbranisation and
industrialisation.
 Families are the result of a very important sanskara ceremony called marriage and
different kinds of marriages such as ‘anuloma’ and ‘pratiloma’ based on the
alliances between different varna/caste; monogamous, polygamous and
polyandrous base on the number of spouses; all can be found in Indian society.
 The traditional Indian family is a joint family governed by two schools of sacred law
and customs which are ‘Mitakshara’ and ‘Dayabhaga’.
 The position of women in the history of India has been a story of progressive
decline until the modern times when, with the spread of western education, efforts
 were made through social and religious reforms to improve their conditions.

Unit-II: Changing Political Formations (circa 300 BCE to circa CE 300):

1. The Mauryan Empire: Chandragupta Maurya and Asoka-Conquest and
Administration
2. Post-Mauryan Polities: Kushanas, and Satavahanas
3. The Cholas
Objectives
In this lesson, students explore the history of India under the imperial Maurya. After completing
this chapter, you will be able to:

 trace the political history of Mauryan Empire from Chandragupta to Asoaka Maurya;
 discuss the career and achievements of Chandragupta, Bindurasa and Asoka;
 know the administrative system of the Maurya on the lights of Arthasastra of Chanakya;
 appreciate the role of three early Mauryan Emperor for the establishment of first Empire of
India .
Introduction
In B.C. 326 the flood of Macedonian invasion had overwhelmed the Indian states of the
Panjab, and was threatening to burst upon the Madhyadesa. The question whether India
was, or was not, to be Hellenized awaited decision. At this time rising an Indian who was
made of different stuff. This was Chandragupta", the Sandrokoptos or Sandrokottos of the
classical writers. The rise of Chandragupta is thus described by Justin that "India after the
death of Alexander had shaken, as it were, the yoke of servitude from its neck and put his
governors to death. The author of this liberation was Indians who chafed under the
Macedonian yoke, and after Alexander's departure defeated his generals and "shook the
yoke of servitude from the neck" of India. The verdict of the Hydaspes was thus reversed.
With the rise of Chandragupta and emergence of the Mauryan Empire culminated, the growth
of Magadhan Emperialism. Chandragupta Maurya, who founded the empire (c. 321 BCE),
extended control as far northwest as Afghanistan and Baluchistan, and his son Bindusra
annexed the Deccan finally, Asoka, arguably the most famous ruler of early India, conquered
Kalinga. The foundation of the Mauryan Empire opens a new era in the history of India. For
the first time, the political unity was achieved in India. Moreover, the history writing has also
become clear from this period due to accuracy in chronology and sources. This chapter throw
lights on the political aspects of Maouryan Empire in brief.
Ancestry of Chandragupta Maurya
The ancestry of Chandragupta is not known definitely. Some Hindu literary evidences relate
him with the Nandas of Magadh. A Chandragupta Katha has come into existence by piling
story after story round the hallowed name of Chandragupta. The fragments of the Katha and
the different versions of it are preserved in lands, talks, prayer and even in the philosophical
dissertations in Sanskrit, Pali, Prakrit and Tamil. Outside India, they are preserved not only in
the writings of the Greek and Latin writers but are also in Burmese legends and Ceylonese
chronicles. The historical authenticity is lent to this Katha by inscriptional evidence and
writings of Greek and Latin historians and Indian and Ceylonese scholars.
The ancestry of Chandragupta Maurya, as stated above, is controversial and is subject to
widely divergent views ranging from base origin to high Kshatriya lineage. The Puranas which
are our earliest available Brahmanical sources are more concerned with the origin of Nandas
than with that of Chandragupta. They simply mention that the irreligious Nanda were
uprooted by the Brahmin Kautilya who appointed Chandragupta as sovereign of the realm.
The formal appointment (Rajyabhisheka) of Chandragupta by Kautilya, an uncompromising
champion of Dharma, indicates that Chandragupta was a Kshatriya eligible for kingship.
Nowhere in the Puranas there is any mention of Mura, the supposed mother or grandmother
of Chandragupta: nowhere in these works is attributed to Chandragupta a Sudra or base
origin: nor do they link him with the preceding Nanda Dynasty.
It was Sridharswamy, the commentator, of Vishnu Purana who for the first time, mooted the
theory about the base origin of Chandragupta by way of explaining his title Maurya. He
sought to derive this appellation from Mura, one of the wives of a Nanda king and made her
the mother of Chandragupta. But the commentator is guilty both of bad grammar and
fictitious history. The derivative from Mura is Maurya and not Maurya and again the
commentator makes Chandragupta the scion of Nandas. However, he does not fasten the
blame of the base-origin to the name of Mura. He describes her as the lawfully wedded wife
of the Nanda king, thereby implying that Chandragupta was of Sudra origin as the Nandas
themselves belonged to that caste.
The Mudrarakshasa calls him not only Maurya putra but also Handanvaya, Kshemendra and
Somadeva refer to him as Purvanandasuta, son of the genuine Nanda, as opposed to Yoga
Nanda. The Commentator on the Vishnu Purana says that Chandragupta was the son of
Nanda by a wife named Mura. Hence he and his descendents were called Mauryas.
Dhudiraja, the commentator on the Mudrarakshasa informs us on the other hand, that
Chandragupta was the eldest son of Maurya, who was the son of the Nanda king,
Sarvarthasiddhi by Mura, daughter of Vrishala (Sudra).
The Buddhist tradition, however, gives us an altogether different story. The Divyavadan refers
to Bindusara, the son of Chandragupta, as an anointed Kshatriya, thereby alluding to a
Kshatriya origin of Chandragupta. The Mahavamsa, a Ceylonese chronicle, makes
Chandragupta a scion of the Kshatriya clan named Moriyas (after peacock or Mora) of
Pipphalivana lying somewhere between Rummindei in the Tarai and Kasia in the Gorakhpur
district of eastern Uttar Pradesh of today. The existence of this clan can be traced back to the
time of the Buddha and is mentioned in the Mahaparinibbansutta, one of the most authentic
and ancient canonical texts of the Buddhists. According to this text, the Moriyas sent a
messenger to the Mallas, claiming portion of the relics of the Buddhas, by saying: “The
Blessed one belonged to the Kshatriya caste and we too are of the Kshatriya caste.”
The Jain tradition supports the Buddhists in indicating a connection between peacocks and
the family name of Chandragupta. Whereas according to the former, Chandragupta was the
son of a daughter of a village headman of peacock-tamers (mayura poshaka), according to
the latter, he was the son of the Moriya clan. It appears that Jain writers were not aware of
the origin of Chandragupta’s family and have given only an etomological meaning of the Pali
word ‘Moriya’.
According to Buddhist source, there is a supposed connection between the Maurya
expression Morya and Mora or Mayura (peacock). Aelian informs us that these peacocks
were kept in the park of the Mayura Palace at Patliputra. Sir John Marshall points out that
figures of peacocks were employed to decorate some of the projecting ends of the gateway
at Sanchi. Faucher does not regard these birds as a sort of eating vadge for the dynasty of
the Mauryas. He prefers to imagine in them possible allusion to the Mora Jataka.
Justin, the Latin classical writer, knew Chandragupta as a ‘novus homo’, a man “Born in
humble life”. This does not necessarily meant that he was a man of low caste but merely a
commoner with no pretension to the throne yet aspiring for royalty. According to a Greek
biographer and moral philosopher Plutarch it was Chandragupta who was seeking to make
capital out of the base origin of his rival instead of himself suffering from the same disability.
Taking into consideration all the available evidences we may summarise that Chandragupta,
the founder of the Maurya Dynasty, belonged to the Kshatriya, clan named Moriya, originally
ruling over Pippalivana. The fortunes of the family declined after the death of Chandragupta’s
father who was the chief of the clan, and died in a border clash. It was left to Chandragupta
to redeem the prestige of his family.
Chandragupta’s Early Career
It is not known when Chandragupta was born. He was a mere stripling according to Plutarch,
when he met Alexander 329-25 B.C. in the Punjab. His birth could not have taken place
before the middle of the fourth century B.C.
According to Mahavamsa the mother of Chandragupta after the death of her husband sought
shelter in Pushpapura (Kusumpura-Pataliputra) where she gave birth to Chandragupta. He
was brought up first by a cowherd and then by a hunter in a village. The child showed
promise right from his childhood. He towered over his friends when he played the role of the
king with them. This attracted the notice of Chanakya, i.e., Kautilya, who happened to pass
through that village. The latter took him away to his native city of Taxila. The new mentor
gave him a thorough grounding in certain aims and objectives and,inter alia the most
important was that he must rid the country of the hated rule and tyranny of the Nanda king,
who had insulted Chanakya.
Overthrow of the Nandas
The Nanda ascendancy was not only regarded as “unlawful” and “irreligious” because of their
origin, but it was equally despised for the wickedness of the disposition of its rulers and the
forcible exactions levied by them on their subjects. The “unlawfully” amassed wealth of the
Nandas had become almost proverbial. Its notoriety had reached as far South as the Tamil
Country. The Punjab and the North-Western India lay prostrate to Alexander’s invasion.
These areas were being constantly squeezed and hurried by his prefects. Chandragupta had
thus a double fold task to accomplish. He must rid the country of foreign domination and
liquidate the oppressive rule of the Nandas. These tasks with which Chanakya had entrusted
Chandragupta were indeed very difficult yet the latter achieved both these aims with
resounding success. He soon successfully mobilized the military resources of the country,
rehabilitated its moral, awakened its spirit of resistance, and brought about a unique national
rejuvenation.’ Thus well equipped, he began war of national emancipation which proved
eminently successful and resulted in bringing about a national unity in the country which was
envied by many successive rulers of India and which India had never witnessed before. He
sought to accomplish a part of his mission by including Alexander, when he was in Punjab in
326 B.C. to attack the Nandas. But Alexander was greatly offended by the tone and boldness
of Chandragupta and gave order to kill him. According to another account, he was caught
spying in Alexander’s camps where he had gone to study the Greek military strategy. He,
however, escaped. Encouraged by various visions, he was determined to claim the
sovereignty of India. He knew it full well that he had to depend upon himself for realizing this
destiny of his.
Chandragupta and Chanakya both set out according to the Pali work Mahavamsatika, to
collect a huge army from different sources. Justin describes these soldiers as mercenaries,
hunters as well as robbers. According to Arthasastra, a treatise on policy whose authorship is
attributed to Kautilya, the army is to be recruited from the Choras, i.e., thieves, Mlechchhas,
choraganas (organised gangs of robbers), Atavikas or foresters, and Sasiro-pajivi…Srenis or
warrior clans. Such elements were found in great abundance in the Punjab after the defeat
and disintegration of the large number of republican people like the Mailoi, Oxydrakai
Astakenoi, etc. who as you have been told before, had fought Alexandar heroically but had
failed for want of cohesion and leadership. Chandragupta obviously weaved together these
loose elements into a huge and formidable army. His personal heroism and magnetic
personality provided the required leadership. He also made an alliance with the Himalayan
King Parvataka (of doubtful identity according to Mudrarakshasa, a work of the sixth century
written by Vishakhadatta, and Jain work Parisistaparvan). This alliance with the Himalayan
king gave to Chandragupta as stated in the Mudrarakshasa a composite army formed with
the Sakas, Yavanas, Kirathas, Kambojas, Oarsikas and Bahilikas. Shorn of dramatic allegory,
it means that Chandragupta tapped all the available sources and armed with a huge
composite army attempted to overthrow the existing Nanda Empire.
The details of the conquest of Magadha by Chandragupta are not preserved. But the related
episodes can be gleaned from the different traditions. The Mahavamsatika tells us about the
initial mistakes of his campaign in attacking on the centre without conquering the frontier
regions. The Jain tradition similarly compares the advance of Chandragupta to a child who
puts his thumb into the middle of a hot pie instead of starting from the edge which was cool.
But the Buddhist traditions mention his preliminary failure to consolidate the frontier rashtras
and janapadasen route to Patliputra.
The different stories point to the fact that Chandragupta had to make repeated attempts on
Patliputra before he could wrest it from the Nandas. The Milindapanho gives an exaggerated
account of the slaughter from the destruction of the Nanda army led by Bhaddasala
(Bhadrasala).
The Brahmanical tradition, however, gives credit for the overthrow of the Nandas to Kautilya.
The Puranas, Arthasastra and the Mudrarakshasa all of them cast the figure of
Chandragupta into shade in this heroic fight and give full credit to Chanakya (alias Kautilya)
for bringing about the dynastic revolution in Magadha by his diplomacy and appointing
Chandragupta as king.
The different versions of this story seem to have preserved only a part of the truth and not the
entire truth. The seemingly conflicting views can be easily reconciled by stating that the
military skill and bravery of Chandragupta in the battlefield was ably seconded by the astute
diplomacy of Chanakya. This witty Brahman who is variously known as Kautilya and
Vishnugupta is supposed to be the author of the Arthasastra (Treatise on Polity). It has also
been argued that Kautilya is not the writer of the Arthasastra. He had a serious grouse
against the Nandas. Chandragupta and Chanakya made a common cause. The two together
brought about the downfall of the Nandas. The extensive Nanda empire comprising the entire
Gangetic Valley and Eastern India along with the considerable portion of the Deccan, passed
into the hands of Chandragupta who thus, heralded the foundation of the Mauryan Empire.
According to Plutarch, this event took place ‘not long after’ Chandragupta’s meeting with
Alexander in the Punjab in 326-25 B.C. The Buddhist tradition dates the accession of
Chandragupta one hundred and sixty two years after the Mahaparinirvana of the Buddha
which according to the Cantonese tradition took place in 486 B.C. thus assigning
Chandragupta a period of twenty-four years rule i.e., from 324 B.C. to 300 B.C. as the first
Mauryan empire.
Repulse of the Greek-Seleukidan War
After accomplishing his first task, he turned his attention towards the second, viz, freeing his
country from foreign domination. This became easier owing to the growing difficulty of the
Greek position in the Punjab, by many uprisings of the Indians, against the Greek Satraps
and the outbreak of jealousy between the Greek and Macedonean elements of the occupying
forces. Above all, there came the death of Alexander himself in 323 B.C. This led to the
disruption of his empire and letting loose of the centrifugal tendencies. At the first partition of
Alexander’s empire at Babylon in 823 B.C., no change was affected in the term of Indian
position. Both Porus and Ambhi were left free in their respective domains which were greatly
increased. Greek authority was limited. Eudomus, in charge of the Greek garrisons in India
and Pithon, son of Agenor, as the Greek Satrap of Sind were the two important officials left in
India. But during the second partition of Alexander’s empire that took place at Triparadisus in
321 B.C., Pithon, was transferred to the North West without appointing any substitute. The
quiet withdrawal of the Greeks from India in 321 B.C. was most probably due to the fact that
Chandragupta had already started war of the liberation in Sind by then. He carried further
north where Eudemus after testing the blood of Chandragupta’s sword discreetly retired from
India in 317 B.C. Pithon who was in the north was also left in 316 B.C. to participate in the
Greek war of succession. The achievements of Chandragupta are thus summed up by Justin:
“India after the death of Alexander had shaken off the yoke of servitude and put his governors
to death. The author of this liberation was Sandrocottus.” This Sandrocottus was obviously
Chandragupta. The task of liberating the Punjab and Sind was not an easy one. It invited
hard fighting which lasted for almost a decade from about 323 B.C. to 316 B.C.
While Chandragupta was engaged in emancipating his country and consolidating his
conquest, the Greek King, Seleucus of Syria, who had succeeded Alexander in the eastern
part of his empire was moving towards India to recover the lost provinces. The river Indus
formed the boundary between his dominion and that of Chandragupta, before the two
kings came to wage conflict. The former, according to another classical writer, is said to
have “crossed the Indus and war with Sandrocottus, king of the Indians who dwelt on the
banks of the streams”. Neither the date of the war, nor its duration is known for certain
reasons. Justin however, dates Seleucus’s treaty or understanding with Chandragupta and
settlement of affairs in the East prior to the former’s return home to prosecute the war with
Antigonus who died in 301 B.C. The conflict between the two is generally assumed to have
taken place in 305 B.C. The Greek writers who were painstakingly meticulous about
Alexander’s campaigns were abnormally reticent about the details of Seleucus’s invasion of
India. Reasons are quite obvious. This was indeed a very humiliating treaty for the
Westerners. According to another classical writer, Strabo, Seleucus ceded to Chandragupta
territories then known as Aria (i.e. Herat), Arachosia (i.e. Kandhar), Propanisade (i.e., Kabul)
and part of Gendrosia (i.e. Baluchistan) in return for 500 elephants, and a matrimonial
alliance, the exact nature of which is not clear. The diplomatic relations were also established
between the two as Strabo refers to the sending of Megasthens-Seleucus’s ambassador to
the court of Chandragupta in Patliputra where he wrote his famous book called “Indica”.
These terms of the treaty leave no doubt that Seleucus fared badly at the hands of
Chandragupta who thereby secured a scientific frontier by acquiring Afghanistan and
Baluchistan for his newly founded empire.
Conquest of Other Parts of India
About the subsequent career of Chandragupta, we have to rely on the stray inscriptional and
written notices. In a vague statement, Plutarch asserts that “with an army of 6,00,000 men
Chandragupta overran and subdued all India”. Justin also refers to mastery over the entire
country. The conquest and inclusion of one important province that is of Saurashtra in the
empire of Chandragupta is clearly attested to by the testimony of Junagadha inscriptions of
Rudradaman of
150 A.D. (72 Saka Era) where it is mentioned that Saurashtra-Kathiawar was governed by
Chandragupta’s Rashtria, Vaishya Pushyagupta, who constructed the famous Sudarshan
Lake there. 3.1.3.4.The Last Days of Chandragupta
Jaina tradition recorded in the llajavallkathe avers that Chandragupta was a Jaina and that,
when a great famine occurred, he abdicated in favour of his son Simhasena and repaired to
Mysore where he died. Two inscriptions on the north bank of the Kaveri near Seringapatam
of about 900 A.D. , describe the summit of the Kalbappu Hill, i.e., Ohandragiri, as marked by
the footprints of Bhadravahu and Chandragupta Munipati. Dr. Smith observes "The Jain
tradition holds the field, and no alternative account exists." Chandragupta died about 300
B.C., after a reign of 24 years. If the Parisuhtaparvan4 of Hemachandra is to be believed
Chandragupta had a queen named Durdhara who became the mother of Bindusara, the son
who succeeded him on the throne. In the absence of corroborative evidence, however, the
name of the queen cannot be be accepted as genuine.
Emperor Bindusara
Chandragupta Maurya was succeeded in or about the year 300 B.C. by his son Bindusara
Amitraghata. The name or title Amitraghata (slayer of foes) is a restoration in Sanskrit of the
Amitrachates of Athenaios, and Amitrochades of Strabo, who is stated to have been the son
of Sandrocottus. Fleet prefers the rendering Amitrakhada or devourer of enemies, which is
said to occur as an epithet of Indra. In the Rajavallkathe the name of Chandragupta's son
and successor is given as Simhasena. From Asoka's Rock Edict VIII (e.g. the Kalsi Text) it
appears probable that Bindusara, as well as other predecessors of Asoka, used the style
Devanampiya.
Important Military Incidents during Bindusara
If the author of the Arya-Manjusri Mula Kalpa, Hemachandra and Taranatha are to be
believed, Kautilya or Chanakya continued to serve as minister for some time after the
accession of Bindusara. ''Chanakya" says Taranatha, "one of his (Bindusara's) great lords,
procured the destruction of the nobles and kings of sixteen towns, and made the king master
of all the territory between the eastern and western seas." The conquest of the territory
between the eastern and western seas has been taken by some scholars to refer to the
annexation of the Deccan. But we should not forget that already in the time of Chandragupta,
the Maurya Empire extended from Surashtra to Bengal (Gangaridae), i.e., from the western
to the eastern sea. Taranatha's statement need mean nothing more than the suppression of
a general revolt. No early tradition expressly connects the name of Bindusara with the
conquest of the Deccan. The story of the subjugation of sixteen towns may or may not be
true, but we are told in the Divyavadana that at least one town of note, viz., Taxila, revolted
during the reign of Bindusara. The king is said to have dispatched Asoka there. While the
prince was nearing Taxila with his troops, the people came out to meet him, and said, "We
are not opposed to the prince nor even to king Bindusara, but the wicked ministers
(Dushtamatyah) insult us", The high-handedness of the Maurya officials in the outlying
provinces is alluded to by Asoka himself in his Kalinga Edict. Taxila made its submission to
Asoka. The Maurya prince is further represented as entering the "Svasa rajya".
Foreign Relations
In his relations with the Hellenistic powers Bindusara pursued a pacific policy. We learn from
the classical writers that the king of Syria dispatched to his court an ambassador named
Deimaehos. Pliny tells us that (Ptolemy II ) Philadelphos, King of Egypt (B. C. 285-247), sent
an envoy named Dionysios. Dr. Smith points out that it is uncertain whether Dionysios
presented his credentials to Bindusara or to his son and successor, Asoka. It is, however,
significant that while Greek and Latin writers refer to Chandragupta and Amitraghata they do
not mention Asoka. This is rather inexplicable if an envoy whose writings were utilized by
later authors, really visited the third of the great Mauryas. Patrokles, an officer who served
under both Seleukos and his son, sailed in the Indian seas and collected much geographical
information which Strabo and Pliny were glad to utilize. Athenaios tells an anecdote of private
friendly correspondence between Antiochos ( I , Soter), king of Syria, and Bindusara which
indicates that the Indian monarch communicated with his Hellenistic contemporaries on terms
of equality and friendliness.
We are told on the authority of Hegesander that Amitrochates (Bindusara), the king of the
Indians, wrote to Antiochos asking that king to buy and send him sweet wine, dried figs, and
a sophist, and Antiochos replied : We shall send you the figs and the wine, but in Greece the
laws forbid a sophist to be sold. In connection with the demand for a Greek sophist it is
interesting to recall the statement of Diodoros that one Iamboulos was carried to the king of
Palibothra (Pataliputra) who had a great love for the Oraecians. , Dion Chrysostom asserts
that the poetry of Homer is sung by the Indians who had translated it into their own language
and modes of expression. Garga and Varahamihira in a later age testify to the honour that
was paid to Greeks for their knowledge of astronomy.
Bindusra's Family and Last Days
Bindusara had many children besides Asoka, the eon who succeeded him on the throne. We
learn from a passage of the Fifth Rock Edict in which the duties of the Dharma-mahamatras
are described, that Asoka had many brothers and sisters. The Divyavadana mentions two of
these brothers, namely, Susima and Vigatasoka. The Ceylonese Chronicles seem also to
refer to these two princes though under different names, calling the former Sumana and the
latter Tishya. Susima- Sumana is said to have been the eldest son of Bindusara and a
stepbrother of Asoka, while Vigatasoka-Tishya is reputed to have been the youngest son of
Bindusara and a co-uterine brother of Asoka, born of a Brahmana girl from Champa. Hiuen
Tsang mentions a brother of Asoka named Mahendra. Ceylonese tradition, however,
represents the latter as a son of Asoka. It is possible that the Chinese pilgrim has confounded
the story of Vigatasoka with that of Mahendra.
Bindusara died after a reign of 25 years according to the Puranas, and 27 or 28 years
according to Buddhist tradition. According to the chronology adopted in these pages his reign
terminated about 273 B.C.
Asoka Maurya
Asoka was the third and greatest Emperor of the Maurya dynasty. He ruled almost all of the
Indian Subcontinent for a long period. His realm stretch over Hindu Kush mountain in the
West to Bengal in the East and covered the entire Indian subcontinent except parts of
extreme south. Emperor Asoka like other famous ruler of the world not famous for war and
conquest but he is renowned for his humanistic activities.
Accession to the throne
Both the Divyadana and the Ceylonese Chronicles agree that there was a fratricidal struggle
after the death of Bindusara. Asoka is said to have overthrown his eldest step-brother with
the help of Radhagupta whom he made his Agramatya (Chief Minister). The fact that his
formal consecration or coronation (abhisheha) was delayed for some four years until 269
B.C., confirms the tradition that his succession was contested, and it may be true that his rival
was an elder brother named Susima. It is possible that the long delay may have been due to
a disputed succession involving much bloodshed, but there is no independent evidence of
such a struggle. Dr. Jayaswal gave the following explanation for the delay in Asoka's
coronation: " it seems that in those days for obtaining royal abhisheha the age of 25 was a
condition precedent. This seems to explain why Asoka was not crowned for three or four
years after accession." The contention can hardly be accepted.
The information found in the Ceylonese tales which relate that Asoka slew many of his
brothers as silly because Asoka certainly had brothers and sisters alive in the seventeenth
and eighteenth years of his reign, whose households were objects of his anxious care. But
we should remember that the Fifth Rock Edict refers only to the family establishments of his
brothers as existing. This does not necessarily imply that the brothers themselves were alive.
One should, however, admit that there is nothing to show, on the contrary, that the brothers
were dead. The Fifth Rock Edict, proves nothing regarding the authenticity or
untrustworthiness of the Ceylonese tradition. In the Fourth Rock Edict Asoka himself testifies
to the growth of unseemly behaviour to kinsfolk and slaughter of living creatures.
Like his predecessors Asoka assumed the title of Devanampiya. He generally described
himself as Devanampiya Piyadasi. The name Asoka is found only in literature, and in two
ancient inscriptions, viz., the Maski Edict of Asoka himself, and the Junagadh inscription of
the Mahakshatrapa Rudradaman I The name Dharmasoka is found in one Mediaeval
epigraph, viz., the Sarnath inscription of Kumaradevi.
Early Career up to Kalinga War
During the first thirteen years of his reign Asoka seems to have carried on the traditional
Maurya policy of expansion within India, and of friendly co-operation with the foreign powers,
which was in vogue after the Seleukidan war. Like Chandragupta and Bindusara he was
aggressive at home but pacific abroad. The friendly attitude towards non-Indian powers is
proved by the exchange of embassies and the employment of Yavana officials like
Tushaspha. In India, however, he played the part of a conqueror. The Divyavadana credits
him, while yet a prince with the suppression of a revolt in Taxila and the conquest of the
Svasa country.
Kalinga War and After
In the thirteenth year of his reign (eight years after consecration), he effected the conquest of
Kalinga. We do not know the exact limits of this kingdom in the days of Asoka. But if the
Sanskrit epics and Puranas are to be believed, it extended to the river Vaitarani in the north,
the Amarakantaka Hills in the west and Mahendragiri in the south. An account of the Kalinga
war and its effects is given in Rock Edict XIII.
Causes of Kalinga War: We have already seen that certain places in Kalinga formed parts
of the Magadhan dominions in the time of the Nandas. Why was it necessary for Asoka
toreconquer the country? The question admits of only one answer, viz., that it severed its
connection with Magadha after the fall of the Nandas. If the story of a general revolt in the
time of Bindusara be correct then it is not unlikely that Kalinga, like Taxila, threw off the
allegiance of Magadha during the reign of that monarch. It appears, however, from Pliny, who
probably based his account on the Indika of Megasthenee, that Kalinga was already an
independent kingdom in the time of Chandragupta located strategically in between the
uttrapatha and dakshinapatha on the eastern sea coast thus enjoying prosperity through
internal and maritime trade. In that case there can be no question of a revolt in the time of
Bindusara. Pliny says, "the tribes called Calingae are nearest the sea...the royal city of the
Calingae is called Parthalis. Over their king 60,000 foot soldiers, 1,000 horsemen, 700
elephants keep watch and ward in 'precinct of war.' "
The Kalinga kings probably increased their army considerably during the period which
elapsed from the time of Megasthenes to that of Asoka, because during the war with Asoka
the casualties exceeded 250,000. It is, however, possible that the huge total included not
only combatants but also non-combatants. The existence of a powerful kingdom so near their
borders, with a big army 'in precinct of war,' could not be a matter of indifference to the kings
of Magadha, Magadha learnt to her cost what a powerful Kalinga meant, in the time of
Kharavela.
Consequences of the War: The Thirteenth Rock Edict inform us that Asoka made war on
the Kalinga country and annexed it to his empire. "One hundred and fifty thousand persons
were carried away captive, one hundred thousand were slain, and many times that number
died." Violence, slaughter, and separation from their beloved ones befell not only to
combatants, but also to the Brahmauas, ascetics, and householders.
The conquered territory was constituted a viceroyalty under a prince of the royal family
stationed at Tosali, apparently situated in the Khurda district. The Emperor issued two special
edicts prescribing the principles on which both the settled inhabitants and the border tribes
should be treated. These two edicts are preserved at two sites, now called Dhauli and
Jaugacla. They are addressed to the Mahamatras or High Officers at Tosali and Samapa.4 In
these documents the Emperor makes the famous declaration "all men are my children," and
charges his officers to see that justice is done to the people.
The conquest of Kalinga was a great landmark in the history of Magadha, and of India. It
marks the close of that career of conquest and aggrandisement which was ushered in by
Bimbisara's annexation of Anga. It opens a new era-an era of peace, of social progress, of
religious propaganda and at the same time of political stagnation and, perhaps, of military
inefficiency during which the martial spirit of imperial Magadha was dying out for want of
exercise. The era of military conquest or Digvijaya was over, the era of spiritual conquest or
Dhamma-vijaya was about to begin. We should pause here to give an account of the extent
of Asoka's dominions and the manner in which they were administered before the Emperor
embarked on a new policy.
Extent of Asokan Empire
Asoka mentions Magadha, Pataliputra, Khalatikapavata (Barabar Hills), Kosambi, Lummini-
gama, Kalinga (including Tosali, Samapa and Khepimgalapavata or the Jaugada Rock), Atavi
(the forest tract of Mid-India perhaps identical with Alavi of the Buddhist texts), Suvarnagiri,
Isila, Ujjayini and Takshasila expressly as being among those places which were under his
rule.
Beyond Takshasila the empire stretched as far as the confines of the realm of "Amtiyako
Yonaraja," usually identified with Antiochos II Theos of Syria (261-246 B. C.), and included
the wide territory round Shahbazgarhi and Mansahra inhabited by the Yonas, Kambojas and
the Gandharas. The exact situation of this Yona territory has not yet been determined. The
Mahavamsa evidently refers to it and its chief city Alasanda which Cunningham and Geiger
identify with the town of Alexandria (Begram, west of Kapisa) founded by the Macedonian
conqueror near Kabul. Kamboja, as we have already seen, corresponds to Rajapura or
Rajaur near Punch in Kasmira and some neighbouring tracts including Kafiristan. The tribal
territory of the Gandharas at this time probably lay to the west of the Indus, and did not
apparently include Takshasila which was ruled by a princely Viceroy, and was the capital of
the province of Uttarapatha. The capital of Trans-Indian Gandhara was Pushkaravati,
identified by Coomaraswamy with the site known as Mir Ziyarat or Bala Hisar at the junction
of the Swat and Kabul rivers.
The inclusion of Kasmira within Asoka's empire is proved by the testimony of Hiuen Tsang's
Records and Kalhana's Rajatarahgint: Kalhana says : "The faithful Asoka, reigned over the
earth. This king who had freed himself from sins and had embraced the doctrine of the Jina
covered Sushkhetra and Vitastatra with numerous Stupas. At the town of Vitastatra there
stood within the precincts of the Dharmarayya Vihara a Ghaitya built by him, the height of
which could not be reached by the eye. That illustrious king built the town of orinagari. This
sinless prince after removing the old stuccoed enclosure of the shrine of Vijayesvara built in
its stead a new one of stone. He...erected within the enclosure of Vijayem, and near it, two
temples which were called Aiokesvcvra." The description of Asoka as a follower of the Jiwa,
i.e., Buddha, and the builder of numerous stupas leaves no room for doubt that the great
Maurya monarch is meant. We are' told by Kalhana himself that he is indebted for much of
the above account to an earlier chronicler named Ohhavillakara.
The inscriptions near Kalsi and those on the Rummindei and the Nigali Sagar pillars prove
the inclusion of the Dehra-Dun District and the Tarai within the limits of Asoka's Empire, while
the monuments at Lalitapatan and Rampurwa attest his possession of the valley of Nepal and
the district of Champaran. Further evidence of the inclusion of the Himalayan region within
Asoka's empire is possibly furnished by Rock Edict XIII which refers to the Nabhapamtis of
Nabhaka, probably identical with Na-pei-kea of Fa Hien, the birthplace of Krakuchchhanda
Buddha, about 10 miles south or southwest of Kapilavastu. According to Blihler, Rock Edict
XIII also mentions two vassal tribes Visa (Besatae of the Periplus) and Vajri (Vrijikas). More
recent writers do not accept Buhler's reading and substitute (Raja) Visayamhi, 'in the (king's)
territory,' in its place. There is, thus no indubitable reference either to the Vrijikas or the
'Besatae’ in the inscriptions of Asoka. We learn from the classical writers that the country of
the Gangaridae, i.e., Bengal, formed a part of the dominions of the king of the Prasii, i.e.,
Magadha, as early as the time of Agrammes, i.e., the last Nanda king. A passage of Pliny
clearly suggests that the "Palibothri," i.e., the rulers of Pataliputra, dominated the whole tract
along the Ganges. That the Magadhan kings retained their hold on Bengal as late as the time
of Asoka is proved by the testimony of the Divyavadana and of Hiuen Tsang who saw Stupas
of that monarch near Tamralipti and Karnasuvarna (in West Bengal), in Samatata (East
Bengal) as well as in Pundravardhana (North Bengal). Kamarupa (Assam) seems to have
lain outside the empire. The Chinese pilgrim saw no monument of Asoka in that country.
Asoka and South India
We have seen that in the south the Maurya power at one time, had probably penetrated as
far as the Podiyil Hill in the Tinnevelly district. In the time of Asoka the Maurya frontier had
receded probably to the Pennar river near Nellore as the Tamil Kingdoms are referred to as
''Prachamta" or border states and are clearly distinguished from the imperial dominions (Vijita
or Rajavisliaya), which stretched only as far south as the Chitaldrug District of Mysore. The
major part of the Deccan was ruled by the vice-regal princes of Suvanjagiri and Tosali, the
Mahamatras of Isila and Samapa and the officers in charge of the Atavi or Forest Country.
But in the belt of land on either side of the Nerbudda, the Godavari and the upper Mahanadi
there were, in all probability, certain areas that were technically outside the limits of the
empire proper. Asoka evidently draws a distinction between the forests and the inhabiting
tribes which are in the dominions (vijita) and peoples on the border (anta avijita) for whose
benefit some of the special edicts were issued. Certain vassal tribes are specifically
mentioned, e.g., the Andhras, Palidas, Bhojas and Kathikas (Rashtrikas). They
enjoyed a status midway between the Provincials proper and the unsubdued borderers. The
word Petenika or Pitinika mentioned in Rock Edicts V and XIII should not, according to Dr. D.
R. Bhandarkar and some other writers, be read as a separate name but as an adjective
qualifying Rishtika (Edict V) and Bhoja (Edict XIII). Certain passages in the Anguttara Nikaya
mention the term Pettanika in the sense of one who enjoys property given by his father. The
view that Pitinika is merely an adjective of Rathika (Ristika) or Bhoja is not, however,
accepted by Dr. Barua who remarks that " it is clear from the Pali passage, as well as from
Buddhaghosha's explanations, that Batthika and Pettanika were two different designations."
The Andhras are, as we have already seen, mentioned in a passage of the Aitareya
Brahmana. The Bhojas are also mentioned in that work as rulers of the south. Pliny, quoting
probably from Megasthepes, says that the Andarae (Andhras) possessed numerous villages,
thirty towns defended by walls and towers, and supplied their king with an army of 100,000
infantry, 2,000 cavalry and 1,000 elephants. The earliest Andhra capital (Andhapura) was
situated on the Telavaha river which, according to Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, is either the modern
Tel or Telingiri, both flowing near the confines of the Madras Presidency and the Central
Provinces. But the identification is by no means certain. The Palidas were identified by
Bulhler with the Pulindas who are invariably associated with the Nerbudda (Reva) and the
Vindhyan region. Their capital Pulinda-nagara lay not far from Bhilsa and may have been
identical with Rupnath, the find-spot of one recension of Minor Rock Edict I. The association
with the Andhras in Asokan inscriptions suggests that in the Maurya period they may have
been in the Deccan. But the matter must be regarded as not definitely settled. It is interesting
to note in this connection that a river Parada (identified with the Paradi or Par rivet in the
Surat District) is mentioned in a Nasik inscription.
The Bhojas and the Rathikas (Ristikas ) were evidently the ancestors of the Mahabhojas and
the Maharajhis of the Satavahana period. The Bhojas apparently dwelt in Berar, and the
Rathikas or Ristikas possibly in Maharashtra or certain adjoining tracts. The former were, in
later ages, connected by matrimonial alliances with chieftains of the Kanarese country. In the
west Asoka's Empire extended to the Arabian Sea and embraced all the Aparantas including
no doubt the vassal state (or confederation of states) of Surashtra the affairs of which were
looked after by the Yavana- raja Tushaspha with Giri-nagara (Girnar) as his capital. Dr. Smith
says that the form of the name shows that the Yavana-raja must have been a Persian. But
according to this interpretation the Yavana Dhammadeva, the Saka Ushavadata(Risahabha-
datta),the Parthian Suvisakha and the Kushan Vasudeva must have been all native Hindus of
India. If Greeks and other foreigners adopted Hindu names there is no wonder that some of
them assumed Iranic appellations. There is, then, no good ground for assuming that
Tushaspha was not a Greek, but a Persian.
Asoka’s Foreign Relation
Like his father, Asoka also maintained a good foreign relation. He sent ambassadors (duta) to
the distant countries of the West. As a unique event in Indian history the kings of these
distant countries are mentioned by name in the thirteenth rock edict: the king of the Greeks
(Yona), Antiyoka (as mentioned above), Tulamaya (Ptolomaios II, Philadelphos, 285-247
BC), Antekina (Antigonos Gonatas of Macedonia, 276-239 BC), Maka (Magas of Cyrene, c.
300-250 BC), Alikasudala (probably Alexander of Epirus, 272-255 BC). The independent
states of southern India and Sri Lanka were once again visited by ambassadors and also
some of the tribes in areas within the empire (e.g. the Andhras). The frequency of inscriptions
in the border regions of the northwestern and southern provinces is an eloquent evidence of
Ashoka’s missionary zeal.
This activity of imperial missions was unique in ancient history. Of greater consequence than
the establishment of direct contact with the Hellenistic world was, however, the success of
missions in the south and in Sri Lanka. There Ashoka’s son Mahinda personally appeared in
order to teach right conduct. The northwest was also deeply affected by this missionary zeal.
From southern India, Buddhism later travelled to Southeast Asia and from northwest India it
penetrated Central Asia from where it reached China via the silk road in the first century AD.
Asoka’s Religion
In early life Asoka is believed to have been a Brahmanical Hindu, specially devoted to Siva, a
god who delights in bloody sacrifices, and he had consequently no scruple about the
shedding of blood. Thousands of living creatures used to be slain on the occasion of a
banquet (samaja) to supply the kitchens of the overgrown royal household with curries for a
single day. As he became gradually imbued with the spirit of Buddhist teaching, this
wholesale daily slaughter became abominable in his eyes and was stopped, only three living
creatures at the most, namely, two peacocks and one deer, being killed each day, and in 257
B.C. even this limited butchery was prohibited.
Two years earlier, in 259 B.C., Asoka had abolished the royal hunt, which formed such an
important element in the amusements of his grandfather’s court. “In times past”, he observes,
“their Majesties were wont to go out on pleasure tours, during which hunting and other similar
amusements used to be practiced”. But his Sacred and Gracious Majesty no longer cared for
such frivolous outings, and had substituted for them solemn progresses devoted to inspection
of the country and people, visits and largess to holy men, and preaching and discussion of
the Law of Piety.
As time went on, Asoka’s passionate devotion to the doctrine of the sanctity of animal life
grew in intensity and, in 243 B.C., resulted in the production of a stringent code of regulations
applicable to all classes of the population throughout the empire, without distinction of creed.
Many kinds of animals were absolutely protected from slaughter in any circumstances, and
the slaying of animals commonly used for food by the flesh-eating population, although not
totally prohibited, was hedged round by severe restrictions. On fifty-six specified days in the
year, killing under any pretext was categorically forbidden, and in many ways the liberty of the
subject was very seriously contracted. While Asoka lived, these regulations were, no doubt,
strictly enforced by the special officers appointed for the purpose, and it is not unlikely that
deliberate breach of the more important regulations was visited with the capital penalty.
Asoka openly avowed his readiness to act upon these latitudinarian principles by doing
reverence to men of all sects, whether ascetics or householders, by means of donations and
in other ways. The Cave Inscriptions, which record costly gifts bestowed upon the Ajivikas, a
sect of self mortifying ascetics, more nearly allied to the Jains than the Buddhists, testify that
Asoka, like many other ancient Kings of India, really adopted the policy of universal toleration
and concurrent endowment.
But his toleration, although perfectly genuine, must be understood with two limitations. In the
first place, all Indian religions, with which alone Asoka was concerned, had much in common,
and were all alike merely variant expressions of Hindu modes of thought and feeling. There
was no such gap dividing them as that which yawns between Islam and Puranic
Brahmanism. In the second place, the royal toleration, although perfect as regarding beliefs,
did not necessarily extend to all overt practices. Sacrifices involving the death of a victim,
which are absolutely indispensable for the correct worship of some of the gods, were
categorically prohibited, at least at the capital, from an early period in the reign, and were
further restricted, in all parts of the empire, by the code promulgated later in the Pillar Edicts.
The conscientious objector was not permitted to allege his conscience as a justification for
acts disapproved on principle by the government. Men might believe what they liked, but
must do as they were told. soka cared little for ritual, and was inclined to look with some
scorn upon ordinary ceremonies, which are, as he observes, “of doubtful efficacy”.
Asoka’s Family
Asoka, like all Oriental monarchs, was a polygamist, and had at least two consorts, who
ranked as queens. The name of the second of these ladies, Karuvaki, is preserved in a brief
edict signifying the royal pleasure that her charitable donations should be regarded by all
officials concerned as her act and deed, redounding to her accumulation of merit. She is
described as the mother of Tivara, who may be considered as a favorite child of the aged
emperor at the time the edict was issued, late in his reign. Tradition avers that his faithful
chief queen for many years was named Asandhimitra, and that when she died, and Asoka
was old, he married a dissolute young woman named Tishyarakshita, concerning whom and
her stepson Kunala, the old folklore tale, known to the Greeks as that of Phaedra and
Hippolytus, is related with much imaginative embellishment. But folklore is not history, and
the pathetic story of the blinded Kunala must not be read or criticized as matter-of-fact
narrative. The legend appears in diverse forms with various names. Another son of Asoka,
named Jalauka, who plays a large part in Kashmir tradition, although rather a shadowy
personage, has more appearance of reality than Kunala. He was reputed to have been an
active and vigorous King of Kashmir, who expelled certain intrusive foreigners, and
conquered the plains as far as Kanauj. He was hostile to Buddhism and to the worship of
Siva and the Divine Mothers, in whose honor he and his queen, Isanadevi, erected many
temples at places which can be identified. But the story of Jalauka, notwithstanding the
topographical details, is essentially legendary, and no independent corroboration of the
Kashmir tradition has been discovered. Tivara, the son mentioned in the Queen’s Edict, is not
heard of again, and may have died before his father. Dasaratha, the grandson of Asoka, who
is described in the Vishnu Purana as the son of Suyasas, or Suparsva, was certainly a reality,
being known from brief dedicatory inscriptions on the walls of cave-dwellings at the Nagarjuni
hills, which he bestowed upon the Ajivikas, as his grandfather had done in the neighbouring
Barabar hills. The script, language, and style of Dasaratha’s records prove that his date was
very close to that of Asoka, whom probably he directly succeeded. Assuming this to be the
fact, the accession of Dasaratha may be dated in 231
B.C. His reign appears to have been short, and is allotted (under other names) eight years in
two of the Puranas.
Asoka: The Greatest Monarch in Human History
Ashoka’s greatness was due to his insight into the futility of further expansionist warfare
which would not have added much to the empire but would have impeded its consolidation. In
order to conquer the vast areas in the interior, Ashoka would have had to fight many more
bloody wars. In consolidating his empire, Ashoka adopted revolutionary methods. As
emphasised by Romila Thapar, he must have realised that such a vast empire could not be
based simply on the naked power polities of the Arthashastra but that it required some
deeper legitimation. Therefore he adopted the doctrine of right conduct as the maxim of his
policy. For the spread of this doctrine, he relied on the spiritual infrastructure provided by the
new Buddhist community which was in ascendance in those days. But he carefully avoided
equating his doctrine of right conduct with Buddhism as such. He also included the Brahmins
and the sect of the Ajivikas in his religious policy.
After a period of unscrupulous power politics under the earlier rulers of Magadha, Indian
kingship attained a moral dimension in Ashoka’s reign. But in the means he adopted, he was
influenced by the tradition of statecraft epitomised by Kautalya. The Dhamma-Mahamatras
which he put into the entourage of his relatives-from whom challenges to his power would be
expected to come-were different in name only from Kautalya’s spies. This, of course, should
not detract from the greatness of his vision which prompted him to strive for an ethical
legitimation of his imperial rule. His success was nevertheless not only due to his ideology
and the strength of his army and administration but also to the relative backwardness of
central and southern India in his day. When regional centres of power emerged in those
parts of the country in the course of an autochthonous process of state formation in later
centuries, the course of Indian history was changed once more and the great regional
kingdoms of the early medieval period arose. In that period the old tradition of the legitimation
of Hindu kings was revived and Ashoka’s great vision was eclipsed.
The Mauryan Administration
 Indian history entered a new era with the beginning of the Mauryan Empire in around
321
B.C. as for the first time, India attained political unity and administrative uniformity. The
Mauryan Empire as founded by Chandragupta stretched from the Bay of Bengal in the East
to Afghanistan and Baluchistan in the West, the Himalayas in the North to the ChitalduRig
district in the South.
Chandragupta was not only a great conqueror, he was also a great administrator.
Megasthenes, the ambassador of Seleukes in the court of Chandragupta, has left detailed
accounts of his system of government. The treatise on state craft called the Arthasastra
attributed to Chandragupta’s able minister Chanakya (also known as Kautilya), confirms and
supplements the accounts of Meganthenes. According to the Puranas, the son and
successor of Chandragupta was Bindusara who is believed to have ruled from 300 B.C. to
273 B.C. After his death there was a struggle for succession among his sons for four years.
Ultimately, Ashoka succeeded him to the throne. Ashoka’s imperishable records inscribed on
rocks and pillars testify that the Mauryan Empire under Ashoka embraced the whole of India
except Assam in the extreme east and the Tamil Kingdom of the Far South.
Besides the sources mentioned above, the Buddhist and Jain traditions, the literary sources
like the Divyavadana and Mudrarakshasa (though they belong to much later times) and
inscriptions (eg. The Girnar inscription of Rudradaman) provide us a variety of evidence for
the study of the administrative origanization under the Mauryas.
Central Administration
The King: At the apex of the Mauryan administrative system stood the king: The king was
primarily the wielder of the power, who was given primacy among the seven components
(Saptanga) of the state. His chief function was to promulgate the social order. It was his
moral duty to punish the wrongdoers and to maintain peace in the empire. Arthasastra refers
to him as dharmapravartaka who had to set a high ideal in front of his subjects. The people
were looked upon as children for whose happiness the head of the state was responsible and
to whom he owed a debt which could only be discharged by a good government.
Nevertheless the powers of the king were extensive. He had, military, judicial, legislative, as
well as executive functions.
There are instances when the Emperor left his palace for war. He considered plans of military
operations with his Senapati or Commander in-Chief. He also sat in his court to administer
justice. "He remains there all day thus occupied, not suffering himself to be interrupted even
though the time arrives for attending to his person. This attention to his person consists of
friction with pieces of wood, and he continues to listen to the cause, while the friction is
performed by four attendants who surround him. Arthasastra says, "when in the court, he (the
king) shall never cause his petitioners to wait at the door, for when a king makes himself
inaccessible to his people and entrusts his work to his immediate officers, he may be sure to
engender confusion in business, and to cause thereby public disaffection, and himself a prey
to his enemies. He shall, therefore, personally attend to the ' business of gods, of heretics, of
Brahmanas learned in the Vedas, of cattle, of sacred places, of minors, the aged, the
afflicted, the helpless and of women ;-all this in order (of enumeration) or according to the
urgency or pressure of those works. All urgent calls he shall hear at once." As to the king's
legislate should note that Kautilya Arthasastra calls him ''dharmapramrttika' and includes
Rajasan a among the sources of law. As instances of royal "Sasanas" or rescripts may be
mentioned the Edicts of Asoka, the famous grandson of Chandragupta. Among executive
functions of the king, our authorities mention the posting of watchmen, attending to the
accounts. Of receipts and expenditure, appointment of ministers, priests and
superintendents, correspondence with the Mantriparishad or Council of Ministers, collection
of the secret information gathered by spies, reception of envoys, etc. It was the king ,who laid
down the broad lines of policy and issued rescripts for the guidance of his officers and the
people. Control was maintained over the most distant officials by an army of secret reporters
and overseers and, in the days of Chandragupta's grandson, by itinerant judges.
Communication with them was kept up by a network of roads, and garrisons were posted at
strategic points.
Kautilya puts the following ideal before the king: “For a king his Vrata (religious vow) is a
constant activity for the cause of his people (utthanam); his best religious ceremony is the
work of administration, his highest charity-equality of treatment noted out to all”. The
brahmanical law books such as Manu and Baudhayan stressed that the king should be
guided by the laws laid down in the Dharmasastras and by the customs prevailing in the
country.
The Council of Ministers: Kautilya holds that Rajatva (sovereignty) is possible only with
assistance. A single wheel can never move. Hence the king shall employ Sachivas and hear
their opinion. The Sachivas or Amatyas of Kautilya correspond to the "seventh caste" of
Megasthenes which assisted the king in deliberating on public affairs. This class was small in
numbers, but in wisdom and justice excelled all the others. The most important amongst the
Sachivas or Amatyas were undoubtedly the Mantrins or High Ministers, probably
corresponding to the MahSmatras of Asoka's Rock Edict VI and the "advisers of the kiug"
referred to by Diodoros. They were selected from those Amatyas whose character had been
tested under all kinds of allurements. They were given the highest salary, i.e., 48,000 panas
per annum. They assisted the king in examining the character of the Amatyas who were
employed, in ordinary departments. All kinds of administrative measures were preceded by
consultation with three or four of them.
In addition to the Mantrins there was the Mantriparishad, i.e., Assembly of Counsellors or
Council of Ministers. The existence of the Parishad as an important element of the Maurya
constitution is proved by the third and sixth Rock Edicts of Asoka. The members of the
Mantriparishad were not identical with the Mantrins. In several passages of Kautilya's
Arthasastra the Mantrin are sharply distinguished from the Mantriparisliad. The latter
evidently occupied an inferior position. Their salary was only 12,000 panas, whereas the
salary of a Mantrin was 48,000. They do not appear to have been consulted on ordinary
occasions, but were summoned along with the Mantrins when works of emergency had to be
transacted. The king was to be guided by the decision of the majority. They also attended the
king at the time of the reception of envoys.
Besides the Mantrins and the Mantriparishad, there was another class of Amatyas who filled
the great administrative and judicial appointments. The Arthasastra says that the Amatyas,
officers purified by religious test, should be employed in civil and criminial courts; the Amtyas,
officers purified by money-test should be employed as Samaghirtri (Chancellor of the
Exchequer) and Sannidhati (High Treasurer and Keeper of Stores) ; the "kamopadhasuddha"
Amatyas, officials purified by love-test, should Be appointed to superintend the pleasure
grounds, the "bliayopadhasuddha" Amatyas, officers purified by fear test, should be
appointed to do work requiring immediate attention (asanna karya), while those who are
proved to be impure should be employed in mines, timber andelephant forests, and
manufactories. Untried Amatyas were to be employed in ordinary or insignificant departments
(samanya adhikarana). Persons endowed with the qualifications required in an Amatya
(Amatyasampadopeta) were appointed Nisyishtarthah or Ministers Plenipotentiary, Lekhakas
or Ministers of Correspondence, and Adhyahshas or Superintendents.
They are referred to as councillors and assessors by Greek writers whereas Rock Edict VI of
Ashoka refers to them as Mahamatras or high officials. The most important among the
officers were the Mantrins or high ministers. The dharmamahamatras and mahamatra of
Ashoka were concerned with the propagation of dharma. Antapala of Arthsastra was
concerned with guarding the frontier and controlling the import trade. The other officers were
the high priest or purohit, commanderin- chief or Senapati and crownprince or Yuvaraja and
adhyakshas or Superintendents who assisted the King in economic activities of the State.
They controlled and regulated agriculture, trade and commerce, weights and measures,
crafts such as weaving and spinning, mining etc.
Administration of Justice
King was at the head of the judicial administration. He constituted the highest appellate
court in the realm. In the villages and towns, cases were settled by the Gramvrdha and
Nagarvyavaharika Mahamatras respectively. In the countryside, there were Rajukas who
were equal to our modern district-magistrates. All disputes arising out of land and its
ownership were heard by them and Ashoka made them autonomous to expedite the
settlement of the disputes and to prevent undue delay in meeting out justice: Kautilya refers
to two other kinds of courts Dharmasthiya and Kanatakashodhana. The Dharmasthiya courts
were civil courts presided over by three Dharmasthas learned in sacred law and three amtyas
and they were located in all important centers. They tried cases involving disputes in
marriage, divorce inheritance, houses, water-rights, trespass, debt, deposits, serfs, labour
and contract, sale, violence, abuse, assault, gambling and miscellaneous. Punishments, were
carefully graded and executed by royal authority; they included fines, imprisonment, whipping
and death. There must have been in existence also caste panchayats and guild-courts which
regulated the affairs of communities and professional and dealt with disputes among them in
the first instance.
The Kantakashodhana courts were presided over by the thre Pradeshirtis and three
Amatyas. These were a new type of courts constituted to meet the growing needs of an
increasingly complex socio-economic structure and to implement the decisions of a highly
oRiganized bureaucracy on all matters that were being brought under their control and were
unknown to the old legal system. These courts were special tribunals to protect the state and
people against the anti-social persons-the thorns (Kantaka) of society. These were
designated to safeguard both government and society from the possible evils of the new
order that was being introduced, and at the same time, they served as powerful weapons to
implement the mass of new regulations to regulate the new order.
Besides the royal court there were special tribunals of Justice both in cities (nagara) and
country parts (janapada) presided over by Vyavaharika Mahamatras and Rajukas
respectively. Greek writers refer to judges who listened to oases of foreigners. Petty oases in
villages were doubtless decided by the headmen and the village elders. All our authorities
testify to the severity of the penal code. But the rigours of judicial administration were sought
to be mitigated by Asoka, grandson of Chandragupta, who meted out equal justice to all and
instituted the system of itinerant Mahamatras to check maladministration in the outlying
provinces. Considerable discretion was, however, allowed to the Rajukas. We are informed
by Greek writers that "theft was a thing of very rare occurrence" among Indians. They
express their surprise at this for they go on to observe that the people "have no written laws
but are ignorant of writing, and conduct all matters by memory."
The sum-total of this judicial system was that control of the bureaucracy over the people
was strengthened and there was a sharp decline in crime as a result of fear and moral
exhortation as mentioned by Megasthenes.
 The Army
A considerable part of revenue was spent on the army. The maintenance of a huge army led
to the political unification of nearly the whole of India except the extreme South. According to
Indian tradition, the army consisted of four departments-elephants, chariots, cavalry and
infantry. The Arthasastra maintains that the army was organized in squads of 10 men,
companies of a hundred and battalions of a thousand each. The king was the commander-in-
chief of the Army and the Senapati was directly under him. According to Megasthenes, the
army was controlled by a war office consisting of 30 members distributed among 6 boards
who were in charge of different departments. Behind the success of the army was the
diplomacy of the Mauryas. Arthsastra refers to the employment of secret agents or spies,
winning over enemies people, siege assault are the fine means to capture a fort shows the
importance given to diplomacy. The Arthsastra clearly prefers diplomacy to force.
Espionage
From Indian literature, we know that at all times kings used to entertain spies (chara or gudha
purusha). These agents were grade into high ones, low ones and those of middle rank.
Recruits to the service of special agents or news writers were chosen for their good
character. The employment of women of easy virtue as spies, is also alluded to by Kautilya’s
Arthasastra. A similar class of officers which was created by Asoka himself were the
reporters or prativedaka who were posted everywhere in order to report the affairs of the
people at any time.
The classical writers refer to a class of men called Overseers (Episkopoi) who "overlook what
is done throughout the country and in the cities, and make report to the king where the
Indians are ruled by a king, or the magistrates where the people have a democratic Govern
inent." Strabo calls this class of men the Ephori or Inspectors. "They are," says he, "intrusted
with the superintendence of all that is going on, and it is their duty to report privately to the
king...The best andjfche most faithful persons are appointed to the office of Inspectors. The
Overseer of Arrian and the Inspector of Strabo may correspond to the Bashtriya of the
Junagadh Inscription or to the Pradeshtri or the GudhaPuruslias (secret emissaries) of the
Arthasdstra. Pradeshtri may be derived from Pradis which means 'to point,' 'to communicate.'
Strabo speaks of different classes of Inspectors. He tells us that the City Inspectors employed
as their coadjutors the city courtesans ; and the Inspectors of the Gamp, the women who
followed it. The employment of women of easy virtue as spies is also alluded to by the
KautUiya Arthasastra. According to that work there were two groups of spies, viz. :
Samsthah, or stationary spies consisting of secret agents styled Kapatika, Udasthita,
Grihapatika, Vaideliaha and Tdpasa, i.e., fraudulent disciples, recluses, householders,
merchants and ascetics. Sancharah or wandering spies, including emissaries termed Satri,
Tikshna and Bashada, i.e., class-mates, firebrands and poisoners and certain women
described as Bhikshukis (mendicants), Parivrajikas (wandering nuns), Mundas (shavelings)
and Vrishalis. It is to the last class, viz., the Vrklhalls that Strabo evidently refers. We have
also explicit references to courtesan (pumsclwll, vesya, rupajiva) spies in the Arthasastra.
Provincial Administration
The Mauryan empire was a vast one. But Chandragupta devised a plan in overcoming these
difficulties and introduced a decentralized scheme of administration. The whole empire was
divided into four administrative divisions: besides the center with its headquarters at
Pataliputra headed by the king and assisted by the ministers and the Council, the other four
divisions had their capitals respectively at Taxila in the North-west, Ujjain in West, Suvarana-
giri in the South and Tosali in the East, as mentioned in the edicts of Ashoka. Each
administrative divisions was put in charge of Viceroy designated as Kumara or Aryaputra who
was normally the prince of the royal blood or some other relative to the king or high official.
The details of the provincial administration are not amply known. But even then it can be
guessed that the Viceroyal courts were the smaller replica of the imperial courts with the
difference that the council of ministers could sometime even dwarf the viceroy and oppress
the people as was the case in Taxila in the time of Bindusara. The same contingency led
Ashoka to demonstrate with his officials to be honest in the dischaRige of their duties.
The Viceroyalties were subdivided into provinces under the charge of the Pradeshikas
referred to in Ashoka’s inscriptions and the Junagarh inscription of Rudradamen I of 150 A.D.
Girnar was one such province governed by Pushyagupta in the time of Chandragupta and
Raja Tushaspa in the time of Ashoka.
Local Administration
The provinces were further split up into smaller areas equivalent to the district and tehsil
comprising 100 villages under sihanika and 5 to 10 villages under Gopa respectively. Each
had its own staff of officials comprising mostly Yuktas and Rajukas. They were entrusted with
the collection of revenue and general administration of their respective areas. They were, in
fact, the link between the people and the government and were under the final authority of
the Samaharta or the chief-collector.
The smallest unit of administration which enjoyed semi-autonomous power was the village. It
regulated its own affairs with regard to defence, discipline, cultivation, payment of revenue,
land and water-rights, etc., through the gramani who was chosen from amongst the village
elders who assisted the official of the government in disposing petty disputes arising in the
village. Cultivable land was parceled out in states belonging to individuals, while pastures and
forest lands were held in common. The administrative and judicial business of villages was, in
Ancient India, carried on by the Gramikas, Gramabhojakas or Ayuktas who were, no doubt,
assisted by the village elders. The omission of the Gramika from the list of salaried officials
given in the Arthaiastra is significant. It probably indicates that in the days of the author of the
treatise the Gramika was not a salaried servant of the crown, but an elected official of the
villagers. Rural administration must have been highly efficient. We are told by Greek
observers that the tillers of the soil received adequate protection from all injury and would
devote the whole of their time to cultivation.
Municipal Administration
The cities of the empire were administered, most probably, on the lines of the municipal
administration of Patliputra which has been graphically described by Megasthenes. He
designated the town-official as Nagaradhyaksha of Kautilya. According to Megasthenes, the
officers-in-charge of the city were divided into six boards, five members in each. Each board
was assigned specific functions, e.g., the first board looked after everything relating to the
industrial arts; the second looked after foreigners; the third recorded the births and deaths
within the city, the fourth supervised trade and commerce; manufactured articles were the
concern of the fifth board, and the sixth collected the tenth of the prices of the articles sold.
Thus, nothing escaped the notice of the city officials from birth to death. In their collective
capacity these officials looked after the civic amenities like water, sanitation, cleanliness,
public-buildings (temples) etc. There were city- magistrates, each termed as the
Nagarvyvaharika Mahamatra as mentioned in the Asokan Edicts, to maintain law and order
and to settle disputes of the residents of the city.
Revenue and Expenditure
The cost of civil and military administration even at the centre must have been enormous.
The chief sources of revenue from villages were the Bhaga and the Bali. The Bhaga was the
king's share of the produce of the soil which was normally fixed at one-sixth, though in
special cases it was raised to one-fourth or reduced to one-eighth. Bali seems, to have been
an extra impost from the payment of which certain tracts were exempted. According to Greek
writers husbandmen paid, in addition to a fourth part of the produce of the soil, a land tribute
because, according to their belief, "all India is the property of the crown and no private person
is permitted to own land." Taxes on land were collected by the Agronomoi who measured the
land and superintended the irrigation works. Other state dues included tribute and prescribed
services from those who worked at trades, and cattle from herdsmen. In urban areas the
main sources of revenue included birth and death taxes, fines and tithes on sales.
The Mahabhashya of Patanjali has an interesting reference to the Mauryas' love of gold
which led them to deal in images of deities. The distinction between taxes levied in rural and
in fortified areas respectively is known to the Artliasastra which refers to certain high revenue
functionaries styled the Samahartri and the Saimidhatri, No such officials are, however,
mentioned in Maurya inscriptions. Greek writers, on the other hand, refer to 'treasurers of the
state' or 'superintendents of the treasury. A considerable part of the revenue was spent on
the array. The artisans, too, received maintenance from the Imperial exchequer. Herdsmen
and hunters received an allowance of grain in return for clearing the land of wild beasts and
fowls. Another class which benefited from royal bounty were the philosophers among whom
were included Brahmanas as well as Sramanas or ascetics. Vast sums were also spent for
irrigation, construction of roads, erection of buildings and fortifications, and establishment of
hospitals in the days of Chandragupta's grandson.
To conclude, one may say that the imperial organization under the Maurayas as it comes
down to us through the Arthasastra of Kautilya, inscriptions of Asoka and other sources, was
of a very high order with the king as the head of the State, wielding all power, a huge
standing well organized military system and an efficient system of criminal administration,
new sources of revenue and a huge bureaucracy organized in a hierarchical way, which
together contributed to strengthen the royal power.
Conclusion
Thus, we noticed from the above discussion that, for a brief period of less than two centuries,
from the early fourth to the late second century B.C, an imperial polity held sway over nearly
three-quarters of the land mass of the Indian sub-continent and the eastern half of
Afghanistan. This was the Mauryan Empire. As with any empire, its genesis lay in the
economic and military strength of a heartland state and the ability of its leaders to assert their
power beyond its frontiers. From their central state of Magadha, the first three Mauryan
emperors evinced a capacity, never before witnessed in Indian history, to muster
extraordinarily large material resources for maintaining an imperial hegemony in South Asia.
This hegemony was exercised by two methods of governance which, paradoxically, were
contradictory but which helped weld together the many different peoples of the empire. On
the one hand, as under any imperial system, the strong buttresses of bureaucratic institutions
and administrative diktats gave the people a sense of security and belonging but also
demanded strict obedience to the emperor. This remained the style of governance throughout
the period of the empire; but, halfway through its history, a new element was introduced.
Under the third emperor, Ashoka, a unique form of cultural coherence based on the moral
values of Buddhism came to be bestowed upon the empire, in the shape of moral
exhortations inscribed on stone erected in different parts of India. These messages
constituted an ideal norm of benignity, civility and humanity in matters of governance: they
are benchmarks of progress in Indian political maturity. The relative prosperity of the Mauryan
Empire was underwritten by a huge base of agricultural wealth and extensive commercial
networks. It would be a long time before India would experience, nay enjoy, such a bold
experiment in imperial sovereignty on this scale.
The experiment did not last long, and most
of the knowledge concerning the empire was lost. However, the painstaking researches of
the last two hundred years, along with accidental discoveries, have made it possible for us to
appreciate the empire today in a truer perspective.
Summary
 Chandragupta Maurya was the founder of the Mauryan Empire. He, at the young age
of 25, captured Pataliputra from the last ruler of the Nanda dynasty, Dhanananda. In
this task he was assisted by Kautilya, who was also known as Chanakya or
Vishnugupta.
 After firmly establishing his power in the Gangetic valley, he marched to the
northwest and subdued the territories up to the Indus. Then he moved to central India
and occupied the region north of Narmada river. In 305 B.C., he marched against
Selukas Niketar, who was Alexander’s General controlling the northwestern India.
Chandragupta Maurya defeated him and a treaty was signed.
 Megasthenes was sent to the Mauryan court as Greek ambassador by Selekus
Nikator.
 Chandragupta embraced Jainism towards the end of his life and stepped down from
the throne in favour of his son Bindusara. Then he went to Sravana Belgola, near
Mysore along with Jain monks led by Bhadrabhagu and starved himself to death.
 Bindusara was called by the Greeks as “Amitragatha” meaning slayer of enemies. He
is said to have conquered the Deccan up to Mysore.
 Bindusara received Deimachus as ambassador from the Syrian king Antiochus I.
Bindusara wrote to Antiochus I asking for sweet wine, dried figs and a sophist. The
latter sent all but a sophist because the Greek law prohibited sending a sophist.
Bindusara supported the Ajivikas, a religious sect. Bindusara appointed his son
Asoka as the governor of Ujjain.
 There is little information regarding the early life of Asoka. He acted as Governor of
Ujjain and also suppressed a revolt in Taxila during his father Bindusara’s reign.
There was an interval of four years between Asoka’s accession to the throne (273
B.C.) and his actual coronation (269 B.C.).
 The most important event of Asoka’s reign was his victorious war with Kalinga in 261
B.C. Although there is no detail about the cause and course of the war, the effects of
the war were described by Asoka himself in the Rock edict XIII. After the war he
annexed Kalinga to the Mauryan Empire. Another most important effect of the
Kalinga war was that Asoka embraced Buddhism under the influence of Buddhist
monk, Upagupta.
 According some scholars, his conversion to Buddhism was gradual and not
immediate. About 261 B.C. Asoka became a Sakya Upasaka (lay dsicple) and two
and a half years later, a Bikshu (monk). Then he gave up hunting, visited Bodh-Gaya,
and organized missions.
 The ascendancy of the Mauryas had resulted in the triumph of monarchy in India.
Other systems like republics and oligarchies that were prevalent in the pre-Mauryan
India had collapsed. Although Kautilya the foremost political theorist of ancient India
supported the monarchial form of government, he did not stand for royal absolutism.
Under the advice of Kautilya, the Mauryas established a strong and centralized
bureaucratic administrative system across the empire under a strong Emperor.
Unit-III: Towards Early Medieval India [circa CE fourth century to CE 750]:
1. Gupta Age: Agrarian Expansion, Land Grants, Graded Land Rights and
Peasantry.
2. Varna, Proliferation of Jatis: changing norms of marriage and property.
3. The Nature of Polities: The Gupta Empire
4. Post- Gupta Polities - Pallavas, Chalukyas, and Vardhanas
Objectives
The chapter discuss the political history of the Imperial Gupta from Chandragupta I to the
decline of the dynasty. After learning this lesson the students will be able to explain
 the sources for the history of Guptas like the Allahabad Pillar inscription and their
importance.
 the origin and original home lnad of the Gupta dynasty.
 foundation of Gupta dynasty by Chandragupta I
 Samudragupta’s military achievements as well as his personal accomplishments.
 the conquests of Chandragupta II and his other qualities including patron of art and
literature.
 the fate of Gupta Empire after reign of Chandragupta II.
Introduction
History, does not normally repeat itself. This adage is emphatically proven with the story two
of the greatest dynasties of Indian history: The Mauryas and the Guptas. A Chandragupta
founded the Maurya dynasty in 320 B.C.; exactly six hundred years later another Chandra
Gupta founded the Gupta dynasty, in 320 A.D. A coincidence that cannot be ignored. The
Gupta dynasty rule over India for about two hundred years. “The Gupta period”, writes Dr.
Barnett, “is in the annals of classical India almost what the Periclean age is in the history of
Greece”. This dynasty freed India from foreign shackles of Kushana-Sassnian and broke the
Huns who were invincible throughout Asia and Europe. This is probably the dynasty which
gave Vikramaditya, an immortal legendary ruler of India. Like any other dynasties of India, the
history of the Imperial Gupta dynasty is a dark cloud. Though we might know the first ruler of
this dynasty however their origin and rise to king-hood is obscured in mystery. However study
of the Guptas has held a very prime position in Indian history and correctly pointed out by V A
Smith, who states, “With the accession of the Guptas, light again dawns, the veil of oblivion is
lifted and the history of India regains unity and interest”. This chapter will look at the political
history of the imperial Guptas from the days of Chandragupt I to that of Skanda Gupta.
Sources of Information
Although the timeline of dynastic succession is at times ill-defined, the Gupta rule is an
important epoch in Indian history. Several sources have been made available to us, through
the scholarly labours of Indologists, both of the East and of the West, for the reconstruction of
an almost correctly datable history of the times of the Gupta dynasty- “the dynasty which had
liberated Indians from the Kushan-Sassanian shadow, the dynasty which broke the Hun,
unbreakable throughout Asia and Europe, the dynasty which made the name Vikramaditya, a
tradition immortal in their country”. Literature-both religious and secular, writings of foreign
travelers, inscriptions, coins and monuments etc., constitute various sources of the history of
the Guptas.
Literary Sources
Written history in the established proper sense of the term was not an art that was well-
practised in ancient India. Literary sources of the Gupta include both religious and secular as
well as writings of foreign travelers. The available written material of the Gupta period are
mostly from the Puranas, which are more prophetic in nature than a factual record of the
unfolding of actual events. They occasionally mention some event, normally culled from local
stories and lore, passed on orally and committed to writing only at a much later stage. Their
veracity therefore becomes questionable. The Vishnu-Purana clearly mentions the rule of the
Gupta kings. One statement in it can be translated as, ‘The nine Nagas will reign in
Padmavati, Kantipuri and Mathura; and the Guptas of Magadha along the Ganges to
Prayaga.’ Here the nine Nagas (or Nakas as they are called in some translations) were an
obscure tribe and for that reason called ‘gupta-vansas’, literally meaning ‘secret races’ (the
word gupta in Sanskrit means secret, and is not to be confused with the title ‘Gupta’ of the
dynasty being examined). They were supposed to be nine families who ruled various districts,
independent of each other. The Vayu-Purana elaborates further on the statement in the
Vishnu-Purana and states, ‘Princes of the Gupta race will possess all these countries [the
holding of the Nagas], the banks of the Ganges to Prayaga, and Saketa, and Magadha (the
Magadhas).’ Thus, Puranas, such as "Vayu-Purana", Matsya Purana", Vishnu Purana",
"Brahmanda Purana" and "Bhagvat Purana" are the most important. They throw light on the
dynastic list, the area of science, polity and system of government etc. the empire and names
of the provinces.
Other, literary sources are the "Dharmasastras" such as "Narada Smriti", and "Brihaspati
Smriti" was probably written during the Gupta period and give us a lot of useful information.
"Kamadaka Nitisara" was probably written during the Chandra Gupta-II reign by Sikhara,
Prime Minister of Chandragupta-II. The object of the book was to give instructions to the king.
The author defends the murder of Saka king by his sovereign.
The 'Kavya-Nataka' literature is also useful as a source of information. The "Kaumudi
Mahotsava" is a drama in five Acts, which lays down the political condition of Magadha on the
eve of ascendancy of the Guptas. The other drama "Devichandraguptam" narrates the
contest for the throne between Ramagupta and Chandragupta-II.
The records of the Buddhist Kingdom handed down by Fa-hien, the Chinese traveler who
visited India during the reign of Chandra Gupta-II tells us the social, religious and economic
condition of India at that time. He noted the wealth and prosperity of the towns and their
citizens. He also refers to the free hospitals maintained by the state and other charitable
institutions.
Another Chinese traveler I-tsing, who travelled in India after the Gupta age. He refers to
Maharaja Srigupta. Who created a shrine for the use of Chinese pilgrims near Mrigasikhava
known as the Temple of China.
He saw the ruins of that temple. He states that, a temple was built about 500 years before his
time. This Srigupta was probably the founder of the Gupta dynasty and reigned about 500
years before the visit of the I-tsing.
Epigraphic Sources
Inscriptions are another indispensable source for the Gupta history. Dr. Fleet brought
together not only the inscriptions of the early Guptas but also of the later Guptas. The first 16
inscriptions in the "Corpus Inscription Indecorum or Inscriptions" refer to the early Guptas.
The direct line of the early Gupta dynasty is taken to aid with Skandagupta. Buddhagupta and
Bhanu Gupta with their respective dates 484 A.D. and 510 A.D are mentioned in Nos. 19 and
20 the 'Corpus'.
The Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta gives us a detailed account of the
conquests of Indian Napolean. The "Eran stone No.2 Inscription" of Samudragupta's period
contains a record of the power and achievements of Samudragupta. The Udaygiri Cave
Inscription', "The Mathura Stone Inscription", "the Sanchi Stone Inscription" and "the Gadhwa
Stone Inscription " of the time of Chandragupta-H gives us a lot of information regarding the
religious condition.
The "Godhwa Stone Inscription", the "Bilsad stone Pillar Inscription and the "Man-Kuwar
stone Image Inscription" indicates to Kumaragupta-I. The 'Bihar Stone Pillar Inscription' in two
parts the "Bhiari Stone Pillar Inscription", the "Junagadh Rock Inscription", and the "Kahaun
Stone Pillar Inscription and the "Indore copper plate Inscription" refer to Skandagupta.
The "Mahrauli Iron Pillar Inscription" indicates that King Chandra conquered the Vanga
countries after fighting against a confederacy of enemies united against him. He also
conquered the Vahlikas in a running fight across the seven mouths of the river Sindu. The
"Bhitari Pillar Inscription" of Skandagupta tells us about the fight with the Pushyamitras and
probably also with the Hunas during the reign of his father Kumaragupta-I.
Besides these inscriptions there are a number of copperplates also called "Tamrapatra".
These Copper Plates are mosdy of donative nature. They refer about the donor, donees and
donation. Most of these are in fact the religious grants made by history manual the Gupta
rulers to these temples. The copper plates or "Tamrapatras" usually provide us information
on the genealogy of the kings mentioned in them. However, scholars tend to consider these
type of plates as having lesser authenticity and even term them ‘quasi-monumental
documents’. The fundamental reason for this relative insignificance of land grant plates is the
fact that in a number of cases it has been found that the date of the document and that of the
signature of the granting authority have centuries in variance. This dichotomy could be
attributed to the tendency in the beneficiary families to ante-date the grant to reinforce their
claim to the land in question. From a historian’s perspective this trend diminishes the value of
such evidence, making it necessary to corroborate information from these plates with other
sources. In terms of inscriptions, the most trusted data are the ones that are gathered from
writings on stone, which need not be only on specially erected pillars, but also to be found on
the walls of buildings, as well as within temples or caves, made to commemorate an event of
even purely local significance.
Seals
A large number of seals have been found from Vaisali in the Muzaffarpur District. Among
these seals, we have the seal of "Mahadevi Dhruvaswamini", queen of Chandragupta-H. She
was the mother of Maharaj Govind Gupta. Probably, he was the younger brother of
Kumaragupta-I who was the Governor of Vaisali in the reign of his father Chandragupta-II.
The variety and character of the seals give us an insight into the provincial and local
administration. These seals were related to the high and low officials, by which we can draw
a long list of civil and military administration officers.
Monuments
The Monuments of the Gupta period are also a reliable source of artistic and religious history
of that period. They not only depict different aspects of life but also illustrate different schools
of art and architecture viz. Mathura centre, Banaras School and Nalanda School. The Gupta
art was free from foreign influence.
The image of seated Buddha in the Sarnath museum belongs to the Banaras school of Art, is
a master-piece of Indian art. Illustrations of the Nalanda School are to be found at Nalanda
and Kurkihar. The temples of the Gupta period give us an idea of the religious beliefs of the
people. They represent the religions and the deities of the period viz. Vishnu, Shiv, Duiga,
Jain Thirthankaras, Buddha or Bodhisattvas. The temples at Udaygiri Pathari illustrate the
worship of Vishnu. A temple at Deogarh is dedicated to the worship of Shiv and Vishnu. A
temple at Aioli is dedicated to the worship of Durga.
The paintings of Ajanta and Ellora caves pointed the artistic tastes of the people. These
paintings throw a flood of light on Indian culture. Thus these paintings and monuments help
us a lot for the reconstruction of the social and religious history of the Guptas.
Numismatic
A lot of useful and authentic information for the history of the Guptas is to be found in the
coins of the Gupta emperors. Allan published in 1914, "Catalogue of the coins of the Gupta
Dynasties". We have the various varieties of coins of Chandragupta-I, Samudragupta,
Chandragupta-II, Kumaragupta-I and Skandagupta viz tiger type, lyrist type, asvamedha type,
standard type, archer type, couch type, chhatra type, lion slayer type, horsemen type, tiger
slayer type, elephant-rider type etc. The archer type coins of Skandagupta are mainly of
GOLD. The legends on the coins possess great poetic merit. Samudragupta and
Chandragupta issued as many as six types of gold coins.
Origin and Original Homeland of the Gupta
The Gupta dynasty ascended the throne around 320 A.D. and continued upto 550 A.D., with
magnificence and splendour. They consolidated the entire Northern India by subjugating the
local and provincial powers that became independent after the downfall of the Kushanas. The
period during the Gupta Empire is referred as the Golden Age in all fields, embracing art,
architecture, literature, sculpture and education. However the origin of the Guptas is still
shrouded in obscurity. This is so because the sources of Gupta History, which have been
unearthed till date, do not throw enough light on the ancestry of the Guptas and also their
original homeland.
The Shunga and the Sattavahana referred to many officials bearing the surname Gupta. But
their relationship with the Imperial Guptas is not yet determined. Furthermore it is not yet
discovered whether the term Gupta indicated any surname of a family or referred to any clan.
However the Gupta records itself and the Chinese records provided by I-Tsing, furnished the
names of the first three rulers of the Gupta Dynasty, viz. Maharaja Sri Gupta, Maharaja Sri
Ghatotkacha and Maharajadhiraja Sri Chandragupta. K.P. Jaiswal has suggested that the
Guptas belonged to the Jat tribe of Punjab. But since the theory of Jaiswal lacked conclusive
proofs, it was discarded. Dr.
H.C. Roychowdhury, however holds that the majestic Guptas belonged to the Dharana Gotra.
According to Roychowdhury, the Guptas were related to queen Dharini of Agnimitra, son of
famous king Pushyamitra Shunga. Roychowdhury drew his theory about the pedigree of the
Guptas based on the records of Prabhabati Gupta, daughter of Chandragupta II. In her
records she claimed herself to be a descendant of the Dharana Gotra. Again Dr. S.
Chattopadhya has put forth a different theory about the ancestry of the Guptas. According to
him, in the Panchobh Copper Plate, some kings bearing the title Guptas and related to the
imperial Gupta Dynasty, claimed themselves as Kshatriyas. The theory of S.Chattopadhya
has been widely accepted, after a prolonged research by scholars.
Vishnu Purana suggests that names ending with Gupta are characteristics of Vaishya and
Sudra castes however there are instances when many Brahamana people also have suffix
gupta.
K.P. Jayaswal points to Kaumudi Mahotasava which mentions that Chandasena was a
karaskara, a lower order of the Hindu society, and was adopted by the king of Magadha.
Jayaswal identifies Chandasena with Chandragupta I of the Gupta dynasty. But many
scholars like O.P. Singh, D.K. Ganguly, R.K. Mookerji, D.R. Bhandarkar, A.N. Dandekar do
not agree with Jayaswal. D.K. Ganguly rejects the historicity of Kaumudi Mahotsava as the
story narrated there does not match correctly with the Gupta history. Singh says if the strict
varna rules were followed in the society, would it be possible for a Brahmana king to adopt a
child of some low caste? It seems to be a very improbable act. Hence it can be ruled out that
the Guptas were from low order society.
The identification of the Guptas as Kshatriyas though has been supported by facts, the
controversy whether the term "Gupta" was a family surname or a full name is still unresolved.
This is so because the name of the first king was Sri Gupta, where the term "Gupta" seemed
to be a title, but the second Gupta did not use the title like that. Hence, here lies enough
dubiousness about the term "Gupta". However the expression "Gupta" had been
systematically used by all the Gupta rulers from Chandragupta I onwards, which had led to
the acceptance of the term 'Imperial Gupta dynasty'.
 There is a keen controversy among the scholars about the original homeland of the
Guptas.
K.P Jaiswal has pointed out that the Guptas were originally inhabitants of Prayag
(Allahabad), as the feudatories of the Nagas or Bharsivas.Thereafter they rose in
prominence. Dr. Gayal also supported the theory of Jaiswal, suggesting that the original
home of the Guptas was Antarvedi in eastern U.P, embracing the regions of Oudh and
Prayag. These historians have derived their theory based on the fact that several coins
belonging to the Gupta Dynasty have been found in those regions and the study of those
numismatics evidences lead to the conclusion that the Guptas were the original inhabitants
of that region. However Dr. D.C Ganguli has provided a different view about the original
homeland of the Guptas. According to him the Guptas were inhabitants of the Murshidabad
region of Bengal and not of Magadha in Bihar. He based his theory on the statement of I -
Tsing, who had visited India during 675 and 695 A.D. Fleet and other historians however
criticise the above theory because of the fact that Sri Gupta ruled during the end of the third
century, but I-Tsing placed him at the end of the second century. Hence the theory of
historians, who have provided their views based on the accounts of I-Tsing, can be refuted
without much difficulty.
S R Goyal associates Allahabad as the homeland of the Guptas as most of their coins and
inscriptions have been discovered in this part of Uttar Pradesh. He is right about the
inscriptions as many of these are found in this region however their coins have been
discovered in bulk at Bengal and Bihar also. B P Sinha puts them to Mathura-Ayodhya region
as he mentions that the Guptas were Jats from Mathura based upon a reference from Arya-
Manjushri-Mulakalpa. However D K Ganguly states that this Jat association is due to a
misinterpreted phrase from Arya-Manjushri- Mulakalpa hence not tenable.
Not only the ancestry and homeland of the Guptas, the extent of the Gupta Empire, when
they ascended the throne after the lapse of the prolonged Dark Age, is a also subject of
intense controversy among the scholars. Dr. R.C. Majumdar has pointed out that the picture
of a stupa has been found in Nepal with the label "Mrigasthapana" Stupa of Varendri. This
"Mrigasthapana" is the same as "Mrigashivana" of I-Tsing. As Sri Gupta built a temple in
Mrigashivana and as the place was in Varendri, so historians have pointed out that Varendri
might have been under the sway of the Guptas, when they ascended the throne. According to
Dr.Ganguli, Bengal and parts of Bihar was also included in the Gupta Empire, when they
were ruling from the seat of power.
From these theories, several conflicting opinions about the original homeland and the Empire
of the Guptas are available. According to Allan and some other scholars, the Guptas were
originally concentrated in the region of Magadha and from there they extended their sway
upto Bengal. According to other groups, the original homeland of the Guptas was Varendri or
the Varendra Bhumi in Bengal, wherefrom they extended their Empire upto Magadha.
Whatever the theory is, the Imperial fabric of the Guptas initiated the Golden Age in history of
ancient India and with passage of time they became the sole authority of entire Northern
India.
The Foundation of the Gupta Empire
It is well and wisely said that Magadha has a history extending far into the early centuries
before the Christian era, “a history, which is undoubtedly unique, at any rate, unrivalled, not
only in India, but perhaps, in the whole world”. The province of Magadha had undergone
several political and cultural vicissitudes particularly under the illustrious dynasties of the
Mauryas, the Sungas and the Kanvas. The Kanvas were overthrown by a Satavahana king,
who subsequently became ruler of Magadha. The Satavahanas could not have been at
Pataliputra and in Magadha for more than fifty years after the fall of the Kanvas. During the
period when the early Kusana princes, Kadphises and Wema, were advancing against the
Satavahana prince in Northern India, a local Lichchhavis ruler established himself at
Pataliputra. The Lichchhavis, however, in their turn, had also to quit Pataliputra ultimately
when a minister of Kaniska advanced against the Magadha capital.
The Kusanas were thus virtual masters of the whole of Northern India for some time after the
beginning of the decadence of the Andhra power. During this period the erstwhile feudatories
of the Andhras were trying to shake themselves politically independent. The downfall of the
Kusanas, as has already been pointed out, was accompanied by the rise of the Bharasivas.
The Puranas mention Vindhyasakti and Pravira-Vindhyasakti and Pravarasena of the
Vakataka dynasty - a century after the Bharasivas rose to power, that is, in circa 260 AD.
There were thus two great dynasties, in Northern India, that of the Bharasivas, and the
Vakatakas, who seem to have attained predominance about a century later. These two
dynasties were responsible for the foundation of new tradition or rather the revival of old
tradition-the tradition of Hindu freedom and sovereignty. This tradition was characterized by
three ideals- all-India Imperialism, Revival of Sanskrit, and Social Revival.
When the Bharasivas liberated the Gangetic valley and reorganized the political scheme
over there in about 250 AD, we find Magadha in possession of an orthodox Ksatriya family.
Itsing, who travelled in India between 670 and 700 AD, states “that a great king, Sri Gupta
built a temple near Mrgasikhavana for some Chinese pilgrims, about 500 years ago”. This
would give Sri Gupta a date somewhere about 175 to 200 AD. If we depend upon the Puranic
tradition in this connection, it may further be assumed that, at the commencement of the 4th
century, the early Guptas were associated with the banks of the Ganges, dominated by the
cities of Prayaga and Saketa. The vicissitudes of the Magadha kingdom during this period,
cannot, however, be reconstructed in a connected form from epigraphical sources.
If we grant the validity of Itsing's statement we have also to accept the late inferred there
from. The immediate successors of Sri Gupta are not known. They seem, however, to be
gradually growing in power, Gupta, perhaps a grandson of Sri Gupta, seems to have risen to
the position of a feudatory prince. This is suggested by the fact that Gupta is styled in the
Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudra Gupta as Maharaja and is appropriately called so in
the Poona plates of Prabhavatigupta Vakataka. Vincent Smith rightly places him between
275-300 AD.
Next to Gupta, Allahabad pillar inscription mentions Maharaja Ghatotkaca as the son of
Maharaja Gupta. Bloch suggested that this Ghatotkaca may be identical with Ghatotkaca
Gupta, whose name appeared on a seal at Vaisali. This, however, does not seem to be
possible since the name of the son of Maharaja Gupta and the father of Chandra Gupta I
has, in no inscription, been given as Ghatotkaca Gupta, but has been given merely as
Ghatotkaca. It was also suggested by some scholars that some gold coins, hitherto invariably
classed in the Early Gupta series, which have on the obverse the name of Kaca should be
attributed to Ghatotkaca, the father of Chandra Gupta I. But the epithet occurring on the
reverse of the same coins, and the fact that Ghatotkaca, being merely a feudatory Maharaja,
was not entitled to issue coinage in his own name, finally and convincingly disprove this
theory. Ghatotkaca must have been ruling, according to Allan, between 300 and 320 AD.
Chandra Gupta I
The first independent sovereign (Maharajadhiraja) of the line was Chandra Gupta I, son of
Ghatotkacha, who may have ascended the throne in 320 A.D., the initial date of the Gupta
Era. Like his great fore-runner Bimbisara he strengthened his position at some stage of his
career, by a matrimonial alliance with the Lichchhavis of Vaisali or of Nepal, and laid the
foucdations of the Second Magadhan Empire.
The union of Chandra Gupta I with the Lichchhavi family is commemorated by a series of
coins having on the obverse standing figures of Chandra Gupta and his queen, the
Lichchhavi princess Kumaradevi, and on the reverse a figure of Lakshmi, the goddess of luck
with the legend ''Lichchhavayah" probably signifying that the prosperity of Chandra Gupta
was due to his Lichchhavi alliance. Smith suggests that the Lichchhavis were ruling in
Pataliputra as tributaries or feudatories of the Kushans and that through his marriage
Chandra Gupta succeeded to the power of his wife's relatives. But Allan suggests that
Pataliputra was in the possession of the Guptas even in Sri Gupta's time.
From the record of Samudra Gupta's conquests it has been deduced that his father's
rule was confined to Magadha and the adjoining territories. In the opinion of Allan the
Puranic verses defining the Gupta dominions refer to his reign ; Anu-Ganga-Prayagamcha
Saketam Magadhashstatha Etan janapadan sarvsn bhokshyante Guptavamsajah. "Kings
born of the Gupta family will enjoy all these territories viz., Prayaga ( Allahabad ) on the
Ganges, Saketa (Oudh), and Magadha (South Bihar)."

It will be seen that Vaisali (North Bihar) is not included in this list of Gupta possessions.
Therefore, it is difficult to concur in Allan's view that Vaisali was one of Chandra Gupta's
earliest conquests. Nor does Vaisali occur in the list of Samudra Gupta's acquisitions, though
the reference to Nepal as a border state in the famous Allahabad inscription may suggest that
North Bihar was included within his dominions. It first appears definitely as a Gupta
possession in the time of Chandra Gupta II, and constituted a viceroyalty under an imperial
Prince. Prayaga (Allahabad) may have been conquered from a line of kings whose existence
is disclosed in certain inscriptions discovered at Bhita. Two of these kings, Maharaja
Gautamiputra Sri Sivamagha and Rajan Vasishthiputra Bhimasena are assigned by Marshall
to the second or third century A.D. The name Sivamegha (or Sivamagha ) reminds us of the
'Meghas' (Maghas) who ruled in Kosala in the third century A.D. Another king, Maharaja
Gautamiputra Vrishadhvaja, is assigned to a third or fourth century A.D. One of the most
memorable acts of Chandra Gupta I was the selection, before the assembled councilors
(Sabhyas) and princes of the blood, of Samudra Gupta as his successor.
Samudra Gupta Parakramattka.
Samudra Gupta, was the fourth king of the Gupta dynasty, considered as the greatest
amongst the Gupta emperors. He was anointed the heir apparent by Chandra Gupta I
because of his demonstrated leadership qualities and other kingly virtues. The exact date
when Chandra Gupta I was succeeded by his son, Samudra Gupta, is not known. If the
evidence of the spurious Nalanda plate has any value the event may have happened before
the year 5 of the Gupta Era, i.e., A.D. 325. But this is doubtful. It is clear not only from the
Allahabad Prasasti but from the epithet 'Hatpadaparigrihita," applied to Samudra Gupta in the
Riddhapur inscription, that the prince was selected from among his sons by Chandra Gupta I
as best fitted to succeed him.
From the date of his accession Samudra Gupta assumed the role of an aggressively
ambitious monarch and immediately plunged into war with his neighbours. The resounding
success that he achieved in his endeavours to expand his inheritance through conquest and
annexation makes him one of the greatest military geniuses in Indian history.
When he had almost completed his campaigns, he caused a panegyric of his military
achievements to be engraved on an already existing Asoka pillar that had already been in
existence for six centuries. The pillar is currently situated in Allahabad. This lengthy eulogy by
his court poet, Harishena, provides detailed information of the military campaigns of Samudra
Gupta. The inscription is written in a script called Gupta Brahmi and is composed in a
combination of classical Sanskrit poetry and prose.
The Allahabad Prasasti
The Pillar containing the Prasasti, currently kept in Allahabad was originally an Asokan pillar.
The Asokan edict on the pillar proclaims as yet under developed Buddhist tendencies of the
emperor, although it advocates simpler doctrines towards living one’s life. This pillar had
initially been erected in Kaushambi and had been shifted downstream at a later date. The
Allahabad pillar had been shifted by the great Mughal Akbar in the 16th century to the
Allahabad fort and his son Jahangir had added his own inscription along with those of
Samudra Gupta. This pillar was again uprooted sometime in the 18th century and Prinsep
and his colleagues discovered it half buried in the ground. It was re-erected at Allahabad with
a new, ‘supposedly’ lion capital, on the top of the pillar. The inscription is dated around 365-
370 A.D. towards the later part of Samudra Gupta’s reign and it was obviously done after all
major military campaigns had been successfully completed. The inscription divides the
campaigns into four distinct groups, listed below in the probable order in which they were
conducted. First, against nine named and some unnamed kings in the Gangetic plain to the
west of the original Gupta holdings; second, against 12 kings of South India; third,
against the chiefs of the forest tribes ; and fourth, against the rulers of the frontier kingdoms
and the gana-sanghs, or republics. The eulogy also provides details of the diplomatic
overtures made by the Gupta emperor to kings of countries that were geographically too far
away to initiate or effect military conquest.
Conquests of Aryabarta
Almost immediately on assuming the throne, Samudra Gupta embarked on a campaign
against the lesser kingdoms to the west of Magadha. The names of the nine kings who were
defeated and their kingdoms annexed to the Gupta empire have been given as Achyuta,
Balvarman, Chandravarman, Ganapati Naga, Matila, Nandin, Nagadatta, Nagasena, and
Rudradeva. Nagasena of Mathura, Achyuta of Ahichchhata, modern day Ramnagar and
Bareilly districts of Uttar Pradesh, and an unnamed prince of the Kota family were all killed
during the battles to annex their kingdoms. The defeated kings were treated very harshly-the
term used in the inscription to describe the actions taken being ‘forcibly rooted up’-and all the
territories attached directly to the Gupta kingdom. Although the exact locations of all the nine
kings have not been provided, Ganapati Naga is confirmed as having ruled from his capital at
Padmavati, or Narawar, that still exists in Madhya Pradesh. On the completion of these
victories and with a greatly enlarged kingdom, Samudra Gupta turned his attention to the
south and Peninsular India.
The Southern Campaign
The task of conquering South India demanded boldness in the design of the
enterprise, complete mastery of organisation, and the ability to devise and execute military
plans in a sure- footed and confident manner. Samudra Gupta was not only up to the task,
but excelled in all three aspects. Throughout the Southern Campaign Samudra Gupta
followed the three-fold principle of conquest-grahana, the capture of the enemy king; moksha,
liberation; and anugraha, the reinstatement of the deposed king. Adoption of this principle
had a salutary effect and directly impacted the success of his southern conquests.
The Kings of Dakshiqapatha who came into conflict with the great Gupta were Mahendra
of Kosala, Vyaghra-raja of Mahakantara, Mantaraja of Kaurala, Svamidatta of Kottura, a
chieftain of Pishtapura whose precise name is uncertain, Damana of Erandapalla,
Vishnugopa of Kanchi, Nilaraja of Avamukta, Hastivarman of Vengi, Ugrasena of Palakka,
Kubera of Devarashtra, Dhanamjaya of Kusthalapura and others.
He commenced his southward journey by marching through the Chota Nagpur plateau
towards the east coast and attacking South Kosala in the Mahanadi valley. The core of the
Kosala kingdom was based around the districts of Bilaspur, Raipur, and Sambalpur. The
Guptas deposed King Mahendra of Kosala and subsequently went on to subdue a number of
chiefs ruling the inhospitable and backward areas of Orissa. The principle chief of the region
was one Vyaghara Raja, or ‘Tiger Chief’, of Mahakantara, the forest region of Jeypore in
Orissa, who was defeated. This chief is never mentioned in any of the annals before or after
this brief interaction with Samudra Gupta and vanishes into the mist of ambiguity that so often
surrounds Indian historical narrative.
Samudra Gupta continued his march southwards through the east coast, conquering all kings
and kingdoms on his way. The details of this triumphant march is listed in the Allahabad
pillar: he vanquished the chieftain, Mahendragiri, ruling from Pishtapura (now Pithapuram in
the Godavari district) the capital of Kalinga; conquered the hill forts of Svamidatta of Kotturam
(Kothoor) in Ganjam; defeated king Mantaraja who ruled the territory on the banks of the
Kolleru (Colair) lake; subjugated the neighbouring king Hastivarman of Vengi, who was
probably a Pallava prince ruling the region between Krishna and Godavari rivers; and
overwhelmed the Pallava rulers Nilaraja of Avamukta and Vishnugopa ruling around
Kanchipuram to the south-west of Madras (Chennai). At this stage Samudra Gupta turned
west and defeated Ugrasena, the king of Palakka in Nellore district; Kuvera, ruler of
Devarashtra in Vizhagapatam district; and Dhananjaya of Kushalapura in North Arcot. He
then returned home to his capital through western Deccan, and crossing Khandesh. This
campaign that included marching nearly 3000 miles through inhospitable terrain and hostile
countryside lasted over two years and was concluded in 350 A.D.
The most notable aspect of this campaign is that Samudra Gupta made no attempt to
permanently annex the defeated kingdoms to the Gupta Empire, but only sought temporary
submission of the rulers in keeping with the three-fold principle that he adopted. The rulers
were almost always reinstated to their thrones. This is in sharp contrast to his earlier
westward march in which he had uprooted the established kings and chieftains, demolishing
their dynasties and bringing their holdings into direct Gupta control. It is certain that the great
king realised the logistical difficulties in imposing direct rule of these far-flung southern
territories from his capital in the north-east of the country and therefore opted to leave them
as tributary kingdoms. He however, exacted a great deal of tribute in gold and other treasure
from each conquest to enhance Gupta wealth. This could be considered a master stroke by a
military genius and statesman.
Campaign against the Forest Kingdoms
These kingdoms were also called Atavika kingdoms and Samudra Gupta is reported to have
reduced ‘all’ forest-states to complete subjugation. A copper plate inscription of Parvrajaka,
the king of Basti, names 18 forest kingdoms/states that were defeated by the Gupta king.
Relationship with the Frontier Kingdoms & Tribal States
The victorious career of Samudra Gupta must have produced a deep impression on the
Pratyanta nrupatis or frontier kings of North-East India and the Himalayan region, and the
tribal states of the Panjab, Western India, Malwa and the Central Provinces, who are said to
have gratified his imperious command ''by giving all kinds of taxes, obeying his orders and
coming to perform obeisance." The most important among the eastern -kingdoms which
submitted to the mighty Gupta Emperor were Samatata (part of Eastern Bengal bordering on
the sea, having its capital probably at Karmmanta), Davaka and Kamarupa (roughly in
Assam). We learn from the Damodarpur plates that the major portion of Northern Bengal,
then known as Pundravardhana-bhukti, formed an integral part of the Gupta Empire from
A.D. 443 to A.D 543, and was governed by a line of Uparikas as vassals of the Gupta
Emperor.
The Northern Pratyantas were Nepal and Kartripura. The latter principality comprised
probably Katarpur in the Jalandhar district, and the territory of the Katuria of Kumaun,
Garhwal and Rohilkhand.
The tribal states which paid homage were situated on the western and south-western fringe
of Aryavarta proper. Among these the most important were the Malavas, Arjunayanas,
Yaudheyas, Madrakas, Abhiras, Prarjunas, Sanakanikas, Kakas and Kharaparikas.
The Malavas occupied part of the Panjab in the time of Alexander. They were probably in
Eastern Rajaputana when they came into conflict with Ushavadata. Their exact location in the
time of Samudra Gupta cannot be determined. In the time of Samudra Gupta's successors
they were probably connected with the Mandasor region. We find princes of Mandasor using
the reckoning, commencing B.C. 58, handed down traditionally by the Malava-rajya.
The Arjunayanas may have been connected with the Pandoonoi or Pandava tribe mentioned
by Ptolemy as settled in the Panjab. The connection of the Arjunayanas with the Pandava
Arjuna is apparent. Yaudheya appears as the name of a son of Yudhishthira in the
Mahabharata. The Harivamsa, a later authority, connects the Yaudheyas with Usinara. But
the Yaudheya territory must have extended beyond the limits of this area and embraced the
tract still known as Johiyabar along both banks of the Sutlej on the border of the Bahawalpur
state.
The Madrakas had their capital at Sakala or Sialkot in the Punjab. The Abhiras occupied the
tract in the lower Indus valley and western Rajaputana, near Vinasanain the district called
Abiria by the Periplus and the geography of Ptolemy. We have already seen that an Abhira
possibly became Mahakshatrapa of Western India and probably supplanted the Satavahanas
in a part of Maharashtra before the middle of the third century A.D. A section of the tribe
apparently settled in Central India and gave its name to the Ahirwar country between Jhansi
and Bhilsa. The territories of the Prarjunas, Sanakanikas, Kakas and Kharaparikas lay
probably in Malwa and the Central Provinces. The Prarjunakas are mentioned in the
Arthasastra attributed to Kautilya and are located by Smith in the Narsinliapur District of the
Central Provinces.
The rise of a new indigenous imperial power could not be a matter of indifference to the
foreign potentates of the North-West Frontier, Malwa and Surasjitra (Kathiawar) who
hastened to buy peace "by the acts of homage, such as offer of personal service, the bringing
of gifts of maidens, begging for seals marked with the Graruda sign to allow them to rule over
their respective districts and provinces. The foreign powers that thus established diplomatic
relations with Samudra Gupta were the Daivapidra-Shahi-Shahaniishahi and the Saka
Mimindas as well as the people of Simhala and all other dwellers in islands. The Daivaputra-
Shahi-Shahanushahi belonged apparently to the Kushan dynasty of the north-west, which
derived its origin from the Devaputra Kanishka. The Saka Murundas must have included the
northern chiefs of Scythian nationality who issued the Ardochsho coins as well as the Saka
chieftains of Surashtra and Central India, the representatives of a power which once
dominated even the Ganges valley. The existence of a Murunda power in the Ganges valley
a couple of centuries before Samudra Gupta is vouched for by Ptolemy. The Jaina
Prabhavaka-charita testifies to the control that a Murunda family once exercised over the
imperial city of Pataliputra.
The Empire
By the end of his conquests, Samudra Gupta had unquestioned control over the region that
in ancient times was called Aryavarta, the Aryan homeland, which became his core territorial
holding. The area included the modern states of West Bengal, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya
Pradesh, and Eastern Rajasthan. These states account for the most fertile and populous
areas of North India. Essentially Samudra Gupta’s direct rule covered an area that ran from
the Hooghly in the east to the Chambal in the west, and from the foothills of the Himalayas in
the north to the River Narmada in the south-a vast empire by any reckoning.
While this area was under direct Gupta rule, Samudra Gupta’s sovereignty and irresistible
might was also acknowledged by the Kushans ruling in Gandhara and Kabul; the
descendants of the great Satrap Rudradaman ruling in Gujarat and parts of Malwa; the chiefs
and princes of the frontier kingdoms of Assam and the Gangetic delta; the king of Nepal in
the southern slopes of the Himalayas; and by the king of Ceylon and ‘other islands’. It is
possible that these other islands that are mentioned could be references to the Indianised
kingdoms of South-East Asia.
The Interaction with Ceylon (Sri Lanka)
Around the year 360 A.D. the king of Ceylon Siri Meghavarna (A.D.352-379) send two
Buddhist monks, one of whom was his brother, to pay homage to the Buddha by visiting a
monastery built by Asoka Maurya to the east of the sacred tree in Bodh Gaya. In what can
only be terms as a strange development, the monks apparently found Indian hospitality
lacking and insufficient and found it difficult to find a place to stay in comfort during their
sojourn in India. On their return to Sri Lanka they complained to the king. The king decided to
resolve the issue by founding a monastery near the holy place in India for his subjects to stay
in comfort during their pilgrimages. Towards this end, he send a mission to Samudra Gupta’s
court laden with gems and other valuables seeking permission to found a monastery in what
effectively was Gupta territory.
Samudra Gupta was flattered by this attention from a distant kingdom and in his heightened
state of power could well have imagined that the gifts were tributes. In any case permission
was granted to construct a monastery. Meghvarna decided to build near the scared tree and
erected a splendid convent to the north of it, the completion of which has been recorded in a
copper plate.
The building has been described as being three stories high, with six halls, adorned by three
towers with subsidiary stupas, and protected by a strong wall 30 to 40 feet high all around. It
was very artistically decorated and contained a statue of the Buddha made in gold and silver
and studded with gems. Hiuen Tsang the Chinese traveller-pilgrim visited the monastery in
the 7th century and reported that there were about 1000 monks of the Sthavira school of
Mahayana Buddhism in residence at that time. Today, the site where the monastery existed
is an extensive mound.
Performance of Asvamedha
After six centuries of Mauryan rule, Samudra Gupta stood on the threshold of a pan-Indian
Empire. He proclaimed the universality of his empire by reviving and performing the ancient
rite of Aswamedha (the horse sacrifice), perhaps for the first time after the one conducted by
Pushyamitra Shunga centuries back. The ceremony was conducted with appropriate
splendour with reports that 100,000 cows were gifted, presumably to Brahmans as was the
custom of the period, and that millions of gold and silver coins were distributed. A small
number of coins minted for the occasion has been found and reveal the Vaishnavite leanings
of the Emperor. However, the term conqueror as appropriate to a devotee-king of Vishnu is
not seen in the coins leading to the belief that Samudra Gupta had grown sufficiently vain to
consider himself the incarnation of the deity itself. The coins also depict the Garuda of
Vishnu, the on-umbrella insignia of the Samrat, and the wheel turning pose of the
Chakravartin. Another memorial to the event is a carved stone figure of a horse that was
discovered in northern Oudh and is currently on display at the Lucknow Museum. Traces of
the brief inscription on the horse carving refers to Samudra Gupta and the Aswamedha. After
that he proclaimed himself a chkravartin (universal ruler), and a new tone appears in Indian
kingship: he was a mortal only in celebrating the rites of the observances of mankind, but
otherwise a god dwelling on Earth.
In his acclaimed book on the history of Medieval India, Vincent Smith an acknowledged
historian of great merit, calls Samudra Gupta the ‘Napoleon of Ancient India’. This is also
echoed in some other publications. There is complete injustice in this comparison for a
number of reasons. First, is that a comparison of this sort lessens the greatness of the person
being compared to the original. Since Samudra Gupta lived centuries before Napoleon burst
onto the European theatre, he should have been considered the original. Therefore, the
comparison smacks of the arrogance of Euro-centric scholars in considering the oriental king
a lesser person and a copy of someone who lived at a later date. Samudra Gupta was in fact
a far greater conqueror and an even more astute statesman than Napoleon could ever
imagine to have been. Second, the Gupta Emperor’s greatness lies in the fact that he never
met his Waterloo, because he refused to overextend himself in any of his campaigns or
annexations. Third, Samudra Gupta was a strategic genius who could be considered better
than any other conqueror the world has seen because of the manner in which he
consolidated his conquests and administered his greatly expanded kingdom.
The Emperor
Samudra Gupta remained unknown till the early 1900s, although there was no confusion
regarding his name or antecedents, once he was ‘discovered’. His fame was uncovered
through extremely diligent archaeological research and the detailed study of obscure
inscriptions that were then corroborated through aligning them with the available narrative of
events. Court eulogies that celebrate the rule of a king are prone to exaggerations and at
times display almost total bias in their praise for the benevolence of the ruler. This is a
universal truth in the study of history. Therefore, the writings regarding Samudra Gupta,
especially the ones by his court poet, must also be assessed accordingly.
There is however no doubt that Samudra Gupta was a greatly gifted and exceptionally
capable ruler. He was a great patron of the arts and the renowned Buddhist author
Vasubandhu is considered to be one of the beneficiaries of Samudra Gupta’s largess. He
cultivated learned people and regularly interacted with them, displaying an acute and
extremely polished intellect. He is reported to have been proficient in song and music and
devoted to their practice as an individual. This devotion of the Emperor to the pursuit of music
is confirmed by some rare coins that have been unearthed which show Samudra Gupta
seated on a high-backed couch playing the Indian lute, the veena. He is also reported to
have been a poet of note. While there are no surviving examples of the King’s poetry, the
testimony to his highly developed aesthetic sense leads one to believe that he would have
indulged in poetry and that he would have been at least a passably good poet. On the whole,
the picture that emerges is of a man of genius, well-versed in the art of war, at home with the
arts, with a keen understanding of the more esoteric and creative aspects of human pursuits.
The titles used by this monarch were Apratiratha, 'unrivalled car-warrior'
Aprativaryavirya, ' o f irresistible valour/ Kritanta-parasu, 'axe of death,' sarvarajochchhetta,
'uprooter of all kings,' Vyaghra-parahrama, 'possessed of the strength of a tiger, 'Asva-
medhaparakrama,' whose might was demonstrated by the horse sacrifice,' and
Parakramanka, 'marked with prowess,' but not Dharmaditya. Most of these epithets are
 connected with particular types of coins issued by the emperor. Thus Parakrama is found on
the reverse of coins of the standard type, Apratiratya on coins of the archer type, Kirtanta-
parasu on coins of the battle-axe type, sarvarajochchhetta on coins of the Kacha type,
Vyaghraparakrama (Raja) on the tiger type of coins, and Asvamedha-parakrama on the
Asvamedha type.

Governance
His governance style has been recorded in rich but allusive phrasing, written more in rhetoric
than with a direct connection to reality. Although he defeated most of his contemporary kings
in battle and could have annexed their territories, he chose not to do so. Samudra Gupta
made no attempt at annexing the conquered territories beyond the immediate region of Arya-
Varta, instead imposing one-time tributes, reinstating the defeated kings, and withdrawing the
Gupta forces. After exacting tributes from the defeated rulers, he left them to continue their
rule with almost no bureaucratic intervention or continued intrusion into the domestic affairs of
the vassal state. This process essentially created a web of feudatory states around the core
Gupta Empire. This is in sharp contrast to the Mauryan administration which was minutely
intrusive and micro- managing at the height of its power. But unlike the directly administered
empire of the Mauryas, this was at best a web of feudatory arrangements and one which,
lacking an obvious bureaucratic structure, left the sovereignty of the feudatories intact.
Samudra Gupta was proclaimed a ‘chakravartin’, or world ruler, on completion of the
Aswamedha sacrifice. To be a chakravartin it was not necessary to have sustained direct
governance over vast and far flung areas—the concept only needed nominal submission to
the sovereignty of the chakravartin by vassal kings. Such submission normally was in the
form of representative attendance in the chakravartin’s court on ceremonial occasions. The
requirement was for sufficient number of kingdoms to accept the sovereignty without it having
to be enforced as such and the status of the chakravartin depended as much on the status
and number of the rajas surviving as independent rulers while also willing to pay tribute and
accept his suzerainty. This situation validated and magnified the threefold principle of
conquest. There was a vested interest for the conquering Emperor to reinstate the defeated
kings to their throne.
The exact year of Samudra Gupta’s death is not known, although it is certain that he lived a
long life and that his reign was one of uninterrupted prosperity and peace for nearly half a
century. In keeping with his sagacious nature, he attempted to make the transition of the
crown to the next generation as smooth as possible by nominating his son through Queen
Datta Devi, already the crown prince, as his successor. The short struggle he faced when
coming to power could also have influenced the ageing monarch’s decision to lay the
foundations for a smooth succession. There is a story of his immediate successor, Rama
Gupta, being weak and being forced into a dishonourable treaty by the Saka Satraps. This
could only mean either that Samudra Gupta did not fully subjugate the Sakas, contrary to
what has been mentioned in the inscriptions, or that the Sakas, occupying an area far away
from the centre of power were quick to revolt at the demise of the old king. The final
subjugation of the Sakas and the conquest of Malwa and Gujarat was left to his successor.
Samudra Gupta’s beautifully minted gold coins provide the initial impetus to name the Gupta
dynasty ‘Golden’.
Family of Samudra Gupta
Samudra Gupta's 'virtuous and faithful wife possibly Datta Devi, appears to be mentioned in
an Eran inscription referable to the period of his rule. We possess no genuine dated
documents for the reign of the great emperor. The Nalanda and Gaya grants profess to be
dated in the years 5 and 9 respectively, but no reliance can be placed on them and the
reading of the numeral in the Gaya record is uncertain. Smith's date (A.D. 330-375) for
Samudra Gupta is conjectural. As the earliest date of the next sovereign is. A.D. 380-381 it is
not improbable that his father and predecessor died some time after A.D. 375. One of the last
acts of Samudra Gupta was apparently the selection of his successor. The choice fell on
Chandra Gupta, his son by Datta Devi.
Chandra Gupta-II Vikramaditya
Accepted history states that Emperor Samudra Gupta, the Chakravartin of Arya-Varta, was
succeeded to the throne by his son by Queen Datta Devi, the anointed heir apparent
Chandra Gupta II, who later claimed the title ‘Vikramaditya’, or ‘the sun of valour’. However,
there is a mystery that surrounds this sanitized version of events.
The Story of Devichandraguptam
The scope of literature as a source of history is usually regarded as restricted, in the sense
that literary works are often drawn upon only in order to supplement and confirm the historical
material already provided by the more reliable epigraphic records. But sometimes it happens
that an important historical detail, not already known from inscriptions, is first brought to light
through a literary source and is thereafter sought to be corroborated by means of some
inscriptional evidence. A typical case in point is that of Samudra Gupta's successor on the
Gupta imperial throne.
The Gupta inscriptions invariably mention Chandra Gupta II as the immediate successor of
Samudra Gupta. But new light has been thrown on the question of the genealogy and the
succession of the Early Imperial Guptas through the discovery of a Sanskrit play,
Devichandragupta, by Visakhadatta. The extracts of this newly discovered drama,
Devichandragupta, begin with the second act, where it is stated that Rama Gupta agreed to
give away his queen, Dhruvadevi, to the Sakas, in order to remove the apprehension of his
subjects. It appears that the Saka king had demanded Rama Gupta's legally married wife,
Dhruvadevi, and that Rama Gupta, being a coward, had actually consented to send her over
to the Sakadhipati. Dhruvadevi then complains of her husband's heartlessness. Later on,
Prince Chandra Gupta determines to go to the Saka king in the disguise of Dhruvadevi.
Chandra Gupta ultimately kills the Saka king through this stratagem. It is indicated by the
extract from the concluding portion of the play that after the destruction of the Sakas,
Chandra Gupta murdered his brother, Rama Gupta, and married his widow, Dhruvadevi. The
author of this play, Visakhadatta, is very likely the same as the author of Mudraraksasa. It
may be possible that he was actually a contemporary of Chandra Gupta II, and was thus an
eyewitness of the events represented in Devichandragupta.
That the Chandra Gupta of this play is Chandra Gupta II, is proved by the fact that the name
of Chandra Gupta II's queen given in the Gupta records and the name of Rama Gupta's
widow, whom Chandra Gupta is represented, in the drama, to have married after murdering
his brother, are one and the same. The same story has been referred to this story in their
works by many poets of ancient India. Banabhatta in his Harsacharita and Sankararya (1713
AD), in his commentary on the Harsacharita referred this story in their respective work. Even
in the Majmal-ut-tawarikh, its author Abul Hasan Ali (1026 AD), made merely a literal
translation of an Arabic work, which, in its turn, was a translation of a Hindu work.
The Gupta inscriptions make it clear that Chandra Gupta II married his brother's widow, and
the son born to them Kumara Gupta, succeeded him on the Gupta throne. That Chandra
Gupta II had married his brother's widow was a well-known fact even in the 9th. century AD.
In the Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsa I, dated 871 AD, it is stated: “That donor, in the
Kaliyuga, who was of the Gupta lineage, having killed (his) brother, we are told, seized (his)
kingdom and wife”. Hiuen Tsang refers to a great Gupta sovereign, Vikramaditya, who was
widely known for his charities. Dhruvadevi's seals at Vaisali describe her as the crowned
queen of Chandra Gupta II. Even, a critical examination of several works on Hindu Law
makes it clear that such a marriage was held to be quite desirable, at least in the age of
Chandra Gupta II. The conclusion already arrived at by the study of Devichandragupta,
Majmal-ut-tawarikh and the Sanjan copperplates get further epigraphic corroboration from the
Sangali and Cambay plates of Govinda IV Rastrakuta.
After the short reign of this ignonimous Gupta king, Rama Gupta, Chandra Gupta II, with
whom, presumably the glorious Indian tradition of Vikramaditya started, became, in circa 378
AD, the overlord of the Gupta Empire. We are fortunate in that we possess several sources,
literary and epigraphic, providing ample information with regard to the career of this worthy
son of a worthy father. By the nobility of his character evinced by his gallant rescue of
Dhruvadevi and by the remarkable diplomacy and valor, which he exhibited in the successful
attack against the Sakapati, Chandra Gupta II must have already endeared himself
considerably to the people of Magadha. His marriage to Dhruvadevi seems to have been the
auspicious beginning of a very glorious career.
In the Gupta inscriptions, Chandra Gupta II has been described as the son of Samudra Gupta
and Dattadevi. He seems to have been one among many sons. In spite of the intervening
short reign of Rama Gupta, it is stated in the inscriptions that he ascended the throne 'by the
choice of the father'. It appears as if Samudra Gupta, who desired Chandra Gupta II to
succeed him, and who must have made his desire known to his courtiers privately, died
before the formal nomination of Chandra Gupta to be his successor. So after Samudra
Gupta's death, in the absence of any formal ceremony for Chandra Gupta's Yauvarajya, the
Gupta throne passed on, as a matter of course, to the eldest son of the deceased emperor.
When, however, Chandra Gupta II came to the Gupta throne after Rama Gupta, he thought it
necessary to make his father's choice known to the people through his records. He seems to
have looked upon the empire as a sacred and glorious heritage confidently handed down to
him by his respected father. Chandra Gupta II, it must be said, amply justified his father's
choice. He started by consolidating his empire on firmer basis.
Early difficulties
Samudra Gupta had left behind him an empire, which, though considerably extensive, was
not necessarily a unified empire under a single ruler. It was something like a federation of
autonomous states grouped together in subordinate alliance to the Gupta suzerain, not
certainly without the realization of the common interests that such a unity subserved. States
of nearer Hind formed the integral part of the empire; the frontier states in the east and the
north were practically independent, but at the same time on terms of active diplomatic
relationship amounting to subordinate alliance. The same seems to have been the case also
in respect of northwest frontiers.
After the death of Samudra Gupta, who was certainly the unifying factor of all these different
political units, there naturally followed some sort of disintegration of the empire. One such
attempt, during the reign of Rama Gupta, on the part of the Kusana king, was successfully
flouted by Chandra Gupta II. The reference in the Meharauli iron pillar inscription of Chandra
Gupta II to a successful war against the Bhalikas by getting across the seven mouths of the
Sindhu' can be easily explained by such a supposition. Chandra Gupta II, thereafter, made
his position on the north-west frontiers and in the Punjab stronger than ever, which fact has
been definitely pointed out by his inscription at Mathura.
He is the first sovereign of the Gupta dynasty, whose record has been discovered in that city.
It is a greatly damaged and undated inscription, but the fragment of it, which is available,
refers to the glories of his father, Samudra Gupta, and to his own devotion to the Bhagavata
religion. Chandra Gupta II's coins, particularly his silver coins, are plentiful all over the
eastern Punjab as far as the banks of the Chenab.
Another inscription at Mathura, was discovered in a garden of Mathura city. This record is
inscribed on a stone pillar, consists of seventeen lines. It is damaged in different parts, the
most regrettable damage however being to the part, which mentioned the date in regnal year,
since this is the only inscription of the early Gupta emperors, which was dated both in Gupta
era and regnal year. The inscription is Saiva and on one side of the pillar is to be found a
naked figure of a Sivagana. The inscription opens with the name of Maharajadhiraja
Bhataraka Chandra Gupta, the worthy son of Samudra Gupta. The object of this inscription is
to record the building of a temple of Siva, named Kapilesvara. The great importance of the
record lies in the fact that it supplies us with a very early date in the reign of Chandra Gupta
II, that is, 380 AD.
War Against the Saka Ksatrapa
The consolidation of the northwestern dominions of his empire was completed by Chandra
Gupta II within two years immediately after his accession to the Gupta throne. All this
evidence, epigraphic and numismatic, indicates that Chandra Gupta II first strengthened his
north-western dominions from the Jallundhar Doab to Mathura. He thereafter turned his
attention to the southern end of the north-western frontier, where the Ksatrapa revival had
become sufficiently aggressive. According to Rapson's investigations based on the study of
the Ksatrapa coins, the period extending from 305 AD to 348 AD is marked by great changes
in the political history of the Ksatrapas, the one clear indication of which was that the office of
Mahaksatrapa fell in abeyance during that period. In the first part of that period, there were
two Ksatrapas, and in the latter part, Ksatrapa coinage ceases to be issued altogether. All
this suggests that their territory was subject to foreign invasion, firstly under Pravarasena I
Vakataka, during the first half of that period, and later, during the second half, under Samudra
Gupta, whose victorious advance must have, greatly, reduced its extent. It seems that the
constant wars between the Ksatrapas and the Vakstakas were partly responsible for the
decadence of Ksatrapa power.
The expansion of Vakataka authority under Prthvisena I, whose reign was a long one,
according to Ajanta inscription, brought about another period of break in Ksatrapa rule,
between the years, 351 to 364 AD. After the death of the great Vakataka king, Prthviena I,
circa 375 AD. the Ksatrapas seem to have recovered some parts of their lost territory and a
considerable amount of their political influence, so much so that Rudrasena III restored the
original family title, Mahaksatrapa, assumed the offensive, and made a bold bid for regaining
that region round about Ujjain, which had constituted the core of their territory, in the best
days of Ksatrapa domination. The successor of Rudrasena III was his sister's son
Mahaksatrapa Svami Simhasena. The only date known of this monarch is 382 or 384 AD.
The martial activities on the part of Mahaksatrapas Rudrasena III and Simhasena attracted
the attention of Chandra Gupta II, who had just then completed his consolidatory operations
on the northwestern frontiers and in the Punjab. The earliest known date of the silver coinage
of the Guptas, in the region which had formerly been in exclusive possession of the
Ksatrapas, comes almost about twenty years after 388 AD, and on this numismatic evidence
it is generally assumed that the Gupta conquest of the west must have been effected
sometime about 409 AD. But there is an inscription of Chandra Gupta II at the Udayagiri
cave, which is dated in 401 AD.
An inscription in the Chandra Gupta cave on Udayagiri hill near Bhilsa dated 401-402 AD
record the gift, by a Maharaja of the Sanakanika tribe, who seems to have been a feudatory
of Chandra Gupta II. The Udayagiri cave inscription brings the date of Chandra Gupta II's
conquest and occupation of Malwa much earlier than that given by numismatic evidence.
There is another undated inscription at Udayagiri cave, which is a record of the excavation of
the cave, as a temple of Siva, by order of a certain Virasena, also called Saba, a king's
minister of peace and war, having got the position by hereditary rights. The minister is
described as Sandhivigrahika, a man of learning, and a native of Pataliputra. The inscriptions
at Udayagiri indicate the extent of Chandra Gupta II’s authority, bringing it quite close to
Ujjain, the capital of Malwa and the headquarters of the Ksatrapas. The last line of the
second inscription of Udayagiri indicates clearly that the king in person and the minister were
both, at that place, on an expedition of the 'conquest of the world'. In the times of Samudra
Gupta, a large portion of Malwa was included in the Gupta empire and a number of tribes in
that region were made to submit to the Gupta sovereign. Mahakatrapas Rudrasena III and
Simhasena, however, represent the temporary revival of the Sakas in that territory. The
process of the conquest of this region must have been gradual. Chandra Gupta II seems to
have started operations for rounding off his empire in that particular corner. His expedition
involved more than one campaign and a gradual reduction of territory for final incorporation in
the empire.
The stone inscription of Chandra Gupta II at Sanchi in the north-eastern Malwa, dated 412-
13 AD, confirms his established domination in that part of the country. The year 93 of the
Sanchi inscription is the last known date of Chandra Gupta II. The inscriptions show that
Chandra Gupta II conquered the whole of Malwa and his silver coins indicate that he put an
end to the domination of the later western Ksatrapas of Kathiawar. These wars on the south-
west frontiers seem to form the only major military enterprise undertaken by Chandra Gupta II
after his accession. All other frontiers were presumably free from any political disturbances.
Gupta Empire under Chandragupta II
Extension of Empire: According to Fa Hien, Pataliputra was the original capital of the
Guptas, but it appears that later Chandra Gupta II made Ujjain his second capital, probably in
view of the special exigencies of administration that arose particularly on account of the wars
against the Sakas and the consequent reorganization of the newly acquired territory in that
region. This fact explains the genesis of the glorious Indian tradition of Vikramaditya of Ujjain.
The conquest of Western Malwa and Kathiawar made the Gupta empire, under Chandra
Gupta II very vast, extending from Kathiawar peninsula to the confines of Eastern Bengal,
and from the Himalayas to Narmada. It is known to have included Bengal, Bihar, Uttar
Pradesh, Eastern Punjab, and practically the whole of Central India including the famous and
fertile province of Malwa, North Gujarat and Kathiawar. All this wide extent of his dominions
justifies' Chandra Gupta II's boast of sole sovereignty of the earth, made in the Meharauli iron
pillar inscription.
This extension of the western frontiers of Chandra Gupta's empire had considerably
influenced trade and commerce as well as culture of Northern India. European and African
trade with India received great impetus as a result of the Gupta conquest of Kathiawar ports.
The western traders poured Roman gold into the country in return for Indian products and the
effect of this great wealth on the country is still noticeable in the great variety and number of
coins issued by Chandra Gupta II.
Matrimonial Alliance with the Vakataka: Chandra Gupta Il's western conquests must have
been facilitated by the subordinate alliance of the Vakatakas with him. It was then feared that
the Vakatakas would be a rival power against the Guptas. Chandra Gupta II, who was
perhaps a peaceful statesman rather than a warlike monarch adhered, in this case, to a
policy of peaceful diplomatic relations with the Vakatakas. Rudrasena II, the son successor of
Prthvisena I, is described in the Vakataka records, to have married Prabhavatigupta,
daughter of Deva Gupta and Kuberanaga. Whatever may have been the diplomatic relations
between Chandra Gupta II, and Prthvisena I, there can be no doubt that Chandra Gupta II's
influence was predominant during the reign of Rudrasena II, the regency of Prabhavatigupta
for her son, and a considerable part of the reign of Pravarasena II..
Administration under Chandra Gupta II: Chandra Gupta II was the first Gupta sovereign to
assume the title of Vikramaditya. He is also styled Simhavikrama, Simhacandra, Sahasanka,
and Vikramanka. His empire, vast as it was, must have been administered efficiently, so that
even the most remote provinces could substantially feel the influence of the imperial head
quarters. We get an insight in Chandra Gupta II's provincial administration from the Basarh
excavations and the Damodarpur copperplates. At the former place a number of clay seals
were unearthed. From one of these it appears that Dhruvadevi held charge of the
administration of a province even under the emperor. Among the clay seals which were
discovered by Fleet in the excavations at Basarh there is to be found one bearing the
following inscription: Mahadevi Sri Dhruvasvamini, wife of Maharajadhiraja Sri Chandra
Gupta, and mother of Maharaja Sri Govinda Gupta. There were a number of other seals
belonging to officers of various denominations as also to private individuals. Among them,
again, is one of Sri Ghatotkaca Gupta. The variety and character of the seals in this find
seem to justify Bhandarkar's suggestion that they were the casts preserved in the workshop
of the potter, who was the general manufacturer of seals for that locality. There were several
administrative divisions and subdivisions of the empire and these were under the command
and control of a regular hierarchy of officials. References are also made to the staff and the
subordinate officers. The reference to the Parisad of Udanakupa indicates that Parisad still
formed an important element of the Hindu government machinery.
Growth of Guild: There were, besides these, several guilds and commercial corporations.
The benevolent efficiency of Chandra Gupta II's administrative organization finds support in
the fact recorded in the Mandasor inscription of 437 and 473 AD, that a guild of silk weavers
belonging originally to a particular province found it necessary to migrate, owing to disorder
prevailing in their native land, and settled down within the Gupta empire, with a view to ply
their trade of silk- weaving over there and attain prosperity thereby. That a guild of weavers
should, in the course of a generation prosper so well that a considerable section of them
could devote themselves to the leisurely pursuit of the study of astronomy, testifies to the fact
that the imperial administration offered advantages necessary for the prosperity of the trade,
internally and perhaps even overseas, in such article of luxury as silk-fabrics. The great
literary works of Kalidasa and Visakhadatta, produced under the regime, of Chandra Gupta II,
are an imperishable evidence of the Gupta sovereign's patronage of learning and cultural
sciences.
Vikramaditya-The Person: Like his father before him, Chandra Gupta II was a great
swordsman and personally extremely courageous. He was a strong and vigorous ruler who
also possessed the virtues of a just monarch. He was a warrior, diplomat, and statesman,
creating alliances when required to further the prosperity of the kingdom. After the conquest
of Western India he established diplomatic relations with Ardashir, King of Persia, furthering
trade and exchange of ideas. He was also a renowned patron of the arts and culture and the
famous Navaratnas, or Nine Jewels, lived in his court. It is possible that Chandra Gupta II
was perhaps vainglorious: he loved exalted titles, assuming the title of Vikramaditya,
Maharajadhiraja, and Paramabhagavata. But then he had the right to be proud! The
unparalleled strength and prosperity of the Gupta kingdom during Vikramaditya’s reign is
attested by the fine gold and silver coins that were minted during the period.
 The Navaratnas (Nine Gems) of Vikramaditya’s Court: As a patron of art and
learning, Chandra Gupta Vikramaditya attracted the best and the brightest from across his
vast empire to reside and work in his court. Nine very renowned scholars have been
reported as having lived in the Gupta court and are known even today as the Navaratnas or
Nine Gems. They are, (in no specific order): Dhanvantari, an early medical practitioner and
perhaps the first surgeon in the world, regarded as the founder of the Ayurvedic system of
medicine; Kshapanaka, who could also have been a Jain monk called Siddhasena the
author of Dvathrishatikas and a prominent astrologer; Amarasimha, a Sanskrit grammarian
and poet who wrote the Amarakosha, a thesaurus of Sanskrit, (the book contains 10,000
words and is arranged, like other contemporary works of its class, in metre to aid memory
and comprises three books, therefore at times called Trikhanda, or the Tripartite); Shanku,
an expert in geography and the least known of the nine; Vetalabhatta, a Maga Brahmin and
the author of a sixteen stanza tribute to Vikramaditya, Niti-pradeepa, or the Lamp of
Conduct, also renowned for his expertise in black magic and the tantric sciences;
Ghatakarpara, a great sculptor and architect as well as a poet of renown; Kalidasa, perhaps
the most famous of the nine, regarded as the greatest Sanskrit poet and dramatist who
wrote three famous plays, two epic poems, and two lyrical poems, (plays—
Malavikaagnimitram (Malavika and Agnimitra), Abhijanashakuntalam (Shakuntala), and
Vikramorvasiyam (The Story of Urvashi and Pururavas); epic poems—Raghuvamsa (The
Dynasty of Raghu), and Kumarasamdhava (The Birth of Kumara); lyrical poems—
Meghaduta (The Cloud Messanger), and Rtusamhara (The Exposition of the Seasons));
Varahamihira, a great astronomer and mathematician who compiled the astrological
compendium Pancha Siddhantika that contains the knowledge of Greek, Roman, Egyptian
and Indian astronomical calculations, and also the Brihat-Samhita; and Vararuchi, a poet
and grammarian of repute who is also considered the founder of the Vikrama Era in starting
from 57 B.C.

Fa-Hein’s Visit: Fa-Hein (also known as Fa-Hsien, Faxian, etc.)—the first of the three
renowned Chinese pilgrim travellers to visit India between the 5th and 7th centuries in search
of knowledge, manuscripts and relics—travelled around the sub-continent during the reign of
Chandra Gupta II. He lived in the kingdom for around 10 years, probably 400-410 A.D., and
his writings provide a contemporary account of the state of the nation from the perspective of
an intelligent and articulate foreigner. Although his records are fully focused on Buddhist
religious work, he also noted some everyday facts and happenings, which provide a vivid
picture of the life and times of Vikramaditya, both from the viewpoint of the ruling class as
well as from that of the normal populace. The basic picture that emerges from Fa-Hein’s
writings is that of a happy country-rich, peaceful, and prosperous.
General Condition of Gupta Empire under Chandragupta-II: We can get sufficiently
reliable information about the conditions prevailing in North India at the beginning of the 5th
century AD from the accounts of Fa Hien's travels. He speaks of the people, who were
numerous and quite happy. There was no register of households and no necessity, was felt
of magistrates and regulations. Capital punishment was abolished by Chandra Gupta II. He is
also said to have installed a series of hospitals. His officers were obviously well paid and
were consequently very efficient. To the common people, Chandra Gupta II is said to have
often given away donations of dinaras and suvarnas. His munificence, as observed
elsewhere was of world-wide fame.
Religion of Chandra Gupta II: The catholic spirit of Chandra Gupta II, in religious matters is
evidenced by the fact that the Udayagiri cave inscription and Mathura stone inscription are
Saiva, the Sanchi inscription is Buddhist, and the other Udayagiri cave inscription is
Vaisnava. So, too, among his ministers were persons belonging to different religious sects;
Amrakaradeva was a Bauddha, while Virasena Saba and Sikharasvamin were Saivas. It has
been suggested that Chandra Gupta II too, like his father, Samudra Gupta, performed a
horse-sacrifice, and that a stone horse lying in a village, named Nagawa near Benares, which
bears an inscription containing the letters candragu. commemorates that event. Fa Hien who
visited India between 405 and 411 AD, while telling us that the empire was prosperous and
well-governed, would lead us to think that Buddhism held a predominant position.
Coins of Chandra Gupta II: The evidence of the coins indicates, on the other hand, that the
rulers were Hindus and that Buddhism must have, by this period, long passed its zenith. More
gold and silver coins of Chandra Gupta II have been discovered than those of his father,
Samudra Gupta, or of his son, Kumara Gupta I. The most important innovations introduced
by Chandra Gupta II were in the coinage of the country. His coins are characterized by
considerable originality. The throned goddess is now replaced by purely Indian type of
goddess seated on a lotus. His other types are the couch type, the umbrella type, the simha-
parakrama type and original horseman type. Chandra Gupta II is also responsible for the
introduction of a currency of silver and copper coins, the former being considerably extended
by Kumara Gupta I and Skanda Gupta. Fa Hien's statement that cowries were the only
articles used in buying and selling, though of great numismatic interest, has to be taken to be
referring to petty transactions. The inscriptions mention the suvarnas and dinaras which were
generously distributed by the Gupta sovereign among his people.
Family of Chandra Gupta II: Chandra Gupta II had, besides Prabhavatigupta, two or three
children from his chief Queen, Dhruvadevi. Kumara Gupta, his eldest son, succeeded him on
the throne, while Govinda Gupta, and perhaps also Ghatotkaca Gupta were appointed
viceroys to rule over certain provinces in his vast empire. Certain mediaeval chieftains of
Kanarese districts claimed descent from Chandra Gupta II. The origin of this tradition is to be
traced back to some unrecorded adventures of Vikramaditya in the Deccan.
Chandra Gupta II had become the master practically of the whole of Northern India, after
having exterminated the Scythians of the Punjab, the north-west frontiers and Western India.
Through the matrimonial alliance with the Vakatakas, he had neutralized the only rival power
in India. He wielded, in fact, complete domination even over the Vakataka territory, as shown
above. He was unquestionably the paramount sovereign of India in his times. The latest date
of Chandra Gupta II, which is given in the Sanchi pillar inscription, viz, 412- 13 AD, and the
earliest date of his successor, Kumara Gupta I, mentioned in the Bilsad stone pillar
inscription, viz., 415-16 AD, would indicate that Chandra Gupta II died and was succeeded by
his eldest son, Kumara Gupta It sometime between 413 and 415 AD.
Gupta Empire after Chandragupta II
Chandra Gupta Vikramaditya left the Empire in an exalted state in terms of its national power,
prosperity of both the kingdom and the people as well as the stability of governance. The
borders were secure, trade both internal and externl was thriving, and there were no internal
revolts or insurgencies of any note. This period is also considered the Golden Age in the
history of India.
Chandra Gupta Vikramaditya was succeeded on the throne by Kumara Gupta I who ruled
from A.D. 415-455. It is a measure of the tranquillity and stability of the State that in this
instance there is no mention of a succession struggle, actual or contrived. Kumara Gupta I
ruled for 40 years and it can be presumed that the empire did not face any challenges for the
greater part of his reign. This is corroborated by the coins of the period that have been
discovered and inscriptions left behind. He is also reported to have carried out the
Aswamedha, or ‘horse sacrifice’, to assert his paramount sovereignty over the Empire and
outlying provinces, most probably not directly ruled, but paying tribute to the Gupta Empire.
Surprisingly for an emperor who ruled for nearly half a century, there is an extraordinary
dearth of records of events that mark the reign of Kumara Gupta.
There is a report that in A.D. 450 the Guptas were invaded by the Pushyamitra, probably
from the Narmada region. The shock of the invasion brought about considerable instability to
the Empire and could also have hastened the demise of Kumara Gupta, whose death has
been fixed at having occurred in 455. The defeat was avenged by the crown prince Skanda
Gupta, who succeeded to the throne. Towards the end of Kumara Gupta I’s rule, in the
middle of the 5th century, the Hun hordes also erupted through the North West passes into
mainland India. It can be said with certainty that the date of Kumara Gupta’s death also
marks the beginning of the decline of this illustrious dynasty.
The Huns who came to India were a branch of the White Huns-the Hephtalites from Central
Asia. They were at times referred to as Hunas in Indian sources. The Guptas succeeded in
keeping the Huns at bay for some time. As king, Skanda Gupta(A.D.455 to 467) effectively
contained the Pushyamitra challenge and then turned his attention to the Hun invasion.
Skanda Gupta was an experienced and mature individual with a touch of brilliance in military
matters. He conclusively defeated the barbarians and India was saved, for the time being at
least. This victory was celebrated by erecting a pillar in Bhittari in Ghazipur, which contains a
detailed inscription of the defeat of the Huns.
Skanda Gupta’s inscriptions provide a chronology of the repeated Hun invasions and his
efforts to safeguard the kingdom. An inscription in Saurashtra dated 458. once again details
the defeat of the barbarians and provides information that the viceroy of the West,
Parnadatta, rebuilt the embankment of the lake in Girnar Hills and constructed a temple to
Vishnu. The location of another column in a village east of Gorakhpur, in combination with the
geographical site of inscriptions further in the west testifies to Skanda Gupta’s rule across the
entire extended Gupta Empire. A temple to the Sun God built in 465 in Bulundhshahr is the
last testament of the tranquillity that prevailed during most of Skanda Gupta’s reign.
The Huns were back again few years later and in a ferocious attack occupied Gandhara and
North West Punjab, ousting the diminished Kushans from their traditional seat of power. The
White Huns appointed a Toramana, or viceroy, to rule Gandhara. By 470 they had started
making further inroads into the interior of Gupta India. Toramana, who was a vassal of the
White Hun king and responsible for carrying the war into the Gupta Empire. By this time
Skanda Gupta was hard put to contain the Hun attacks.
Although the Huns were defeated in most of the conflicts, they were still able to carry out
certain amount of plunder and the Gupta Empire was bleeding, both in terms of treasure and
lives. The financial hardship that the Gupta Empire was facing is clearly demonstrated by the
lessening of the gold content, from 108 to 73 grains each, in the coins minted during this
period. Subsequently the coinage suffered further and extreme debasement. Skanda Gupta
died around A.D. 467 and the Empire perished, but the dynasty remained. The Guptas
continued to rule mainly the eastern provinces of the Empire as independent rulers with
Magadha at the core for several more generations. There was a brief period of hiatus after
the death of Skanda Gupta, who left no male heir capable of shouldering the burden brought
about by the Hun incursions and rising to the challenge of protecting the Empire. This was a
time of extreme existentialist crisis and the dynasty failed to produce a capable ruler to hold
the Empire together. Pura Gupta a brother of Skanda Gupta, and the son of Kumara Gupta I
and Queen Ananda, ascended the throne and ruled for a brief period. The only noteworthy
deed of his reign was his attempt to restore the purity of Gupta coinage to its original glory,
an attempt that was only partially successful.
After Skandagupta’s death, the Guptas were unable to resist the repeated waves of Huna
invasions and central authority declined rapidly. The succession of the kings that followed is
uncertain. A number of administrative seals have been discovered with the names of the
same kings, but in a varied order of succession, which points to a confused close of the
dynasty. A major blow came at the end of the fifth century, when the Hunas successfully
broke through into northern India. The Hunas who attacked northern India, and eventually
ruled parts of it, were not entirely independent but functioned under a Huna overlord whose
dominions extended from Persia to Khotan. The Huna king Toramana consolidated Huna
power in Panjab, from where he invaded the Gupta kingdom. Toramana was succeeded by
Mihirakula, who ruled at the same time as the Guptaking, Narasimhagupta II, c. 495. In his
struggle against Mihirakula, Narasimhagupta II received support from some powerful
feudatories, particularly the Maukhari chief Ishvaravarman and Yashodharman of Malwa,
whose Mandasor inscription states that Mihirakula paid tribute to him. The political impact of
the Hunas in India subsequently subsided. Acting as a catalyst in the political process of
northern India, however, the Hunas saw the slow erosion and final dissolution of the Gupta
kingdom by the middle of the sixth century.
Conclusion
The Gupta rule is otherwise called as the ‘Golden Age’. This period is also considered the
Golden Age in the history of India for a number of reasons-in the Gupta Age for the first time
in centuries the entire sub-continent was free of foreign rule; the Guptas had subdued petty
kingdoms and unified the North India as no other dynasty had managed to do until then; their
efficient system of administration brought about peace and stability; and the conquest of
Saurashtra provided an added impetus to foreign trade and commerce leading to increased
wealth and domestic prosperity. Perhaps the most important factor for this period to be
considered of a ‘Golden Hue’ was the distinctly secular nature of the government. While
Vedic Hinduism was revived as the primary religion of the land, the rulers continued to be
benevolent to other religions, a policy that became a hallmark of all great Indian monarchs
who followed. Along with the revival of religion, Hindu culture also blossomed during this
period, and notable intellectual progress was made-works on polity, astronomy, mathematics,
medicine, philosophy and other subjects are unrivalled. Sanskrit literary achievements of the
period have not been surpassed. By any measure, it was indeed the Golden Age. The
Guptas, deservedly became the benchmark for all succeeding dynasties to rate their own
performance. The title, ‘Golden Guptas’ is not out of place.
With the disintegration of the Gupta kingdom, the notion of a pan-Indian Empire came to an
end until the advent of the Turks, although it was briefly revived during the reign of
Harshavardhana in the seventh century. The post- Gupta period in northern India saw the
emergence of regional kingdoms, mostly derived from the feudatories of the Guptas. The
more important among them were the Later Guptas, the Maukharis, the Pushyabhutis and
the Maitrakas. The Later Guptas had no connection with the Gupta main line. The Aphsad
nscription gives a detailed history of the dynasty which shows that the Later Guptas were
rulers of Magadha with suzerainty over Malwa. They were eventually ousted from Magadha
by the Maukharis of Kanauj, who originally held the region of western Uttar Pradesh.
Summary
 The Gupta Empire, which ruled the Indian subcontinent from 320 to 550 AD, ushered
in a golden age of Indian civilization. It will forever be remembered as the period
during which literature, science, and the arts flourished in India as never before.
 During the late third century, the powerful Gupta family gained control of the local
kingship of Magadha (modern-day eastern India and Bengal).
 The Gupta Empire is generally held to have begun in 320 AD, when Chandragupta I
(not to be confused with Chandragupta Maurya, who founded the Mauryan Empire),
the third king of the dynasty, ascended the throne. He soon began conquering
neighboring regions.
 Samudragupta, son and successor of Chandragupta I, began a conquest of the entire
subcontinent. He conquered most of India, though in the more distant regions he
reinstalled local kings in exchange for their loyalty.
 Samudragupta was also a great patron of the arts. He was a poet and a musician,
and he brought great writers, philosophers, and artists to his court.
 Samudragupta was a devoted worshipper of the Hindu gods. Nonetheless, he did not
reject Buddhism, but invited Buddhists to be part of his court and allowed the religion
to spread in his realm.
 Samudragupta was briefly succeeded by his eldest son Ramagupta, whose reign was
short.
 In 380 AD, a younger son of Samudragupta, Chandragupta II, came to the throne.
Like his father, Chandragupta is often called “the Great.” Under his rule, the Gupta
Empire reached its zenith, and this is considered the golden age of India.
 Reign of Chandragupta II, like his father’s, was marked by religious tolerance and
great cultural achievements. Poetry and drama flourished at the court of
Chandragupta II, at his new capital of Ujjain. Hindu legend tells of a great king of
Ujjain called Vikramaditya, who kept a group of unrivaled poets, known as the Nine
Gems, at his court.
 The Vikramaditya of legend is almost certainly Chandragupta II. The poets at his
court included Kalidasa, one of the greatest authors of Sanskrit poetry and drama.
His plays are some of the most famous works of Indian literature, and continue to
have an influence on playwrights to this day.
 Visual art also flourished in the reign of Chandragupta II. Hindu art reached new
heights, as exemplified in the carved reliefs of the Dashavata Temple.
 Chandragupta II also patronized Buddhist art. The Ajanta Caves, decorated with
images of the life of Buddha, provide a vivid example of Gupta-era Indian painting.
Chandragupta II also sponsored work on medicine, mathematics, and science.
 Besides presiding over a cultural golden age, Chandragupta II expanded the empire
through military feats. He conquered many new lands for his empire, and even
expanded the empire outside the Indian subcontinent. When he died in 415 AD, the
Gupta Empire was at its height.
 Kumaragupta ruled after his father Chandragupta II. Later Kumaragupta was succeed
by Skandagupta, the last powerful ruler of the imperial Gupta lie.
 The Gupta Empire declined precipitously under Chandragupta II’s successors. During
this time the Huna or Huns by the Indians, and today are commonly called Hephalites
or White Huns invaded India. By the year 500 AD, the Huns had overrun the Gupta
Empire.
 After the Gupta, the subcontinent once again became a patchwork of independent
states. However, the legacy of the Gupta Empire, and the cultural renaissance it
presided over, has continued to be a source of inspiration for India up to the present
day.

Unit-IV: Religion, Culture, Philosophy and Society

1. Consolidation of the Brahmanical Tradition: Dharma, Varnashram, Purusharthas,
2. Buddhism: Hinayan and Mahayana
3. Jainism: It’s major Priniples
 4. Development of Art and Architecture: Mauryan, and Gupta
Objectives

In this chapter we intended providing you an insight into the long history of Sanskrit
language and literature that flourished in India since the Vedic Age. The lesson will briefly
discuss the vast corpus of Vedic and Vedic allied literature and other Brahminical scripture
composed in early age in chaste Sanskrit. By the end of this chapter the learners would be
able to:
 understand the vast corpus of Sanskrit Religious and secular literature;
 trace the development of vedic and ancillary vedic literature
 survey the brahminical post vedic Sanskrit literature.
 describe the content and characteristic features of Ramayana and Mahabharata;
 discuss the content,characteristics and value of Puranic literature; and
 trace the growth dharma sastras, strotras and other Sanskrit literature.
Introduction
Ever since human beings have invented scripts, writing has reflected the culture, lifestyle,
society and the polity of contemporary society. In the process, each culture evolved its own
language and created a huge literary base. This literary base of a civilization tells us about the
evolution of each of its languages and culture through the span of centuries. Sanskrit is the
mother of many Indian languages. The Vedas, Upanishads, Puranas and Dharmasutras are
all written in Sanskrit. There is also a variety of secular and regional literature. By reading
about the languages and literature created in the past, we shall be able to understand our
civilization better and appreciate the diversity and richness of our culture. All this was possible
because of the language that developed during that time.
Sanskrit is the most ancient language of our country. It is one of the twenty-two languages
listed in the Indian Constitution. The literature in Sanskrit is vast, beginning with the most
ancient thought embodied in the Rig Veda, the oldest literary heritage of mankind, and the
Zend Avesta. It was Sanskrit that gave impetus to the study of linguistics scientifically during
the eighteenth century. The great grammarian Panini, analysed Sanskrit and its word
formation in his unrivalled descriptive grammar Ashtadhyayi. The Buddhist Sanskrit literature
includes the rich literature of the Mahayana school and the Hinayana school also. The most
important work of the Hinayana school is the Mahavastu which is a storehouse of stories.
While the Lalitavistara is the most sacred Mahayana text which supplied literary material for
the Buddhacarita of Asvaghosa. Sanskrit is perhaps the only language that transcended the
barriers of regions and boundaries. From the north to the south and the east to the west there
is no part of India that has not contributed to or been affected by this language. Kalhan’s
Rajatarangini gives a detailed account of the kings of Kashmir whereas with Jonaraja we
share the glory of Prithviraj. The writings of Kalidasa have added beauty to the storehouse of
Sanskrit writings.
The Vedic Literature
The Vedas are the earliest known literature in India. The Vedas were written in Sanskrit and
were handed down orally from one generation to the other. The preservation of the Vedas till
today is one of our most remarkable achievements. To be able to keep such a literary wealth
as the Vedas intact when the art of writing was not there and there was a paucity of writing
material is unprecedented in world history. The word ‘Veda’ literally means knowledge. In
Hindu culture, Vedas are considered as eternal and divine revelations. They treat the whole
world as one human family Vasudev Kutumbakam.
There are four Vedas, namely, the- Rig Veda, Yajur Veda, Sama Veda and Atharva
Veda.
Each Veda consists of the Brahmanas, the Upanishads and the Aranyakas.
The Rig-veda Samhita
The Rig-Veda Samhita which has come down to us belongs to the branch known as the
Sakala Sakha. It consists of 1,028 suktas (hymns) including eleven additional hymns. These
hymns, which are made up of a varying number of mantras in the form of metrical stanzas,
are distributed in ten books called mandalas. The formation of the mandalas was governed
mainly by the principle of homogeneity of authorship. Among the classes of the Vedic Aryans
certain families had already acquired some measure of socio-religious importance. The
mantras, or hymns, which the progenitor and the members of any of these families claimed to
have ‘seen’ were collected in the book of that family. The nucleus of the Rig- Veda mandalas
two to seven is formed of six such family books, which are respectively ascribed to the
families of Grtsamada, Visvamitra, Vamadeva, Atri, Bharadvaja, and Vasistha. The eighth
mandala laRigely belongs to the Kanvas. The ninth mandala is governed by the principle of
the homogeneity not of authorship but of subject-matter, for all the suktas in this mandala
relate to soma (an intoxicating juice). The first and the tenth mai.ulalas, cach of which has
191 hymns, are miscellaneous collections of long and short suktas.
Within a mandala, the suktas are arranged according to the subject-matter. That is to say, the
suktas are grouped according to the divinities to whom they relate, and then these devata
groups are arranged in some set order. Within a devata group, again, the suktas are normally
arranged in the descending order of the number of their stanzas The Rig-Veda has also been
arranged by another method. In this the whole collection is divided into eight astakas (books).
Each astaka is subdivided into eight adhyayas (chapters), and each adhyaya is further
subdivided into about thirty-three vaRigas (sections) consisting of about five mantras each.
This arrangement, however, is obviously mechanical and intended mainly to serve the
practical purpose of Vedic study.
Tradition requires that before starting the study of any sukta one should know four essential
items about it: rsi, authorship; devata, subject-matter; chandas, metre; and viniyoga ritualistic
application. The poets of the Rig-Veda show themselves to have been conscious artists and
they sometimes employed various stylistic and rhetorical devices. The majority of the suktas
in the Rig- Veda are of the nature of prayers addressed to different divinities usually with
background descriptions of their various exploits and achievements. Apart from these prayers
and their mythology, however, we do get in some suktas the Rig-Veda intimations of the
further development of Vcdic thought in the directions of ritualism and philosophical
speculation. In connection with the latter, special mention may be made of the
Hiranyagaibha-sukta and the Purusa-sukta.
The Atharva-veda Samhita
In contrast to the Rig- Veda, the Alharva- Veda is essentially a heterogeneous collection of
mantras. It concerns itself mostly with the everyday life of the common man, from the pre-
natal stage to the post-mortem. It portrays that life with all its light and shade, and highlights
the generally obscure human emotions and relations. Truly, there is an aura of mystery and
unexpectedness about it. The interest of the Atharva-Veda is varied and its impact is
irresistible.
A distinctive feature of the Atharva-Veda is the laRige number of names by which it has been
traditionally known. All these names are significant, and together give a full idea of the nature,
extent, and content of this Veda. The name Atharvangirasah (an abbreviated form of this,
Atharva- Veda, has, in the course of time, come to be the one most commonly used) is, for
example, indicative of the twofold character of the Atharvanic magic: the wholesome,
auspicious, ‘white’ magic of the Atharvans and the terrible, sorcerous, ‘black’ magic of the
Angirasas. The substitution of BhRigu for Atharvan in the name BhRigvangirasah is
presumably the result of the dominant role played by the family of the BhRigus in a certain
period of India’s cultural history. The purohita (priest) of a Vedic king was expected to be an
adept in both white and black magic, and in order to dischaRige adequately the duties of his
responsible office he naturally depended on the mantras and practices of the Atharva-Veda.
Thus it was that this Veda also came to be called the Purohita-Veda. It was also called the
Ksatia-Veda, because it included within its scope many practices specifically relating to the
Ksatriya rulers.
The Atharva-Veda consisted of Brahmans (magically potent mantras) and was therefore,
according to one view, called the Brahma-Veda. But there is another reason why it is called
the Brahma-Veda, which is far more significant. On account of the peculiar character of the
contents of the Atharva-Veda, it was, for a long time, not regarded as being on a par with the
other three Vedas, called trayi. As a reaction against this exclusive attitude of the Vedic
hierarchy, the Atharva-Vedins went to the other extreme and claimed that their Veda not only
enjoyed, by right, the full status of a Veda, but actually comprehended the other three Vedas.
The view had already been independently gaining ground that the Rig-Veda, the Yajur-Veda,
and the Sama-Veda were essentially limited in scope and that Brahman alone was truly
limitless. The sponsors of the Atharva-Veda claimed that this Brahman was adequately
embodied in their Veda, and that the Atharva-Veda was therefore the Brahma-Veda.
However, it is not unlikely that the name Brahma-Veda became stabilized because the priest
of the Atharva-Veda in the Vedic ritual was called Brahman. The Atharva-Veda is usually
considered to be a V da of magic, and magic bccomcs effective only through the joint
operation of maniras and the corresponding practices. The Atharva-Veda Samhita itself
contains only the mantras, while its various practices are described in its many ancillary texts,
particularly in its five kalpas. The Atharva-Veda is accordingly sometimes referred to as the
Veda of the five kalpas. But mystic and esoteric verses are there in the Atharva- Veda, and
this justifies in a way its claim to be regarded as the Brahma-Veda, dealing specifically with
Brahman, the supreme Spirit, the other three being more or less connected with the ritual of
worship.
Nine (or sometimes fifteen) sakhas of the Atharva-Veda are traditionally known , but the
Samhitas of only two Sakhas, the Saunaka and the Paippalada, have been preserved. It was
once believed that the Paippalada Sakha was restricted to Kashmir and it was therefore
called, though erroneously, the Kashmirian Atharva- Veda. It has now been established,
however, that that Sakha of the Atharva- Veda had also spread in eastern India (Orissa and
south-west Bengal) and in Gujarat. The entire Paippalada recension was discovered some
years ago in Orissa by the late Dr DuRiga Mohan Bhattacharyya and a small portion of it has
been published.
The Saunaka Samhita of the Atharva-Veda has been more commonly current. It consists of
730 suktas divided into twenty kandas (books). About five-sixths of the suktas, which are
called artha-suktas, contain metrical stanzas, whereas the remaining suktas, which are called
parydya- suktas, contain avasanas (prose-units). Unlike the Rig-Veda Samhita, the
arrangement of the Atharva-Veda Samhita is not governed by any consideration either of
authorship or of subject- matter. In deed, it is understandable that the historical tradition
regarding authorship was not preserved in respect of this ‘Veda of the masses’. Again, the
Atharva-Veda shows considerable looseness in matters of metre, accent, and grammar,
presumably because it was not subjected, as the Rig-Veda was, to deliberate revision and
redaction.
The contents of the Atharva-Veda are remarkably diverse in character. There are in this Veda
charms to counteract diseases and possession by evil spirits, bhaisajyani. The Atharva-Veda
presents perhaps the most complete account of primitive medicine. There are also prayers
for health and long life, ayusyanv, for happiness and prosperity, paustikani. There are also
spells pertaining to the various kinds of relationship with women, strikarmani. Another
significant section of this Veda contains hymns which concern themselves with affairs
involving the king, rajakarmani, and others which are intended for securing harmony in
domestic, social, and political spheres, sammanasydni.
As for black magic, the Atharva-Veda abounds in formulas for sorocry and imprecation, for
exorcism and counter-exorcism. Polarity may be said to be one of the most striking features
of the Atharva-Veda, for side by side with the incantations for sorcery and black magic, it
contains highly theosophical or philosophical speculations. These speculations, indeed,
represent a significant landmark in the history of Indian thought. As has been mentioned, the
Rig-Veda and the Atharva- Veda are the only two primary Samhitas, the other two Samhitas
being mostly derivative in character. Again, it is to be noted in the same context that the
Sama-Veda and the Yajur- Veda may be styled as Samhitas since they are, in a sense,
collections of mantras, but in them are reflected tendencies which are not of the Samhita
period but are of the Brahmana period.
The Sama-Veda Samhita
The Sama-Veda Samhita is a collection of mantras prescribed for chanting at various soma
sacrifices by the udgatr (singer-priest) and his assistants,: thus this Veda serves an avowedly
ritualistic purpose. Though called Sama-Veda, it is not strictly speaking a collection of
samans (chants). The Sama-Veda, as we have said, is essentially a derivative production in
the sense that most of its mantras are derived from the Rig-Veda. Three distinct stages may
be inferred in the evolution of this Veda. There is a specific mantra taken from the Rig-Veda
in its original form. This mantra is taken into the Sama-Veda with a view to its being made the
basis of a proper saman. The only change that is affected in this process concerns the
marking of the accents, numbers, 1, 2, and 3 now being used to indicate accents instead of
the vertical and horizontal lines used in the Rig- Veda. In this second stage the mantra is
called samayoni-mantra. The Sama-Veda is actually a collection of such samayoni-mantras.
The collection is in two main parts: the Purvardka and the Uttararcika. The Purvardka
consists of 585 single verses, of which the first 114 are addressed to Agni, the next 352 to
Indra, and the last 119 to Soma. The Uttararcika consists of 1,225 verses grouped into 400
units of connected verses. The total number of mantras in the Sama-Veda, excluding the
repeated ones, is 1,549, all of which except 78 are taken from the Rig-Veda, mostly from its
eighth and ninth maridaks (books).
It is, however, not in the form in which they occur in the Sama-Veda Samhita that
these mantras are employed by the udgatr in the soma ritual. The samayommmtras are
transformed into chants or ritual melodies called ganas. This is done by means of such
devices as the modification, prolongation, and repetition of the syllables occurring in the
mantra itself, and the occasional insertion of additional syllables known as stobhas. These
 ganas, which represent the third and final stage in the evolution of the Sama- Veda, are
collected in four books: the Gramageya-gana, the Aranya-gana, the Uha-gana, and the
Uhya-gdna, Of course, these gdna collections are quite distinct from the Sama-Veda
Samhita. Normally, each gdna in these collections is given some technical name, for
example, Brhat, Ratkantara, or Gotamasya Parka. Since one sdmayoni-mantra can be
chanted in a variety of ways, it may give rise to several ganas. For instance, three ganas,
Gotamasya Paika, Kajyapasya Barhisa, and another Gotamasya Parka, have evolved out
of the first mantra in the Sama-Veda Samhita. Consequendy, the number of Sama-ganas
is much laRiger than the number of sdmayoni-mantras.

Thirteen sakhas of the Sama-Veda are traditionally mentioned, though only three
sakhas, the Kauthuma, the Ranayaniya, and the Jaimini, are well known today. Patanjali,
in his Mahabhasya, speaks of the Sama-Veda having a thousand ‘paths’, sahasravartma
samavedah. This characterization presumably suggests the laRige number of possible
modes of sama chanting, rather than a thousand Sakhas of the Sama-Veda, as is
construed by some. In the Bhagavad-Gita the Sama-Veda is glorified as the most excellent
of the Vedas. This may be due to the great efficacy of the magical potence engendered in
the Vedic ritual by the chanting of the samans.

The Yajur-Veda Samhita

Like the Sama-Veda, the Yajur-Veda is essentially ritualistic in character. This is clearly
indicated by Yaska’s derivation of the word Yajur from the root yaj, to sacrifice. But while the
Sama-Veda concerns itself exclusively with the soma sacrifice, the Yajur-Veda treats of the
entire sacrificial system. Indeed, the Yajur- Veda may be regarded as the first regular
textbook on Vedic ritual as a whole. It deals mainly with the duties of the adhvaryu (fire-
priest), who is responsible for the actual performance of the various sacrificial rites.
Incidentally, it may be mentioned that while the Sama-Veda represents a very early stage in
the history of Indian music, the Yajur-Veda marks the beginning of Sanskrit prose. Tradition
speaks variously of the Yajur-Veda having 86 or 101 sakhas. But for our present purpose we
may consider only its two main recensions, the Krsna Yajur- Veda and the Sukla Yajur-Veda.
The difference between these two recensions lies not so much in their content as in their
arrangement. In the Krsna Yajur-Veda the mantras (mostly derived from the Rig-Veda) and
the yajus (sacrificial formulas in prose) and their ritualistic explanations (called the Brahmana)
are mixed up together. That is to say, in the matter of form and content, the Samhita of the
Krsna Yajur-Veda is not particularly distinguishable from the Brahmana or the Aranyaka of
that Veda. As against this, the Samhita of the Sukla Yajur-Veda contains the mantras and
yajus only, reserving the corresponding ritualistic explanation and discussion for the
Satapatha Brahmana which belongs to that Veda.
From among the many schools of the Krsna Yajur-Veda the Samhitas of only four schools
are available today, either entirely or in fragments. These four schools are: the Taittiriya, the
Kathaka, the Maitrayani, and the Kapisthala-katha. The Taittiriya School is traditionally
divided into two branches, the Aukhya and the Khandikeya. The Khandikeya is further
subdivided into five branches: the Apastamba, the Baudhayana, the Satyasadha, the
Hiranyakesin, and the Bharadvaja.
The Taittiriya School has preserved its literature perhaps most
fully amongst all the Vedic schools, maintaining its continuity from the Samihita period,
through the Brahmana, the Aranyaka, and the Upanisad periods, to the Sutra period. It is
presumably on account of this fact that the Taittiriya School is often equated with the whole of
the Krsna Yajur- Veda.
The name Taittiriya is variously explained. There is, for instance, the legend which narrates
how Yajnavalkya, who had developed differences with his teacher Vaisampayana, vomited
the Veda which he had learned from his teacher; how, at the instance of VaiSampayana, his
other pupils, assuming the form of tittiri birds, consumed the vomited Veda; how,
consequently, the Veda so recovered by the tittiri birds was called the Taittiriya-Veda; and
how, finally, Yajnavalkya secured from the Sun-god another Veda which came to be known
as the Sukla or bright Yajur-Veda. It is also suggested that, on account of the interspersion
in it of the mantras and the brahmana portion, the Krsna Yajur-Veda appears variegated
like a tittiri bird, and is therefore called the Taittiriya Samhita. However, the most satisfactory
explanation of the name seems to be that an ancient sage called Tittiri was traditionally
regarded as the ‘seer’ of this Veda.
The other Samhitas of the Krsna Yajur-Veda agree substantially with the Taittiriya
Samhitd in the matter of content and arrangement, and even verbally. The nucleus of the
Kathaka Samhita consists of three kandas, called Ithimika, Madhyamika, and Orimika. Two
more kandas are added to this nucleus, presumably, by way of appendices. A comparative
study of the Krsna Yajur-Veda and the Sukla Yajur-Veda shows that the Kathaka Samhita
occupies a position intermediate between the Taittiriya Samhita and the Vajasaneyi
Samhita. It may also be noted that the school of the Kathaka seems to have been widely
current in the days of Patanjali, as is evidenced by his statement that ‘people used to talk
about the Kathaka and the Kalapaka in every village’

The Samhita of the Maitrayani School (the school that is closely related to that of
the Manaras) may be said to be more systematic in its arrangement than either the
Taittiriya Samhita or the Kathaka Samhita. Its nucleus is made up of three kandas, but
there are also a fourth kanda, of the nature of an appendix, khila, and a fifth kanda, which
constitutes the Matin Upanisad. The Kapisthalakatha Samhita is available only in a
fragmentary and more or less corrupt form. The text of this Samhita shows but little
 diveRigence from that of the Kathaka Samhita. A significant feature of the Sukla Yajur-
Veda Samhita, which is also known as the Vajasaneyi Samhita, is that the entire Samhita
and its Brahmana, called the Satapatha Brahmana, have come down in two distinct
versions, the Madhyandina and the Kanva.

The Brahmanas
Many Vedic texts are traditionally called Brahmanas, but the more important among
them are the Aitareya and the Kausitak belonging to the Rig-Veda, the Taittiriya belonging
to the Krsna Yajur-Veda, the Satapatha belonging to the Sukla Yajur-Veda; the Jaiminiya
and Tandya belonging to the Sama-Veda, and the Gopatha belonging to the Atharva-
Veda. The Aitareya Brahmana, which naturally concerns itself mainly with the duties of the
priest of the Rig-Veda, namely, the hotr, is divided into eight pancikas of five adhydyas
each. Clear evidence is available of Panini’s having known all the forty adhydyas of this
Brahmana. The first twenty-four adhydyas of the Aitareya Brahmana deal with the hautra
(the function or office of the hotr) of the various soma sacrifices; the next six with the
agnihotra and the duties of the hotrs assistants; and the last ten, which show signs of
being a later addition, with the rajasuya. The Kausitaki Brahmana, also known as the
Sankhayana Brahmana, has thirty adhyayas. It is a better-oRiganized text and covers
more or less the entire sacrificial procedure. As has been indicated already, the Taittiriya
Brahmana is merely a continuation of the Taittiriya Samhita. Its three kandas either
supplement the discussion of the ritual in the Samhita or give a more detailed treatment of
some of the topics dealt with in it.

The Satapatha Brahmana, on the other hand, must be regarded as an independent

work and it is quite remarkable in many respects. Indeed, after the Rig-Veda and the
Atharva-Veda, it is perhaps the most important Vedic text in both extent and content. The
Madhyandina version of the Satapatha Brahmana consists of 14 kandas (each with a
separate name derived from its contents), 68 prapathakas or 100 adhyayas (from which
the Satapatha Brahmana presumably gets its name as ‘the Brahmana with a hundred
paths or sections’), 438 brahmanas, and 7,624 kandikas. In the Kanva version, the first,
the fifth, and the fourteenth kandas are each divided into two kandas', thus the total
number of kandas in that version is seventeen. Otherwise, the names of the kandas and
their contents are generally the same.

The first nine kandas of the Madhyandina-Satapatha Brahmana, which seem to represent the
older portion, fully correspond with the first eighteen adhyayas of the Vajasaneyi Samhita,
and thus cover the basic sacrificial ritual. The tenth kanda, called Agrdrahasya speaks of the
mystical significance of the various aspects of the sacred fires; while the eleventh, called
Astadhyayi, recapitulates the entire sacrificial ritual. The twelfth kanda is called Madhyama,
which title clearly suggests that kandas X-XIV constitute a separate unit added later to the
original Brahmaria. This would seem to be confirmed by Patanjali’s reference to this
Brahmana as Sastipatha (sixty paths), a name presumably derived from the fact that the first
nine kandas together consist of sixty adhyayas. The twelfth kanda concerns itself with
expiation rites and the sautramani sacrifice. The thirteenth kanda deals mainly with the
abamedha sacrifice and also, rather briefly, with the purusamedha and the sarvamedha
sacrifices. The first three adhydyas of the last kanda of the Satapatha Brahmana are devoted
to the consideration of the praoaRigya ceremony (introductory to the soma sacrifice); while
the last six adhydyas constitute the famous Brhaddranyaka Upanisad. One of the important
features of the Satapatha Brahmana is the large number of legends it contains. Among them
may be mentioned: Manu and the fish; the migration of Videgha Mathava from the region of
the Sarasvati to the region of the Sadanira; the rejuvenation of Cyavana; the romantic affair
between Pururavas and Urvasi; and the contest between Kadru and Vinata. Another
important feature is that, while some portions of this Brahmana are intimately connected with
the Kuru-Pancalas, others have their provenance in Kosala-Videha. This fact clearly indicates
that the Satapatha Brahmana is a composite work and that its composition must have
extended over a wide range of time and area. In this connection it is noteworthy that the
principal figure in kandas I-V and XI-XV is Yajnavalkya, whereas it is Sandilya in kandas VI-
X. The Sama-Veda can boast of having the largest number of Brahmana texts, but only two
or three of them can properly be called Brahmanas; all the others are more or less of the
nature of parimstas (appendices). The Jaiminiya Brahmana, which consists of 1,252 sections
and which is thus one of the bulkiest of the Vedic texts, constitutes the best source of
information regarding the technique of the samagas (the priests who chant or recite the
Sama- Veda). It is also a difficult text, however, since the ritual and legendary data in it are
more or less isolated.
Another Brahmana which belongs to the Sama-Veda is the Tandya Brahmana. It is
also known as the Pancavirhsa Brahmana, for, as its name implies, it consists of twenty-
five books. Its chief concern is of course the soma sacrifice in all its varieties, but of
particular interest are its detailed description of the sattras (sacrificial sessions) origanized
on the banks of the Drsadvati and the Sarasvati, and its treatment of the vratya-stomas
(hymns of praise). Like the Pancavirhsa Brahmana, the Sama-Veda has a Sadvimfa
Brahmana, the last book of which deals with omens and portents; it is called the Adbhuta
Brahmana. The Gopatha Brahmaria, which is the only Brahmana of the Atharva-Veda
known to us, is perhaps the youngest of the Brahmana texts. It is also limited in extent,
consisting as it does of only two books with eleven prapathakas. One of the parisistas of
the Atharva-Veda, says, however, that the Gopatha Brahmana originally consisted of one
 hundred chapters out of which only two have survived. This is quite plausible, since many
statements referred to in other texts as being derived from this Brahmana are not traceable
in its extant text.

A significant point about the Gopatha Brahmana is that, for the most part, it contains myths,
legends, and parables which illustrate and explain various ceremonies in the Vedic ritual. The
Atharvanic character of this Brahmana becomes evident in several ways. For instance, it
glorifies Angiras as the ‘sage of sages’ and emphasizes that a Vedic sacrifice performed
without the help of a priest of the Atharva-Veda is bound to fail. In the literary history of
ancient India, the Brahmanas are important for the following reasons: (i) they represent the
earliest attempts to interpret the Vedic mantras; (ii) they mark the beginnings of Sanskrit
prose; (n’t) they have preserved many ancient legends; and (iv) they have in them the seeds
of the future development of several literary forms and works, and of various branches of
knowledge.
Moreover, the Brahmanas contain an exclusive and comprehensive treatment of Vedic
sacrificial ritual, and thus constitute a highly authoritative source for one of the most
significant periods in the religious history of India. It is, again, the Brahmanas which have
prepared the background for the philosophical speculations of the Upanisads. And, finally,
culture-historians can ill afford to lose sight of the various facts of socio-political history
interspersed in the ritualistic lucubrations of the Brahmanas.
The Aranyakas
The Aranyakas are a kind of continuation of the Brahmanas, textually as well as conceptually.
They mark the transition from the ritualism of the Brahmanas to the spiritualism of the
Upanisads. While, on the one hand, most of the texts of the Aranyakas form the concluding
portions of some of the Brahmanas, on the other hand, some of the Upanisadic texts are
either embedded in or appended to them. The Aranyakas, which are obviously esoteric, seek
to present the true mystique of the ritual by glorifying the inner, mental sacrifice as against the
external, material aspect of it. The study of the Aranyakas was traditionally restricted therefore
to the solitude of the forest, aranya. That is why they came to be called the Aranyakas. It is
also not unlikely that these texts derived their name from their schematic connection with
Vanaprastha Obama (the forest- dweller’s stage). Only a few texts have come to be
traditionally called the Aranyakas. The Aitareya Aranyaka, belonging to the Rig-Veda,
consists of five books. The second and the third books are specifically attributed to
Mahldasa Aitareya, and are generally theosophic in their tendencies. The first three sections
of the second book, which are said to be intended for persons who desire liberation in gradual
stages, teach the prana-upasana (worship of vital power). The last three sections of the
second book constitute the Aitareya Upanisad which sets forth Vedantic doctrines.
The third book deals with the samhita-upasana (unified form of worship) and is meant for
persons who are still attached to worldly possessions. In its other parts, this Aranyaka treats
of such sacrificial ceremonies as the Makavrata. The Kauntaki or Sankhayana Aranyaka,
which also belongs to the Rig-Veda consists of three books, the first two of which are
ritualistic in character while the third forms the Kausitaki Upanisad.
As for the Taittiriya Aranyaka, it is, as already mentioned, a direct continuation of
the Samhita and the Brahmaria of the Taittiriya School. In its first six books it supplements
the treatment of Vedic ritual in the Samhita and the Brahmana by dealing with such
sacrifices as the sarvamedka, the pitrmedha, and the pravargya. Its next three books
constitute the Taittiriya Upanisad, while its tenth and last book is known as the Maha-
ndrayana Upanisad. The first three adhydyas of the fourteenth kanda of the Satapatha
Brahmana are called Aranyaka and their subject- matter is the pravargya sacrifice. As
already mentioned, the last six adhydyas of this kanda make up the Brhaddranyaka
Upanisad.

The Upanisads
The word upanisad is interpreted variously. It is made to correspond with the word updsana
which is understood to mean either worship or profound knowledge. The word is also
connected with the Pali word upanisa and thus made to mean something like cause or
connection. In his bhasya (commentary) on the Taittiriya Upanisad Sankara interprets
upanisad as that which destroys (sad, to destroy) ignorance. But the sense most commonly
signified by the word upanisad is the esoteric teaching imparted by the teacher to the pupil
who sits (sad), near him (upa), in a closed select (ni), group. The Upanisads are also called
the Vedanta, because they represent the concluding portion of the apauruseya Veda or Sruti,
or the final stage in Vedic instruction, or the ultimate end and aim of the teachings of the
Veda. The importance of the Upanisads, however, as the first recorded attempt at systematic,
though not systematized, philosophizing can hardly be gainsaid. They are one of the most
significant sources of the spiritual wisdom of India, and are traditionally regarded as one of
the three prasthanas (source books) of Indian philosophy. Also, one cannot fail to be
impressed by certain notable features of the Upanisads, such as: their unity of purpose in
spite of the variety in their doctrines; the note of certainty or definiteness which informs them;
and the various levels at which they consider and represent reality.
Much need not be said here about the Upanisads as religious literature, because they are
concerned with the contemplative-realizational rather than with the ritualistic-ceremonial
aspect of the spiritual life of the people. They belong to philosophy rather than to religion.
There are over 200 Upanisads, including such recent works as the Khristopanisad and the
Allopanisad. The Muktikopanisad gives a traditional list of 108 Upanisads, of which 10 belong
to the Rig-Veda, 19 to the Sukla Yajur-Veda, 32 to th e Kjsna Yajur-Veda, 16 to the Sama-
Veda, and 31 to the Atharva- Veda', but even out of these, many texts are called Upanisads
only by courtesy. Usually, thirteen Upanisads are regarded as the principal Upanisads. They
are traditionally connected with one Vedic Saha or the other, and several of them actually
form part of a laRiger literary complex.
The Isa Upanisad belongs to the Sukla Yajur-Veda and is included in the
Vajasaneyi Samhitd as its last adhyaya, that is, the fortieth. This Upanisad, which derives
its name from its first word, emphasizes the unity of being and becoming, but in this
connection it speaks of Isa, the Lord, rather than of Brahman. It elaborates the doctrine of
vidyd (knowledge) and avidya (ignorance), and sets forth the view that a fusion of both
(samuccaya), is a necessary precondition for the attainment of amrtatva (immortality). The
Kena Upanisad, which also derives its name from its initial word, forms part of the fourth
book of the Talavakara Brahmana of the Sama-Veda. It consists of four sections, of which
the first two, which are in verse, deal with Brahman, paid-vidya (higher knowledge), and
sadyomukti (immediate liberation); while the last two sections, which are in prose, deal
with Isvara, apara-vidyd (lower knowledge), and krama-mukti (gradual liberation). This
Upanisad contains the famous legend of Uma HaimavatL One of the better-known
Upanisads is the Katha or Kathaka Upanisad, which belongs to the Krsna Yajur-Veda. It
consists of two chapters which have three vallis (sections) each. For the background of its
philosophical teaching it has the striking legend of Yama and Naciketas. A noteworthy
point about this Upanisad is that it has many passages in common with the Bhagavad-
Gitd. The Prasna Upanisad, the Munda or Mundaka Upanisad, and the Mandukya
Upanisad belong to the Atharva-Veda. The Praha Upanisad, as its name suggests, deals,
in its six sections, with six questions, prasnas, relating to such topics as the nature of the
ultimate cause, the significance of Om, and the relation between the Supreme and the
Word. The name Munda is suggestive of renunciation, and in its three chapters this
Upanisad discusses sannyasa (renunciation) and para-vidyd as against samsara (the
world) and apara-vidya. Incidentally, India’s national motto satyam eva jayate (truth alone
triumphs) is taken from this Upanisad (III. 1.6). The Mandiikya Upanisad is a very small
text consisting of only twelve stanzas, but it has attained a significant place in the
philosophical literature of India on account of the fact that Gaudapada, Sankara’s
predecessor, wrote a commentary on this Upanisad, his famous Mdndukya-kdrika, which
may be said to contain the first systematic statement of the doctrine of absolute monism,
later elaborated upon and given full form by Sankara. The Taittiriya Upanisad is a part of
the laRiger literature complex of the Taittiriya school of the Krsna Yajur-Veda. As has been
pointed out, the seventh, eighth, and ninth books of the Taittiriya Aranyaka constitute the
Taittiriya Upanisad, the tenth and last being the Mahd-narayana Upanisad. The Taittiriya
Upanisad is divided into three sections called vallis: the Siksa-valli, the Brahmananda- valli
 and the BhRigu-valli. The Aitareya Upanisad of the Rig-Veda is equivalent to the Aitareya
Aranyaka (II. 4- 6).

By far the most important of the Upanisads are the Chandogya and the Brhadaianyaka. The
Chandogya Brahmana, belonging to the Kauthuma Sakha of the Sama-Veda, consists of ten
chapters. The first two chapters, which comprise the Mantra Brahmana, deal with ritualistic
subjects, while the last eight chapters constitute the Chandogya Upanisad. Some of the
topics of particular philosophical interest in this Upanisad are the Sandilya-vidya (the
technique taught by the sage Sandilya); the samvaRiga-vidya (the technique relating to the
all-consuming cosmic wind), the vaisvanara-vidya (the technique relating to the all-consuming
cosmic fire), and the teachings imparted by Prajapati to Indra, by Ghora Angirasa to Krsna
Devakiputra, by Uddalaka Aruni to Svetaketu, and by Sanatkumara to Narada.
The Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, which belongs to the Sukla Yajur-Veda, is the biggest and
perhaps the oldest of the Upanisads. In the Madhyandina recension this Upanisad
corresponds with Chapters IV-VI1I of the fourteenth khanda and Chapter VI of the tenth kanda
of the Satapatha Brahmana of the same recension. The Kanva Brhadaranyaka Upanisad
(which, incidentally, Sankara chose for his commentary) is analogous to the last six chapters
of the sixteenth kanda of the Kanva Satapatha Brahmana. There is, however, no material
divergence between the two recensions so far as the subject-matter is concerned. The first
two chapters of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad constitute the madhu-kanda, the main purpose
of which is to establish the identity of jiva and Brahman. The next two chapters, which seem to
form the kernel of this Upanisad, are dominated by the personality and the teachings of the
greatest of the Upanisadic philosophers, Yajnavalkya; together they make up what is known
as theyajnavalkya-kanda or the mum-kanda.
Added to these ten traditionally recognized Upanisads are three others, making altogether
the thirteen principal Upanisads. These three are the Svetasvatara and the Maitri, or
Maitrayani, both of which belong to the Krsna Yajur-Veda, and the Kausitaki which belongs to
the Rig-Veda. The Svetasvatara Upanisad, which has six chapters and 113 stanzas, is
essentially a theistic text. It presents the supreme Brahman as Rudra, the personal God, and
teaches the doctrine of bhakti (devotion). This Upanisad is also remarkable for its use of
Samkhya terminology and its attempt to reconcile the different religious and philosophical
views which were then in vogue. The Maitri or Maitrayani Upanisad has seven chapters, the
last two of which are comparatively modern. It mentions the Trimurti concept, and, in its
references to the illusory character of the world and the momentariness of phenomena,
seems to betray the influence of Buddhistic thought. The Kausitaki Upanisad, though also
called Kausitaki Brahmana Upanisad, is not connected with the Kausitaki (or Sankhayana)
Brahmana. As we have already seen, this Upanisad is the third chaptcr of the Sahkhayana
Aianyaka. Among other topics, it deals with the progressive definition of the Brahman, the
course to Brakmaloka (the sphere of Brahman), and Indra as life and immortality.
Apart from these principal Upanisads there are many others, but they are essentially
sectarian in character and pseudo-philosophical in content. They arc usually divided into
various classes, such as Slmanya-Vedanta, Yoga, Sannyasa, Saiva, Vaisnava, and Sakta, in
accordance with their main tendencies. As for the age of the principal Upanisads, they may
be said to extend roughly over a period from the eighth to the third century B.C., the older
ones among them being decidedly pre-Buddhistic. As far as the relative chronology of the
Upanisads is concerned, it is customary to speak of four classes, namely: ancient prose,
early metrical, later prose, and later metrical. The Upanisads can, no doubt, be said to
represent the high watermark of Vedic thought; but it also needs to be realized that certain
features of their teachings, such as Brakma-vidya (knowledge of Brahman), were too subtle
to be adequately comprehended by ordinary people. They demanded a high intellectual level
and strict spiritual discipline on the part of the seeker. The Upani§ads gave the people a
philosophy but not a religion.
Ancillary Vedic Literature
1.2.3.1.The Vedangas and the
Sotras
As we have seen, the Samhitas, the Brahmanas, the Aranyakas, and the Upanisads are
believed to be apauruseya. Not so the Vedangas, for in the reoriganization of Vedic
knowledge they present an attempt to systematize various aspects of that knowledge which
are necessary for understanding the Vedic texts. The six Vedangas are: Siksa (phonetics);
kalpa (socio-religious practice and ritual); vyakarana (grammar); nirukta (etymology,
exegesis, and mythology); chandas (metrics); and jyotisa (astronomy). Each of these six
Vedangas is connected, in one way or another, with the Vedic religion, although only the
Kalpa may be said to be directly religious in purpose. By the Kalpa-Sutra is usually meant a
whole literary corpus comprising the Srauta-Sutra, the Grhya- Sutra, and the Dharma-Sutra;
these, broadly speaking, refer respectively to the religious, the domestic, and the social
aspects of the life of the people. These Sutras primarily seek to regulate and codify the
practices which were already in vogue, but at the same time they also initiate new practices
or modify the old ones in accordance with the times and the traditions of the school in which
they originated.
There is reason to believe that each Vedic school produced its own Kalpa- Sutra though not
all of them are available today. The nature of a Kalpa-Sutra will be clear from the following
analysis of the contents of the Kalpa-Sutra of the Apastamba school of the Taittiriya Sakha of
the Krsna Yajur-Veda. This Kalpa-Sutra consists of thirty prasnas (literally questions,
chapters), the first twenty-three of which constitute the Srauta-Sutra. The twenty-fourth praha
is called the paribhdsa-praha and contains the paribhasa (general rules and definitions)
connected with the ritual. In view of its character as ‘introduction’, this prasna should have
been placed at the very beginning of the Kalpa-Sutra; but, as the commentator
Kapardisvamin explains, this paribhasa is applicable to both the Srauta-Sutra and the Grhya-
Sutra and is therefore placed between the two. The paribhasa-prasna also comprises the
pravara (the series of ancestors) and the hautra (the duties of the hotr). The twenty-fifth and
twenty-sixth prahas give the mantras to be employed for the various grhya rites, while the
twenty-seventh praha makes up the Apastamba Grhya-Sutra proper. The twenty-eighth and
twenty-ninth prahas contain the Dharma-Sutra, and the thirtieth praha is the Sulva-Sutra. To
these thirty prahas is sometimes added a tknity-fsxstprabia which constitutes the Pitrmedha-
Sutra. Among such complete Kalpa-Sutras which are available today may be mentioned
those belonging to the Baudhayana, the HiranyakeSin, and the Vaikhanasa schools of the
Taittiriya Sakha. All these texts are called Sutras because they adopted the unique literary
form which was developed during this period, namely, the siitra form. A sutra is an aphoristic
statement, at once brief, unequivocal, comprehensive, generally valid, and expressive of the
essential point.
The Srauta-Sutras, Grhya-Sutras, and Dharma-Sutras
As we have seen, the Srauta-Sutras contain injunctions regarding religious practices, the
word ‘practices’ being understood in the restricted sense of ritualistic practices. Naturally,
therefore, they are directly connected with the Brahmanas, particularly with the vidhi portions.
The Srauta- Sutras, however, present the procedure of the various sacrifices in a far more
complete and systematic manner. Presumably, these Sutras were composed as practical
aids to the professional officiating priests. Closely related to the Srauta-Sutras are the Sulva-
Sutras which deal with such matters as the construction of the sacrificial altars, the
measurements of the different kinds of fire- altars, etc. The Srauta-Sutras generally treat of
sacrifices in which the three sacred fires, the ahaxianiya, the garhapatya, and the daksina (or
sometimes more) are employed. These sacrifices usually require the services of several
officiating priests from among the adhvaryu, the hotr, the brahman, and the udgatr, and their
assistants.
The majority of the Srauta-Sutras known today belong to the Yajur-Veda
(particularly to the Krsna Yajur-Veda). This is quite understandable, for the adhvaryu plays
the most active role in the srauta ritual, and the Tajui-Yeda is essentially the Veda for the
adhvaryu. The Baudhayana Srauta- Sutra belongs to the Taittiriya Sakha of the Krasna
Yajur-Veda; it is perhaps the oldest among the Srauta-Sutras. The Baudhayana Srauta-
Sutra is called a pravacana (sacred treatise) and is written more in the style of the
Brahmanas than of the Sutras.

The other Srauta-Sutras which belong to the Taittiriya Sakha, are the Bharadvaja,
the Apastamba, the Satyasadha-Hiranyakesm, the Vaikhanasa, and the Vadhula. Of the
 two Srauta- Sutras belonging to the MaitrayanI Sakha, the Manava and the Varaha, the
former is closely connected with the Apastamba Srauta- Sutra. The Kathaka Srauta-Sutra
has become known only through references to it in other Srauta-Sutras and commentaries.
The Katyayana Srauta-Sutra is the only Srauta- Sutra of the Sukla Yajur-Veda. The two
Srauta-Sutras of the Rig-Veda, the Asvalayana and the Sankhayana, deal mainly with the
hautra. The Sama-Veda has four Srauta- Sutras, the Latyayana, the Drakyayana, the
Jaiminiya, and the Gobhila. The Vaitana- Sutra of the Atharva-Veda is a short text
concerning the duties of the brahman and his assistants, and also of the sacrificer. The
Kausika-Sutra, which also belongs to the Atharva-Veda, is essentially a Grhya-Sutra, but it
contains several passages relating to the srauta ritual.

The Grhya-Sutras deal with the grhya (household) rites which broadly comprise the seven
paka-yajna-samsthas and also the rites connected with the various samskaras
(sacraments). The Grhya-Sutras have very little to do with the Brahmanas, but they are
directly connected with the Samhitas since they derive their mantras from them. It needs to
be pointed out, however, that not all the mantras prescribed to be employed in grhya rites are
traceable to the Samhitas. The grhya rites are generally performed with the help of only one
fire, and in many of them the services of officiating priests are not required. Soma has no
place in any of them. When they form part of a corpus, the Grhya-Sutras presuppose and
occur after the Srauta-Sutra. It is, however, difficult to say whether the Srauta-Sutra and the
Grhya-Sutra belonging to the same school can be ascribed to the same authorship. At the
same time, one does come across many verbal repetitions in the two Sutras of the same
school.

Of the two Grhya-Sutras of the Sukla Yajur-Veda, one is the Paraskara Grhya-
Sutra, which is also known as the Katiya Grhya-Sutra or the Vajasaneya Grhya-Sutra. The
other one, the Baijavapa Grhya-Sutra, is known only through references to it in other
works. The Paraskara Grhya-Sutra is connectcd with the Madhyandina Sakha. The larigest
numbers of published Grhya- Sutras belong to the Kjsna Yajur- Veda. The Baudhayana
Grhya-Sutra (with four prasnas), the Bharadvaja Grhya- Sutra (with three prahas), the
Apastamba Grhya-Sutra (with three prahas, of which two give only the mantras for grhya
rites while the third gives the injunctions regarding the performance of these rites), and the
Satyasadha-Hiranyakesi Grhya- Sutra (with two prahas) are included in the Kalpa-Sutra
corpuses of their respective Vedic schools.

Compared with Srauta-Sutras and Grhya-Sutras which are available, the Dharma-Sutras are
very few. It may be pointed out, however, that besides those published, many other texts of
this category have become known through quotations from them found in other works. It is
also possible to presume that some of the Dharma-Sutras are now completely lost. There is
another significant point about the Dharma-Sutras. This is that although the different Dharma-
Sutras are traditionally believed to have been affiliated to different Vedic schools, the influence
on them of those specific schools is almost negligible. It seems that while the srauta and grhya
practices varied from school to school in some details at least-social practices, civil and
criminal law, and polity, which constituted the principal subject-matter of the Dharma-Sutras,
had in general become common to the entire Vedic-Aryan community. Understandably the
connection between a Dharma-Sutra and any particular Vedic school was often tenuous.
Within a Kalpa corpus the Dharma-Sutra usually follows the Grhya-Sutra. It may also be noted
that many topics, such as the asrama-dharmas (special duties of each period of life), are
common to the Grhya- Sutra and the Dharma-Sutra. The arrangement of the subject-matter in
the Dharma-Sutras is not at all orderly. In the light of the classification of topics in some of the
later metrical Smrtis, however, it is possible to classify the topics of the Dharma-Sutras under
three main heads: acara (conduct), vyavahara (dealings), including rajadharma (a king’s duty),
and prayaicitta (expiation). As for the literary form of the Dharma-Sutras, they contain sutras
interspersed with metrical passages; two exceptions to this are the Gautama Dharma-Sutra
and the Vaikhanasa Dharma-Sutra.
Dharma-Sutras and Dharma-Sastras
Broadly speaking, the Dharma-sastras or metrical Smrtis represent a later stage than the
Dharma-Sutras in the evolution of the literature on Dharma- Sastra. But it cannot be assumed
on this account that every Smrti had as its basis a Dharma-Sutra, or that every Dharma-Sutra
developed in course of time into a metrical Smrti. This point has special relevance in
connection with the problem relating to the Manu Smrti and the Manava Dharma-Sutra. It was
suggested that the extant Manu Smrti was a metrical redaction of the Manava Dharma-Sutra
which belonged to the Maitrayani Sakha of the Kfsna Yajur-Veda.
But no Manava Dharma-Sutra has become available so far, nor is it even mentioned in any
other work. Various arguments have been advanced to prove that the Manava Dhavma-Sutra
had once existed but was lost; there have also been counter-arguments to disprove the
existence of this Sutra. Neither of these claims is conclusive, and the question has to remain
open. By and laRige, the entire Vedic literature, both apauruseya and pauruseya, may be
said to be dircctly religious in character. As against this, in the post- Vedic Sanskrit literature,
which is by no means homogeneous either in form or content, religion is but one of the many
fields covered. One may, nonetheless, hasten to add that there is hardly any ancient or
medieval Sanskrit text, even of an avowedly secular type, which is not religion-oriented in one
sense or other.
The Post-Vedic literature: A Survey
The logical and chronological sequence which characterizes the Vedic periods is absent in
the post-Vedic Sanskrit literary periods. We have therefore to consider the post-Vedic
Sanskrit religious texts not chronologically but in groups formed in accordance with their
contents and tendencies. The end of the period of the major Upanisads saw the gradual
dwindling of the influence of the Vedic tradition. Four cultural movements emerged during this
interregnum. Firstly, heterodox religions like Buddhism and Jainism began to assert
themselves. Secondly, as a natural reaction to this challenge to orthodox Brahmanism,
attempts were made to consolidate the Vedic way of life and thought by reoRiganizing and
systematizing all Vedic knowledge and Vedic practice. The Sutra-Vedanga literature was the
outcome of these attempts. Thirdly, for the purpose of counteracting the cult of renunciation
generally encouraged by the Upanisads, there grew what may be called secular and
materialistic tendencies best manifested in a work like the Artha tastra of Kautilya. And,
finally, there emerged a form of Hinduism which steered clear of the heterodoxy of Buddhism
and Jainism on the one hand and the revivalism of the Sutra-Vedanga movement on the
other. It was a federation of tribal religious cults, most of which were originally non-Vedic in
provenance and which tended to converge in the course of historical development-this
federation being held together by the running thread of formal allegiance to the Vedas.
The literature relating to the second movement, the Sutra-Vedanga literature has been
already dealt with in the previous section on the Vedic literature. Now we are concerned with
the literature of the fourth movement which proved to be of the greatest consequence in the
history of India, namely, Hinduism. The main characteristics of this new religious movement
may broadly be set forth as follows:
(i) The indigenous popular gods, such as Siva and Visnu and His various
incarnations, superseded the Vedic gods, such as Indra and Varuna;
(ii) The doctrine of bhakti or devotion to a personal God began to prevail, and
the different religious practices associated with it, such as puja (worship),
replaced the Vedic sacrificial ritual;
(iii) The ideal of lokasaiigraha (social solidarity) acquired as much importance
as the Upanisadic ideal of atma-jnana (Self-realization). Consequently,
Karma-yoga came to be encouraged as against Sannyasa;
(iv) The response of Hinduism to external and internal challenges was one of
gradual assimilation and adaptation rather than of opposition and
isolation, and the tendency to synthesize various religious practices and
philosophical doctrines into a single harmonious way of life and thought
became prominent; (a) A new polity and statecraft was sponsored. The
influence of some of these trends in Hinduism becomes evident even in
the ancillary texts of the different Vedic schools, such as the pariiistas, the
prayogas, and the paddkatis, all of which, of course, belong to a fairly late
date. The Vaikhanasa-Sutras, for instance, which claim to belong to a
school of the Yajur-Veda, are actually related to a Vaisnava school in
 South India. Similarly, the Baudhayana Grhya-paritista-sutra deals with
some aspects of Visnu-puja. Such texts, though ostensibly Vedic, have
taken over many non- Vedic beliefs and practices.
The Bhagavad-Gita and the Epics
The characteristics of Hinduism, as just set forth, are best reflected in the Bhagavad-Gita
which may, indeed, be regarded as the principal scripture of this new religious ideology. They
are also reflected in the character of Krsna, its enunciator, as portrayed in the great epic, the
Mahabharata, which is in many ways a unique literary phenomenon. It is by far the biggest
single literary work known to man. Its vastness is aptly matched by the encyclopaedic nature
of its contents and the universality of its appeal. The claim is traditionally made, and fully
justified, that in matters pertaining to dharma (religion and ethics), artha (material progress
and prosperity), kama (enjoyment of the pleasures of personal and social life), and moksa
(spiritual emancipation), whatever is found in this epic may be found elsewhere; but what is
not found in it will be impossible to find anywhere else.
The Mahabharata, as we know it today, is the outcome of a long process of addition,
assimilation, expansion, revision, and redaction. Presumably, it originated as a bardic-
historical poem called Jaya, which had the eventful Bharata war as its central theme. In the
course of time, a larige amount of material belonging to the literary tradition of the sutas
(bards), which had been developing side by side with the mantra tradition embodied in the
Vedic literature, was added to the historical poem, thereby transforming it into the epic
Bharata. This transformation of Jaya into Bharata received added momentum from another
and, from our point of view, more significant factor, the rise of Krsnite Hinduism. The
protagonists of this religion realized that the bardic poem, which enjoyed wide currency,
would serve as the most efficient vehicle for the propagation of their ideology. So they
redacted the poem in such a way that the Bhagavad-Gita became the corner-stone of the
new epic superstructure, with Krsna as its central character. Thus we find that this new
literary product, Bharata, had derived its bardic-historical elements from the ancient suta
tradition and its religio-ethical elements from Krsnite Hinduism, and upon this was gradually
superimposed elements derived from Brahmanic learning and culture and from other
elements of Hinduism. The result was that Bharata became the Mahabharata. Indeed, it is on
account of the contributions of Krsnaism, Brahmanism, and Hinduism that the Mahabharata
became a veritable treasure-house of religious beliefs and practices.
The Mahabharata, which must have assumed its present form in the first centuries
before and after Christ, is traditionally believed to consist of 100,000 stanzas divided into
eighteen parvans. Some typical religious sections are: the Surya-namasta-sataka
(Aranyakaparvan), the Sanat-sujatiya (Udyogaparvan), the Bhagavad-Gita and the
Vasudeva-stuti (Bhismaparvan), the Satarudriya (Dronaparvan), the Japakopakhyana, the
 Narayaniya, and the Unchavrttyupakhyana (Santiparoan), the Siva-sahasranama-stotra,
the Ganga-stava, and the Visnusahasranama-stotra (Anusasanaparvan), the Isvara-stuti
and the Anu-Gita (Asvamedhikaparvan). There is also the Harivamsa which is traditionally
regarded as a khilaparvan of the great epic. If the Mahabharata (with the Harivamsa)
glorifies the Krsna incarnation, the other epic, the Ramayana, gives an account of the
Rama incarnation. This incarnation is traditionally believed to have been earlier than the
Krsna incarnation; composition of the Ramayana, however, which is laRigely the work of a
single poet named Valmiki, seems to have begun after that of the Mahabharata, but ended
before the Mahabharata assumed its final form. The Ayodhya episode in the Ramayana
probably has some historical basis; but with the exile of Rama, the theme of the poem is
enlaRiged to epic proportions, and the prince of Ayodhya becomes transformed into an
incarnation of the highest God. Cleverly interwoven with these two strands is a third, that of
an agricultural myth. Compared with the Mahabharata, the Ramayana presents a more
unitary structure; it is not too overloaded with extraneous sautic (bardic) material and is
disti nguished by several features of classical Sanskrit poetry. It has seven kandas-the
entire seventh kanda evidently is a later interpolation. It contains several sections of
religious significance, such as the Surya-stava (which is also called Aditya- hrdaya- stotra)
by Agastya and the Rama-stuti by Brahma (both in the Yuddha-kanda). Its principal
religious appeal, however, springs from the idealized domestic and social virtues which its
characters embody. Indeed, this appeal has, through the centuries, proved to be direct and
sustained.

The Ramayana and the Mahabharata represent the ethos of ancient India. The Ramayana,
according to tradition, owes its origin to an extraordinary circumstance. A fowler’s arrow killed
one of a pair of curlews. Moved to pity at this tragic incident, the sage Valmlki cursed the
fowler, but he did so in a verse which came out spontaneously from his lips. This poetical
expression of profound grief is said to have been the first verse composed (in the epic
period); and the sage, who became the author of the Ramayana, is called the adikavi, the
first poet of the classical period of Sanskrit literature. Anandavardhana (ninth century a .d .),
the famous rhetorician, analysing Valmlki’s state of mind as he reacted to the pathetic sight of
the bird being killed, is of the opinion that the experience had not only culminated in the
utterance of the first verse, but also gave rise to the idea of rasa1 in poetry. The origin of the
Mahabharata, according to tradition, is that it was penned by the elephant-headed deity
Ganesa and dictated by sage Vyasa. The cpics had come into existence long before the art
of writing was known. Dawn the ccnturies they were transmitted orally through, mainly, two
classes of people: the sutas (bards in the royal courts); and the kusilavas (travelling singers).
Before they were committed to writing, the epic stories gathered many accretions; and even
after they were written down, additions and alterations continued. The diverse nature of the
changes made explains the great popularity of the epics throughout the length and breadth of
India. Though the epic stories are very old and some of them hark back to Vedic times, their
present forms are of a much later date. It is generally believed that the Mahabharata had
attained its present form by about the fourth century A.D. The Ramayana probably assumed
its present shape a century or two earlier.
The Ramayana
Tradition places the Ramayana earlier than the Mahabharata. The nucleus of the
Mahabharata may have been older than that of the Ramayana, but in their present forms
the Ramayana appears to be the earlier work. The Ramayana is more ornate than the
Mahabharata, more refined and sophisticated; the ballad style of the Mahabharata is not
present here. The Ramayana is more or less a unified work. Much shorter than the
Mahabharata, it does not show the jumble of diverse matters that is found there.

The main story of the Ramayana is briefly this: Dasaratha, king of Ayodhya, is about to install
his eldest son, Rama, on the throne. Kaikeyi, Rama’s step-mother, wants her own son Bharata
to be crowned king, and Rama to be sent into exile for fourteen years. The old and infirm king,
though reluctant, has to agree. Rama goes to live in the forest, accompanied by his consort,
Sita, and his brother, Laksmana. The demon-king of Lanka, Ravana, abducts Sita. Rama,
determined to rescue Sita, wages a dour war against Ravana who is ultimately vanquished
and killed. Rama comcs back to Ayodhya and assumes his position as king, with Slta as
queen. The story of the genuine portion of the epic ends here. In the last Book, which is
suspected by many modern scholars to be spurious, it is narrated that the people of Ayodhya
speak ill of Rama for taking back Sita from Ravana’s custody and Rama banishes her in
deference to public opinion.
Some historian believed that the Homeric story of Helen and the Trojan War exercised a
deep influence on the Ramayana is not substantiated by reliable evidence. Some scholars,
think that the epic was based on an ancient Buddhist legend of Rama, the Dasaratha Jataka.
But it is possible that the tranquillity and mildness of Rama’s character may have been, to
some extent, due to the influence of Buddhism, which was extremely popular. As Sita can be
traced to the Taittiriya Brahmana, the Rig-Veda, the Atharva-Veda, and some of the Grhya-
Sutras, some zealous mythologists regard these as bearing the first germs of the story of the
Ramayana.
Literary Characteristics
In the Ramayana, as compared with the Mahabharata, the art of poetry appears to have
made great progress. To a great extent it appears to develop consciously, for content is no
longer the sole concern of the poet; he is not a little concerned with form too. The poet is an
adept in characterization, and this is displayed in a series of unparalleled portraits: Rama’s
supreme sacrifice for the sake of his father; Laksmana’s obedience to his elder brother, at
whose command he acts even against his conscience; the self-abnegation of Bharata in
abjuring royal comforts during the absence of Rama; and the unflinching loyalty of Hanuman
to his master at the cost of his personal comfort and even at the risk of life. Across the sea, in
Lanka, we find Ravana, of tremendous physical and mental vigour, falling a victim to the
frailties fleh is heir to. Among the women, Sita is the glowing example of chastity and
highmindedness, the paragon of all domestic virtues. She spurns the pleasures of the royal
palace in order to follow her husband and be with him in his perilous forest-life.
Amidst the various temptations held out to her by Ravana, who seeks her love, her fidelity to
her husband is unshaken. King Rama banishes her for no fault on her part; and, instead of
accusing her husband, she accepts him decree without a word of protest, taking it as a decree
of her own destiny Kaikeyi, the typically designing and jealous queen, prevails upon
Dasaratha, her husband, to banish Rama and install Bharata on the throne. She gains her
objective, but loses the respect of her noble son. The author of the Ramayana has thus
presented a magnificent life-gallery throbbing with profound human appeal, and in the centre
of this gallery the character of Rami shines and shines almost like the Pole Star. He is a model
son, husband, brother, king, warrior, and man. Though occasionally dazzled by flashes from
his superhuman nature, we are not ‘blinded or bewildered’ by them.
The use of simile and imagery in the Ramayana is superb. King Dasaratha, overwhelmed
with grief, is compared to the sun under eclipse, to fire covered by ashes, to a lake the water
of which has dried up and so on. In the Asoka grove, Hanuman catches a glimpse of the
emaciated Slta. She looks, he thinks, like the thin line of the crescent, the flame enveloped in
smoke, a lotus destroyed by the frost. The white moon moving in the sky is like a swan
swimming in the blue waters. Held in the clutches of the dreaded Ravana, Sita warns him that
temporarily he may overpower her, but he cannot subdue her just as a fly can swallow
clarified butter but cannot assimilate it. The employment of other figures of speech too has
been done with a masterly skill and effortless ease.The poet’s description of nature is also
masterly.
The Ramayana, unlike the Mahabharata, brings out the close relationship between external
nature and internal nature expressed in the minds and moods of people. There is, moreover,
suggestiveness in the picture of nature drawn by the author of the Ramayana. In the
Mahabharata, descriptions are merely objective, but here the poet brings personal
experience or his own interpretation to bear upon his depiction of nature. Unlike the other
epic, the Ramayana creates an idyll out of nature and produces a lyrical effect. The sad
prospect of Rama’s going into exile casts a shadow of gloom not only on the minds of the
people, but also on nature all around.
Various sentiments have been introduced, into the epic, but the main sentiment is the heroic.
At the same time, pathetic scenes are described with - masterly skill. Dasaratha broken down
by the separation from his dearest son, Rama; the city of Ayodhya bereft of Rama; Rama
separated from his beloved; Sita pining in alien surroundings-these scenes are so poignantly
described that the appreciative reader has to shed tears. The author’s capacity to delineate
the fierce and the cruel is shown in his description of a grim battle, or of Bharata’s awful
dream.
Although ornate, the style of the epic is racy, and not pedantic. In form and content it is a very
near approach to the mahakavya, as defined in poetics. It is thus a precursor of the vast and
varied classical kavya literature in Sanskrit. The epic is a kavya of the romantic type, the
element of romance being most marked in the Sundara-kanda. The language is simple, and
yet dignified, and does not indicate that straining after literary exercise which characterizes
some later poetical works, especially those of the decadent age. The author of the epic
appears to have been the first poet to adapt anustubh, the Vedic metre, to later Sanskrit
literature, although with certain modifications. Valmiki thus may aptly be described as the
father of classical Sanskrit poetry. Some other scholars consider the Rama story to be
allegorical. Rama, they hold, symbolizes Aryan culture, and his expedition against Ravana
represents the cultural domination of the southern regions by the Aryans.
Artistic Merit
In the view of some Western critics, the Ramayana as a piece of literary art suffers from
some defects, such as diffuseness, frequent use of hyperboles, and exaggerations. Besides,
verbiage, hyperbole, exaggeration, diffuseness, etc. are natural in most poetical literature.
The Ramayana, therefore, could not be an exception. In fact, most of the artistic drawbacks
of the Ramayana are attributable to the later versifiers who added to, and altered the original
production by Valmlki. The Ramayana, indeed, is a marvellous piece of art which India can
legitimately be proud of. In the whole range of Sanskrit literature, there axe very few poems
more charming than this one by the adikavi. ‘The classical purity, clearness, and simplicity of
its style, the exquisite touches of true poetic feeling with which it abounds, its graphic
descriptions of heroic incidents and nature’s grandest scenes, the deep acquaintance it
displays with the conflicting workings and most refined emotions of the human heart, all
entitle it to rank among the most beautiful compositions that have appeared at any period or
in any country.
The Mahabharata
The kernel of the Mahabharata story is briefly this: The Pandavas, headed by Yudhisthira,
and the Kauravas, headed by Duryodhana, descended from common ancestors. Duryodhana
becomes jealous and, coveting the crown invites Yudhisthira to a game of dice. As the result
of a rash wager, Yudhisthira loses his kingdom to Duryodhana and is then forced to go into
exile, together with his brothers and DraupadJ, the common consort of the Pandavas, for
twelve years, followed by one year during which they must live incognito. But even when the
stipulated period is over, Duryodhana refuses to give even a fraction of his territory to
Yudhisthira, the rightful owner. A grim battle ensues. The Kauravas are routed and ruined,
and the Pandavas regain their lost kingdom.
Literary Characteristics
The Mahabharata has been characterized as a ‘whole literature’, a ‘repertory of the whole of
the old bard poetry of ancient India’. The nucleus of the epic, as we have seen, is simple, but
around this nucleus has gathered a diverse mass of material dealing with innumerable topics-
legendary, didactic, ethical, heroic, aesthetic, philosophical, political, and so on. Of the
legends, some are edifying and testify to the great literary skill of the author. This may be
seen, for example, in the legends of Nala and Damayanti, of Savitrl and Satyavan, of
Dusyanta and Sakuntala. Even a casual reader is struck by the wealth of characters in the
epic, and the way they have been so beautifully portrayed. The composer is obviously a keen
observer of human nature, and he can depict a character with masterly skill. He knows the
value of contrast, for he shows how a good character shines brighter against a bad one. Each
of the five Pandava brothers has his own distinct traits of character. Yudhisthira, the eldest,
never departs from the age-old path of virtue, however great his privation or humiliation, and
however grave the provocation may be. Unflinching in his devotion to dharma, he has an
unshaken faith that Dharma must ultimately triumph. Arjuna is the warrior par excellence.
Bhima, of tremendous physical vigour, is rather blunt and impatient; nevertheless, he is
obedient to his eldest brother when he counsels patience and restraint. Nakula and
Sahadeva are extremely loyal to their brothers and skilled in sword-exercise. Duryodhana is a
designing and ambitious person. But he is well-versed in politics and statecraft and also in
the art of warfare. Materialistic in outlook, he is concerned mainly with artha (wealth) and
kama (desire), and does not bother himself about dharma. He thus serves as an excellent foil
to Yudhisthira. Karna, the faithful friend of Duryodhana, is a self-made man. Though
contemptuously referred to as the ‘son of a charioteer’, he is a master of his craft, and in the
art of warfare he can be matched only with Arjuna. His fidelity to the Kauravas, even after he
learned of his close kinship with the Pandavas, is ideal. His charity even at tremendous
personal sacrifice is proverbial. The suffering caused by their enemies rouses the
righteousness of Draupadi, the wife of the five Pandavas. Her speech to spur the
quid Yudhisthira to action is fiery and imbued with the high Ksatriya spirit.Gandhari, the
mother of the Kauravas and wife of the blind Dhrtarastra, is similarly forthright. She
condemns Dhrtarastra as the one who is fully responsible for the rout and ruin of the
Kauravas, thus clearly showing that she is not blinded by attachment to her husband or by
affection for her sons. Her judgment is impartial and sound. Damayanti and Savitri are
models of chastity, ever solicitous of the welfare of their husbands for whose well-being no
sacrifice is too great for them.
The dominant sentiment in the Mahabharata is the heroic, but here too the pathetic sentiment
is equally noteworthy. The battlefield is littered with corpses, some of them mutilated, others
changed beyond recognition; the air is rent by the frantic wails of the bereaved women, in
particular, of the aged queen-mother Gandhari, and the heart-rending laments of Dhrtarastra.
Fate has afflicted him with blindness, and now, a forlorn father, he is doubly helpless. Such
scenes cannot but draw forth the tears of the reader. The lament of Gandhari, is in fact a
masterpiece of elegiac poetry.
The epic reveals the poet’s mastery of the art of description. The battlescenes appear most
vividly before our inward eye. The accounts of the forest life led by the Pandavas, the
penances performed by Aijuna, the svayamvara, self-choice, of Draupadi and many other
such scenes are all equally graphic. The description of Dvaitavana with its wealth of flowers
and foliage, birds and beasts, and its hermitages, reveals the poet’s eye for colour and his
ear for music, and before the mind’s eye of the reader it presents an unforgettable idyll. The
poet of the epic is, however, as aware of the violent aspects of nature as of the pleasant. A
most realistic picture is presented of the devastating storm that confronted the Pandavas on
their way to Mount Gandhamadana: the reader vividly sees the ravages caused by the storm
as the rivers swell with the heavy rain.
In general, the style is effortless. Unlike the writers of Sanskrit poems of the post-Kalidasa
period, particularly of the decadent period, the composer of the epic is concerned more with
matter than with manner. The long compounds, the difficult words, and the recondite
allusions which disfigure the poetry of the age of decadence, are absent here. The epic
shows spontaneous use of figures of speech. The flowing ballad style of the epic conjuresup
the age of simplicity and reflects its popular character. Interest is also created by a mass of
legends and the occasional inclusion of supernatural elements, such as the appearance of
gods and their direct intervention in human affairs. The epic contains beautiful imagery too.
The mighty tree entwined by clusters of flowering creepers under which Yudhisthira with his
brothers gathered, immediately reminds the poet of a huge mountain surrounded by leviathan
elephants. Even in the philosophical Bhagavad-Gita there are flashes of good imagery.
Krsna’s mouth is wide agape, and as the people enter into it, they are fancied as insects
jumping into a burning flame to meet with certain doom. Again, the heroes of the world
rushing into his flaming jaws are seen as so many currents of rivers flowing to merge into the
occan. The effulgence of Visvarupa (the Lord’s universal form) assumed by Krsna standing
before the perplexed Arjuna, is conceived as the brilliant radiance of a thousand suns rising
simultaneously. The description of the ocean in the Adipatoan is a marvellously picturesque
one. It is rich in detail, in colour, and in vividness. The imaginative touch also is very
captivating.
Some scholars have tried to find an allegory in the Mahabharata. One has suggested that the
Pandavas symbolize the seasons, and Draupadi (Krsna) the dark earth possessed by five
successive seasons. At times the seasons lose their wealth of lustre, as in the disastrous
game of dice with Duryodhana when Krsna is left with only a single garment, that is, the earth
becomes denuded in winter. Another critic finds in Pandu (literally pale or white) the name of
a royal family of a white race that migrated into India from the north and was afterwards
known as Arjuna (literally white). According to yet another scholar, the epic story is an
account of the relationship and the conflict among the different systems of Hindu philosophy
and religion. The epic has been a veritable fount at which the people of India, and indeed, of
all climes and times, have drunk deep in seeking to quench their insatiable thirst for the truth.
The key to the universal popularity of the epic seems to lie in the fact that it has invaluable
treasure to offer on three planes: the mundane, the ethical, and the metaphysical. On the
mundane plane, it is a work of great art, transporting the reader to a new world vivified by
intense imagination and masterly delineation. On the ethical plane, we find in it the eternal
conflict between dharma and adharma, with, dharma having temporary reverses but with the
ultimate and inevitable triumph of good over evil. The Bhagavad-Gita, the quintessence of the
ethical teaching of the epic, teaches the philosophy of disinterested action, a philosophy
highly prized by the wise of all ages and all lands. It also teaches us to practise samatva
(equipoise) which, indeed, is the essence of Toga. On the metaphysical plane, the epic
demonstrates the ultimate Truth. And yet, in between all this, we find simple incidents which
declare that the secret of the universal popularity of the epic is its tremendous human appeal-
the actions of such noble characters as Yudhisthira and Karna, the exhortation of the hero-
mother Vidula to her cowardly son Sanjaya to act like a true Ksatriya, or the sage counsel of
Vidura to face the challenges of life with aplomb and dignity.
Artistic Merit
The Mahabharata is not a homogeneous and unified work of art. It is as a whole, a literary
monster containing so many and so multifarious things. It has also been characterized as a
‘jungle of poetry’. All this is true, yet it is a fact that the epic is ‘more suited than any other
book to afford us an insight into the deepest depths of the soul of the Indian people. The
Brahmanas utilized this popular epic as a medium for the propagation of their ideas among
the people, ideas that were religious, philosophical, moral and ethical, political and economic.
In doing this, they incorporated a mass of material, including legends and myths, into the
corpus of the epic. Thus from the earliest times the epic literature did not emeRige as an
entity distinct from philosophy and moral and religious teaching. This accounts for the fact
that, like the Rig-Veda and the Upanisads, the Mahabharata contains beautiful poetry
juxtaposed with philosophical or other topics which are, perhaps, to the ordinary reader,
insipid and jejune. In the course of time, when the Buddhists assumed political power,
they seized upon the popular Mahabharata as a convenient tool for the dissemination of their
doctrines and moral principles. The Jains, too, did not lose the opportunity to spread their
doctrines among the masses through the framework of this popular epic. The epic thus
underwent changes which have made it a medley of miscellaneous matters. It is not,
however, amorphous, nor is it meaningless. It has the single purpose of upholding the glory
of dharma and proclaiming the eternal value of peace and tranquillity in society.
While parts of the Mahabharata contain profound wisdom and at the same time testify to the
artistic skill of the composer, there are other portions which, as pieces of literature, are
pedestrian. This phenomenon prompted Winternitz- to say that if one has to believe that the
epic is by one and the same hand, then it must be presumed that the author was at once a
sage and an idiot, a finished writer and a wretched scribbler. But modem research has proved
that the Mahabharata is not one single poetic production at all; it is a literary complex. So the
presence of portions of varying merits in one and the same work is not surprising. It is not fair
to say that the Mahabharata began as a simple epic but ended in ‘monstrous chaos’.
Conclusion
Both the epics are essentially didactic and ethical in spirit. Hence they arc regarded as
Dharma-sastras and Niti-sastras. They provide detailed guidelines for rulers, for statesmen,
for law- givers, and for persons belonging to the four castes and stages of life. Both have
tried to propagate the same message: It is virtue not vice, truth not false hood, that ultimately
wins and prevails. The pictures drawn in the epics of happiness, harmony, and understanding
in the domestic and social spheres are ideal. Affection of the parents, loyalty of the brothers,
love of the wives, obedience of the children, and so on, have an irresistible effect on the
minds of the reader. ‘Indeed,’ observes Monier Williams, ‘in depicting scenes of domestic
affection, and expressing those universal feelings and emotions which belong to human
nature in all time and in all places, Sanskrit epic poetry is unrivalled even by Greek Epos.
Verily, the epics reflect the national character of ancient India, her wisdom, her beauty, and
her power. They are, therefore, aptly called India’s ‘national epics’, India’s ‘pride and
treasure’. Keeping in view the two other great epics of the world, the Iliad and the Odyssey, it
can be said that as monuments of the human mind and as documents of human life and
manners in ancient times, the Indian epics are no less interesting than their European
counterparts. The life and literature of the Indian people beginning from the remote antiquity
down to the modern times, have been larigely influenced by these two great epics. In fact, the
story of Rama and many of the episodes of the Mahabharata are stock-subjects, which
appear over and over again in the later literature. Many paintings, and architectural and
sculptural pieces have also been designed after the Ramayana and the Mahabharata motifs.
On epigraphs and coins also the influence of the epics is considerable. They became so
popular and famous that they travelled far beyond the limits of India, to the countries in the
west, north, south and south-east, and to a great extent moulded their art and literature. The
Puranas
The Puranas are a very important branch, of the Hindu sacred literature. They enable us to
know the true import of the ethos, philosophy, and religion of the Vedas. They clothe with
flesh and blood the bony framework of the Dharma-Sutras and the Dharma-Sastras.The
Puranas relate to the whole of India so far as the historical portion therein is concerned and
to the whole world so far as their ethical, philosophical, and religious portions are concerned.
H. H. Wilson’s view that the Puranas were ‘pious frauds written for temporary purposes in
subservience to sectarian imposture’ is as patently incorrect as it is blatantly unjust. Nor is it
right to say that they are the expressions of a later and perverted Hinduism. These and other
deprecatory opinions are based on insufficient knowledge and inadequate understanding and
are as much opposed to truth as to tradition.
Meaning and Characteristics
The term purana means that which lives from of old, or that which is always new though it is
old. Works like Satapatha Brahmana and the Chandogya Upanisad refer to itihasa and
purana. But probably these two terms relate to the stories and parables contained in the
Vedas themselves. The references in the Dharma-Sutras, the Ramayana, the Mahabharata,
and Kautilya’s Artha- Sastra are, however, to the Puranas proper. The tradition is that sage
Vyasa compiled the Puranas and taught them to Lomaharsana who was a suta, a
professional bard and story-teller, and that Lomaharsana taught them to his six disciples. It is
also said that the suta is a person who is a non- Brahmin, the son of a Ksatriya father and a
Brahmin mother. The Puranas were written with the object of popularizing the truths taught in
the Vedas by presenting them in relation to specific personages and to the events of their
lives. Modern scholars, however, say that the Puranas must be the work of many minds of
diverse times and that the name Vyasa indicates a mere arranger and compiler.
This postulation seems to have been justified by several of the Puranas themselves. For
example, the Matsya Purana says that Vyasa arises in every dvaparayuga to re-arrange the
Puranas and give them to the world. Some scholars find something tangible and important in
the statement made in some of the Puranas (e.g. Brahmanda Purana) that the Puranas were
heard by Brahma even before the Vedas issued out of his four mouths. From this they infer
that the Puranas were regarded as earlier productions than the Vedas. They forget that some
affirmations are there only by way of praise. The statements were merely meant to extol the
value of the Puranas and not to deride or decry the eternal, self-existent, and self-proved
nature of the Vedas. The real function of the Puranas is to explain, illustrate, and amplify the
Vedas.
In the Amarakosa it is said that a Purana should have five characteristics: sarga (primary
creation), pratisarga (dissolution), vamsa (genealogies of gods, demons, patriarchs, sages,
and kings), manvantaras (periods of different Manus), and vamsanucarita (histories of royal
dynasties). This is affirmed in the Kurma Purana also. It seems that this description refers to
the special and specific topics contained in the Puranas and does not in any way affect the
truth that the main value of the Puranas consists in amplifying, enforcing, and illustrating the
spiritual truths stated in the Vedas in the form of injunctions and commands. The teaching of
the Vedas has been likened to masterly commands (prabhu-sammita) and that of the Puranas
to friendly counsel, and this is amply confirmed by the contents and delivery of these two
classes of Brahmanic literature. The five laksanas (characteristics) are found fully in the Visnu
Purana, and fully or partly in the other Puranas. It may be mentioned here that these five
laksanas or characteristics are amplified in the Bhagavata and the Brahmavaivarta Puranas
into ten. But the classification into five laksanas by Amarasimha is the most usual,
widespread, and important.
The Puranas then proceed to describe the historic evolution of the human destiny in the
course of unfoldment of time. The four Jugas (ages of the world), viz. krta (satya), treta,
dvapara and kali; the mahayugas or the manvantaras; and the kalpas are described to
illustrate the eternal cycle of the creation, destruction, and re-creation of the world, which
constitutes a fundamental concept in all the Puranas.
Much has been made of the sectarian and contradictory character of the Puranas and
consequently an impression of rivalry and even of enmity has been adumbrated between
Brahma, Visnu, and Siva. In the Vedas no such rivalry is stated at all. As the Puranas merely
illustrate and amplify the Vedic truths, they could not have asserted any gradation among the
Trimurti (the Trinity). The Trinity is really and essentially one divinity with three divine forms
associated with the three cosmic functions, viz. creation, preservation, and destruction. A
careful study of the different Puranas, however, enables us to deduce that they had no real
pugnacity in them. The fact is that each Purana has preferences, but no exclusions, in regard
to the gods. Whether we call a Purana a Saiva Purana or a Vaisnava Purana, we find
references to the lilas (exploits) of various gods in each of them. For the purpose of
intensifying devotion to one god, he is described as the supreme, but this does not mean a
denial of godhood to the other gods. In the Brahma Purana, Visnu teaches Markandeya that
he is identical with Siva. The Padma Purana says in express terms: ‘Brahma, Visnu, and
Mahesvara, though three in form, are one entity. There is no difference among the three
except that of attributes. The Vayu Purana says that he who affirms superiority and inferiority
among the gods is an ignorant fellow and that he who realizes their oneness is a man of true
knowledge. We find it stated in the Visnu Purana that ‘The Bhagavan Visnu, though one,
assumes the three forms of Hiranyagarbha (Brahma), Hari (Visnu), and Sankara (Siva) for
creation, preservation, and destruction of the world respectively. Again in the same Purana
the identity of Visnu and Laksmi with Siva and Gauri is affirmed.
The fact is that each of the functions of creation, preservation and destruction implies the
others and contains the others in a latent form. The Vedas and the Puranas affirm only one
God; call him by any name you like. Some Puranas affirm the origin of Visnu and Brahma
from Siva. Others affirm the causa causans to Visnu. We can easily see the significance of
this apparent variation.
The one God conceived in His pre-tripartite state is described as the parent of Himself in His
tripartite capacity.
Contents
The principal (Maha) Puranas are eighteen in number, viz. Brahma, Padma, Visnu,
Vayu, Bhagavata, Naradiya, Markandeya, Agni, Bhavisya, Brahmavaivarta, Linga, Varaha,
Skanda, Vamana, Kurrna, Matsya, Garuda and Brahmaiida. Some times Vayu Purana is
substituted for Siva Purana in the list. There are also eighteen secondary (Upa) Puranas
but their names vary in different accounts. It is, however, not possible to give here a
resume of the contents of all the Puranas. These contain about 4, 00,000 verses on the
whole and relate to a vast variety of topics. It may be mentioned for the benefit of those
who wish to know briefly the contents of the Puranas, that the Matsya Purana gives a short
summary of them. A brief summary of six different Puranas is given here to show how they
really speak with one voice and help us understand the true import of the Vedas and how
they show that they are the basis on which the fabric of modern Hinduism rests.

In the Brahma Purana we find at the beginning a description of creation. It is stated to be

caused by Visnu, who is described as being one with Brahma and Siva. The Purana then
describes the oldest Manu (Svayambhuva Manu), his wife Satarupa and the Prajapatis or
patriarchs. The successive manvantaras are also described. The Puraria then speaks of the
various continents of the earth and also the nether regions (patala) and the upper regions
(svarga). It next deals with the sacred places of India, especially Utkala (Orissa) and the
worship of the Sun there, as well as the Ekamra forest which is the favourite abode of Siva.
We have got also a detailed account of Daksa’s sacrifice and the passing away of Sati and
the birth and marriage of Uma. There is also a description of Puri of Jagannath. The Purana
then proceeds to describe Visnu’s teaching to Markandeya that he is one with Siva and that
he pervades all things. It then tells of Sri Krsna’s life and doings. Then follow the yugas
(ages) and the pralaya (dissolution) jof the world, the nature of Yoga and Samkhya (systems
of philosophy), and mukti (liberation) by attaining oneness with Vasudeva. The Purana has
also an uttara-khanda or supplementary portion, describing the stories connected with
Brahma including his propitiation of Siva.
The Padma Purana has five parts. The first part, i.e. srsti-khanda tells how Brahma was born
in the padma (lotus). It then describes creation according to the Samkhya terminology. Its
speciality is that Brahma is given a prominence which is absent in the other Puranas. It also
extols the supremacy of Visnu. After treating the divisions of time from an instant to the life
span of Brahma, it speaks of the Prajapatis, Rudras, and Manus. It states the importance of
sraddhas, especially at Gaya. It describes the lunar dynasty more elaborately than the solar.
This part also dwells upon various vratas or observances of vows at length. The second part
or bhumi-khanda describes the lives of Prahlada and Vrtrasura as also of Vena and Prthu. It
then proceeds to enumerate the human embodiments of holiness (jangama Urthas, i.e. the
parents and the gurus) and the sacred shrines (sthavara tirthas, i.e. places of piligrimage) at
Mahakala, Prabhasa, Kuruksetra, etc. The third or svarga-khanda tells of the upper spheres
inhabited by the gods, in the coursc of King Bharata’s ascent to Vaikuntha (abode of Visnu)
beyond Dhiuva-mandala (the sphere of the Pole Star). It then describes the four varnas
(castes) and the four asramas (stages of life) and their duties as well as karma-yoga and
jnana-yoga. The fourth or patala-khanda speaks of the nether regions. It also narrates in
detail the exploits of the kings of the solar dynasty. The Bhagavata is extolled in this part as
the last and the best of the Puranas. The last part of the Purana is the uttara- khanda, which
deals with the story of Jalandhara. It praises the mantra (hymn), ‘Om Laksmi- natayatiabhjam
namah as the greatest of all mantras, and says that it can be taught to all classes including
the Sudras and women after diksa (initiation). It describes also the para, vyuha, and vibhatia
aspects of Visnu, and emphasizes the special sanctity of the month of kartika and of ekadasi.
It also discusses kriya-joga, which deals with practical devotion as distinct from dhyana- yoga
or the path of contemplation.
The Visnu Purana was narrated by Parasara to his pupil Maitreya. It is divided into six parts,
each of which is subdivided into many chapters. The first part gives an account of creation,
which is attributed to Purusa and Prakrti. Visnu, who is Paramatman, desired to create the
universe so that the souls might perform their kaima (work) and attain moksa (salvation) by
means of God- realization. Creation is due to His mercy (krpa) and is His sport [krida). Then
follow accounts of the avatara (incarnation) of Lord Visnu as varaha (boar), of the
Svayambhuva-manvantara, of the Prajapatis (lords of creation), of the churning of the ocean
which yielded nectar (amrta), and of the life of Dhruva who, by his devotion to Visnu, was
lifted to the supreme height of the Dhruva- mandala. Dhruva’s descendants are then
described. The power of faith in Visnu, however, finds its most magnificent expression in the
legend of Prahlada. The second part describes the earth and the nether worlds, and the
courses of the planets. The third speaks of the Manus, the Indras, the gods, the sages and
the Vyasas (compilers). The fourth deals with the genealogies of the kings of the solar and
the lunar dynasty, and brings them up to the kaliyuga, among whom are included the
Magadha and Andhra kings and even later ones. The fifth part describes the life of Krsna.
The last part is philosophical and teaches how devotion to Lord Visnu is the means to the
attainment of beatitude.
The Brahmavaivarta Purana in four parts gives a detailed description of Sri Krsna and Radha
whose supreme abode is in Goloka. Sri Krsna is stated to be the supreme divine Principle
from whom have come Prakrti, Brahma, Visnu, and Siva. The first part (Brahma-khanda)
presents an account of Narayana (Visnu) and Siva emerging from the right and left sides of
Krsna and Brahma from His navel. Radha emerges from the left side of the Lord. The gopas
and gopi come from Krsna and Radha respectively. Brahma then proceeds to create the
ordinary universe. The second part or Prakrti-khanda describes the evolution of Prakrti
according to the Samkhya school of thought, but affirms that it is under the control of Isvara
and is his sakti (power). Sakti has five aspects: Radha, Durga, Laksmi, Sarasvati, and Savitri.
She has innumerable minor aspects as well. The third part or Ganesa-khanda is devoted to
the birth and exploits of Ganesa. The last part or SriKrsna-janma-khanda deals with the life
of Sri Krsna. The meeting of Krsna and Radha and their union form the theme of a most
remarkable and picturesque poetic description in this part.
The Vayu Purana largely emphasizes the worship of Siva It has been mentioned earlier that
in some of the lists of the main Puranas the place of Vayu Purana is sometimes taken by the
Siva Purana. The two works, as now extant, are separate. The Vayu Purana is divided into
two khandas (parts) and four padas (quarters), and gives the story of creation, the history of
the kings of the solar and the lunar dynasty, the description of the four yugas and fourteen
manvantaras, and so on. It is worthy of note that this Purana also contains accounts of the
actions of Visnu for the good of the world. Expositions of the Advaita system of thought are
also to be found in this Purana.
In the Agni Purana, the emphasis is on the glory of Siva, but descriptions of the glories of
Visnu also occur. It contains, in addition, a detailed account of political science, law,
judicature, medicine, and rhetoric. The foregoing survey of the six important and typical
Puranas shows their method of treatment and their aim and content. It is seen that their main
object, their very life, is to amplify the Vedic injunctions about morality and spirituality. They
form in a way the kindeRigarten of the uprising soul which grows into fulfilment by means of
Brahma-vidya (knowledge of the supreme Spirit). They give us lessons in pure pravrtti
(enjoyment) and nivrtti (renunciation) and make us fit for the ascent towards, and realization
of, the highest spiritual truths taught in the Vedas and the Upanisads.
Assessment
It has been shown that the Puranas are viewed by early Indian tradition frpm two standpoints.
One is the upabrahmana theory of Manu: they illustrate and amplify the Vedic truths. The
other is the panca-laksana theory of Amarasimha: they deal with the five topics stated earlier.
Manu’s view stresses the real essence of the Puranas, whereas Amarasimha’s view relates
to their external aspects. The description of creation and its dissolution is only to affirm and
declare the glory of God, while the account of the lives of divine incarnations, sages, and
kings is only to illustrate and inculcate moral and religious principles.
1.2: Buddhisim: Hinayaan and Mahayana

Religious beliefs and practices

From the archaeological findings, it may be presumed that the most important - feature of the
Indus Valley religion was the cult of Mother Goddess or Nature Goddess. There are quite a
few figurines of terracotta or other material which display a standing female figure, with
minimum clothing but profusely ornamented, with headdress, collar, etc., wearing a girdle or
band round her loins. Seals from Harappa show a female figure turned upside down, with
outstretched legs, and a plant emerging fiom her womb. hother representation of a feroali
figure standing in a bifurcated tree, probably a pippal (asvattha) tree, may be interpreted to
identify the Mother Goddess with the Nature Goddess. Bere are also a few female figures with
a number of children which may connect the Mother Goddess with fertility cult. It is interesting
to note that some of the figures are smoke- stained. It may, therefore, be inferred that those
figures were objects of worship and oil or incense was burnt before them. Among male deities
Siva can be identified easily as a principal deity in Harappan religion. Most remarkable
representation of this deity is a three-faced figure wearing a three-horned head-dress, seated
cross-leged on a throne, the posture being very similar topadmasana, with eyes turned
towards the tip of his nose, as described in Yoga texts. This figure is represented withpenis
erectus (urdhvarnedhra) which is very significant. Another striking feature of this figure is that
the deity is surrounded by a variety of animals, elephant, buffalo, tiger and rhinoceros, with a
deer creeping under the seat. This representation brings to light three aspects of Siva, viz. i)
three-faced (trimukha), ii) Lord of animals (pasupati) and iii) The Supreme practitioner of Yoga
(Yogisvara or Mahayogin).
Two more seals, depicting the same deity, have been discovered from the' excavations in
some other sites. The deity is almost nude and has a horned head-dress. One has three faces
while the second one has only one face. It also appears that Siva was worshipped both in icon
and in linga.
In all probability the Indus Valley people might have been worshipping various animals.
Though some of the animal figures might have been used as toys, others were used for
religious purpose. Three types of animals are found depicted on the seals and sealings. They
are: i) Mythlcal animals,
e.g. a) Semi-human semi-bovine, attacking a horned tiger; b) Complex ani-nals-with head of
one animal and body of another; ii) Animals neither completely mythical nor completely actual,
e.g. the strange unicorn. The great number of unicorns may suggest that it might have been
tutelary deity of some of the cities; iii) There are actual animals, such as bison, tiger, elephant,
rhinoceros, buffalo, bull and zebra. Efforts have been made to identify these animals with
&vehicles (vahanas) of some Vedic and Puranic deities but such identification are farfetched,
and not based on sound proofs.
In all probability the Indus Valley people also worshipped natural objects like water, fire,
trees, etc. Various trees, plants and foliage have been depicted on a number of seals. Fire
must have been worshipped. But it is not yet very clear whether fire was worshipped as an
independent deity or as a messenger to gods as in the Vedic culture. No buildings, which
could be identified as temples or places of worships have so far been discovered in any site.
S.R. Rao, however, has identified a few low structures found in the excavation sites at Lothal
and Kalibangan as fire altars and it is assumed that animals were scarified in those altars.
S.Ratnagar has written that 'Some aspects of Harappan religious practice would have been
highly ceremonial and public, as at the Great Bath, but there would also have been domestic
worship, as also local cults, village rituals enacted under trees, and so on'.
Observations
As our knowledge about Harappan religion is based only on archaeological findings so there
are divergent opinions in interpreting Harappan religion. Scholars also differ regarding its
relationship with the Vedic tradition. Let us see what the different authors have obserbed
about
~arap~raelnig ion. Referring , to the Mother Goddess figurines Sir John Marshall wrote, 'The
generally accepted view concerning them is that they represent the Great Mother or Nature
Goddess, whose cult is believed to have originated in Anatolia (probably in Phrygia) and
spread thence through out most of western Asia. The correspondence, however, between
these figurines and those found on the banks of the Indus is such that it is difficult to resist
the conclusion that the latter also" represented Mother or Nature Goddess and served the
same purpose as their counterparts in the West, viz., either as votive offerings or, less
probably, as cult images for household shrines; and this conclusion is strengthened by the
fact that the range of these figurines now extends practically without a break from the Indus
to the Nile, over tracts that are not only geographically continuous but which in the
Chalcolithic Age were united by common bonds of culture.
Giving referepce to discoveries at Kalibangan Bridget and Raymond Allchin have suggested
that there were several fire altars along with kits containing ashes and this place may be
interpreted as ritual centre where animal sacrifice and ritual ablution used to take place. S.
Atre is of the opinion that there is continuity in religious beliefs of the Harappans with the
religious elements of the hunter-gatherer's cultures. 'Harappan religious ideology and rituals
were possibly designed to reassure the bounteousness of life, granted by the Archetypal
Mother.. .The main deity of the Harappans was a Great Goddess of animals and vegetation.
The Archetypal Motherlthe Great Goddess still holds a prime place in the collective Hindu
psyche as well as in Hindu rituals; a phenomenon, more obviously ascribable to the
Harappan than to the Vedic cultural traits'.
K.N. Sastri has disagreed with the assumption of female predominance in the Harappan
religion and was of the opinion that the Harappan religion was very much within the ambit of
the Vedic traditions. It is suggested that the mother Goddess figurines, the linga and yoni
symbols, various seals and ritual objects are indicative of primitive tantrik practices. According
to N.N. Bhattacharya the yogic posture of 'Proto-Siva' found on the Harappan seals refer to
the pre-vedic origin of Yoga. 'The origin of the Sankhya concept of Purusa and Prakrti had
been traced to that of the Female and Male principles of creation as was supposed to exist
among the Harappans on the suggestiviv of the yoni and linga symbols, the Mother Goddess
figures, the male god on the seals and so on'.
S.R. Rao arrives at the conclusion that the religious beliefs and practices of the Harappan
people were similar to those of the Vedic Aryans. He postulates that the Mother Goddess
was ranked very high. From Kalibangan and Lothal remains, he draws that Agni was
accorded a special place and various types of oblations including animals were offered to
him. Rao further postulates that the Indus Valley people had a clear conception of Supreme
God, whom they mentioned as 'Ka' and 'Eka'. Bhaga and Brhaspati might have also been
known. Yoga was widely practiced as a means to spiritual attainments. in the Harappan sites
do not conform to the sacrificial altars of the Vedas' and historically it is not correct to d~awan
y analogy between the cultural practices in the Harappan civilization and of those mentioned
in the Vedic texts.
S. Ratnagar considers the existence of 'shamanism' in Harappan religion. She explains,
'Shamanism is a form of religious practice that exists among preliterate prehistoric groups,
including tribesmen and hunter-gatherers, as well as in the Shang-dominated society of
Bronze Age China Central to shamanism is animism, belief in the souls of animals, birds,
plants or snakes, and a belief that these souls or spirits can communicate with living people.
They do so through the shaman, a person with the rare gift of understanding them as he is
able to journey into the world of the spirits-n the waves of frenzied drumming or clapping, on
the spirals of smoke, or on the souls of sacrificed animals, by taking part in vigorous dance or
by eating hallucinogenic substances. Shamans thus go into ecstasy or trance. While in the
other world, they seek out cures for disease or drought.' Ratnagar feels that the copper
tablets of Mohenjo-daro, depicting masked figure with horns, animals, material items having
association with shamanistic practice, the so-called Pasupati seal and some hybrid
personages depicted on Harappan seals suggest the existence of shamanism in Harappan
religion. It is difficult to reach any conclusion based on these observations. However, what
can be suggested is that being a highly developed urbanized civilization Harappan people
also had developed religious practices and symbolism. But in the absence of proper
decipherment of Harappan scripkinferences based on archaeological'findings are very much
subjective in nattffe. Establishing any connectivity between Harappan and Vedic religious
traditions on the basis of existing evidences ma always have the possibility of sweeping
generalization. This requires further investigation and corroboration.
Vedic religion
The Vedic tradition at its early stage was primarily a tradition, by priests and priest-craft, with
a sizable pantheon of nature deities. There was Vayu, the wind god, Agni, the fire god, Indra,
the god of thunder and many others. Sacrifice involving the specialized priests and slaughter
of animals was the chief form of religious practice. Sacrifice was originally a rite of hospitality
for the gods and this was performed to obtain material rewards on earth and in heaven. In the
Vedic texts we find that the sacrifice is symbolic of the selfless, visionary, coordinated,
dynamic and creative activity which could be at any level, in any sphere or dimension.
Different rituals have deeper meaning of eternal value and universal applications. In the
context of the Vedic religion sacrifice needs to be understood with reference to the inner self
of man. Ancient seers have suggested two approaches with reference to the Vedic religion –
Pravrtti Lakshana (characterized by action) and nivrtti-lakshana (characterized by
renunciation). The aim of religion is also two fold: Abhyudaya (prospeSty in the life in this
world and enjoyment in heaven in the life after) and Nihsreyasa (permanent freedom from all
bondage and sufferings, state of eternal bliss).
The Mantra and Brahmana parts of the Veda which are primarily associated with rites and
rituals serve the purpose of Abhyudaya, whereas the Aranyakas and the Upanishads teach
the ways and means for Nihsreyasa. In this Unit you will be introduced to sources of the
Vedic religion, meaning and classification of various rituals and what do they symbolize.
Sources of the vedic religion
The Vedic religion emanates from the Veda. The word 'Veda' is derived from the root 'vid', 'to
know' and hence means knowledge. The knowledge contained in and imparted by the Veda
is considered to be the knowledge par excellence. The Veda is believed not to be any human
composition but to have been revealedto ancient Risis, seers of the truth and hence is
Apauruseya, non-human creation.
Our source of knowledge of the Vedic religion is the corpus ofthe Vedic literature which is
composed of four great works, the Rig-Veda, the Sama-Veda, the Yajur-Veda and the
Atharva- Veda and each of these having fourfold subdivisions the Sarnhitas or Mantras, the
Brahmanas, the Aranyakas and the Upanishads. The oldest and most important of all the
Vedas is the Rig-Veda which consists of a collection of 1,028 hymns, recited or chanted in the
course of a sacrifice. It is divided into ten books, of which the first and the tenth are thought to
be somewhat later than the central eight. The Sama-Veda is composed essentially of hymns
taken fiom the Rig-Veda (with some seventy-five additional stanzas), rearranged in order to
facilitate the singing or chanting of the verses. The Yajur-Veda is a collection of ritual formulae
and explanations used by the priests in performing the sacrifice. The Atharva-Veda is a later
addition to the other three Vedas and a substantial portion of this text is a collection of magic
spells.
Its contents are based on ancient folk religious beliefs. It is believed that the Vedas were
compos_ed between 1500 B.C. and 1200 B.C. Several different priestly schools began to
record and preserve their expositions of the meaning of the sacrifice, the hymns and the
prayers and this led to the development of the texts called the Brahmanas. These are the
ritual textbooks intended to guide the priests through the complicated web of sacrificial rites.
The Aranyakas, considered as appendices to the Brahmanas, contain the mysticism and
symbolism of sacrifice. The Upanishads deal with metaphysical speculations and spiritual
teachings. These are in brief the texts which help us in formulating our knowledge about the
Vedic religion. In the following section we will discuss the different forms of rituals, particularly
the public rites.
Rituals - public rites
The formulation of the rites and rituals presupposes the existence of deities who are to
bdprobitiated, prayed through the rituals. The Vedas mention quite a good number of deities.
The principal deities are classified as belonging to different religions, viz. i) terrestrial, ii) aerial
and iii) celestial. Prithivi, Agni, Soma, Brhaspati and the rivers belong to the first order; Indra,
Apam-napat, Rudra, Vayu-Vota, Parjanya, Apah and Matarisvan to the second and Dyaus,
Varuna, Mitra, Surya, Savitr, Pusan, Visnu, the Adityas, Usas and the Asvins to the third.
Performance of ritual was at the centre of philosophy of the early Vedic religion. Ritual and
prayer are two expressions in act and word of man's sense of dependence on divine powers.
Rituals were performed to enlist the goodwill of divine powers so that they may fulfil the wish
of the worshipper.
Sacrifice was considered as an inherent part of the cosmic order. Sacrifice involved the
yajamana, the patron of the offering, the god to whom the offering is given, the Brahmana
who performs the sacrifice and acts as a link between the yajamana and the god and the bali
or the offering which is gifted to the gods. The Vedic sacrifices are performed by offering
oblations or Ahutis to fire, since Agni (fire) is believed to be the mouth of all deities. He
receives the offerings not only for himself but also for transmissions to the gods. Oblations
are offered under different circumstances to three fire altars, containing three sacred fires
duly established through rituals, such as Garhaptya, used for warming of dishes and
preparation of offerings, Ahavaniya, installed in the east, receives the offerings for the gods
and daksina, established in the south, for receiving offering for the ancestors and demons.
Vedic rituals are broadly classified into two categories, Public rites (Srauta) and Domestic
rites (Grhya or Smarta). In this section we will explain public rites.
The Srauta sacrifices are primarily classified on the basis of the material of the offerings, viz.
havir-yajna in which ghee (classified butter-havis) is offered as the main oblation, and Soma-
yajna in which the juice of the Soma plant (this plant is now extinct and a substitute called
putika is being used since the I st A.D.) is the chief oblation. It is to be noted that in aSoma-
yqjna animal sacrifice also forms apart. Different parts of the body of the sacrificial animal,
particularly omentum (vapa) are offered to the fire in Soma-yajna. Other objects, which are
offered in sacrifices as oblation are sacrificial cakes (purodasa) generally made of barley,
milk, curd, etc. Gradually, a section of the adherents of the Vedic lore disliked animal sacrifice
and different types of substitutes were in use.
The Srauta rituals require the participation of various types of offioiating priests (rtvij-s). Four
are the principal ones, each of them is associated with a particular Veda. They are Hotr
(Rgvedic), Udgatr (Samavedic), Adhvaryu (Yajurvedic) and Brahman (Atharvavedic). There
are a few subordinate ones, such aspotr; nestr, agnidh, prasastc etc. Among all the priests,
Adhvayu performs the manual work, i.e. pouring the offering, while Hotr invokes the gods to
be present in the sacrifice. The Udgatr S job is chanting the samans in particular tunes and
meters. The fourth priest, i.e. Brahman, is entrusted with the general supervision of the
sacrifice. Srauta sacrifices are many and varied, and they became more and more
complicated. A vast literature, known as Srauta sutras came into being to discuss the details
of the performance of the sacrifice. The Srauta sacrifices may be classified as: i) periodic or
regularly recurring ones (nitya) and ii) occasional or special (naimittika).
Periodic Sacrifices The first of all periodic sacrifices is the setting up of sacred fire
(agnyadhana). This is performed either in a particular season or either on new moon or full
moon day. It is a two-day performance. The garhapatya fire is first established on a'circular
altar (vedi). The second the dakshina is established on a semicircular altar and the third one,
i.e. ahavaniya is established on a square altar. Each of the three fires is established under a
separate shed. First the garhapatya fire is lit and a blaze from it is taken to each of the other
two fires. The agnihotra is performed daily, morning and evening. The oblation is milk, heated
and mixed with water, which is offered to the garhapatya and ahavaniya fires. A part of the
evening performance is agnyupasthana, a homage to fire and the cow whose milk is used.
The Darsapurnamasa, as its name indicates, is performed on new moon (darsa) and full
moon day (purnamasa). Sacrificial cakes (Caturmasya) are performed - at the beginning of
spring, monsoon, and autumn seasons. The Maruts are the - most important deities who
receive oblations in all these sacrifices alqpg with other. In addition, five oblations to Agni,
Soma, Savitr, Sarasvati and Pusan are offered in the beginning of each of the three
sacrifices. For the firewood the tree which blossoms in the particular season is selected. In
the first four-12 month sacrifice the five common libations are followed by a cake (purodasa)
to Maruts, a milk mixture to the Visvedevas and a cake to heaven and earth (dyavaprthivi).
Another seasonal sacrifice is agrayana-isti, which is the sacrifice of the first. Fruit of the
biennial harvest. Apurodasa of barley in spring and ofrice ig autumn is offered to Indra, Agni,
Visvedevas, Dyau and Prthivi. The first born of the calves during the year is offered as the
fee (daksina).
Special Sacrifices: Many sacrifices under this class are known to be variations of the isti
type,.on the model of darsapurnamasa. These are performed for the fulfillment of various
desires of the yajamana (sacrificer).
First among this type of occasional sacrifices is animal sacrifice (pasuyaga), some times as
an independent sacrifice and some times as part of the soma sacrifice. One of the
independentpasuvagas is Nirudhapasubandha. However, this has fallen out of practice, even
among the Vedic ritualists of today. According to the authoritative texts, Nirudhapasubandha
can be performed only by one who has established the sacred fire (ahitagni), because this
sacrifice necessitates partaking of meat, which the ahitagni is allowed to. This sacrifice is
performed once or twice a year during the northern course of the Sun (uttarayana).
The offering is the same as the Darsa sacrifice, with the exception that an animal replaces
milk offered to Indra. A yupa, sacrificial post is erected and the victim (pasu), before it is tied
up, is bathed and anointed with butter. Other procedures, following the offering of ajya
(clarified butter), are similar to those of the new moon and full moon sacrifices (darsa
andpurnamasa).
The ritualistic-texts describe in detail the immolation of the victim and offering the omentum
(vapa) and some of the limbs of the victim to the fire. The main ceremony of this animal
sacrifice is calledparyagnikarana. At the end of this ceremony, some minor rituals called
anuyajas including offering to barhis and the doors are also performed. Somayajnas, i.e.
sacrifices in which soma juice forms the main oblation is most important among occasional
sacrifices. Since this type of sacrifice is quite expensive, only kings and very wealthy people
could perform it. But the Somayajnas are attended by a multitude of people belonging to
different strata of the society as a public event.
The Soma sacrifices are performed in Spring, which was the beginning of the year in ancient
time. There are seven major Soma sacrifices, the common or class name being Jyotistoma.
The seven Soma sacrifices are: Agnistoma, Ukthya, Sodasin, A tiratra, A tyagnistoma,
Vajapeya and Aptoryama. This list is not, however, 'exhaustive. The Agnistoma is taken as
the model (prakrti) while others are modelled on the form of Agnistoma and hence are known
as variatifns (viktis). The Soma juice offered in Soma sacrifices is pressed in three sessions
(savanas), morning, midday and evening @ratah, madhyandina, and trtiya). Offerings in a
Soma sacrifices go to a good number of deities of whom Indra is the most prominent. The
midday session is exclusively devoted to him while he has shares in the morning and evening
sessions also.
Sixteen priests, senior and junior ones, officiate in an Agnistoma. There are various steps or
stages of the Agnistoma ceremony. First of them is the selection and commissioning of the
priests, which is followed by the consecration (diksa) of the sacrificer (yajamana) and his
wife. Then they are supposed to observe silence, abstinence, etc.
The next is the purchase of Soma which is done through a mock fight between the seller and
the purchaser. This event is followed by three of actual performances, on each of which
pravargya or hot-milk offering is made twice a day. On the second day an altar is constructed
to place the cartloads of the Soma plant. An animal sacrifice to Agni and Soma is perforped
on the third day. The juice is kxtracted from the Soma plant, with stone or mortar and pestle.
After proper purifying through a strainer the Soma juice is mixed with milk. The Soma
offerings are accompanied by the chanting of various categories of mantras, known as astras
and stotras. Another animal sacrifice, the victim animal, being a goat, is dedicated to Indra
and Agni. Oblations, such as sacrificial cakes (purodasas) are also ofired.
The concluding chapter of Agnistoma consists of chanting of particular hymns to Agni and
Maruts (Agni-Maruta-sastras) and then immersion of the used Soma shoots, sacrificial
implements, etc. in nearby river or tank and finally a bath taken by the sacrificer (yajamana)
and his wife. Among the seven Soma sacrifices Vajapeya deserves special mention. It is
presumed that this sacrifice shows some traces of popular origin. The purpose of performing
this sacrifice is to gain victory and authority. The kings and other wealthy persons from all the
three higher castes are entitled to perform the Vaj apeya sacrifice.
Another important Vedic sacrifice was Rajasuya which is related to royal consecration
ceremony and, therefore, assumed the character of a public event. The grandeur of the
ceremony, very naturally, drew public attention and attendance in a big way. The mantras
chanted on this occasion are prayers for the welfare of the state and the people. It is,
however, to be borne in mind that the sacrifice was actually performed by the king as the
yajamana, and not by the members of the public.
In the performance aspect, Rajasuya was like any other Soma sacrifice, starting from the
diksa and to several upasad days. Unlike other sacrifices, the yajamana, i.e. the king has to
play a few very important roles and there were a few special features. The Adhvaryu priest
would hand over to the king a bow with three arrows; the king should walk a few steps to all
the directions. He will sit on a throne made of udumbara wood covered with a tiger-skin, and
will be anointed with butter, honey, sacred waters from many rivers and seas.
The real royal grandeur is reflected in the Asvamedha, i.e. horse sacrifice. This sacrifice was
performed by powerful kings with imperial ambitions. Prajapati is the chief deity of the
Asvamedha rite, though oblations are offered to many other deities. The ceremony starts on
the 8" or 9" day of Phalguna and is spread over a year. The procedure of the sacrifice is quite
elaborate and complicated. At the outset, a horse of the highest quality is tied and bathed. It
is then consecrated near the sacrificial fires and various types of purodasas are offered,
during the next three days. Then the horse is set fiee to roam at its free will beyond the
boundaries of the king, but it is escorted by the contingerit of army. If the h~rsecr osses the
territory of a king unopposed, it will mean that the ruler of the territory concedes to the
authority of the former king. If any king obstructs the movement of the horse, it will be
rescued by the accompanying army contingent by fighting. During the year of the horse's
wandering many types of merry-making continue in capital. On the return of the horse, a
Soma sacrifice is performed, in which the Soma is pressed on three days (sutya days). On
the second sutya day the horse is sacrificed, alon with a great number of victims, - animals
both domestic and wild, - big and small. There are some activities in the ritual which can only
be interpreted as a fertility cult. The sacrifice is concluded with the ceremonial both on the
third sutya day. If a king succeeds in performing the asvamedha on the return of the horse
unopposed, he is acclaimed as an emperor. Though many authors of the Puranas and
compilers of later Law digests forbid the performance of the Asvamedha in the Kali Age, the
sacrifice continued to be performed till a much later age.
Sautramani is another Vedic sacrifice known for its unique peculiarity that sura, i.e. wine is
offered in place of Soma. The Vedic Soma sacrifices are classified by another criterion. If a
sacrifice is performed with more than one but upto twelve pressbg (sutya) days, it is called an
ahina sacrifice. If the number of the sutya days is more than twelve, it is called a sattra. A
sattra may be extended to several years.
Rituals - domestic rites
Besides the Srauta sacrifices both regular and occasional, compulsory and optional - a
householder belonging to any of the three upper castes is required to perform quite a good
number of personal or family rites - as enjoined by the ritualistic texts known as grhya
karmans, i.e. domestic rites. The most important distinction between the public rites (srauta)
and the domestic rites (grhya) is that while the Srauta rites are performed in three sacred
fires, viz. Ahavaniya, Daksinga and Garhapatya, - the grhya rites are performed only in the
Garhapatya fire. There are, however, some rites which are both srauta and grhya. The
occasions of establishing the Garhapatya fire are marriage, death of the head of the family or
division of patemal property, resulting in the setting up of a separate household. The
Garhapatya fire is to be maintained uninterruptedly. The auspicious time for the setting up of
the Garhapatya fire is any bright fortnight during the northern course of the sun (uttarayana)
which rule is of course not very hard and fast. The householder is supposed to perform all the
Grhya rites himself, except the Sulagava and Dhanvantari rites which may be performed by a
Brahmin priest commissioned for the purpose. During the absence of the householder,
however, his wife or a resident pupil may act as his representative. The materials used for the
oblations in the Grhya rites are generally the same as those for the srauta rituals, with the
exception that Soma is never offered and animals very rarely.
Heterodox Religious Order in Ancient India
The sixth century BC witnessed the emergence and growth of Non-Vedic and Pro-Vedic
ideologies. However, one should understand that in the crowd of various types of belief
systems, examples of violent religious conflicts were almost absent in India. In fact, these
systems resorted to the method of arguments and debates for the propagation of their
respective belief system, which is a unique feature of Indian religion, or the ideological
system. Against the background of rigid Vedic religion, based on sacrifices & polytheism, the
6th century India witnessed the rise of heterodox & monotheist belief systems like Jainism,
Buddhism, and Ajivakas etc. These systems opposed complex and time-labor-money
consuming Vedic rituals and sacrifices. Besides, they also rebelled against the growth of
Brahmans as a superior socio-religious and economical authority in the society. They
provided an ideological alternative and base, on which the society flourished in sixth
c. BC.
It should be noted that the non-Vedic religions were not of foreign origin. On the contrary,
they were deeply rooted in Indian culture. Initially, they seem to be drastically debating each
other, but, in due course of time, they followed similar lines and approaches for the
propagation of their respective religions.
There are some causes of the emergence of Non-Vedic cults, as follows: Proliferation of
Sacrifices During Later Vedic period, the sacrifices became mandatory for receiving favour of
God or fulfilling any wish. The scriptures suggested various types of sacrifices, which were
time-money consuming and filled with violence. Besides, similar to the sacrifices, various
types of specialized priests and crowd of Gods also emerged in the society. In all, the entire
system became very complex and, except favorable to priest class, beyond the limits of
common person. Discriminatory institutions The later Vedic culture based on rigid caste-
system. The Vedic culture represented with the hierarchy of castes, proliferation of castes
and sub castes, humiliating condition of women and Shudras etc. The non-Kshatriya rulers
and economical superior trader class, along with common person, found no prestigious place
or respect in this system.
Ambiguous scriptures The Vedic literature was varied and specialized. However, it was
written in ambiguous Sanskrit language, which was known to only Brahmans. Hence, it was
necessary for the common person to know their religion in understandable and clear
language and literature. Need of New Thoughts Even among Vedic people, many thinkers
were dissatisfied by the ritual extremity of Later Vedic period. Hence, they created a different
kind of Vedic literature, i.e. the Upanishads. The Upanishads preferred meditation and
introspection to the extravagant sacrifices of Vedic scriptures. However, the meditation of
Upanishads was revolving around the subjects like atman, Brahma, dvait-advait etc.; even
more abstract than the rituals themselves.
Hence, people were in need of a new, unambiguous, simple thought or beliefsystems. Against
the background of such complex nature of Later Vedic rituality, a need was felt of such belief
system, which would give simple-clear thought and would suggest cheap, manageable rituals
in understandable language. Besides, economically superior Varna like Vaishya and politically
superior non-Kshatriya rulers and people were in need of socio-religious sanctions to them or
legitimacy in society. Hence, in 6th c BC, Non-Vedic cults emerged who fulfilled all the
requirements mentioned above and provided legitimacy to Vaishya and non- Kshatriya
powerful people and rulers.
Jainism
By tradition, Jainism is an anadi religion, i.e. the all time/ever-existed religion, and, through
tirthankaras, it is retold from time to time. Rishabhdeva was the first among 24 tirthankaras, in
which, Neminath was 22nd, whereas, Parshvanatha was 23rd. Parshvanath was the son of
Ashvasena, ruler of Banaras and queen Vama. He, at the age of 30, left the throne and
resorted to penance. He lived for 100 years and spent his life for the propagation of Jainism.
He gave stress on four principles, like, Satya, Brahmacharya, Asteya and Aparigraha. The
followers of Parshvanatha, wearing white cloth, consisted of 8 gana, 8 ganadhara and 1000
Shramanas. Vardhaman Mahavir was the 24th tirthankara and most venerated preacher of
Jain religion.
Vardhaman Mahavir (540 BC to 474 BC): His Life
Vardhaman born at Kundagrama in dist. Muzaffarpur (in present Bihar). He was the son of
Siddhartha, king of dnyatrik republic and Trishaladevi, sister of Lichchavi king. Since his
childhood, Vardhaman was detached from worldly pleasures and always engaged in
meditation. He was married to one Yashoda and had a daughter. After the death of parents, at
the age of 30, he took permission from his elder brother and submitted himself to the life of
sanyasa (ascetic). Initially he wore cloths, however after 12 months left cloths and remained
cloth-less. He resorted to painstaking penance (tapas) for 12 years. On the 13th year, he
received enlightenment of supreme knowledge on the banks of Rijipalika at village Jrimbhika
and thus become kevalin or arhat. He successfully gained control on all his senses (indriyas).
Hence, he is called the Jina, i.e. Jitendriya (who won over his senses). As he was freed from
all the bondages, he was called as Nigranth. Afterwards, he propagated his thought in public
up to 72 years. Then, at Pavapuri he received Nirvana.
His Work
Mahavira reinterpreted the then existed philosophy and code of conducts of Jainism. He
contributed a new principle of non-violence (ahimsa) to the four principles, told by
Parshvanatha. He, based on non-violence, framed a new set of philosophy and codes of
conduct. Then, he consolidated his disciples. Besides, he refreshed Jain monachism
(monasticism) and put rules of hierarchy of Jain-preachers or Shramanas. Besides, he
provided such rules, which would be suitable for the laymen. For the propagation of his
religion, he accepted ardhamagadhi-a language of people as a medium of preaching and
methods of dialogue and debates to preach.
Due to his simple codes of conducts and use of people-language, Mahavira could
successfully propagated Jainism, which, within a short span of time, received popularity
among common person-as also among kings and traders. Hence, Mahavira considered as an
actual founder of Jainism.
Basic Principles of Jainism
The basic principles of Jainism surmised as follows:
1. Negations of Vedas, Vedic rituals, sacrifices and its concept of God
2. To achieve moksha, one should control his own senses instead of depending on the
favours of God
3. Universe is created due to jiva (soul) which is immortal
4. To achieve moksha, jiva should freed from actions
5. Belief in equality
The Vratas: Maha-vrata & Anu-vrata:
Ahimsa: This is the centre-thought of Jainism. It means to abstain from troubling any living
thing with any sort of violence, like, physical, verbal and mental. Satya To speak truth and
create such a situation in which other would speak truth. Asteya Not to possess the thing,
which is not belonged to us Aparigraha To possess only those things, which are most needed
Brahmacharya Abstain from sexual relations These five principles were mandatory for Jain
monks and nuns. Hence, these are called as 'maha-vrata'. However, it is not possible for
laymen to follow such strict codes of conduct. Hence, Jainism made provision of the same
principles for them but in a soft or limited form. They are called as 'anu-vrata', like ahimsa-
anuvrata, satyaanuvrata etc.
Guna-vrata:To inculcate patience and sacrifice among laymen and women (shravaka and
shravika), three guna-vrata were provided for them, like, Dig-vrata While traveling one should
limit his directions and maintain that limitation. Kal-vrata While traveling one should limit the
duration and maintain that limitation Anarth-dandavat While following ones occupation one
should respect the limits and values of that occupation.
Shiksha-vrata: To increase the tendency of detachment from worldly pleasures and for the
social-health, some principles are told, like, Samayika To follow habit of seating calmly at one
place and meditate Proshadhopavasa To observe fast on fifth (panchami), eighth (ashtami),
fourteenth (chaturdashi) day of every fortnight; or, on eighth and fourteenth day during
chaturmasa (Ashadh to Ashvin i.e June-September/rainy season) On the day of fast one
should seat in Jain temples and recite scriptures and follow meditation Bhogopabhoga
parinama Decide limitation on food consumption and pleasure for each day and follow that
limitation. Atithi samvibhag To give part of our cooked food to the truthful and worthy guest.
Types of Disciples: According to Jainism, there are five types of disciples, comprised of 1.
Tirthankara (free), 2. Arhata (a soul flowing to nirvana), 3. Acharya (Great Disciple), 4.
Upadhyaya (Teacher), 5. Sadhu (general disciple) Jain Scriptures. According to tradition, the
original preaching of Mahvira compiled in 14 volumes, called as Parva. In the first grand-
assembly, held at Pataliputra, Sthulabhadra classified Jainism into 12 Anga. These Angas
included famous angas like Acharanga sutra and Bhagavati sutra. Further in the second
grand-assembly, held at Vallabhi, these supplemented by the Upangas. The original Jaina
canons (85) comprised of sutragrantha (41), prakirnakas (31), Niyukti/Bhashya (12),
Mahabhashya (1). These are called as Agama, written in ardhamagadhi script.
The Spread of Jainism
By tradition, Jainism was existed before Mahavira. However, due to tenuous efforts of
Mahavira and his new contributions like consolidation, reinterpretation of philosophy and
codes of conduct, a separate set of codes for laymen, hierarchical systemized monachism;
he was credited as an actual founder of Jaina religion. Among his 11 disciples or
ganadharas, Arya Sudharma became the first mainpreacher or thera. During the period of
Nanda dynasty, Sambhutavijaya propagated Jainism. Bhadrabahu, the sixth thera, was
contemporary to Chandragupta Maurya. The basic reason of the spread of Jainism was the
support and favours of contemporary rulers. Great rulers like Bimbisara, Ajatshatru,
Chandragupta Maurya, Kharvela (north) and southern dynasties like Ganga, Kadamba,
Chalukya, Rashtrakuta, and Shilahara accepted Jainism as their personal and royal religion.
They extended their support to Jain for their propagation and consecutive spread. The Jain
were mainly concentrated in the region of Mathura; however, due to the favour of Chalukya
rulers of Gujarat and notable dynasties of South, it spread in Gujarat and south India.
Apart from rulers, the trader and artisan's class also accepted Jainism. It spread on the
financial base provided by these classes. Due to the favour of rulers, Jaina literature and art
also flourished. Vast collections of Jaina literature created in the public-language like
ardhamagadhi and then Sanskrit, too. Besides, caves-viharas-temples constructed to
accommodate the worshipers for large congregations. These places served as educational
centres where renowned works and researches on Jainism were undertook by various
scholars, like, Mathura and Shravanbelagola were the most renowned research institutions of
Jainism.
The stress of Jainism on the adherence of strict codes of conduct hampered its spread;
however, on the other hand, by these, it could retain its oldest form until today. Especially,
the concept of 'ahimsa' and 'anekantavada', were the immortal gift of Jainism to the India
culture.
Grand Assemblies
During the draught of 12 years in Magadha, Bhadrabahu, with his disciples departed to
Shravanbelagola, in South India, whereas, some Jain, mostly Shvetambaras, remained in
Magadha under the leadership of Sthulbahubhadra. Around 300 BC, he organized first grand
assembly at Pataliputra. The assembly came up with the classification of Mahavira's
preaching in 12 Angas. When, Jain from south India, mostly Digambaras, returned to
Magadha, they refuted these Angas and stated that all the original scripture were lost.
After many years, in 512 AD, second grand assembly was held at Vallabhi (Gujarat) presided
by Deavardhimani Kshamashramana. Meanwhile, the 12th Anga was lost. Hence, the
assembly tried to consolidate and compile the scripture. They created new texts like Upanga
and supplemented to remaining Angas.
Dissensions
Earlier, Jaina remained without cloths. During Chandragupta Maurya's time, most of the
Jaina under the leadership of Bhadrabahu left Magadha towards south India. After some
period, they returned to Magadha. Meanwhile, the Jaina at Magadha were resorted &
become habitual to cover their body with white cloth. Besides, they have softened some
codes of conduct, like permission of women in Jain monachism, whereas, the Jaina, who
returned from south were attached to earlier strict rules and remained cloth-less. Obviously,
their arrival created dissensions among Jaina. It divided between the two cults, the
Shvetambaras (clad in white-dress) and Digambaras (cloth-less). The Digambara Jaina
believed remaining cloth-less and they are against permitting women in the fold of religion,
whereas, the Shvetambara Jaina supports participation of women and accepted the white
(shveta) cloth to wear. In due course of time, both these major cults came up with their own
version and scriptures of Jainism. Generally, the Digambaras were mostly concentrated in
the southern part of India whereas north populated by the Shvetambaras.
Buddhism
Gautama Buddha (566 to 486 BC): His life
Siddhartha was born at Lumbini in present Nepal. He was son of Shuddodana, the King of
Shakya gana of Kapilvastu and Mayadevi, princess of Koliya gana. In his childhood he was
taken care by Gautami, hence he also called as Gautama. After his enlightenment, he called
as Buddha. Shuddodana provided all kinds of comforts and pleasure to Siddhartha. However,
since his childhood, Siddhartha was detached from worldly pleasure and engrossed in
meditation. When he arrived to his youth, he deeply moved by the misery and agony of human
life. Traditions inform us about the effects on Siddhartha of the sight of old man, a sick man, a
dead body and meditative sage. He became restless to seek the cause of such agony and real
meaning of truth. Hence, at 29, he left his wife Yashodhara and son Rahul and, moved to
forests to know the real meaning of truth and reason of sorrow. His departure from material
pleasure for the welfare of humanity engraved in history as maha-bhi-ni-shkramana. He spent
his six years on experimenting in various methods of penance supervised under various
scholars. However, he felt such methods as fruitless hence left them. At the end, on the banks
of Uruvela, at Gaya, he received enlightenment under the pipal (bodhi)- tree. He became the
Buddha-the enlightened one and Tathagath-who knew the truth. He refuted the known
methods and authority of knowledge and put forth his new version of truth. He decided to
share his knowledge with the people, basedon simple code of conducts and in the languages
of people, i.e. Pali. He gave his first sermon at Sarnath and introduced his dhamma. This
sermon refuted the earlier versions of truth and introduced a new beginning in the
philosophical history of Indian culture; and hence, memorized as dhamma-chakra-parivartana.
His knowledgeable, simple and sacrificial character and his teaching in simple tone impressed
people.
Initially there were five disciples-Ashvajit, Upali, Mogalalana, Shreyaputra and Anand.
However, within a short span of period crowds and crowds of people gathered around him
and accepted his knowledge. He was followed by, along with common person, wealthy
merchants- traders, artisans and kings like Ajatshatru (Magadha), Prasenjit (Kosala) and
Udayana (Kaushambi) of that time. Then, Buddha organized his disciples into a specific
monachism rested on definite
rules and codes of conduct. This is called the Sangha. The Buddhists express their devotions
by submitting themselves to Buddha, his Sangha and his dhamma.
After painstaking propagation and travels through distant lands, in the age of 80, Buddha
rested at Kusinagar (Kasaya, dist. Devriya, present Uttar Pradesh) in peace. His departure
commemorated as maha-pari-nirvana.
Buddhist Monasticism or Sangha: For the propagation of Buddhism, Buddha created a
disciplined mechanism of missionaries, called as Bhikshus and Bhikshunis. He organized the
missionaries and his disciples in a specific organization, called as Sangha.
Membership of Sangha (Monastery): Any person (male or female) who is above 18 and left
his possessions could become member of Sangha based on equality. Initially women were not
permitted in Sangha, but thanks to persistent efforts and convincing by Ananda (disciple) and
Gautami (foster mother); the doors were opened for women. Besides, after the permission of
owner, slaves, soldiers and debtors could also become member of Sangha. However,
criminals, lepers and contagious patients not permitted into Sangha. At the outset, one has to
take oath (loyalty towards Buddha-Dhamma-Sangha), then shave his head (mundana) and
wear yellow dress. Then, after one month, he could take a diksha called as upasampada. In
addition, after upasampada he is taken as a member of Sangha. However, the member is
expected to follow the codes of conduct (dasha-shila), comprised of, abstaining from:
consuming alcohol, taking untimely food, dance-songs, using perfumes, using mattress for
sleep, wearing gold & silver ornaments, indulging in adultery etc.
The organizational base of Sangha was a democratic one. The monks are expected to travel
for eight months for the propagation of Buddhism. Then, during the four months of rainy
season, they gathered at one place, called as varshavasa.During varshavasa, they discuss,
share their experiences, and gave confessions, take prayashcita (expiation). Hence, they
were expected to frequently gather, behave unanimously and respect the elders in Sangha.
The monks assemble in upasabhas on specific days like eighth, fourteenth, full moon, no-
moon days of the month. They submitted their reports, gave confessions and-in a situation of
breach-of-rules, follow prayaschita. Due to such a disciplinary and chaste character of
monks, they received a great respect in the society. It helped the increase in Buddhism in
large population. Besides, the Sangha also functioned as a socio-religious legitimization for
the traders, for which, the latter generously gave donations for the constructions of Buddhist
place of worships and residence. In need of support of superior economical class of that
period and the support of religion of people, the rulers also provided favours, donations and
protections to the Sangha.
Buddhist Scriptures
Buddha's preaching collected and classified into three volumes, collectively called as pitakas.
The three volumes are like these, Sutta-pitaka It is a collection of Buddha's preaching in
dialogue form, which mainly made for common people. It has five nikayas, in which, the
stories of Buddha's rebirth (the jatakas) collected in the fifth nikaya. Vinaya pitaka It is a
collection of rules and codes of conduct for Buddhist monks and nuns.
Abhi-dhamma-pitaka It is a collection of Buddha's philosophical thought in the form of
Question & answers. It mainly meant for scholars of Buddhism.
Dharmaparishadas: The Grand Assemblies After the mahaparinirvana of Buddha, Buddhism
witnessed the crowd of various versions of Buddha's preaching. Hence, to remove such
discrepancy and reach to unanimous platform, a need was felt to rearrange and compile
Buddha's
original preaching and codify them. For this purpose, grand assemblies of Buddhist followers
organized from time to time.
Immediately after the death of Buddha, around 483 BC, during the reign of Ajatshatru of
Haryaka dynasty, the first grand assembly organized in the caves of Saptaparni, close to
Rajgriha. It was presided by Mahakashyapa. The assembly came up with collection of
Buddha's preaching in pitakas. Under the supervision of Upali, Vinaya Pitaka compiled
whereas Sutta-pitaka compiled under the supervision of Ananda.
Then during the reign of Kalashoka of Shishunaga dynasty, in 387 BC, second grand
assembly organized at Vaishali. In this, monks of Pataliputra and Vaishali introduced some
rules, however, debated by monks of Avanti and Kaushambi. The debate not reached to any
conclusion; hence, Buddhism witnessed its first major division under the names of
Mahasanghika and Sthavirvadis. The Mahasanghik supported new rules whereas the
Sthavirvadi decided to stick to the rules, compiled under Vinaya pitaka.
During the reign of Ashoka of Maurya dynasty, in 251 BC, third grand assembly organized at
Pataliputra, presided by Moggaliputta Tisya. The assembly came up with the collection of
Buddha's philosophy under the volume called as Abhidhammapitaka. The assembly also
drove away 60000 monks who were not following Buddha's rules.
In the background of waves of new thinking, Kanishka of Kushana dynasty called the fourth
grand assembly at Kundalvana (Kashmir). The assembly came up with the collection of
treaties on three pitakas. However, due to the debates between new thinking and traditional
scholars, the earlier division was dissolved and united under the name of Hinayana, whereas
the new thinkers known as Mahayana.
1.1.5.6. Dissensions
During second grand assembly at Vaishali, Buddhism witnessed its major dissensions due to
the intense arguments by the monks of Kaushambi and Avanti and those of Pataliputra and
Vaishali. They are called as Sthavirvadis (those who stressed on strict observance of Vinaya-
rules) and Mahasanghikas (those who wished to introduce new rules and changes),
respectively.
After Mauryas, the rulers started favoring Vedic religion than Buddhism. Besides, Vedic
religion, in reaction to the popularity of Buddhism, started introspecting itself and making
improvisation in their philosophical and practical approaches. At this time, foreign rulers and
concepts of art were making entry into Indian soil. Besides, to enlarge mass base, every belief
systems were adhering to the process of deification and idol-worship. Hence, these systems
started considering Sanskrit language for their scriptures to compete Vedic religion.
Against this background, forth grand assembly was organized at Kundalvana. Many
Buddhists thinkers, to enlarge mass base were inclined to idol-worship and appealing for
other drastic changes in Buddhism. To oppose them, the earlier divisions of Sthavirvadis and
Mahasanghikas united under Hinayana, whereas, the new thinkers were called as
Mahayana.
Decline of Buddhism: As mentioned earlier, Buddhism witnessed clash of philosophy and
stress on codes among various versions. In due course of time, it gradually declined and,
around the end of 7th century, became almost invisible from the Indian land. What were the
causes of such a decline? Let us find out. Shift of kings'-favor As we know that the favour and
support of rulers were one of the causes for the spread of Buddhism. However, after the
Mauryas, India was mushroomed with those kings who favoured Vedic religion. In fact, the
rulers and their officers started resurrecting Vedic religion by performing huge sacrifices and
giving donations. It hampered the support of Buddhism.
Introspection of Vedic religion The speedy growth of non-Vedic religions forced Vedic religion
to introspect within their own belief systems. Thus, they made some reforms in the erstwhile
rigid ritualistic Vedic religion. It became people oriented. It introduced concepts like temples
for mass-congregation, idol-worships, devotional mode of prayers, simple code of conducts,
establishment of monasteries, pilgrimages etc.
Hence, crowds of people were attracted to Vedic religion. Dissensions in Buddhism
Immediately after the departure of Buddha, Buddhism faced with dissensions. To curb such
conflicts and reach to unanimity, contemporary rulers organized grand assemblies from time
to time. However, they proved in vain. Besides, for the peopleorientation, Buddhism also
accepted the concepts like idol-worship, Sanskrit-language, concept of heaven & hell, cycle
of birth etc. Such concepts marred the individualistic identity of Buddhism, which was
originally revolutionary and heterodox in nature.
Foreign invasion Except Menander and Kanishka, almost all foreign rulers were followers of
the Vedic religion. Especially, the aggressive Huna tribe was the follower of Shaiva cult. It
destroyed Buddhist monastery and learning centres. It was a final blow of dispersed
Buddhists at that time.
In summing up, we can say that, by introducing religion based on simple philosophy and
codes of conduct Buddhism presented a challenge to the then ritualistic, complex and
isolated Vedic religion. Due to Buddhism, India witnessed the true religion of common
person. Besides, it is credited of spreading Indian culture into distant foreign lands.
The Ajivakas
During the birth of heterodox religions like Jainism and Buddhism, the cult of Ajivakas was
emerged in north India. We do not have the scriptures of this belief system; hence, based
on references scattered in Buddhist and Jain literature we can collect some information about
Ajivakas. One Makkhaliputra Goshal is perceived as the founder of this cult. According
tosome,
before Goshala, since 117 years, this cult was existed under the leadership of
Nandabachcha, Kisasankichcha etc. Goshal's father was Makkhali (Sanskrit: Maskari) which
means who holds cane-stick. He lived on begging alms. Goshala was born in cattle pen
(goshala) and hence his name. Makkhaliputra Goshala was contemporary to Mahavira. In
fact, he was the initial disciple of Mahavira and spent six years with him. However, due to
debates on the issues of codes of conduct, Goshala left Jainism and founded his new cult-the
Ajivaka at Shravasti. Within short span of time, we informed that large crowds of people were
attracted towards Ajivakas. Especially he had considerable amount of followers in potter
community.
It expanded in the area from Avanti (western Madhya Pradesh) to Anga (Bihar). We know
that Ashoka and his grandson donated rock-cut caves for Ajivakas in the hills of Baravara
and Nagarjuni. These were the earliest known caves in the history of rock-cut cave
architecture in India. It is told that the Goshala indulged in illicit activities with one potter-lady.
He became addicted to various kinds of intoxication. However, in due course of time, he
came out of such engagements and again revived his cult. In 500 BC he departed.
Philosophy of Ajivakas
Ajivaka means one who disregards restrictions, has faith upon destiny, live by his natural
tendencies and thus follows free life.
• They have faith that every being has soul within it, which takes rebirth after each life.
• However, they disregard the importance of any action and have faith on destiny.
• According to them,
• 'Any thing reaches to its predetermined destination without any force of supportive
action'.
• 'natural and spiritual progress is a process happened through the continuous cycle
of birth & rebirth'
• 'No thing/being/quality is caused by human action; in fact, it is to be existed due to
its own destiny.
• Whatever happiness and sorrow is there they do not have any cause and cannot
avoided. These concepts gave birth to the philosophy of akarmanyavada i.e.
believing on no-action.
Goshala says, natthi karmya, natthi kiriyam, natthi viriyam (no action, no deeds, and no
power). Hence, he called as maskari=ma-karanshila means one who does no action. The
determinism of Goshala gave rise to his concept of amorality. He refutes the kriyavada, i.e.
who believes in actions. That leads to his protest against the principle, which believes that
due to moral behaviour an individual and society progress.
In short, if one agrees that the things happened without any action, then, the criteria of moral
or immoral conscious are naturally remained useless. Hence, Goshal's reliance on destiny
and concept of non-action naturally led to the defense of immoral behaviour.
1.17.2. Other Brahmanical Cult
The worship of Yakshas and Nagas and other folk deities constituted the most important part
of primitive religious beliefs, in which Bhakti had a very important role to play. There is ample
evidence about the prevalence of this form of worship among the people in early literature as
well as in archaeology.
Vasudeva/Krishna Worship
A Sutra in Panini’s Ashtadhyayi refers to the worshippers of Vasudeva (Krishna). The
Chhandogya Upanishad also speaks of Krishna, the son of Devaki, a pupil of the sage Ghora
Angirasa who was a sun-worshipping priest. A large number of people worshipped Vasudeva
Krishna exclusively as their personal God and they were at first known as Bhagavatas. The
Vasudeva-Bhagavata cult grew steadily, absorbing within its fold other Vedic and Brahminic
divinities like Vishnu (primarily an aspect of the sun) and Narayana (a cosmic God). From the
late Gupta period the name mostly used to designate this Bhakti cult was Vaishnava,
indicating the predominance of the Vedic Vishnu element in it with emphasis on the doctrine
of incarnations (avataras).
Vaishnava movement in the south
The history of the Vaishnava movement from the end of the Gupta period till the first decade
of the thirteenth century AD is concerned mainly with South India. Vaishnava poet-saints
known as alvars (a Tamil word denoting those drowned in Vishnu-bhakti) preached single-
minded devotion (ekatmika bhakti) for Vishnu and their songs were collectively known as
prabandhas.
Shaivism
Unlike Vaishnavism, Shaivism had its origin in antiquity. Panini refers to a group of
Shivaworshippers as Shiva-bhagavatas, who were characterised by the iron lances and clubs
they carried and their skin garments. Shaiva Movement in the South: The Shaiva movement
in the South flourished at the beginning through the activities of many of the 63 saints known
in Tamil as Nayanars (Siva-bhakts). Their appealing emotional songs in Tamil were called
Tevaram Stotras, also known as Dravida Veda and ceremonially sung in the local Shiva
temples. The Nayanars hailed from all castes. This was supplemented on the doctrinal side
by a large number of Shaiva intellectuals whose names were associated with several forms
of Shaiva movements like Agamanta, Shudha and Vira-shaivism.
Minor religious movements
Worship of the female principle (Shakti) and of Surya did not achieve equal importance as
the other two major brahminical cults. The female aspect of the divinity might have been
venerated in the pre-Vedic times. In the Vedic age respect was shown also to the female
principle as the Divine Mother, the Goddess of abundance and personified energy (Shakti).
However, clear reference to the exclusive worshippers of the Devi is not to be found until a
comparatively late period. As mentioned earlier, Surya has been venerated in India from the
earliest times. In Vedic and epic mythology, Sun and his various aspects played a very
important part. The East Iranian (Shakadvipi) form of the solar cult was introduced in parts of
northern India in the early centuries of the Christian era. But it was only at a comparatively
late period that god figured as the central object in religious movements.
Philosophy in Ancient India
In classical India, philosophy was understood as contributing to human well-being by freeing
people from misconceptions about themselves and the world. Ultimate well-being was
conceived as some sort of fulfilment outside the conditions of space and time. Philosophies,
as well as religious traditions, understood themselves as paths to that final goal. Where the
religious contexts of those who engaged in critical, reflective and argumentative philosophy
are concerned we have to reckon with a tremendous variety of beliefs and practices. Neither
‘Hinduism’ nor ‘Buddhism’ are really homogenous. It is difficult to know where to begin: you
can always go back further. In the course of the second millennium B.C. the Aryan migrations
into north west of the sub-continent introduced the Vedic religious culture and the four-fold
hierarchy of varn. as (Brahmins, Warriors, Farmers and Servants) that was superimposed on
the indigenous system of jātis. It appears that originally the ritual cult was concerned with the
propitiation by offerings of the many deities in the Vedic pantheon. Their favour thus secured
would yield mundane and supra- mundane rewards. Rituals performed by members of the
Brahmin caste were understood as yielding benefits for both the individual and the
community. But there developed an outlook that the continuation of the cosmos, the regularity
of the seasons and the rising of the sun, were not merely marked or celebrated by ritual acts
but actually depended upon ritual. What the rituals effected was too important to be left to the
choices of ultimately uncontrollable capricious divinities. So rituals came to be thought of as
automatic mechanisms, in the course of which the mention of the deities’ names was but a
formulaic aspect of the process. The relegated gods existed only in name. The Brahmins
unilaterally declare themselves the gods in human form. From the point of view of the
individual, the benefit of the ritual was understood in terms of the accumulation of merit or
good karma that would be enjoyed at some point in the future, in this or a subsequent life
perhaps in a superior sphere of experience for those with sufficient merit.
Vedic philosophy
Religion of the Rig Vedic people was very simple in the sense that it consisted mainly of
worship of numerous deities representing the various phenomena of nature through prayers.
It was during the later Vedic period that definite ideas and philosophies about the true nature
of soul or Atman and the cosmic principle or Brahman who represented the ultimate reality
were developed. These Vedic philosophical concepts later on gave rise to six different
schools of philosophies called shada darshana. They fall in the category of the orthodox
system as the final authority of the Vedas is recognised by all of them. Let us now find
outmore about these six schools of Indian philosophy.
Samkhya System: The Samkhya philosophy holds that reality is constituted of two principles
one female and the other male i.e. Prakriti, Purusha respectively. Prakriti and Purusha are
completely independent and absolute. According to this system, Purusha is mere
consciousness; hence it cannot be modified or changed. Prakriti on the other hand is
constituted of three attributes, thought, movement and the change or transformation of these
attributes brings about the change in all objects. The Samkhya philosophy tries to establish
some relationship between Purusha and Prakriti for explaining the creation of the universe.
The propounder of this philosophy was Kapila, who wrote the Samkhya sutra. Infact
Samkhya school explained the phenomena of the doctrine of evolution and answered all the
questions aroused by the thinkers of those days.
Yoga: Yoga literally means the union of the two principal entities. The origin of yoga is found
in the Yogasutra of Patanjali believed to have been written in the second century BC. By
purifying and controlling changes in the mental mechanism, yoga systematically brings about
the release of purusha from prakriti. Yogic techniques control the body, mind and sense
organs. Thus this philosophy is also considered a means of achieving freedom or mukti. This
freedom could be attained by practising self-control (yama), observation of rules (niyama),
fixed postures (asana), breath control (pranayama), choosing an object (pratyahara) and fixing
the mind (dharna), concentrating on the chosen object (dhyana) and complete dissolution of
self, merging the mind and the object (Samadhi). Yoga admits the existence of God as a
teacher and guide.
Nyaya: Nyaya is considered as a technique of logical thinking. According to Nyaya, valid
knowledge is defined as the real knowledge, that is, one knows about the object as it exists.
For example, it is when one knows a snake as a snake or a cup as a cup. Nyaya system of
philosophy considers God who creates, sustains and destroys the universe. Gautama is said
to be the author of the Nyaya Sutras.
Vaisheshika: Vaisheshika system is considered as the realistic and objective philosophy of
universe. The reality according to this philosophy has many bases or categories which are
substance, attribute, action, genus, distinct quality and inherence. Vaisheshika thinkers
believe that all objects of the universe are composed of five elements–earth, water, air, fire
and ether. They believe that God is the guiding principle. The living beings were rewarded or
punishedaccording to the law of karma, based on actions of merit and demerit. Creation and
destruction of universe was a cyclic process and took place in agreement with the wishes of
God. Kanada wrote the basic text of Vaisheshika philosophy.
A number of treatises were written on this text but the best among them is the one
written
by Prashastapada in the sixth century AD. Vaisheshika School of philosophy explained the
phenomena of the universe by the atomic theory, the combination of atoms and molecules
into matter and explained the mechanical process of formation of Universe.
Mimamsa:Mimamsa philosophy is basically the analysis of interpretation, application and
the use of the text of the Samhita and Brahmana portions of the Veda. According to
Mimamsa philosophy Vedas are eternal and possess all knowledge, and religion means the
fulfilment of duties prescribed by the Vedas. This philosophy encompasses the Nyaya-
Vaisheshika systems and emphasizes the concept of valid knowledge. Its main text is
known as the Sutras of Gaimini which have been written during the third century BC. The
names associated with this philosophy are Sabar Swami and Kumarila Bhatta. The essence
of the system according to Jaimini is Dharma which is the dispenser of fruits of one’s
actions, the law of righteousness itself. This system lays stress on the ritualistic part of
Vedas.
Vedanta: Vedanta implies the philosophy of the Upanishad, the concluding portion of the
Vedas. Shankaracharya wrote the commentaries on the Upanishads, Brahmasutras and the
Bhagavad Gita. Shankaracharya’s discourse or his philosophical views came to be known as
Advaita Vedanta. Advaita literally means non-dualism or belief in one reality.
Shankaracharya expounded that ultimate reality is one, it being the Brahman. According to
Vedanta philosophy, ‘Brahman is true, the world is false and self and Brahman are not
different, Shankaracharya believes that the Brahman is existent, unchanging, the highest
truth and the ultimate knowledge. He also believes that there is no distinction between
Brahman and the self. The knowledge of Brahman is the essence of all things and the
ultimate existence. Ramanuja was another well known Advaita scholar. Among different
schools of philosophy was found one philosophy which reached the climax of philosophic
thought that the human mind can possibly reach, and that is known as the Vedantic
philosophy.
Vedanta philosophy has ventured to deny the existence of the apparent ego, as known to
us, and in this respect Vedanta has its unique position in the history of philosophies of the
world. Vedanta is a philosophy and a religion. As a philosophy it inculcates the highest
truths that have been discovered by the greatest philosophers and the most advanced
thinkers of all ages and all countries. Vedanta philosophy teaches that all these different
religions are like so many roads, which lead to same goal. Vedanta (the end of the Vedas or
knowledge) refers to the Upanishads which appeared at the end of each Veda with a direct
perception of reality. The core message of Vedanta is that every action must be governed
by the intellect – the discriminating faculty. The mind makes mistakes but the intellect tells
us if the action is in our interest or not. Vedanta enables the practitioner to access the realm
of spirit through the intellect. Whether one moves into spirituality through Yoga, meditation
or devotion, it must ultimately crystallize into inner understanding for atitudinal changes and
enlightenment.
Charvaka school: Brihaspati is supposed to be the founder of the Charvaka School of
philosophy. It finds mention in the Vedas and Brihadaranyka Upanishad. Thus it is
supposed to be the earliest in the growth of the philosophical knowledge. It holds that
knowledge is the product of the combination of four elements which leaves no trace after
death. Charvaka philosophy deals with the materialistic philosophy. It is also known as the
Lokayata Philosophy – the philosophy of the masses. According to Charvaka there is no
other world. Hence, death is the end of humans and pleasure the ultimate object in life.
Charvaka recognises no existence other than this material world. Since God, soul, and
heaven, cannot be perceived, they are not recognised by Charvakas. Out of the five
elements earth, water, fire, air and ether, the Charvakas do not recognise ether as it is not
known through perception. The whole universe according to them is thus consisted of four
elements.
Jain philosophy
Like the Charvakas, the Jains too do not believe in the Vedas, but they admit the existence
of a soul. They also agree with the orthodox tradition that suffering (pain) can be stopped by
controlling the mind and by seeking right knowledge and perception and by observing the
right conduct. The Jaina philosophy was first propounded by the tirthankar Rishabha Deva.
The names of Ajit Nath and Aristanemi are also mentioned with Rishabha Deva.
There were twenty-four tirthankaras who actually established the Jaina darshan. The first
tirthankar realised that the source of Jaina philosophy was Adinath. The twenty fourth and
the last tirthankar was named Vardhaman Mahavira who gave great impetus to Jainism.
Mahavira was born in 599 BC. He left worldly life at the age of thirty and led a very hard life
to gain true knowledge. After he attained Truth, he was called Mahavira. He strongly
believed in the importance of celibacy or brahamcharya.
Jain Theory of Reality: Seven Kinds of Fundamental Elements: The Jainas believe that
the natural and supernatural things of the universe can be traced back to seven
fundamental elements. They are jiva, ajivaa, astikaya, bandha, samvara, nirjana, and
moksa. Substances like body which exist and envelope (like a cover) are astïkaya.
Anastikayas like ‘time’ have no body at all. The substance is the basis of attributes
(qualities). The attributes that we find in a substance are known as dharmas. The Jainas
believe that things or substance have attributes. These attributes also change with the
change of kala (time). From their point of view, the attributes of a substance are essential,
and eternal or unchangeable. Without essential attributes, a thing cannot exist. So they are
always present in everything. For example, consciousness (chetana) is the essence of the
soul; desire, happiness and sorrow are its changeable attributes.
Philosophy of the Buddha
Gautama Buddha, who founded the Buddhist philosophy, was born in 563 BC at Lumbini, a
village near Kapilavastu in the foothills of Nepal. His childhood name was Siddhartha. His
mother, Mayadevi, died when he was hardly a few days old. He was married to
Yashodhara, a beautiful princess, at the age of sixteen. After a year of the marriage, he had
a son, whom they named Rahul. But at the age of twenty-nine, Gautama Buddha
renounced family life to find a solution to the world’s continuous sorrow of death, sickness,
poverty, etc. He went to the forests and meditated there for six years. Thereafter, he went to
Bodh Gaya (in Bihar) and meditated under a pipal tree. It was at this place that he attained
enlightenment and came to be known as the Buddha. He then travelled a lot to spread his
message and helped people find the path of liberation or freedom. He died at the age of
eighty.
Gautama’s three main disciples known as Upali, Ananda and Mahakashyap remembered his
teachings and passed them on to his followers. It is believed that soon after the Buddha’s
death a council was called at Rajagriha where Upali recited the Vinaya Pitaka (rules of the
order) and Ananda recited the Sutta Pitaka (Buddha’s sermons or doctrines and ethics).
Sometime later the Abhidhamma Pitaka consisting of the Buddhist philosophy came into
existence.
Main Characteristics: Buddha presented simple principles of life and practical ethics that
people could follow easily. He considered the world as full of misery. Man’s duty is to seek
liberation from this painful world. He strongly criticised blind faith in the traditional scriptures
like the Vedas. Buddha’s teachings are very practical and suggest how to attain peace of
mind and ultimate liberation from this material world.
Realization of Four Noble Truths. The knowledge realized by Buddha is
reflected in the following four noble truths:

There is suffering in human life. When Buddha saw human beings suffering from
sickness, pain and death, he concluded that there was definitely suffering in human life.
There is pain with birth. Separation from the pleasant is also painful. All the passions that
remain unfulfilled are painful. Pain also comes when objects of sensuous pleasure are lost.
Thus, life is all pain.
There is cause of suffering, The second Noble Truth is related to the cause of suffering. It
is desire that motivates the cycle of birth and death. Therefore, desire is the fundamental
cause of suffering.
There is cessation of suffering. The third Noble Truth tells that when passion, desire and
love of life are totally destroyed, pain stops. This Truth leads to the end of sorrow, which
causes pain in human life. It involves destruction of ego (aham or ahamkara), attachment,
jealousy, doubt and sorrow. That state of mind is the state of freedom from desire, pain and
any kind of attachment. It is the state of complete peace, leading to nirvana.
Path of Liberation. The fourth Noble Truth leads to a way that takes to liberation. Thus,
initially starting with pessimism, the Buddhist philosophy leads to optimism. Although there
is a constant suffering in human life, it can be ended finally. Buddha suggests that the way
or the path leading to liberation is eight-fold, through which one can attain nirvana.
Eight-fold Path to Liberation (Nirvana)

(i) Right Vision. One can attain right vision by removing ignorance. Ignorance
creates a wrong idea of the relationship between the world and the self. It is on
account ofwrong understanding of man that he takes the non-permanent world as
permanent. Thus, the right view of the world and its objects is the right vision.
(ii) Right Resolve. It is the strong will-power to destroy thoughts and desires that
harm others. It includes sacrifice, sympathy and kindness towards others.
(iii) Right Speech. Man should control his speech by right resolve. It means to avoid
false or unpleasant words by criticizing others.
(iv) Right Conduct. It is to avoid activities which harm life. It means to be away from
theft, excessive eating, the use of artificial means of beauty, jewellery, comfortable
beds, gold etc.
(v) Right Means of Livelihood. Right livelihood means to earn one’s bread and
butter by right means. It is never right to earn money by unfair means like fraud,
bribery, theft, etc.
(vi) Right Effort. It is also necessary to avoid bad feelings and bad impressions. It
includes self- control, stopping or negation of sensuality and bad thoughts, and
awakening of good thoughts.
(vii) Right Mindfulness. It means to keep one’s body, heart and mind in their real
form. Bad thoughts occupy the mind when their form is forgotten. When actions
take place according to the bad thoughts, one has to experience pain.
(viii) Right Concentration. If a person pursues the above seven Rights, he will be able
to concentrate properly and rightly. One can attain nirvana by right concentration
(meditation).
Except for Charvaka School, realisation of soul has been the common goal of all
philosophical schools of India. I am sure you would like to know more about Buddhism. We
will go to Bodhgaya in Bihar. Tread reverently along this ancient path. Begin with the
Mahabodhi tree where something strange happened - realization of truth or spiritual
illumination. Tradition states that Buddha stayed in Bodhgaya for seven weeks after his
enlightenment. There you must also see the Animeshlocha Stupa which houses a standing
figure of the Buddha with his eyes fixed towards this tree. Bodhgaya is also revered by the
Hindus who go to the Vishnupada temple to perform ‘Pind-daan’ that ensures peace and
solace to the departed soul.
It was from Rajgir that Buddha set out on his last journey. The first Buddhist Council was
held in the Saptaparni cave in which the unwritten teachings of Buddha were penned down
after his death. Even the concept of monastic institutions was laid at Rajgir which later
developed into an academic and religious centre.
Religion and philosophy in Medieval India
Nearly every month a programme is going on in any auditorium in the city where songs of the
Sufi saints and Bhakti saints are sung. The popularity of these programems can be seen
from the attendance that is there. They are patronized by the government, by big business
houses and even by individuals. The songs and the teachings of the Sufi and the Bhaki
saints are relevant even today. Do you know the medieval period in India saw the rise and
growth of the Sufi movement and the Bhakti movement. The two movements brought a new
form of religious expression amongst Muslims and Hindus. The Sufis were mystics who
called for liberalism in Islam. They emphasised on an egalitarian society based on
universal love. The Bhakti saints transformed Hinduism by introducing devotion or bhakti
as the means to attain God. For them caste had no meaning and all human being’s were
equal. The Sufi and Bhakti saints played an important role in bringing the Muslims and
Hindus together. By using the local language of the people, they made religion accessible
and meaningful to the common people.
The Sufi movement
You will recall that Islam was founded by Prophet Muhammad. Islam saw the rise of many
religious and spiritual movements within it. These movements were centered mainly around
the interpretation of the Quran. There were two major sects that arose within Islam – the
Sunnis and Shias. Our country has both the sects, but in many other countries like Iran,
Iraq, Pakistan etc. you will find followers of only one of them. Among the Sunnis, there are
four principal schools of Islamic Law, These are based upon the Quran and Hadis
(traditions of the Prophet’s saying and doings). Of these the Hanafi school of the eighth
century was adopted by the eastern Turks, who later came to India. The greatest challenge
to orthodox Sunnism came from the rationalist philosophy or Mutazilas, who professed strict
monotheism. According to them, God is just and has nothing to do with man’s evil actions.
Men are endowed with free will and are responsible for their own actions. The Mutazilas
were opposed by the Ashari School. Founded by Abul Hasan Ashari (873-935 AD), the
Ashari school evolved its own rationalist argument in defence of the orthodox doctrine
(kalam). This school believes that God knows, sees
and speaks. The Quran is eternal and uncreated. The greatest exponent of this school was
Abu Hamid al-Ghazali (1058-1111 AD), who is credited with having reconciled orthodoxy
with mysticism. He was a great theologian who in 1095 began to lead a life of a Sufi. He is
deeply respected by both orthodox elements and Sufis. Al-Ghazali attacked all non-
orthodox Sunni schools. He said that positive knowledge cannot be gained by reason but by
revelation. Sufis owed their allegiance to the Quran as much as the Ulemas did. The
influence of the ideas of Ghazali was greater because of the new educational system set up
by the state, It provided for setting up of seminaries of higher learning (called madrasas)
where scholars were familiarised with Ashari ideas. They were taught how to run the
government in accordance with orthodox Sunni ideas. These scholars were known as
ulema. Ulema played an important role in the politics of medieval India.
The Sufis: Contrary to the ulema were the Sufis. The Sufis were mystics. They were pious
men who were shocked at the degeneration in political and religious life. They opposed the
vulgar display of wealth in public life and the readiness of the ulema to serve “ungodly”
rulers. Many began to lead a retired ascetic life, having nothing to do with the state. The
Sufi philosophy also differed from the ulema. The Sufis laid emphasis upon free thought and
liberal ideas. They were against formal worship, rigidity and fanaticism in religion. The Sufis
turned to meditation in order to achieve religious satisfaction. Like the Bhakti saints, the
Sufis too interpreted religion as ‘love of god’ and service of humanity. In course of time, the
Sufis were divided into different silsilahs (orders) with each silsilah having its own pir
(guide) called Khwaja or Sheikh. The pir and his disciples lived in a khanqah (hospice). A
pir nominated a successor or wali from his disciples to carry on his work. The Sufis
organised samas (a recital of holy songs) to arouse mystical ecstasy. Basra in Iraq became
the centre of Sufi activities. It must be noted that the Sufi saints were not setting up a new
religion, but were preparing a more liberal movement within the framework of Islam. They
owed their allegiance to the Quran as much as the ulema did.
Sufism in India: The advent of Sufism in India is said to be in the eleventh and twelfth
centuries. One of the early Sufis of eminence, who settled in India, was Al-Hujwari who died
in 1089, popularly known as Data Ganj Baksh (Distributor of Unlimited Treasure). In the
beginning, the main centres of the Sufis were Multan and Punjab. By the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries, the Sufis had spread to Kashmir, Bihar, Bengal and the Deccan. It
may be mentioned that Sufism had already taken on a definite form before coming to India.
Its fundamental and moral principles, teachings and orders, system of fasting, prayers and
practice of living in khanqahs had already been fixed. The Sufis came to India via
Afghanistan on their own free will. Their emphasis upon a pure life, devotional love and
service to humanity made them popular and earned them a place of honour in Indian
society.
Abul Fazl while writing in the Ain-i-Akbari speaks of fourteen silsilahs of the Sufis.
However, in this lesson we shall outline only some of the important ones. These silsilahs
were divided into two types: Ba-shara and Be-shara. Ba-shara were those orders that
followed the Islamic Law (Sharia) and its directives such as namaz and roza. Chief
amongst these were the Chishti, Suhrawardi, Firdawsi, Qadiri and Naqshbandi silsilahs.
 The beshara silsilahs were not bound by the Sharia. The Qalandars belonged to this
group.

The Chishti Silsilah: The Chishti order was founded in a village called Khwaja Chishti
(near Herat). In India, the Chishti silsilah was founded by Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti (born c.
1142) who came to India around 1192. He made Ajmer the main centre for his teaching. He
believed that serving mankind was the best form of devotion and therefore he worked
amongst the downtrodden. He died in Ajmer in 1236. During Mughal times, Ajmer became a
leading pilgrim centre because the emperors regularly visited the Sheikh’s tomb. The extent
of his popularity can be seen by the fact that even today, millions of Muslims and Hindus
visit his dargah for fufilment of their wishes. Among his disciples were Sheikh Hamiduddin
of Nagaur and Qutubuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki. The former lived the life of a poor peasant,
cultivated land and refused Iltutmish’s offer of a grant of villages. The khanqah of
Qutubuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki was also visited by people from all walks of life. Sultan Iltutmish
dedicated the Qutub Minar to this Saint. Sheikh Fariduddin of Ajodhan (Pattan in Pakistan)
popularised the Chishti silsilah in modern Haryana and Punjab. He opened his door of love
and generosity to all. Baba Farid, as he was called, was respected by both Hindus and
Muslims. His verses, written in Punjabi, are quoted in the Adi Granth.
Baba Farid’s most famous disciple Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya (1238-1325) was responsible
for making Delhi an important centre of the Chishti silsilah. He came to Delhi in 1259 and
during his sixty years in Delhi, he saw the reign of seven sultans. He preferred to shun the
company of rulers and nobles and kept aloof from the state. For him renunciation meant
distribution of food and clothes to the poor. Amongst his followers was the noted writer Amir
Khusrau. Another famous Chishti saint was Sheikh Nasiruddin Mahmud, popularly known
as Nasiruddin Chirag-i-Dilli (The Lamp of Delhi). Following his death in 13 56 and the lackof
a spiritual successor, the disciples of the Chishti silsilah moved out towards eastern and
southern India.
The Suhrawardi Silsilah: This silsilah was founded by Sheikh Shihabuddin Suhrawardi. It
was established in India by Sheikh Bahauddin Zakariya (1182-1262). He set up a leading
khanqah in Multan, which was visited by rulers, high government officials and rich
merchants. Sheikh Bahauddin Zakariya openly took Iltutmisht’s side in his struggle against
Qabacha and received fromhim the title Shaikhul Islam (Leader of Islam). It must be noted
that unlike the Chishti saints, the Suhrawardis maintained close contacts with the state.
They accepted gifts, jagirs and even government posts in the ecclersiastical department.
The Suhrawardi silsilah was firmly established in Punjab and Sind. Besides these two
silsilahs there were others such as the Firdawsi Silsilah, Shattari Silsilah, Qadiri Silsilah,
Naqshbandi Silsilah.
The importance of the Sufi movement: The Sufi movement made a valuable contribution
to Indian society. Like the Bhakti saints who were engaged in breaking down the barriers
within Hinduism, the Sufis too infused a new liberal outlook within Islam. The interaction
between early Bhakti and Sufi ideas laid the foundation for more liberal movements of the
fifteenth century. You will read that Sant Kabir and Guru Nanak had preached a non-
sectarian religion based on universal love.
The Sufis believed in the concept of Wahdat-ul-Wajud (Unity of Being) which was promoted
by Ibn-i-Arabi (l165-1240). He opined that all beings are essentially one. Different religions
were identical. This doctrine gained popularity in India. There was also much exchange of
ideas between the Sufis and Indian yogis. In fact the hatha-yoga treatise Amrita Kunda was
translated into Arabic and Persian. A notable contribution of the Sufis was their service to
the poorer and downtrodden sections of society. While the Sultan and ulema often
remained aloof from the day to day problems of the people, the Sufi saints maintained close
contact with the common people.
Nizamuddin Auliya was famous for distributing gifts amongst the needy irrespective of
religion or caste. It is said that he did not rest till he had heard every visitor at the khanqah.
According to the Sufis, the highest form of devotion to God was the service of mankind.
They treated Hindus and Muslims alike. Amir Khusrau said “Though the Hindu is not like me
in religion, he believes in the same things that I do”. The Sufi movement encouraged
equality and brotherhood. It fact, The Islamic emphasis upon equality was respected far
more by the Sufis than by the ulema. The doctrines of the Sufis were attacked by the
orthodoxy. The Sufis also denounced the ulema. They believed that the ulema had
succumbed to world by temptations and were moving away from the original democratic
and egalitarian principles of the Quran. This battle between the orthodox and liberal
elements continued throughout the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The
Sufi saints tried to bring about social reforms too.
Like the Bhakti saints, the Sufi saints contributed greatly to the growth of a rich regional
literature. Most of the Sufi saints were poets who chose to write in local languages. Baba
Farid recommended the use of Punjabi for religious writings. Shaikh Hamiduddin, before him,
wrote in Hindawi. His verses are the best examples of early Hindawi translation of Persian
mystical poetry. Syed Gesu Daraz was the first writer of Deccani Hindi. He found Hindi more
expressive than Persian to explain mysticism. A number of Sufi works were also written in
Bengali. The most notable writer of this period was Amir Khusrau (l 252-1325) the follower of
Nizamuddin Auliya. Khusrau took pride in being an Indian and looked at the history and
culture of Hindustan as a part of his own tradition. He wrote verses in Hindi (Hindawi) and
employed the Persian metre in Hindi. He created a new style called sabaq-i-hindi. By the
fifteenth century Hindi had begun to assume a definite shape and Bhakti saints such as Kabir
used it extensively.
 The Bhakti movement
The development of Bhakti movement took place in Tamil Nadu between the seventh and
twelfth centuries. It was reflected in the emotional poems of the Nayanars (devotees of
Shiva) and Alvars (devotees of Vishnu). These saints looked upon religion not as a cold
formal worship but as a loving bond based upon love between the worshipped and
worshipper. They wrote in local languages, Tamil and Telugu and were therefore able to
reach out to many people. In course of time, the ideas of the South moved up to the North
but it was a very slow process. Sanskrit, which was still the vehicle of thought, was given a
new form. Thus we find that the Bhagavata Purana of ninth century was not written in the
old Puranic form. Centered around Krishna’s childhood and youth, this work uses Krishna’s
exploits to explain deep philosophy in simple terms. This work became a turning point in
the history of the Vaishnavite movement which was an important component of the Bhakti
movement.
A more effective method for spreading of the Bhakti ideology was the use of local
languages. The Bhakti saints composed their verses in local languages. They also
translated Sanskrit works to make them understandable to a wider audience. Thus we find
Jnanadeva writing in Marathi, Kabir, Surdas and Tulsidas in Hindi, Shankaradeva
popularising Assamese, Chaitanya and Chandidas spreading their message in Bengali,
Mirabai in Hindi and Rajasthani. In addition, devotional poetry was composed in Kashmiri,
Telugu, Kannad, Odia, Malayalam, Maithili and Gujarati.
The Bhakti saints believed that salvation can be achieved by all. They made no distinction of
caste, creed or religion before God. They themselves came from diverse backgrounds.
Ramananda, whose disciples included Hindus and Muslims, came from a conservative
brahman family. His disciple, Kabir, was a weaver. Guru Nanak was a village accountant’s
son. Namdev was a tailor. The saints stressed equality, disregarded the caste system and
attacked institutionalised religion. The saints did not confine themselves to purely religious
ideas. They advocated social reforms too. They opposed sati and female infanticide. Women
were encouraged to join kirtans. Mirabai and Lalla (of Kashmir) composed verses that are
popular even today.
Amongst the non-sectarian Bhakti saints, the most outstanding contribution was made by
Kabir and Guru Nanak. Their ideas were drawn from both Hindu and Islamic traditions and
were aimed at bridging the gulf between the Hindus and the Muslims. Let us read in some
detail about them. Kabir (1440-1518) is said to have been the son of a brahman widow, who
abandoned him. He was brought up in the house of a Muslim weaver. Kabir believed that
the way to God was through personally experienced bhakti or devotion. He believed that the
Creator is One. His God was called by many names - Rama, Hari, Govinda, Allah, Rahim,
Khuda, etc. No wonder then that the Muslims claim him as Sufi, the Hindus call him Rama-
Bhakta and the Sikhs incorporate his songs in the Adi Granth. The external aspects of
religion were meaningless for Kabir. His beliefs and ideas were reflected in the dohas
(Sakhi) composed by him. One of his dohas conveyed that if by worshipping a stone (idol)
one could attain God, then he was willing to worship a mountain. It was better to worship a
stone flour-grinder because that could at least fill stomachs.
Kabir emphasised simplicity in religion and said that bhakti was the easiest way to attain
God. He refused to accept any prevalent religious belief without prior reasoning. For him, a
man could not achieve success without hard work. He advocated performance of action
rather than renunciation of duty. Kabir’s belief in the unity of God led both Hindus and
Muslims to become his disciples. Kabir’s ideas were not restricted to religion. He attempted
to change the narrow thinking of society. His poetry was forceful and direct. It was easily
understood and much of it has passed into our everyday language.
Another great exponent of the Nankana school was Guru Nanak (1469-1539). He was born
at Talwandi (Nakana Sahib). From an early age, he showed leanings towards a spiritual life.
He was helpful to the poor and needy. His disciples called themselves Sikhs (derived from
Sanskrit sisya, disciple or Pali sikkha, instruction). Guru Nanak’s personality combined in
itself simplicity and peacefulness. Guru Nanak’s objective was to remove the existing
corruption and degrading practices in society. He showed a new path for the establishment
of an egalitarian social order. Like Kabir, Guru Nanak was as much a social reformer as he
was a religious teacher. He called for an improvement in the status of women. He said that
women who give birth to kings should not be spoken ill of. His vani (words) alongwith those
of other Sikh Gurus have been brought together in the Guru Granth Sahib, the holy book of
the Sikhs.
The importance of the Bhakti and Sufi movements
You will recall that the Bhakti movement was a socio-religious movement that opposed
religious bigotry and social rigidities. It emphasised good character and pure thinking. At a
time when society had become stagnant, the Bhakti saints infused new life and strength.
They awakened a new sense of confidence and attempted to redefine social and religious
values. Saints like Kabir and Nanak stressed upon the reordering of society along
egalitarian lines. Their call to social equality attracted many a downtrodden. Although Kabir
and Nanak had no intention of founding new religions but following their deaths, their
supporters grouped together as Kabir panthis and Sikhs respectively.
The importance of the Bhakti and Sufi saints lies in the new atmosphere created by them,
hich continued to affect the social, religious and political life of India even in later centuries.
Akbar’s liberal ideas were a product of this atmosphere in which he was born and brought
up. The preaching of Guru Nanak were passed down from generation to generation. This
resulted in the growth of a separate religious group, with its separate language and script
Gurmukhi and religious book, Guru Granth Sahib. Under Maharaja Ranjit Singh, the Sikhs
grew into a formidable political force in the politics of North India.
The interaction between the Bhakti and Sufi saints had an impact upon Indian society. The
Sufi theory of Wahdat-al-Wujud (Unity of Being) was remarkably similar to that in the Hindu
Upanishads. Many Sufi poet-saints preferred to use Hindi terms rather than Persian verses
to explain concepts. Thus we find Sufi poets such as Malik Muhamniad Jaisi composing
works in Hindi. The use of terms such as Krishna, Radha, Gopi, Jamuna, Ganga etc.
became so common in such literature that an eminent Sufi, Mir Abdul Wahid wrote a
treatise Haqaiq-i-Hïndi to explain their Islamic equivalents. In later years this interaction
continued as Akbar and Jahangir followed a liberal religious policy. The popular verses and
songs of the Bhakti saints also served as forerunners of a musical renaissance. New
musical compositions were written for the purpose of group singing at kirtans. Even today
Mira’s bhajans and Tulsidas’s chaupais are recited at prayer meetings.
Philosophy in Medieval India
The major religious movements were brought about by the mystics. They contributed to the
religious ideas and beliefs. Bhakti saints like Vallabhacharya, Ramanuja, Nimbaraka
brought about new philosophical thinking which had its origin in Shankaracharya’s advaita
(non-dualism) philosophy.
Vishistadvaita of Ramanujacharya: Vïshistadvaita means modified monism. The
ultimate reality according to this philosophy is Brahman (God) and matter and soul are
his qualities.

Sivadvaita of Srikanthacharya: According to this philosophy the ultimate Brahman is

Shiva, endowed with Shakti. Shiva exists in this world as well as beyond it.
Dvaita of Madhavacharya: The literal meaning of dvaita is dualism which stands in
opposition to non-dualism and monism of Shankaracharya. He believed that the world is not
an illusion (maya) but a reality full of differences.
Dvaitadvaita of Nimbaraka: Dvaitadvaita means dualistic monism. According to this
philosophy God transformed himself into world and soul. This world and soul are different
from God (Brahman). They could survive with the support of God only. They are separate
but dependent.
Suddhadvaita of Vallabhacharya: Vallabhacharya wrote commentaries on Vedanta Sutra
and Bhagavad Gita. For him. Brahman (God) was Sri Krishna who manifested himself as
souls and matter. God andsoul are not distinct, but one. The stress was on pure non-
dualism. His philosophy came to be known as Pushtimarga (the path of grace) and the
school was called Rudrasampradaya.
Summary
  It is difficult, at the present state of our knowledge, to form a clear idea about the
true contents of the Harappan religion or religions.
 It can, be presumed that some features of religions common to other ancient
civilizations existed in the Indus valley also. These features consisted in
worshipping Mother Goddess, deification of trees and their spirits, certain animal
figures, a prototype of Siva and svastika.
 We find in the Vedic in texts elaborate description of public and domestic rites.
Sacrifice was the chief act of worship which had significant religious and social
connotation.
 In course of time, the liturgical details of the Vedic rituals became more and more
complicated and technical and lots of sutra works were written to formulate the
procedures of the rites.
 In the Vedic Age, the performance of the rituals became the professional
monopoly of the priests. followers of the Vedic religion. This of public apathy
resulted in considerable decline in the cult of sacrifice.
 The elaborate sacrifices were replaced to a great extent by another mode of
religious performance, narnelypuja, taught by the Puranas and the Tantras. On the
other hand thinkers laid more emphasis on philosophic speculation, penance and
meditation as means towards the attainment of emancipation (moksa), i.e.
fieedom from all bondage and sufferings.
 This new trend gave rise to the Upanisadic philosophy on one hand and schools
like Buddhism and Jainism on the other.
 Changes that were coming in material life of people because of pastoral society
being replaced by agriculture and growth of trade and commerce as well as the
reactions created by ritualism and driestly dominance paved the ground for looking
of alternative paths to realize the ultimate truth.
 Following this trend we find that sixth century B.C. witnessed the development of
two important religious traditions in India, Jainism and Buddhism. The Jains
believe that there were twenty four Tirthankaras and Mahavira was the last
Tirthankara.
 It is believed that Mahavira and his predecessor Parsva mainly shaped Jainism.
According to Jainism the universe is eternal and god has nothing to do with
creation of the universe.
Objectives
This chapter give a brief outline of the society and economy of India under the Gupta
rule.

After learning this lesson the students will be able to explain

  The condition of Indian society and religion under the Gupta rule.
 the growth of literature, language and the contribution of scholars like Kalidasa and
Visakadatta under the patronization of Gupta Emperor.
 the art and architecture of the Gupta period as well as the progress in sciences n
India; and
 the economic condition of India under the Gupta rule.
Introduction
The period from the fourth to the seventh centuries is important in ancient India history, as it
was a transitional period in terms of political, social, economic, religious and cultural
historians. The period has been debated and a rich historiography is available for the study
of this period. Nationalist historians like R.C. Mazumdar, H.C. Raychaudhuri etc
exaggerated the achievements of ancient India and coined the term ‘golden age’ for the
Gupta period. To the nationalists, the Gupta period surpassed all other periods in ancient
Indian history in its achievements in political unity, economic prosperity, art, architecture
and literature. In the post-independence era, the Marxist historians in a critique of the
nationalist historiography postulated the theory of ‘Indian Feudalism’ from the Gupta period
onwards. As a critique of ‘Indian Feudalism’, B.D. Chattopadhyaya and Hermann Kulke
forwarded the processualist model/integrative model of state formation for the study of the
post-Gupta India or early medieval India. Chattopadyaya and Kulke argued that landgrants
to brahmanas and temples, instead of decentralization of the political authority of bigger and
smaller states, legitimized the exercise of royal authority in the countryside and hence,
integrated the territorial units and chiefs into the emerging local, sub-regional and regional
states.
Social Conditions
For reconstruction of social conditions under the Guptas, we depend heavily on the
contemporary legal texts, or smrtis. A number of such texts, most of which took the
Dharmasastra of Manu as their basis, were written during this period, the best-known being
the Yajnavalkya, the Narada, the Brhaspati and the Katyayana. These smrtis provide an
ideal representation of society from the brahmanical point of view. Contemporary Sanskrit
plays and prose literature, however, do not always corroborate this ideal and it may be
safely assumed that the injunctions of the smrtis were not necessarily strictly enforced. This
conclusion is supported by the inscriptions of the period and by the accounts of the Chinese
pilgrims Fa-hsien and Hsuan-tsang.
Varna/Jati System
In the Gupta period, brahmanical reaction against Buddhism and Jainism became stronger.
As a result, varna (i.e. caste-) based social stratification and the supremacy of the
brahmans (the highest caste) received much greater emphasis. It is difficult to ascertain the
caste of the Guptas, but they were, in all probability, brahmans themselves and strongly
supported the brahmanical social order. The brahmans were given land on a large scale
and they claimed many privileges which are listed in the Narada. For example, under no
circumstances was capital punishment to be inflicted on them or their property confiscated.
The ksatriyas (the second, or warrior, caste) continued to enjoy great prestige due to their
political influence, and there was a tacit understanding between these two upper castes in
sharing social and political power. The degeneration of the vaisyas (the third, or trader,
caste), which had begun earlier, intensified during this period. Because of advanced
agricultural techniques and developments in handicrafts, the condition of the sudras (the
fourth, or menial, caste) improved and there was no great difference between a poor vaisya
and a prosperous sudra .
The vaisyas, however, retained their supremacy in industry and commerce and held
important positions on the municipal boards. There are repeated references to the
sudra peasantry in the contemporary sources as opposed to their status as agricultural
labourers in earlier times. The smrtis of the Gupta period make a clear distinction
between the sudras and the slaves. This period saw the emergence of the
untouchables, who were beyond the pale of the caste structure and lived outside the
city boundaries. From this cumulative evidence it appears that the significance of the
traditional varna structure, based on colour and race, was being seriously undermined
and the jati structure, based on occupational status, was becoming increasingly
important.
Like the varnas, the jati system was hereditary and the number of jati s gradually
proliferated. As a social institution the jatis were independent of the varnas, although
Hsuan-tsang describes occupations demarcated for each of the four varnas. In this
period the jati system was not particularly strict and it was still possible for a person to
move from one occupational status to another. That social mobility was not altogether
restricted is demonstrated by examples of brahmans taking up the professions of
merchant, architect or government official. Hsuan-tsang gives a comparative account
of the political rights of the four varnas. He had seen five brahman, five ksatriya, two
vaisya and two sudra kings. However, people increasingly came to be identified with
the small occupational groups and the wider varna consciousness was replaced by a
commitment to the jatis.
The brahmans had tried to explain the creation of the jatis in terms of the mixed castes,
born out of intermarriage between the varnas, which was prohibited but practised. The
father of Bana married a s´udra woman. The Yajnavalkya prescribed that the son of a
sudra mother and a brahman father should inherit his father’s property, although this
right was not recognized in the Brhaspati, a text composed towards the end of the
Gupta period. The contemporary smrtis mention a number of mixed castes.
Position of Women’s
Although women were idealized in literature and art, in practice they had a distinctly
subordinate social position. Education of a limited kind was permitted to upper-class
women but they were not allowed to participate in public life. Early marriage was
advocated and strict celibacy was recommended for widows. The attitude of the
contemporary smrtis towards women was one of contempt. Women were described as
almost a consumer commodity, exclusively owned by their husbands. But there were
exceptions to this norm in real life. For example, as mentioned earlier,
Prabhavatigupta, the daughter of Chandragupta II, managed the affairs of state for
some 20 years. On the whole, however, the only women to enjoy a measure of
freedom were those who deliberately chose to opt out of the prevailing system of
regulations by becoming a Buddhist nun or a courtesan.
Dress and Ornaments under Gupta Empire
The male wore an upper garment and a lower dhoti though the Scythians introduced
coats, overcoats and trousers, often worn by the Indian kings. Head dress was worn on
special occasions. Women either wore a petticoat and a sari. A long sari had served
both the purposes. To cover the bust a bodice was used below the sari. On ceremonial
occasions silk garments were worn. Ornaments were used over the forehead. Various
designs were found in the earrings and necklaces. A gauzy pearl ornament was used
over the breasts as well as the thighs. There were armlets, bangles, rings and anklets.
Men also were fond of wearing ornaments. False hair was used to give different artistic
shapes. The use of paints, pastes, powders and lipsticks was known.
Amusements under Gupta Empire
Amusements consisted of theatrical entertainments, dances, performances and
musical concerts. Though gambling was a popular pastime, animal fighting, wrestling
and athletics was no less popular in the Gupta society and was in vogue both in towns
and villages.
Religious Life
The Gupta period has been traditionally known as a period of brahmanical
renaissance. The Gupta Period was marked by great transformation in Hinduism and
Buddhism. Gupta rulers themselves were very sophisticated and benevolent. Though
they were patrons of Brahmanism, yet the Guptas were highly tolerant towards the
other creeds.
The Gupta period had witnessed the synthesis of Brahmanical Hinduism with
heterodox creeds. The integration of various heterodox creeds like Saivism,
Vaishnavism and Shakti cult with Brahmanical Hinduism, had marked the culmination
of the Gupta period. The synthesis of heterodox creeds gave rise to neo-Hinduism or
Puranic Hinduism, the flavour of which is still found in contemporary Hinduism. The
ideal of Neo-Hinduism had almost changed the concept of Vedic Brahmanism, but the
form however remained unchanged. Neo-Hinduism had shed its concept of multi-cult
creators. The concept of three gods connected with life, death and destruction united
together as "Trinity" or "Trayi" had first materialised during the Gupta Period. According
to neo- Hinduism, the three gods Brahma-Vishnu-Maheswar were united in the trinity
concept or Trayi. According to scholars, due to religious admixture of heterodox
creeds, the concept of "monism" or the doctrine of different schools of thought had
evolved during the Gupta period. Gradually Brahma, considered the God of creation,
passed into oblivion. Only Siva and Vishnu dominated the neo-Hindu doctrine of the
Gupta period. The Puranas were rewritten in order to accommodate Siva and Vishnu
as the chief Gods. Not only they were considered the chief Gods, but were also
attributed with extraordinary powers. Most of the Vedic Gods passed into oblivion and
were replaced by new Gods according to the concept of neo-Hinduism. Gods like Siva,
Vishnu, Kartikeya, and Ganesha who belonged to the heterodox creeds formerly
replaced all the Vedic Gods. Thus due to religious movements during the Gupta
Period, Hinduism became the vast mosaic of various religious patterns, combining
religious ideas of both the old and the new.
One of the interesting features of religious development during the Gupta Period was
the wide prevalence of worship of 'Shakti' or mother goddess. 'Tantricism', or the cult of
Tantra that preached the worship of female deities, had initiated the fertility cult.
Hinduism, prevalent in the contemporary Gupta Period could not escape the influence
of the Shakti cult. Henceforth it gave rise to worship of several female gods, who
themselves were considered the wives of the chief gods. The cult of mother Goddess
became very popular. Originally "Shakti" was worshipped as the goddess of force in
the form of Kali, Chamunda and Bhima. In the "Markandeya Purana" Chandi is
described as a destroyer of Mahishasura, the symbol of evil. Gradually the character
and concept mellowed down into goddess Shakti, who was considered the wife of Siva
and mother of Kartikeya, Ganesha etc. The concept of Siva and Durga was very
popular. Durga was the new form of Shakti. Two opposite cults were ascribed to the
concept of Shiva-Shakti. Their violent aspect came to be known as Rudra or Ghora or
Chamunda respectively. In their graceful manifestation they came to be known as
Aghora Mahadeva and Uma. Uma, Haimavati, Durga, Kali were worshipped as the
various manifestations of the wife of Shiva. Lakshmi was worshipped as the wife of
Vishnu. Puranas were re-written to accommodate the new Gods and Goddesses in
Hindu temples. The Puranas described the cult of neo-Hinduism and narrated the
mutual relationship of various gods and goddesses, worshipped according to the
concept of neo-Hinduism.
Prevalence of idol worship was another feature of Puranic Hinduism of the Gupta
period. Specification of images of different gods and goddesses were incorporated
from Puranas. The cult of Kartikeya and Ganesha was also very prominent during that
period. The Kartikeya cult was popular among the Kushanas is evident from the figure
of Kartikeya on the coins of Hubiskha, a Kushana chief. Kartikeya was originally
considered the war God. Later he was included in the family of Shiva-Parvati. Ganesha
was also unknown before the 300 A.D. In the Gupta period he became a popular God.
Many images of Ganesha made of stone and terracotta, belonging to the
Gupta period has been found. The concept of Goddess Lakshmi underwent an
evolutionary change during the Gupta Period. Lakshmi was originally Gaja-Lakshmi
and a solitary goddess. Later, according to the concept of neo-Hinduism, goddess
Lakshmi was considered the wife of Lord Vishnu and the Puranas delineated the story
of her birth from the ocean. Various virtues were added to her character and she was
popularised as the goddess of wealth.
In the Gupta era, the Vedic form of worship by performance of yajna did not survive
much. In order to make a synthesis with Vedic Hinduism, 'yajna' or sacrifice was
retained along with idol worship. Yajna lost its prominence in the form of image
worship. Bhakti or the devotion of the worshipper became more important. Still priests
were needed to perform the worship, but the concept of priesthood lost its dominance
due to the emergence of Bhakti cult. Worship of god henceforth became personal
matter of the worshipper. Priests became irrelevant due to the decline of yajna or
sacrifice. Therefore Almighty became a much more concern for the individual. Men
started believing that he had four fold objects in life- Dharma, Artha, Kama and
Moksha.
Apart from Hinduism, Buddhism also underwent transformation during the Gupta
Period. Since Gupta rulers were tolerant towards other religious creeds, all religions
flourished during that period. Nalanda received patronage from the Guptas. However
the typical change that entered the folds of Buddhism, was the rise of Vajrayana or
Tantric Buddhism. Buddhism adopted worship of mother goddesses like Tara.
Buddhism also accepted the theory of incarnation of Buddha and thus prepared the
way for assimilation by Hinduism. Jainism however remained much original in its
creed. It received the patronage of the merchant community of western India. Jainism
continued to flourish in south and western India, while neo-Hinduism became a
dominating creed of north India.
The religious movement in India during the Guptas therefore is a synthesis and
integration of different heterodox creeds with Brahmanical Hinduism, which ultimately
led to a complete transformation of Brahmanical Hinduism prevalent in ancient India.
Art and Patronage
The Gupta period had witnessed a brilliant development in the fields of art,
architecture, sculpture and literature. The enormous wealth of the country during the
imperial Guptas had led to a cultural resurgence in India. According to historians, in
architecture, sculpture, and painting and in other branches of art, the Gupta rulers
excelled more than most of the dynasties that ruled India. The period witnessed a
culmination of earlier tendencies and style and the beginning of new style and
technique in the field of architecture.
Buddhist Architecture of Gupta Period:
Architecture of the Gupta PeriodBuddhist art had flourished during the Gupta period. A
famous rock-cut monastery in Ajanta caves consists of several Chaitya halls and
numerous residential Viharas. The interiors are covered with painted murals that
feature superb figures drawn with a gracefully winding line. Large stone figures, stone
and terra-cotta relief and large and small bronze statuettes are made in the refined
Gupta style; the level of production is uniformly high. Several significant Buddhist
pieces of art were created after 7th century, during the reign of the Pala Dynasty and
Sena dynasty (730-1197). Images in bronze and hard black stone from Nalanda and
elsewhere reveal a development of the Gupta style, with extensive attention towards
ornamentation and fabrication.
The Gupta architecture is revealed through the cave and temple architecture of those
times, which also include two Buddhist stupas. The "Mirpur Khas stupa" was built in
4th century A.D., which contains a number of arches. The curve of this respective
Stupa denotes that arch-making was known to the Indians before the advent of
Muslims to India. The relics of the "Dhameka Stupa" built of bricks represent the idiom
of the Gupta architecture. The caves of the Buddhist and Hindus sects denote the
architectural pattern of the Guptas. Ajanta, Ellora caves and the Bagh cave paintings
denote the Buddhist outline, which was very popular during the Gupta period.
Hindu
caves are found in Udayagiri, Bhopal. The cave paintings of Gupta period
conspicuously differ from the others due to their artistic elegance and design.
Hindu Temple Architecture of Gupta Period
The Gupta Age indicated a new era in the history of temple architecture. Free standing
sculptural temple were the chief features of temple architecture during the Gupta
period. For the first time they initiated permanent materials like brick and stone, instead
of perishable materials like bamboo, wood etc. Structural temples, instead of cave
temples were erected during this period for the convenience of idol worship. The Gupta
architects had invented an artistic standard, which became the general rule of temple
construction in the successive ages. The stone temple in Deogarh of Dasavatara with
its excellent carvings and panels on the walls is extant remains of Gupta architecture.
The 'shikara' or top of the temple are the chief attractions about these constructions.
The talent of Gupta architect found expression in the sculpture of the 'dome'. The
Shiva temple at Nachana, the Parvati Temple at Ajaya Garh in Uttar Pradesh, the
Vishnu Temple in Central Province, the Ekkalinga Shiva Temple at Satana, are some
of the extant remains of Gupta architectural pieces.
The main temple or the 'Garvagriha' housed the image of God and the original temple
was connected to the hall by a vestibule. The whole temple complex is surrounded by
a spacious courtyard. One of the chief features of temple architecture was to write
down texts around temple buildings, which were faithfully followed in the later years.
Sculpture of Gupta Period
The style of Gandhara School of art and sculpture had attained an unprecedented
excellence during the Gupta period. The style had originally developed in Mathura,
which was carried to perfection in Sarnath and where Buddha had turned the wheel of
law. Gupta sculpture outgrew the sculptural phrase of Bharhut and Sanchi, where the
subject matter was animal figures and trees. During the Gupta period, spiritual and
religious themes dominated the field of sculptures. Most of the sculptures focused of
gods like Shiva, Vishnu and Buddha. The sculptures were rather exquisite and the
figures were proportionate and balanced. The sculptors implemented exotic gestures
and postures and the figures appeared to have fitted attire.
The flavour of Gupta architecture is found in the Shiva-Parvati relics in Kosam, in the
Ramayana panel in Deogarh and also in Sarnath. The Bodhisattva images were
representative of the Mathura school of art, which had attained an unprecedented
excellence during the Gupta architecture. The sculptural tradition in the Gupta Age
speaks of the artistic finesse and brilliance of the Gupta sculptors.
Paintings of Gupta Period
Art of the Gupta PeriodApart from architecture and sculpture, paintings had constituted
a significant position in the Gupta period. During the Gupta period, painting had
assumed a secular character. The cave paintings of Ajanta, Badami and Bagh were
the representations of Gupta paintings. The cave paintings mainly depicted the Jataka
stories and the life of Lord Buddha. The Bodhisattva-Padmapani painting of Ajanta
represents Bodhisattva standing in a 'trivanga' style. His face depicts a youth with
jewelled crown atop his head, holding a white lotus in his right hand. His face glows
with pathos and sympathy for the fellow beings while looking below from heaven.
Art, architecture and sculpture of the Gupta period had scaled peak heights, for which
the Gupta phase has been given the epithet "the Golden age of India". Very few
examples of temple architecture have survived from the Gupta period. Architecture of
the Gupta period temples was still in its formative period. Rock-cut Buddhist caves at
Ajanta and Ellora are the best examples of architecture. Classical sculpture reflecting a
high aesthetic sensibility is visible, particularly in the Buddha images from Sarnath,
Mathura, Kushinagara and Bodh Gaya. These sculptures inspired the portrayal of the
more important Vaishnava and Shaiva deities as impressive coins. Vaishnava
representations were either of the deity or of an incarnation, which allowed a wider
range of images Shiva was most often represented as a lingam. Terracotta images
continued to be popular and more accessible to masses. Stone sculptures were
patronized by the rich only.
Literature
During Gupta period puranas het their final form. Puranas such as Vishnu Purana,
Vayu Purana, Bhagvata Purana, Brahmanda Purana and Harivamsha Purana were
completed in this period. Puranas are important sources not only for the study of
brahmanical religious but also for royal genealogy and historical traditions. During this
period bhakti hymns composed by the Vaishnava Alvar and Shaiva Nyamar Saints of
south India. It is also important to note that the epics, Ramayana and Mahabharata
were codified first epics are important sources for socio-religious- political history. In
this section, we shall highlight creative literature which became the source of studies of
dramaturgy, poetry and literary theory the subsequent period. The famous Natya-
Shastra of Bharata-a foundational treatise on dance, drama and poetry can be possibly
be dated to these times. Literary, criticism and theory of Rasa emerged an important
feature of creative literature. The ruling elite, the court and the aristocracy, the urban
rich patronized poetry and prose in Sanskrit. Kalidasa, the poet in the court of Gupta
emperor, Chandragupta IInd, was an extraoridinary poet and dramatist whose work
enhanced the prestige of the language and inspired later poetic forms. His play
Abhijnana-Shakuntala and his long lyrical poem Meghaduta (cloud messenger) are
considered examples in Sanskrit drama and poetics respectively. Following Kalidasa’s
works, Bharavi’s Kiratarjuniya, Magha’s Shishupalakadha and the Bhatti-Kavya, and
somewhat later Bhavabhuti’s Malati-Madhava are important examples of classical work
in Sanskrit. The Mrichchha-Katika (the little day cast) by Shudraka provides glimpses
of urban life. Vishakhadatta chose to dramatize past political events in his
Mudrarakshasha, a play on the overthrow of the Nanda king, and in Devi-Chandra-
Gupta, on the bid for power by Chandra Gupta II.
The fables of the Panchatantra and Subandhu’s Vasavadatta are acclaimed for social
message and literary quality respectively. Band’s Harshacharita is an excellent
example of both biography and Sanskrit phrase and so his narrative Kadamabari.
Classical was the language of the court and its pronouncements through inscriptions.
The dominance of Sanskrit dates to the Gupta period and continued until about the
early second millennium AD, after which the regional languages were widely used. In
the times of Delhi Sultanate and Mughals, court language was Persian. But the local
language and cultures were not abandoned. They can be glimpsed in the use of Prakrit
in various contexts such as in some inscription and in the languages of religions sects.
The Natya-shastra lists a number of languages and dialects, including those spoken by
the lower castes and Chandalas. In addition to Sanskrit, literature in Prakrit also had its
patronage among the Jaina merchants. The Paumacariyam of Vimalasuri, a Jain
verson of the Rama story is a good example of Prakrit and popular literature. We must
note that high-status characters spoke Sanskrit whereas those of low social status and
all the women spoke Prakrit in Sanskrit dramas.
During this period, besides Sanskrit and the Prakrit, vernacular language also
developed. For example Sanskrit 'sutra' and 'Dharma,' appear in 'Prakrit,' as 'Sutta' and
'Dharma.' Of other 'Prakrit the important types were Sauraseni, spoken round Mathura,
Ardha- Magadhi, spoken in Oudh and Bundelkhand, Magadhi language, spoken in
modern Bihar and Maharashtra. The last stage of the 'Prakrit' was known as 'literary
Apabhramsh.' When the Prakrit language came to be used as literary language, the
Indian grammarians began to apply the term 'Apabhramsh'. It was used for literary
purposes, and the modern vernaculars are the direct descendants of these
'Apabhramsh.' From the Apabhramsh of Sauraseni languages like Punjabi, Western
Hindi, Rajasthani and Gujarati were derived. From the 'Apabhramsh' of Ardha Magadhi
descended Eastern Hindi. Kashmiri and Lahada has also been derived from
Apabhramsh and from Vrachada was derived the language of Sindhi.
Maharashtri gave Marathi language and Magadhi blossomed into Bihari, Oriya and
Bengali. These were the main developments in the linguistic history of India.
It is true that Sanskrit became dominant during the Gupta period but it was a language
of the elite. As a result other languages like Prakrit gained superiority during the Gupta
era. However gradually it was believed that Prakrit is the language of the lower strata
of the society and Sanskrit should be used by those who were set in the powerful
positions of the society. Another important feature of the Gupta period with regard to
language was that it was closely linked with status and gender.
Education
Education during Gupta age was given utmost importance. Holy places and capitals of
kingdoms were the common centers of learning. Among the capitals, Pataliputra,
Valabhi, Ujjain and Padmavati were famous centers of learning while Ayodhya,
Mathura, Nasik and Kanchi were famous centers of education. There were the
Agrahara villages which had learned Brahmans who were supported by the revenues
of these villages assigned to them for maintenance by the state. The teachers were
often attracted students from far and wide. In South India centers of learning were
known as Ghatikas.
System of Education during Gupta Age
According to Manu there were two types of teachers- 'acharya' and 'upadhya'. The
acharyas were entrusted with fundamental teachings of Vedas, Upanishads and
Kalpasutra. The acharyas took their work as 'work of charity' and refrained from taking
fees from pupils. The Upadhyas took teaching as a profession and charged the pupils.
For scholarly education, study of Dharmashastras, Smriti, itihasa-puranas and
heterodox scriptures were included in the syllabus. For non-scholarly education,
mathematics, science of warfare, astronomy, astrology and medicine were included.
Education was generally permitted to the people belonging to the upper stratum of
society. Brahmins were eligible for all types of education, while the Kshatriyas and
Sudras were eligible only for some items of learning. But the Sudras were deprived
completely from any light of education.
Noted Centre of Education
The most famous centers of learning were the monastic collage founded mostly by the
Buddhists. These centers contributed to the building of a harmonious cultural life of the
people. Taxila, Varanasi, Ujjain and Amravati were other famous centres of learning
before the Gupta Age. University of Taxila, though had lost its former glory due to Hun
invasion, yet had maintained its standard. Valabhi in Gujarat and Vikramasila in Bihar
were other famous centers of learning.
Technical education was also imparted by the guilds. Technical training included
metallurgy, ivory and diamond cutting, woodwork. This was usually done in the family
itself as professions had become hereditary. Sometimes artisans took outside students
as trainees. Elementary education probably commenced at the age of five and was
imparted by teachers who were called Daraka-charyas. Lipisalas or primary schools
did exist in many villages. Children used to write either on wooden boards in colour or
by the finger on the ground covered with sand. Excellence in metallurgy is proved by
the Iron Pillar, Delhi of King Chandra.
Nalanda University can be considered as an epitome of education in the Gupta age.
Nalanda in Magadha was the international university and students from Asia had come
there to pursue their higher education. It was the largest of its kind in the contemporary
world to which scholars of different castes, creeds and races hailing from India and
from countries like China, Japan, Korea, Java, Sumatra, Tibet, Mongolia flocked for
advanced studies. There was catholicity of method in education and curriculum was
liberal. Wide varieties of subjects were taught. The curriculum included systems of
philosophies of different religions in India as well as arts and sciences. The state
provided revenues of more than hundred villages for the upkeep of the university.
There were a hundred lecture halls where classes were held daily. Scholarship was
measured by the number of Sutra collections a student was able to master. Time was
regulated over a wide area of Northern India by the Nalanda water clock.
Science and Technology
Development of Science under Gupta EmpireChanges came in the over all social life in
the Gupta period with the tremendous development of science during this period. With
the growth and intensification in the arena of mathematics, astrology, astronomy,
medicine, Chemistry, Metallurgy, Botany, Zoology and Engineering Gupta period
gained a striking facet.
Mathematics under Gupta Empire
In the realm of arithmetic the most important achievement was the discovery of the
decimal system of notation. It was based upon the principle of the place value of the
first nine numbers and the use of the zero. Geometry attained great heights and many
theorems relating to circles and triangles are mentioned. The most famous work in
mathematics was that of Aryabhatta, the Aryabhattiyam which was written in 499 A.D.
the work deals with arithmetic, geometry and algebra. Trigonometry was also being
cultivated during this time. Indians took the lead over the Greeks as far as
mathematics is considered.
Astronomy under Gupta Empire
Astronomy made great progress during the age. Varahamihira and Aryabhatta were
the major astronomers. Aryabhatta pointed out that eclipses were caused by the moon
coming within the earth's shadow or between the earth. He utilized trigonometry in
astronomy. He worked out accurate formulas to measure two consecutive days. He
had also obtained correct equation for the planet's orbit. Aryabhatta was much more
advanced than the European astronomers. Most probably he began composing his
work Panchasiddhahtika in 505 A.D. He discusses in this work the principles of the five
astronomical schools, which were considered as the most authoritative one in his time.
Of these five schools the Romaka Siddhanta clearly betrays Western influence. This is
expected to happen as a result of active trade contacts between the Roman Empire
and the Gupta Empire. The Surya Siddhanta is the most important and complete
astronomical work of the period. It seems that Greek astronomy served as the basis of
the Surya-Siddhanta. The other three schools of astronomy discussed by Varahamihira
are the Paitamaha Siddhanta, the Vasistha Siddhanta, and the Paulish Siddhanta. In
his work Varahamihira has preserved the essential teachings of these five schools of
astronomy.
Medicine under Gupta Empire
Development of Science under Gupta Empire The Charaka samhita and the Sushruta
samhita by Charaka and Susruta were the most important works of medicine. Their
conclusions are presented in the Ashtanga Sangraha by Vagbhatta I. Charaka and
Susruta placed very high ideals for a physician. A physician is supposed to be a yogi,
noble in character and supporter of mankind. He was not to charge high for the
medicines he prescribes. He should not distinguish between the rich and the poor. The
government and the public provided for the establishment and maintenance of
hospitals where men and animals both were looked after. Nagarjuna had discovered
the process of distillation and use of disinfectants. Vaccination for small pox was also
known to the Indians. Indian medicine dealt with the whole area of the science. The
structure of the body, its organs, ligaments, muscles, vessels and tissues were
described in detail. Vast collections of drugs belonging to the mineral, vegetable and
animal kingdoms are mentioned in the Hindu books of medicine. Hygiene, regimen of
the body and diet was paid more attention. Doctors had conducted amputations and
operations as well as improved deformed ears and noses. Surgical instruments were
also carefully made. Susruta describes around 120 surgical instruments. The Bower
manuscript was discovered by Lt. H. Bower in a Buddhist stupa in Kashgar in 1890.
Out of the seven works discovered by Bower three deal with medicine. The
manuscript on the basis of palaeographical grounds has been dated to the second
half of the fourth century A.D. The manuscript deals with such subjects as the use of
garlic in curing diseases, digestion, and eye diseases. A book named Navanitaka deals
with different kinds of powders, decoctions, oils, elixirs and children's diseases. The
only familiar name of a medical authority referred to in the Bower manuscript is that of
Susruta.
Astrology under Gupta Empire
The Vriddha Garga Samhita is the only work on astrology prior to Varahamihira's
Brihat samhita, which is a collection of ancient Indian learning and sciences. Besides
the sections on astrology in the Brihat samhita, Varahamihira also composed four other
works on astrology, which deal with auspicious muhurtas for marriage, auspicious
portents for the expeditions of kings and the time of man's birth, and its influence on
his future.
Chemistry and Metallurgy under Gupta Empire
In the Gupta age no books dealing with Chemistry and metallurgy are found.
Nagarjuna is mentioned as a great chemist. The famous Iron Pillar near the Qutub-
Minar stands as a silent witness to assert the striking metallurgical skill of the Hindus.
This pillar has not yet been rusted or corroded despite it being exposed to rain and sun
for the last 1500 years. The use of mercury and iron in medicine shows that chemistry
must have been practiced. Varahamihira was a scientist who was comfortable in
dealing with astronomy, mathematics, astrology, metallurgy, chemistry, jewellery,
botany, zoology, civil engineering, water-divining and meteorology.
Science was cultivated with enthusiasm in ancient India and many important
discoveries were made which were passed on to Europe by the Greeks and the Arabs.
Economic Condition during Gupta Rule
The Guptas had ruled north India for about 200 years. Political unity, economic
prosperity and extraordinary progress in every aspect of life under the Guptas were
prevalent. The Gupta period had witnessed great prosperity, owing to the flourishing
trade, agriculture and industry. Prosperity due to Roman trade, which began in the
Kushana period, continued till the early reign of the Guptas. The Saka Satraps of
western India continued trade with the west after the fall of the Kushans. Chandragupta
II had conquered Malwa and Saurashtra, by overthrowing the Saka rulers had
established direct link of the Guptas in India with Roman trade. In the subsequent
paragraphs a brief discussion on economic condition of India under the Gupta is
attempted.
Agriculture
The social supremacy of the brahmans is also reflected in the economy of the period,
as attested by the frequency of tax-free land-grants made to them. This was a period of
partial decline in trade and consequently a greater concentration on land. There were
four categories of land-fallow and waste land, state-owned land and privately owned
land. Agriculture expanded with the reclamation of new land for cultivation.
Contemporary texts reveal a more liberal and practical attitude towards waste land,
with the state encouraging the peasantry to bring uncultivated and forest land under
the plough. Those who reclaimed land on their own initiative and made arrangements
for its irrigation were exempted from paying taxes until they started earning an income
of twice their original investment. Inscriptions of the Gupta period repeatedly mention
the sale and purchase of waste land, which indicates that such transactions were
financially profitable. The state actively patronized agricultural activity. This is
suggested by the Junagadh inscription of Skandagupta, which records work on Lake
Sudarsana at Girnar under state supervision, presumably for irrigational purposes.
Kalidasa describes agriculture and animal husbandry as the mainstay of the royal
exchequer, since the major portion of revenue came from the land, at one-sixth of the
net produce.
Agricultural implements remained much the same, although iron was more widely used
for their manufacture. Varhamihira, in his astrological work, the Brhatsamhita, refers to
an instrument for measuring rainfall. Crops were grown twice a year. According to
Hsuantsang, sugar cane and wheat were grown in the north-west and rice in Magadha
and further east. Southern India was known for black pepper and spices. The
Amarakosa, the Sanskrit lexicon belonging to this period, also refers to a large variety
of fruit and vegetables. Despite overall growth, however, brahmanical and Buddhist
religious injunctions were not conducive to the expansion of agriculture.
Industrial production
The Brhaspati was unwilling to respect the income derived from agriculture and
cultivation was prohibited for the Buddhist monks. The manufacture of textiles of
various kinds was one of the more important industries at this time. There was a vast
domestic market, since textiles were a prime item of trade between northern and
southern India. There was also a considerable demand in foreign markets. Silk, muslin,
calico, linen, wool and cotton were produced in great quantity. The production of silk
decreased towards the end of the Gupta period since many members of an important
guild of silver-weavers in western India abandoned their traditional occupation and took
to other professions. This might have been due to the increasing use of the Silk Route
and the Sea Route to China, which brought a large amount of Chinese silk to India or,
more generally, to the decline in trade with the West. Metalwork, particularly in copper,
iron and lead, continued as one of the essential industries. The use of bronze
increased and gold and silver ornaments were in constant demand. We have little clue
as to the sources of the abundant supply of metals in the Gupta period and it seems
that copper, lead and tin had to be imported from abroad. Gold may have been
obtained from the Byzantine Empire in exchange for Indian products, although Hsuan-
tsang mentions that it was also produced indigenously in huge quantities. The working
of precious stones continued to maintain its high standard. Pottery remained a basic
part of industrial production, although the elegant black polished ware of earlier times
was now replaced by an ordinary red ware with a brownish slip.
Guild System
The guild was the major institution in the manufacture of goods and in commercial
enterprise. Some historians believe that the importance of the guilds declined in the
Gupta period. India no longer participated in the long-distance trade in luxury goods.
Instead a new kind of commercial network emerged on regional lines, based on the
exchange of articles in daily use. In these changed circumstances, the powerful guilds
of the earlier times disintegrated. Contemporary sources, particularly the seals found at
Vaisali and Bhita, suggest nevertheless that both the activities and the significance of
the guild remained during this period. Guilds sometimes acted as bankers and loaned
money on interest, as did some of the Buddhist sanghas (communities). The rate of
interest varied according to the purpose for which money was required. The lowering of
the interest rate implies an increased confidence in overseas trade as well as a greater
availability of goods and the consequent decrease in profit margins. Hence, guilds
continued to be vital in manufacture of goods and in commercial enterprise and had
their own laws regarding their internal organization. The guilds provided socio-
economic support in some ways parallel to that of jati. The excessively high rates
demanded in earlier times on loans for overseas trade were reduced to a reasonable
twenty percent, indicating a confidence in overseas trade.
Trade & Commerce
Trade between northern India and South-East Asia was conducted through the ports of
the east coast. The west coast ports served as the link in India’s trade contacts with
the Mediterranean region and Western Asia. Several inland routes connected India
with China through Central Asia and Tokharistan and across the Karakorum range and
Kashmir. The most important event in the economic history of East and South-East
Asia during this period was the development of an inter- oceanic trade, reaching from
China through Indonesia and the east coast of India up to Simhala and extending from
there along the west Indian coast to Persia, Arabia and Ethiopia. Despite
commercial competition between China and India, the two countries maintained close
links. Coins of the T’ang emperors of China have been discovered in southern India
and Indian merchants resided in Canton. Still more far-reaching in their consequences
were India’s trade contacts with South-East Asia, leading to Indian settlements there
and an Indian influence that permeated the local pattern of life, particularly in Thailand,
Cambodia and Java. The export of spices, pepper, sandalwood, pearls, precious
stones, perfumes, indigo and herbs continued as before. Pepper was exported from
the ports of the Malabar coast and sesame, copper and cotton garments from Kalyana.
The Pandya area had an important role to play in the pearl trade. The commodities that
were now being imported to India, however, differed from those in earlier times.
Chinese silk came in greater quantity, as did ivory from Ethiopia. Imports of horses
from Arabia, Iran and Tokharistan also increased. Copper came from the western
Mediterranean region and sapphire from Simhala. The Gupta king issued special
charters to merchants’ organizations which relieved them of government interference.
Since this was the time when the law-makers declared it a great sin for a brahman to
travel by sea, this may have resulted in reduced Indian participation in maritime trade.
 Roads & Trade Routes
The campaigns of Samudra Gupta to the east and the south, and the repeated tours of
Harsha, world have required efficient communication and movement of goods. Ox-
drawn carts were common on the roads and pack animals were used on rough terrain
and elephants in heavily forested areas. The lower reaches of large rivers such, as
Ganges, Narmada, Godawari, Krishna and Kaveri were the main waterways. The ports
of the eastern coast, such as Tamralipti and Ghanta Shala, handled the northern
Indian trade, with the eastern coast and south-east Asia and those of the west coast
traded with the eastern Mediterranean and western Asia. The ports and production
centres of peninsular India that were involved at this maritime trade appear not to have
declined at this time, but these were outside Gupta control. Neither the overland trade
with central and west Asia had declined between the fourth and the seventh centuries.
There appears to have been appreciable rise in the import of horses, coming from Iran
and Bactria centres in north-west India, or from Arabia by sea to the western coast.
Land Grant and feudalism
The most important innovation in the agricultural sector was the introduction of land
grant economy. Initially, religious denees were exempted from payment of revenue
(land-tax) and later received administrative judiciary rights over the villages. However,
economic advantages of land- grant donated to religious specialists like Brahmanas
were more important than the royal act of giving away since land to brahmanas and
later officials. The astronomical knowledge of brahmanas in agricultural seasons,
calendar, agricultural manners brought considerable amount of land under cultivation.
Thus, historians like R.S. Sharma have accepted the phenomenon of agrarian
expansion for early medieval India. Important like Krishiparaghara (agricultural manual)
mentions vivid descriptions of fields, and agricultural operations of this period.
Although revenue-free land grants to religious and secular denees did not bring
immediate revenue to state these grants initiated rural prosperity and bound villages in
a wider economic network. If the land donated to brahmanas was wasteland or forest,
the grantee took the initiatives of introducing agriculture. This was especially true of
forest and tribal areas. Brahmanas possessed technical and astronomical knowledge
of agricultural operations. Brahmanas became proficient in supervising agrarian
activities assisted manual on agriculture, such as the Krishiparashara, which may be
dated in the Gupta period or the subsequent period. One of the most important socio-
economic changes was ‘peasantization’ of tribes in central Indian belt Orissa, Assam,
part of western and southern India. As the brahmanas denees arrived in the forests
and hills of tribal India, they began to initiate a section of the tribal society into
agricultural activities. The process brought two economic advantages to state and
society. More cultivable land was brought under agriculture generating more revenues
for the expanding rural society and meeting increasing revenue demands. The part of
the tribal society offered its labour for agriculture, forest and rural law and order, mining
operations of public work in villages etc.
Some historians have characterized the socio-economic developments of the Gupta
period in terms of feudalism. They argue that although there had been a long tradition
of donating land to the brahmans, the number of such donations greatly increased in
the Gupta period. Villages along with their inhabitants, revenue du e to the king,
administrative and judicial rights, exemption from the interference of government
officials, and even the right to enjoy fines levied on cultivators, were all transferred to
the religious beneficiaries. What began as grants to the priestly class were later
extended to administrative officials. With the emergence of a local, self-sufficient
economy, religious donations as well as land-grants to secular officials (either in lieu of
salary or as a reward for services) became popular. The principal characteristics of this
self sufficient economy were the decline of trade and urban centres and a scarcity of
coinage. Thus from the economic point of view, the central feature of Indian feudalism
was the emergence of landed intermediaries. As a result, the freedom of the peasantry
was curtailed, their mobility was restricted and they were forced to serve as unpaid
labour.
Those historians who do not subscribe to this view have challenged the premises of
Indian feudalism. They argue that during the Gupta period, trade did not decline and
the scarcity of coins was at best marginal. Quantitative analyses of the coinage of this
period have still to be made and the relative scarcity of coins is still merely an
assumption. Some of the old-established towns did lose their importance, but new
urban centres emerged to replace them. Finally, the two indispensable institutions of
European feudalism, namely manor and serfdom, never developed in India. Historians
who subscribe to this second view are therefore inclined to describe the practice of
land-grants as nothing but India’s traditional landlordism. The debate is still to be
settled.
The literary records of this period suggest an overall economic prosperity at least
among the upper classes. Fa-hsien describes the people of Madhyadesha (the ‘middle
country’) as prosperous and happy towards the beginning of the fifth century. Evidence
of material conditions obtained from excavations also points to a high standard of
living. The prosperous urbandwellers lived in luxury; and comfort, in the urban centres
at least, was not confined to the upper classes. Yet it was a culture with wide
variations. The untouchables lived on the outskirts of the opulent cities and the
peasantry were being gradually impoverished. The maintenance of an imperial façade
was a purposeless expense which must have been a drain on the economy. Indeed,
the debased Later Gupta coinage indicates an economic crisis. In some parts of the
sub continent the Gupta age was the concluding phase of the economic momentum
that began in the proceeding period.
The Debate on Golden Age
In the days when historians of ‘Golden Ages’, the Gupta period was described as such,
civilizations were said to have a Golden Age when virtually every manifestation of life
reached a peak of excellence. The Gupta period was selected largely because of
impressive literary works in Sanskrit and the high quality of art, which coincided with
what was viewed as a brahmanical ‘renaissance’. Since India civilization had early
been characterized as Hindu and Sanskritic, the initial spread of brahmanical culture
as ‘high’ culture on an unprecedented scale was described as golden period. The
distant past had an advantage, for it allowed greater recourse to imagination in
recreating that past. Now that historians are commenting on all aspects of society, the
notion of a uniformly Golden Age that encompasses an entire society has been
questioned. The description of a Golden Age reflected the life of the wealthy and their
activities along characterized such an age. There are at least three epochs when
artistic and literary expression achieved impressive standards- the post-Mauryan and
Gupta period; the Cholas; and the Mughals. The precursor to the culture of the Gupta
period was not restricted to northern India, since the Deccan shows a striking evolution
of cultures. The classicism of the Gupta period is not an innovation emanating from
Gupta rule but the culmination of a process that began ealier. New artistic forms were
initiated during the pre-Gupta in north India, such as those associated with Buddhism
and which also found parallels in other religious sects, with the writing of texts on
technical subjects and creative literature of various kinds. Much of the articulation is in
Sanskrit, but it is of Sanskritic culture assumes certain kinds of social and cultural
exclusively and demarcates social groups it attempts a transition towards a uniform,
elite culture, but in the process becomes a catalyst for many others. The description of
the Gupta period as one of classicism is relatively correct regarding the upper classes,
who lived well according to descriptions in their literature and representations in their
art. The more accurate, literal evidence that comes from archaeology suggests a less
glowing life-style for the majority. Materially, excavated sites suggest that the average
standard of living may have been higher in the preceding period.
Conclusion
The literary as well as archaeological records of this period suggest an overall socio-
economic prosperity at least among the upper classes of Gupta Empire. Fa-hsien
describes the people of Madhyadesha (the ‘middle country’) as prosperous and happy
towards the beginning of the fifth century. Evidence of material conditions obtained
from excavations also points to a high standard of living. The prosperous urban-
dwellers lived in luxury; and comfort, in the urban centres at least, was not confined to
the upper classes. Yet it was a culture with wide variations. The untouchables lived on
the outskirts of the opulent cities and the peasantry were being gradually
impoverished. In the sphere of agriculture large scale land grants created a situation of
sub- infudation which in subsequent period leads to emergence of feudal setup in
India. In the sphere of trade and commerce India witnessed prosperity. This period
also witnessed origin of Hindu temple architecture and culmination of Buddhist rock cut
architecture. In painting and sculpture Gupta period was an important epoch in the
history of art in Indian subcontinent.
Summary
 The Gupta period, the caste system became rigid. The Brahmins occupied the
top ladder of the society. The practice of untouchability had slowly begun
during this period.
 Fahien mentions that Chandalas were segregated from the society. Their
miserable condition was elaborated by the Chinese traveler.
 The position of women had also become miserable during the Gupta period.
The subjection of women to men was thoroughly regularized. But it was
insisted that they should be protected and generously treated by men.
 In the sphere of religion, Brahmanism reigned supreme during the Gupta
period. It had two branches - Vaishnavism and Saivism. Most of the Gupta
kings were Vaishnavaites.
 The worship of images and celebration of religious festivals with elaborate
rituals made these two religions popular.
 Religious literature like the Puranas was composed during this period. The
progress of Brahmanism led to the neglect of Buddhism and Jainism.
 Fahien refers to the decline of Buddhism in the Gangetic valley. But a few
Buddhist scholars like Vasubandhu were patronized by Gupta kings.
 In western and southern India Jainism flourished. The great Jain Council was
held at Valabhi during this period and the Jain Canon of the Swetambras was
written.
 The Gupta period witnessed a tremendous progress in the field of art, science
and literature and on account of this it has been called “a golden age”.